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diff --git a/41563-8.txt b/41563-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c301379..0000000 --- a/41563-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14037 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's A History of Sanskrit Literature, by Arthur A. MacDonell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: A History of Sanskrit Literature - -Author: Arthur A. MacDonell - -Release Date: December 5, 2012 [EBook #41563] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE - - - By - - ARTHUR A. MACDONELL, M. A., Ph. D. - - Of Corpus Christi College, Oxford - Boden Professor of Sanskrit and Fellow of Balliol - - - - New York - D. Appleton and Company - 1900 - - - - - - -PREFACE - - -It is undoubtedly a surprising fact that down to the present time -no history of Sanskrit literature as a whole has been written in -English. For not only does that literature possess much intrinsic -merit, but the light it sheds on the life and thought of the population -of our Indian Empire ought to have a peculiar interest for the -British nation. Owing chiefly to the lack of an adequate account -of the subject, few, even of the young men who leave these shores -every year to be its future rulers, possess any connected information -about the literature in which the civilisation of Modern India can -be traced to its sources, and without which that civilisation cannot -be fully understood. It was, therefore, with the greatest pleasure -that I accepted Mr. Gosse's invitation to contribute a volume to this -series of Literatures of the World; for this appeared to me to be a -peculiarly good opportunity for diffusing information on a subject -in which more than twenty years of continuous study and teaching had -instilled into me an ever-deepening interest. - -Professor Max Müller's valuable History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature -is limited in its scope to the Vedic period. It has long been out of -print; and Vedic research has necessarily made great strides in the -forty years which have elapsed since its publication. - -The only book accessible to the English reader on the history of -Sanskrit literature in general has hitherto been the translation -of Professor Weber's Academical Lectures on Indian Literature, -as delivered nearly half a century ago at Berlin. The numerous and -often very lengthy notes in this work supply the results of research -during the next twenty-five years; but as these notes often modify, -or even cancel, the statements of the unaltered original text of -1852, the result is bewildering to the student. Much new light has -been thrown on various branches of Sanskrit literature since 1878, -when the last notes were added to this translation, which, moreover, -is not in any way adapted to the wants of the general reader. The -only work on the subject appealing to the latter is the late Sir -M. Monier-Williams's Indian Wisdom. That book, however, although it -furnishes, in addition to the translated specimens, some account of -the chief departments of Sanskrit literature, is not a history. There -is thus distinctly a twofold demand in this country for a history -of Sanskrit literature. The student is in want of a guide setting -forth in a clear and trustworthy manner the results of research down -to the present time, and the cultivated English reader looks for a -book presenting in an intelligible and attractive form information -which must have a special interest to us owing to our close relations -with India. - -To lack of space, no less than to the scope of the present series, -is due the exclusion of a full account of the technical literature -of law, science, and art, which contains much that would interest -even the general reader; but the brief epitome given in the Appendix -will, I hope, suffice to direct the student to all the most important -authorities. - -As to the bibliographical notes, I trust that, though necessarily -restricted in extent, they will enable the student to find all -further information he may want on matters of detail; for instance, -the evidence for approximate dates, which had occasionally to be -summarily stated even in the text. - -In writing this history of Sanskrit literature, I have dwelt more on -the life and thought of Ancient India, which that literature embodies, -than would perhaps have appeared necessary in the case of a European -literature. This I have done partly because Sanskrit literature, -as representing an independent civilisation entirely different from -that of the West, requires more explanation than most others; and -partly because, owing to the remarkable continuity of Indian culture, -the religious and social institutions of Modern India are constantly -illustrated by those of the past. - -Besides the above-mentioned works of Professors Max Müller and Weber, -I have made considerable use of Professor L. von Schroeder's excellent -Indiens Literatur und Cultur (1887). I have further consulted in one -way or another nearly all the books and monographs mentioned in the -bibliographical notes. Much of what I have written is also based on -my own studies of Sanskrit literature. - -All the quotations which I have given by way of illustration I have -myself carefully selected from the original works. Excepting the short -extracts on page 333 from Cowell and Thomas's excellent translation -of the Harshacharita, all the renderings of these are my own. In my -versions of Rigvedic stanzas I have, however, occasionally borrowed a -line or phrase from Griffith. Nearly all my renderings are as close as -the use of metre permits. I have endeavoured to reproduce, as far as -possible, the measures of the original, except in the quotations from -the dramas, where I have always employed blank verse. I have throughout -refrained from rhyme, as misrepresenting the original Sanskrit. - -In the transliteration of Sanskrit words I have been guided by the -desire to avoid the use of letters which might mislead those who do -not know Sanskrit. I have therefore departed in a few particulars -from the system on which Sanskrit scholars are now almost unanimously -agreed, and which I otherwise follow myself. Hence for c and ch I have -written ch and chh respectively, though in the rare cases where these -two appear in combination I have retained cch (instead of chchh). I -further use sh for the lingual s, and ç for the palatal s, and ri -for the vowel r. I have not thought it necessary to distinguish the -guttural n and the palatal ñ by diacritical marks, simply printing, -for instance, anga and pancha. The reader who is unacquainted with -Sanskrit will thus pronounce all words correctly by simply treating -all the consonants as in English; remembering only that the vowels -should be sounded as in Italian, and that e and o are always long. - -I am indebted for some suggestions to my friend Mr. F. C. S. Schiller, -Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi College, who looked through the -final proof of the chapter on Philosophy. To my pupil Mr. A. B. Keith, -Boden Sanskrit scholar and Classical scholar of Balliol, who has read -all the final proofs with great care, I owe not only the removal of -a number of errors of the press, but also several valuable criticisms -regarding matters of fact. - - -107 Banbury Road, Oxford, -December 1, 1899. - - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. Introductory 1 - II. The Vedic Period 29 - III. The Rigveda 40 - IV. Poetry of the Rigveda 59 - V. Philosophy of the Rigveda 116 - VI. The Rigvedic Age 139 - VII. The Later Vedas 171 - VIII. The Brahmanas 202 - IX. The Sutras 244 - X. The Epics 277 - XI. Kavya or Court Epic 318 - XII. Lyric Poetry 335 - XIII. The Drama 346 - XIV. Fairy Tales and Fables 368 - XV. Philosophy 385 - XVI. Sanskrit Literature and the West 408 - Appendix on Technical - Literature--Law--History--Grammar--Poetics--Mathematics - and Astronomy--Medicine--Arts 428 - Bibliographical Notes 438 - - - - - - - A HISTORY OF - SANSKRIT LITERATURE - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY - - -Since the Renaissance there has been no event of such world-wide -significance in the history of culture as the discovery of Sanskrit -literature in the latter part of the eighteenth century. After -Alexander's invasion, the Greeks became to some extent acquainted -with the learning of the Indians; the Arabs, in the Middle Ages, -introduced the knowledge of Indian science to the West; a few European -missionaries, from the sixteenth century onwards, were not only -aware of the existence of, but also acquired some familiarity with, -the ancient language of India; and Abraham Roger even translated the -Sanskrit poet Bhartrihari into Dutch as early as 1651. Nevertheless, -till about a hundred and twenty years ago there was no authentic -information in Europe about the existence of Sanskrit literature, but -only vague surmise, finding expression in stories about the wisdom -of the Indians. The enthusiasm with which Voltaire in his Essai sur -les Moeurs et l'Esprit des Nations greeted the lore of the Ezour -Vedam, a work brought from India and introduced to his notice in -the middle of the last century, was premature. For this work was -later proved to be a forgery made in the seventeenth century by -a Jesuit missionary. The scepticism justified by this fabrication, -and indulged in when the discovery of the genuine Sanskrit literature -was announced, survived far into the present century. Thus, Dugald -Stewart, the philosopher, wrote an essay in which he endeavoured -to prove that not only Sanskrit literature, but also the Sanskrit -language, was a forgery made by the crafty Brahmans on the model of -Greek after Alexander's conquest. Indeed, this view was elaborately -defended by a professor at Dublin as late as the year 1838. - -The first impulse to the study of Sanskrit was given by the practical -administrative needs of our Indian possessions. Warren Hastings, -at that time Governor-General, clearly seeing the advantage of -ruling the Hindus as far as possible according to their own laws -and customs, caused a number of Brahmans to prepare a digest based -on the best ancient Indian legal authorities. An English version -of this Sanskrit compilation, made through the medium of a Persian -translation, was published in 1776. The introduction to this work, -besides giving specimens of the Sanskrit script, for the first -time supplied some trustworthy information about the ancient Indian -language and literature. The earliest step, however, towards making -Europe acquainted with actual Sanskrit writings was taken by Charles -Wilkins, who, having, at the instigation of Warren Hastings, acquired -a considerable knowledge of Sanskrit at Benares, published in 1785 -a translation of the Bhagavad-gita, or The Song of the Adorable One, -and two years later, a version of the well-known collection of fables -entitled Hitopadeça, or Friendly Advice. - -Sir William Jones (1746-94) was, however, the pioneer of Sanskrit -studies in the West. It was this brilliant and many-sided Orientalist -who, during his too brief career of eleven years in India, first -aroused a keen interest in the study of Indian antiquity by his -unwearied literary activity and by the foundation of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal in 1784. Having rapidly acquired an accurate -knowledge of Sanskrit, he published in 1789 a translation of Çakuntala, -the finest Sanskrit drama, which was greeted with enthusiasm by such -judges as Herder and Goethe. This was followed by a translation of -the Code of Manu, the most important of the Sanskrit law-books. To Sir -William Jones also belongs the credit of having been the first man who -ever printed an edition of a Sanskrit text. This was a short lyrical -poem entitled Ritusamhara, or Cycle of the Seasons, published in 1792. - -We next come to the great name of Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765-1837), -a man of extraordinary industry, combined with rare clearness of -intellect and sobriety of judgment. The first to handle the Sanskrit -language and literature on scientific principles, he published many -texts, translations, and essays dealing with almost every branch of -Sanskrit learning, thus laying the solid foundations on which later -scholars have built. - -While Colebrooke was beginning his literary career in India during -the opening years of the century, the romance of war led to the -practical knowledge of Sanskrit being introduced on the Continent of -Europe. Alexander Hamilton (1765-1824), an Englishman who had acquired -a good knowledge of Sanskrit in India, happened to be passing through -France on his way home in 1802. Hostilities breaking out afresh just -then, a decree of Napoleon, directed against all Englishmen in the -country, kept Hamilton a prisoner in Paris. During his long involuntary -stay in that city he taught Sanskrit to some French scholars, and -especially to the German romantic poet Friedrich Schlegel. One of the -results of these studies was the publication by Schlegel of his work -On the Language and Wisdom of the Indians (1808). This book produced -nothing less than a revolution in the science of language by the -introduction of the comparative and the historical method. It led to -the foundation of the science of comparative philology by Franz Bopp -in his treatise on the conjugational system of Sanskrit in comparison -with that of Greek, Latin, Persian, and German (1816). Schlegel's work, -moreover, aroused so much zeal for the study of Sanskrit in Germany, -that the vast progress made since his day in this branch of learning -has been mainly due to the labours of his countrymen. - -In the early days of Sanskrit studies Europeans became acquainted -only with that later phase of the ancient language of India which is -familiar to the Pandits, and is commonly called Classical Sanskrit. So -it came about that the literature composed in this dialect engaged -the attention of scholars almost exclusively down to the middle of -the century. Colebrooke had, it is true, supplied as early as 1805 -valuable information about the literature of the older period in his -essay On the Vedas. Nearly a quarter of a century later, F. Rosen, -a German scholar, had conceived the plan of making this more ancient -literature known to Europe from the rich collection of manuscripts -at the East India House; and his edition of the first eighth of the -Rigveda was actually brought out in 1838, shortly after his premature -death. But it was not till Rudolf Roth (1821-95), the founder of Vedic -philology, published his epoch-making little book On the Literature -and History of the Veda in 1846, that the studies of Sanskritists -received a lasting impulse in the direction of the earlier and more -important literature of the Vedas. These studies have since been -prosecuted with such zeal, that nearly all the most valuable works -of the Vedic, as well as the later period, have within the last fifty -years been made accessible in thoroughly trustworthy editions. - -In judging of the magnitude of the work thus accomplished, it should -be borne in mind that the workers have been far fewer in this than -in other analogous fields, while the literature of the Vedas at least -equals in extent what survives of the writings of ancient Greece. Thus -in the course of a century the whole range of Sanskrit literature, -which in quantity exceeds that of Greece and Rome put together, has -been explored. The great bulk of it has been edited, and most of its -valuable productions have been translated, by competent hands. There -has long been at the service of scholars a Sanskrit dictionary, larger -and more scientific than any either of the classical languages yet -possesses. The detailed investigations in every department of Sanskrit -literature are now so numerous, that a comprehensive work embodying the -results of all these researches has become a necessity. An encyclopĉdia -covering the whole domain of Indo-Aryan antiquity has accordingly been -planned on a more extensive scale than that of any similar undertaking, -and is now being published at Strasburg in parts, contributed to by -about thirty specialists of various nationalities. By the tragic death, -in April 1898, of its eminent editor, Professor Bühler of Vienna, -Sanskrit scholarship has sustained an irreparable loss. The work begun -by him is being completed by another very distinguished Indianist, -Professor Kielhorn of Göttingen. - -Although so much of Sanskrit literature has already been published, -an examination of the catalogues of Sanskrit manuscripts, of which -an enormous number are preserved in European and Indian libraries, -proves that there are still many minor works awaiting, and likely to -repay, the labours of an editor. - -The study of Sanskrit literature deserves far more attention than it -has yet received in this country. For in that ancient heritage the -languages, the religious and intellectual life and thought, in short, -the whole civilisation of the Hindus, who form the vast majority of -the inhabitants of our Indian Empire, have their roots. Among all -the ancient literatures, that of India is, moreover, undoubtedly in -intrinsic value and ĉsthetic merit second only to that of Greece. To -the latter it is, as a source for the study of human evolution, even -superior. Its earliest period, being much older than any product -of Greek literature, presents a more primitive form of belief, and -therefore gives a clearer picture of the development of religious -ideas than any other literary monument of the world. Hence it came -about that, just as the discovery of the Sanskrit language led to the -foundation of the science of Comparative Philology, an acquaintance -with the literature of the Vedas resulted in the foundation of the -science of Comparative Mythology by Adalbert Kuhn and Max Müller. - -Though it has touched excellence in most of its branches, -Sanskrit literature has mainly achieved greatness in religion and -philosophy. The Indians are the only division of the Indo-European -family which has created a great national religion--Brahmanism--and -a great world-religion--Buddhism; while all the rest, far from -displaying originality in this sphere, have long since adopted a -foreign faith. The intellectual life of the Indians has, in fact, all -along been more dominated by religious thought than that of any other -race. The Indians, moreover, developed independently several systems -of philosophy which bear evidence of high speculative powers. The -great interest, however, which these two subjects must have for us -lies, not so much in the results they attained, as in the fact that -every step in the evolution of religion and philosophy can be traced -in Sanskrit literature. - -The importance of ancient Indian literature as a whole largely consists -in its originality. Naturally isolated by its gigantic mountain barrier -in the north, the Indian peninsula has ever since the Aryan invasion -formed a world apart, over which a unique form of Aryan civilisation -rapidly spread, and has ever since prevailed. When the Greeks, -towards the end of the fourth century B.C., invaded the North-West, the -Indians had already fully worked out a national culture of their own, -unaffected by foreign influences. And, in spite of successive waves -of invasion and conquest by Persians, Greeks, Scythians, Muhammadans, -the national development of the life and literature of the Indo-Aryan -race remained practically unchecked and unmodified from without down to -the era of British occupation. No other branch of the Indo-European -stock has experienced an isolated evolution like this. No other -country except China can trace back its language and literature, -its religious beliefs and rites, its domestic and social customs, -through an uninterrupted development of more than three thousand years. - -A few examples will serve to illustrate this remarkable continuity -in Indian civilisation. Sanskrit is still spoken as the tongue of -the learned by thousands of Brahmans, as it was centuries before -our era. Nor has it ceased to be used for literary purposes, for -many books and journals written in the ancient language are still -produced. The copying of Sanskrit manuscripts is still continued in -hundreds of libraries in India, uninterrupted even by the introduction -of printing during the present century. The Vedas are still learnt -by heart as they were long before the invasion of Alexander, and -could even now be restored from the lips of religious teachers if -every manuscript or printed copy of them were destroyed. A Vedic -stanza of immemorial antiquity, addressed to the sun-god Savitri, -is still recited in the daily worship of the Hindus. The god Vishnu, -adored more than 3000 years ago, has countless votaries in India at -the present day. Fire is still produced for sacrificial purposes by -means of two sticks, as it was in ages even more remote. The wedding -ceremony of the modern Hindu, to single out but one social custom, -is essentially the same as it was long before the Christian era. - -The history of ancient Indian literature naturally falls into two -main periods. The first is the Vedic, which beginning perhaps as -early as 1500 B.C., extends in its latest phase to about 200 B.C. In -the former half of the Vedic age the character of its literature -was creative and poetical, while the centre of culture lay in the -territory of the Indus and its tributaries, the modern Panjab; in the -latter half, literature was theologically speculative in matter and -prosaic in form, while the centre of intellectual life had shifted to -the valley of the Ganges. Thus in the course of the Vedic age Aryan -civilisation had overspread the whole of Hindustan Proper, the vast -tract extending from the mouths of the Indus to those of the Ganges, -bounded on the north by the Himalaya, and on the south by the Vindhya -range. The second period, concurrent with the final offshoots of Vedic -literature and closing with the Muhammadan conquest after 1000 A.D., -is the Sanskrit period strictly speaking. In a certain sense, owing to -the continued literary use of Sanskrit, mainly for the composition of -commentaries, this period may be regarded as coming down to the present -day. During this second epoch Brahmanic culture was introduced into and -overspread the southern portion of the continent called the Dekhan or -"the South." In the course of these two periods taken together, Indian -literature attained noteworthy results in nearly every department. The -Vedic age, which, unlike the earlier epoch of Greece, produced only -religious works, reached a high standard of merit in lyric poetry, -and later made some advance towards the formation of a prose style. - -The Sanskrit period, embracing in general secular subjects, achieved -distinction in many branches of literature, in national as well as -court epic, in lyric and especially didactic poetry, in the drama, -in fairy tales, fables, and romances. Everywhere we find much -true poetry, the beauty of which is, however, marred by obscurity -of style and the ever-increasing taint of artificiality. But this -period produced few works which, regarded as a whole, are dominated -by a sense of harmony and proportion. Such considerations have had -little influence on the ĉsthetic notions of India. The tendency -has been rather towards exaggeration, manifesting itself in all -directions. The almost incredible development of detail in ritual -observance; the extraordinary excesses of asceticism; the grotesque -representations of mythology in art; the frequent employment of vast -numbers in description; the immense bulk of the epics; the unparalleled -conciseness of one of the forms of prose; the huge compounds habitually -employed in the later style, are among the more striking manifestations -of this defect of the Indian mind. - -In various branches of scientific literature, in phonetics, grammar, -mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and law, the Indians also achieved -notable results. In some of these subjects their attainments are, -indeed, far in advance of what was accomplished by the Greeks. - -History is the one weak spot in Indian literature. It is, in -fact, non-existent. The total lack of the historical sense is so -characteristic, that the whole course of Sanskrit literature is -darkened by the shadow of this defect, suffering as it does from an -entire absence of exact chronology. So true is this, that the very -date of Kalidasa, the greatest of Indian poets, was long a matter of -controversy within the limits of a thousand years, and is even now -doubtful to the extent of a century or two. Thus the dates of Sanskrit -authors are in the vast majority of cases only known approximately, -having been inferred from the indirect evidence of interdependence, -quotation or allusion, development of language or style. As to the -events of their lives, we usually know nothing at all, and only in a -few cases one or two general facts. Two causes seem to have combined -to bring about this remarkable result. In the first place, early India -wrote no history because it never made any. The ancient Indians never -went through a struggle for life, like the Greeks in the Persian -and the Romans in the Punic wars, such as would have welded their -tribes into a nation and developed political greatness. Secondly, -the Brahmans, whose task it would naturally have been to record -great deeds, had early embraced the doctrine that all action and -existence are a positive evil, and could therefore have felt but -little inclination to chronicle historical events. - -Such being the case, definite dates do not begin to appear in Indian -literary history till about 500 A.D. The chronology of the Vedic -period is altogether conjectural, being based entirely on internal -evidence. Three main literary strata can be clearly distinguished -in it by differences in language and style, as well as in religious -and social views. For the development of each of these strata a -reasonable length of time must be allowed; but all we can here hope -to do is to approximate to the truth by centuries. The lower limit -of the second Vedic stratum cannot, however, be fixed later than -500 B.C., because its latest doctrines are presupposed by Buddhism, -and the date of the death of Buddha has been with a high degree -of probability calculated, from the recorded dates of the various -Buddhist councils, to be 480 B.C. With regard to the commencement of -the Vedic age, there seems to have been a decided tendency among -Sanskrit scholars to place it too high. 2000 B.C. is commonly -represented as its starting-point. Supposing this to be correct, -the truly vast period of 1500 years is required to account for a -development of language and thought hardly greater than that between -the Homeric and the Attic age of Greece. Professor Max Müller's -earlier estimate of 1200 B.C., formed forty years ago, appears to be -much nearer the mark. A lapse of three centuries, say from 1300-1000 -B.C., would amply account for the difference between what is oldest -and newest in Vedic hymn poetry. Considering that the affinity of -the oldest form of the Avestan language with the dialect of the Vedas -is already so great that, by the mere application of phonetic laws, -whole Avestan stanzas may be translated word for word into Vedic, so -as to produce verses correct not only in form but in poetic spirit; -considering further, that if we knew the Avestan language at as early -a stage as we know the Vedic, the former would necessarily be almost -identical with the latter, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion -that the Indian branch must have separated from the Iranian only a -very short time before the beginnings of Vedic literature, and can -therefore have hardly entered the North-West of India even as early as -1500 B.C. All previous estimates of the antiquity of the Vedic period -have been outdone by the recent theory of Professor Jacobi of Bonn, -who supposes that period goes back to at least 4000 B.C. This theory -is based on astronomical calculations connected with a change in the -beginning of the seasons, which Professor Jacobi thinks has taken -place since the time of the Rigveda. The whole estimate is, however, -invalidated by the assumption of a doubtful, and even improbable, -meaning in a Vedic word, which forms the very starting-point of the -theory. Meanwhile we must rest content with the certainty that Vedic -literature in any case is of considerably higher antiquity than that -of Greece. - -For the post-Vedic period we have, in addition to the results of -internal evidence, a few landmarks of general chronological importance -in the visits of foreigners. The earliest date of this kind is that of -the invasion of India by Alexander in 326 B.C. This was followed by -the sojourn in India of various Greeks, of whom the most notable was -Megasthenes. He resided for some years about 300 B.C. at the court -of Pataliputra (the modern Patna), and has left a valuable though -fragmentary account of the contemporary state of Indian society. Many -centuries later India was visited by three Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, -Fa Hian (399 A.D.), Hiouen Thsang (630-645), and I Tsing (671-695). The -records of their travels, which have been preserved, and are all now -translated into English, shed much light on the social conditions, -the religious thought, and the Buddhist antiquities of India in -their day. Some general and specific facts about Indian literature -also can be gathered from them. Hiouen Thsang especially supplies -some important statements about contemporary Sanskrit poets. It is -not till his time that we can say of any Sanskrit writer that he -was alive in any particular year, excepting only the three Indian -astronomers, whose exact dates in the fifth and sixth centuries have -been recorded by themselves. It was only the information supplied -by the two earlier Chinese writers that made possible the greatest -archĉological discovery of the present century in India, that of the -site of Buddha's birthplace, Kapila-vastu, identified in December -1896. At the close of our period we have the very valuable account -of the country at the time of the Muhammadan conquest by the Arabic -author Alberuni, who wrote his India in 1030 A.D. - -It is evident from what has been said, that before 500 A.D. literary -chronology, even in the Sanskrit period, is almost entirely relative, -priority or posteriority being determined by such criteria as -development of style or thought, the mention of earlier authors -by name, stray political references as to the Greeks or to some -well-known dynasty, and allusions to astronomical facts which cannot -have been known before a certain epoch. Recent research, owing to -increased specialisation, has made considerable progress towards -greater chronological definiteness. More light will doubtless in -course of time come from the political history of early India, -which is being reconstructed, with great industry and ability, -by various distinguished scholars from the evidence of coins, -copper-plate grants, and rock or pillar inscriptions. These have -been or are being published in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, -the Epigraphia Indica, and various journals devoted to the study of -Indian antiquities. The rise in the study of epigraphy during the last -twenty years has, indeed, already yielded some direct information -of importance about the literary and religious history of India, -by fixing the date of some of the later poets as well as by throwing -light on religious systems and whole classes of literature. Thus some -metrical inscriptions of considerable length have been deciphered, -which prove the existence of court poetry in Sanskrit and vernacular -dialects from the first century of our era onwards. No direct evidence -of this fact had previously been known. - -The older inscriptions are also important in connection with Sanskrit -literature as illustrating both the early history of Indian writing -and the state of the language at the time. The oldest of them are -the rock and pillar inscriptions, dating from the middle of the -third century B.C., of the great Buddhist king Açoka, who ruled -over Northern India from 259 to 222 B.C., and during whose reign was -held the third Buddhist council, at which the canon of the Buddhist -scriptures was probably fixed. The importance of these inscriptions can -hardly be over-rated for the value of the information to be derived -from them about the political, religious, and linguistic conditions -of the age. Found scattered all over India, from Girnar (Giri-nagara) -in Kathiawar to Dhauli in Orissa, from Kapur-di-Giri, north of the -Kabul river, to Khalsi, they have been reproduced, deciphered, and -translated. One of them, engraved on a pillar erected by Açoka to -commemorate the actual birthplace of Buddha, was discovered only at -the close of 1896. - -These Açoka inscriptions are the earliest records of Indian -writing. The question of the origin and age of writing in India, -long involved in doubt and controversy, has been greatly cleared up -by the recent palĉographical researches of Professor Bühler. That -great scholar has shown, that of the two kinds of script known in -ancient India, the one called Kharoshthi employed in the country of -Gandhara (Eastern Afghanistan and Northern Panjab) from the fourth -century B.C. to 200 A.D., was borrowed from the Aramaic type of Semitic -writing in use during the fifth century B.C. It was always written from -right to left, like its original. The other ancient Indian script, -called Brahmi, is, as Bühler shows, the true national writing of -India, because all later Indian alphabets are descended from it, -however dissimilar many of them may appear at the present day. It -was regularly written from left to right; but that this was not its -original direction is indicated by a coin of the fourth century B.C., -the inscription on which runs from right to left. Dr. Bühler has shown -that this writing is based on the oldest Northern Semitic or Phoenician -type, represented on Assyrian weights and on the Moabite stone, -which dates from about 890 B.C. He argues, with much probability, -that it was introduced about 800 B.C. into India by traders coming -by way of Mesopotamia. - -References to writing in ancient Indian literature are, it is -true, very rare and late; in no case, perhaps, earlier than -the fourth century B.C., or not very long before the date of the -Açoka inscriptions. Little weight, however, can be attached to the -argumentum ex silentio in this instance. For though writing has now -been extensively in use for an immense period, the native learning -of the modern Indian is still based on oral tradition. The sacred -scriptures as well as the sciences can only be acquired from the lips -of a teacher, not from a manuscript; and as only memorial knowledge -is accounted of value, writing and MSS. are rarely mentioned. Even -modern poets do not wish to be read, but cherish the hope that their -works may be recited. This immemorial practice, indeed, shows that the -beginnings of Indian poetry and science go back to a time when writing -was unknown, and a system of oral tradition, such as is referred -to in the Rigveda, was developed before writing was introduced. The -latter could, therefore, have been in use long before it began to be -mentioned. The palĉographical evidence of the Açoka inscriptions, -in any case, clearly shows that writing was no recent invention -in the third century B.C., for most of the letters have several, -often very divergent forms, sometimes as many as nine or ten. A -considerable length of time was, moreover, needed to elaborate from -the twenty-two borrowed Semitic symbols the full Brahmi alphabet of -forty-six letters. This complete alphabet, which was evidently worked -out by learned Brahmans on phonetic principles, must have existed -by 500 B.C., according to the strong arguments adduced by Professor -Bühler. This is the alphabet which is recognised in Pannini's great -Sanskrit grammar of about the fourth century B.C., and has remained -unmodified ever since. It not only represents all the sounds of the -Sanskrit language, but is arranged on a thoroughly scientific method, -the simple vowels (short and long) coming first, then the diphthongs, -and lastly the consonants in uniform groups according to the organs -of speech with which they are pronounced. Thus the dental consonants -appear together as t, th, d, dh, n, and the labials as p, ph, b, -bh, m. We Europeans, on the other hand, 2500 years later, and in a -scientific age, still employ an alphabet which is not only inadequate -to represent all the sounds of our languages, but even preserves the -random order in which vowels and consonants are jumbled up as they -were in the Greek adaptation of the primitive Semitic arrangement of -3000 years ago. - -In the inscriptions of the third century B.C. two types, the Northern -and the Southern, may be distinguished in the Brahmi writing. From -the former is descended the group of Northern scripts which gradually -prevailed in all the Aryan dialects of India. The most important -of them is the Nagari (also called Devanagari), in which Sanskrit -MSS. are usually written, and Sanskrit as well as Marathi and Hindi -books are regularly printed. It is recognisable by the characteristic -horizontal line at the top of the letters. The oldest inscription -engraved entirely in Nagari belongs to the eighth, and the oldest -MS. written in it to the eleventh century. From the Southern variety -of the Brahmi writing are descended five types of script, all in use -south of the Vindhya range. Among them are the characters employed -in the Canarese and the Telugu country. - -Owing to the perishability of the material on which they are written, -Sanskrit MSS. older than the fourteenth century A.D. are rare. The two -ancient materials used in India were strips of birch bark and palm -leaves. The employment of the former, beginning in the North-West -of India, where extensive birch forests clothe the slopes of the -Himalaya, gradually spread to Central, Eastern, and Western India. The -oldest known Sanskrit MS. written on birch bark dates from the fifth -century A.D., and a Pali MS. in Kharoshthi which became known in 1897, -is still older, but the use of this material doubtless goes back to -far earlier days. Thus we have the statement of Quintus Curtius that -the Indians employed it for writing on at the time of Alexander. The -testimony of classical Sanskrit authors, as well as of Alberuni, -shows that leaves of birch bark (bhurja-pattra) were also regularly -used for letter-writing in early mediĉval India. - -The first example of a palm leaf Sanskrit MS. belongs to the sixth -century A.D. It is preserved in Japan, but there is a facsimile of -it in the Bodleian Library. According to the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen -Thsang, the use of the palm leaf was common all over India in the -seventh century; but that it was known many centuries earlier is -proved by the fact that an inscribed copper-plate, dating from the -first century A.D. at the latest, imitates a palm leaf in shape. - -Paper was introduced by the Muhammadan conquest, and has been very -extensively used since that time for the writing of MSS. The oldest -known example of a paper Sanskrit MS. written in India is one from -Gujarat, belonging to the early part of the thirteenth century. In -Northern India, where ink was employed for writing, palm leaves went -out of use after the introduction of paper. But in the South, where -a stilus has always been employed for scratching in the character, -palm leaves are still common for writing both MSS. and letters. The -birch bark and palm leaf MSS. are held together by a cord drawn -through a single hole in the middle, or through two placed some -distance apart. This explains how the Sanskrit word for "knot," -grantha, came to acquire the sense of "book." - -Leather or parchment has never been utilised in India for MSS., -owing to the ritual impurity of animal materials. For inscriptions -copper-plates were early and frequently employed. They regularly -imitate the shape of either palm leaves or strips of birch bark. - -The actual use of ink (the oldest Indian name of which is mashi) is -proved for the second century B.C. by an inscription from a Buddhist -relic mound, and is rendered very probable for the fourth century -B.C. by the statements of Nearchos and Quintus Curtius. - -All the old palm leaf, birch bark, and paper Sanskrit MSS. have -been written with ink and a reed pen, usually called kalama (a term -borrowed from the Greek kalamos). In Southern India, on the other -hand, it has always been the practice to scratch the writing on palm -leaves with a stilus, the characters being subsequently blackened by -soot or charcoal being rubbed into them. - -Sanskrit MSS. of every kind are usually kept between thin strips -of wood with cords wound round them, and wrapped up in coloured, -sometimes embroidered, cloths. They have been, and still are, preserved -in the libraries of temples, monasteries, colleges, the courts of -princes, as well as private houses. A famous library was owned by -King Bhoja of Dhar in the eleventh century. That considerable private -libraries existed in fairly early times is shown by the fact that the -Sanskrit author Bana (about 620 A.D.) had in his employment a reader of -manuscripts. Even at the present day there are many excellent libraries -of Sanskrit MSS. in the possession of Brahmans all over India. - -The ancient Indian language, like the literature composed in it, falls -into the two main divisions of Vedic and Sanskrit. The former differs -from the latter on the whole about as much as Homeric from classical -Greek, or the Latin of the Salic hymns from that of Varro. Within the -Vedic language, in which the sacred literature of India is written, -several stages can be distinguished. In its transitions from one to -the other it gradually grows more modern till it is ultimately merged -in Sanskrit. Even in its earliest phase Vedic cannot be regarded as a -popular tongue, but is rather an artificially archaic dialect, handed -down from one generation to the other within the class of priestly -singers. Of this the language itself supplies several indications. One -of them is the employment side by side of forms belonging to different -linguistic periods, a practice in which, however, the Vedic does not -go so far as the Homeric dialect. The spoken language of the Vedic -priests probably differed from this dialect of the hymns only in the -absence of poetical constructions and archaisms. There was, in fact, -even in the earlier Vedic age, a caste language, such as is to be -found more or less wherever a literature has grown up; but in India -it has been more strongly marked than in any other country. - -If, however, Vedic was no longer a natural tongue, but was already -the scholastic dialect of a class, how much truer is this of the -language of the later literature! Sanskrit differs from Vedic, but -not in conformity with the natural development which appears in living -languages. The phonetic condition of Sanskrit remains almost exactly -the same as that of the earliest Vedic. In the matter of grammatical -forms, too, the language shows itself to be almost stationary; for -hardly any new formations or inflexions have made their appearance. Yet -even from a grammatical point of view the later language has become -very different from the earlier. This change was therefore brought -about, not by new creations, but by successive losses. The most -notable of these were the disappearance of the subjunctive mood and the -reduction of a dozen infinitives to a single one. In declension the -change consisted chiefly in the dropping of a number of synonymous -by-forms. It is probable that the spoken Vedic, more modern and -less complex than that of the hymns, to some extent affected the -later literary language in the direction of simplification. But the -changes in the language were mainly due to the regulating efforts of -the grammarians, which were more powerful in India than anywhere else, -owing to the early and exceptional development of grammatical studies -in that country. Their influence alone can explain the elaborate nature -of the phonetic combinations (called Sandhi) between the finals and -initials of words in the Sanskrit sentence. - -It is, however, the vocabulary of the language that has undergone -the greatest modifications, as is indeed the case in all literary -dialects; for it is beyond the power of grammarians to control -change in this direction. Thus we find that the vocabulary has been -greatly extended by derivation and composition according to recognised -types. At the same time there are numerous words which, though old, -seem to be new only because they happen by accident not to occur -in the Vedic literature. Many really new words have, however, come -in through continual borrowings from a lower stratum of language, -while already existing words have undergone great changes of meaning. - -This later phase of the ancient language of India was stereotyped by -the great grammarian Panini towards the end of the fourth century -B.C. It came to be called Sanskrit, the "refined" or "elaborate" -(sam-skri-ta, literally "put together"), a term not found in the older -grammarians, but occurring in the earliest epic, the Ramayana. The -name is meant to be opposed to that of the popular dialects called -Prakrita, and is so opposed, for instance, in the Kavyadarça, -or Mirror of Poetry, a work of the sixth century A.D. The older -grammarians themselves, from Yaska (fifth century B.C.) onwards, -speak of this classical dialect as Bhasha, "the speech," in -distinction from Vedic. The remarks they make about it point to -a spoken language. Thus one of them, Patanjali, refers to it as -used "in the world," and designates the words of his Sanskrit as -"current in the world." Panini himself gives many rules which have -no significance except in connection with living speech; as when -he describes the accent or the lengthening of vowels in calling -from a distance, in salutation, or in question and answer. Again, -Sanskrit cannot have been a mere literary and school language, because -there are early traces of its having had dialectic variations. Thus -Yaska and Panini mention the peculiarities of the "Easterns" and -"Northerners," Katyayana refers to local divergences, and Patanjali -specifies words occurring in single districts only. There is, indeed, -no doubt that in the second century B.C. Sanskrit was actually -spoken in the whole country called by Sanskrit writers Aryavarta, or -"Land of the Aryans," which lies between the Himalaya and the Vindhya -range. But who spoke it there? Brahmans certainly did; for Patanjali -speaks of them as the "instructed" (çishta), the employers of correct -speech. Its use, however, extended beyond the Brahmans; for we read -in Patanjali about a head-groom disputing with a grammarian as to -the etymology of the Sanskrit word for "charioteer" (suta). This -agrees with the distribution of the dialects in the Indian drama, a -distribution doubtless based on a tradition much older than the plays -themselves. Here the king and those of superior rank speak Sanskrit, -while the various forms of the popular dialect are assigned to women -and to men of the people. The dramas also show that whoever did -not speak Sanskrit at any rate understood it, for Sanskrit is there -employed in conversation with speakers of Prakrit. The theatrical -public, and that before which, as we know from frequent references -in the literature, the epics were recited, must also have understood -Sanskrit. Thus, though classical Sanskrit was from the beginning a -literary and, in a sense, an artificial dialect, it would be erroneous -to deny to it altogether the character of a colloquial language. It -is indeed, as has already been mentioned, even now actually spoken in -India by learned Brahmans, as well as written by them, for every-day -purposes. The position of Sanskrit, in short, has all along been, -and still is, much like that of Hebrew among the Jews or of Latin in -the Middle Ages. - -Whoever was familiar with Sanskrit at the same time spoke one popular -language or more. The question as to what these popular languages -were brings us to the relation of Sanskrit to the vernaculars of -India. The linguistic importance of the ancient literary speech for -the India of to-day will become apparent when it is pointed out that -all the modern dialects--excepting those of a few isolated aboriginal -hill tribes--spoken over the whole vast territory between the mouths -of the Indus and those of the Ganges, between the Himalaya and the -Vindhya range, besides the Bombay Presidency as far south as the -Portuguese settlement of Goa, are descended from the oldest form -of Sanskrit. Starting from their ancient source in the north-west, -they have overflowed in more and more diverging streams the whole -peninsula except the extreme south-east. The beginnings of these -popular dialects go back to a period of great antiquity. Even at the -time when the Vedic hymns were composed, there must have existed a -popular language which already differed widely in its phonetic aspect -from the literary dialect. For the Vedic hymns contain several words -of a phonetic type which can only be explained by borrowings on the -part of their composers from popular speech. - -We further know that in the sixth century B.C., Buddha preached -his gospel in the language of the people, as opposed to that of the -learned, in order that all might understand him. Thus all the oldest -Buddhist literature dating from the fourth or fifth century B.C. was -composed in the vernacular, originally doubtless in the dialect of -Magadha (the modern Behar), the birthplace of Buddhism. Like Italian, -as compared with Latin, this early popular speech is characterised -by the avoidance of conjunct consonants and by fondness for final -vowels. Thus the Sanskrit sutra, "thread," and dharma, "duty," -become sutta and dhamma respectively, while vidyut, "lightning," is -transformed into vijju. The particular form of the popular language -which became the sacred idiom of Southern Buddhism is known by the -name of Pali. Its original home is still uncertain, but its existence -as early as the third century B.C. is proved beyond the range of doubt -by the numerous rock and pillar inscriptions of Açoka. This dialect was -in the third century B.C. introduced into Ceylon, and became the basis -of Singhalese, the modern language of the island. It was through the -influence of Buddhism that, from Açoka's time onwards, the official -decrees and documents preserved in inscriptions were for centuries -composed exclusively in Middle Indian (Prakrit) dialects. Sanskrit -was not familiar to the chanceries during these centuries, though the -introduction of Sanskrit verses in Prakrit inscriptions shows that -Sanskrit was alive during this period, and proves its continuity for -literary purposes. The older tradition of both the Buddhist and the -Jain religion, in fact, ignored Sanskrit entirely, using only the -popular dialects for all purposes. - -But in course of time both the Buddhists and the Jains endeavoured to -acquire a knowledge of Sanskrit. This led to the formation of an idiom -which, being in the main Prakrit, was made to resemble the old language -by receiving Sanskrit endings and undergoing other adaptations. It -is therefore decidedly wrong to consider this artificial dialect an -intermediate stage between Sanskrit and Pali. This peculiar type of -language is most pronounced in the poetical pieces called gatha or -"song," which occur in the canonical works of the Northern Buddhists, -especially in the Lalita-vistara, a life of Buddha. Hence it was -formerly called the Gatha dialect. The term is, however, inaccurate, -as Buddhist prose works have also been written in this mixed language. - -The testimony of the inscriptions is instructive in showing the -gradual encroachment of Sanskrit on the popular dialects used by -the two non-Brahmanical religions. Thus in the Jain inscriptions of -Mathura (now Muttra), an almost pure Prakrit prevails down to the first -century A.D. After that Sanskritisms become more and more frequent, -till at last simple Sanskrit is written. Similarly in Buddhist -inscriptions pure Prakrit is relieved by the mixed dialect, the latter -by Sanskrit. Thus in the inscriptions of Nasik, in Western India, -the mixed dialect extends into the third, while Sanskrit first begins -in the second century A.D. From the sixth century onwards Sanskrit -prevails exclusively (except among the Jains) in inscriptions, though -Prakritisms often occur in them. Even in the literature of Buddhism -the mixed dialect was gradually supplanted by Sanskrit. Hence most of -the Northern Buddhist texts have come down to us in Sanskrit, which, -however, diverges widely in vocabulary from that of the sacred texts -of the Brahmans, as well as from that of the classical literature, -since they are full of Prakrit words. It is expressly attested by -the Chinese pilgrim, Hiouen Thsang, that in the seventh century the -Buddhists used Sanskrit even in oral theological discussions. The Jains -finally did the same, though without entirely giving up Prakrit. Thus -by the time of the Muhammadan conquest Sanskrit was almost the only -written language of India. But while Sanskrit was recovering its -ancient supremacy, the Prakrits had exercised a lasting influence upon -it in two respects. They had supplied its vocabulary with a number of -new words, and had transformed into a stress accent the old musical -accent which still prevailed after the days of Panini. - -In the oldest period of Prakrit, that of the Pali Açoka inscriptions -and the early Buddhistic and Jain literature, two main dialects, the -Western and the Eastern, may be distinguished. Between the beginning -of our era and about 1000 A.D., mediĉval Prakrit, which is still -synthetic in character, is divided into four chief dialects. In the -west we find Apabhramça ("decadent") in the valley of the Indus, -and Çauraseni in the Doab, with Mathura as its centre. Subdivisions -of the latter were Gaurjari (Gujarati), Avanti (Western Rajputani), -and Maharashtri (Eastern Rajputani). The Eastern Prakrit now appears -as Magadhi, the dialect of Magadha, now Behar, and Ardha-Magadhi -(Half-Magadhi), with Benares as its centre. These mediĉval Prakrits -are important in connection with Sanskrit literature, as they are the -vernaculars employed by the uneducated classes in the Sanskrit drama. - -They are the sources of all the Aryan languages of modern India. From -the Apabhramça are derived Sindhi, Western Panjabi, and Kashmiri; -from Çauraseni come Eastern Panjabi and Hindi (the old Avanti), as -well as Gujarati; while from the two forms of Magadhi are descended -Marathi on the one hand, and the various dialects of Bengal on the -other. These modern vernaculars, which began to develop from about -1000 A.D., are no longer inflexional languages, but are analytical -like English, forming an interesting parallel in their development -from ancient Sanskrit to the Romance dialects in their derivation -from Latin. They have developed literatures of their own, which are -based entirely on that of Sanskrit. The non-Aryan languages of the -Dekhan, the Dravidian group, including Telugu, Canarese, Malayalam, -and Tamil, have not indeed been ousted by Aryan tongues, but they -are full of words borrowed from Sanskrit, while their literature is -dominated by Sanskrit models. - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE VEDIC PERIOD - - -On the very threshold of Indian literature more than three thousand -years ago, we are confronted with a body of lyrical poetry which, -although far older than the literary monuments of any other branch of -the Indo-European family, is already distinguished by refinement and -beauty of thought, as well as by skill in the handling of language -and metre. From this point, for a period of more than a thousand -years, Indian literature bears an exclusively religious stamp; even -those latest productions of the Vedic age which cannot be called -directly religious are yet meant to further religious ends. This is, -indeed, implied by the term "Vedic." For veda, primarily signifying -"knowledge" (from vid, "to know"), designates "sacred lore," as a -branch of literature. Besides this general sense, the word has also -the restricted meaning of "sacred book." - -In the Vedic period three well-defined literary strata are to be -distinguished. The first is that of the four Vedas, the outcome of -a creative and poetic age, in which hymns and prayers were composed -chiefly to accompany the pressing and offering of the Soma juice or -the oblation of melted butter (ghrita) to the gods. The four Vedas are -"collections," called samhita, of hymns and prayers made for different -ritual purposes. They are of varying age and significance. By far the -most important as well as the oldest--for it is the very foundation of -all Vedic literature--is the Rigveda, the "Veda of verses" (from rich, -"a laudatory stanza"), consisting entirely of lyrics, mainly in praise -of different gods. It may, therefore, be described as the book of -hymns or psalms. The Sama-veda has practically no independent value, -for it consists entirely of stanzas (excepting only 75) taken from -the Rigveda and arranged solely with reference to their place in the -Soma sacrifice. Being meant to be sung to certain fixed melodies, -it may be called the book of chants (saman). The Yajur-veda differs -in one essential respect from the Sama-veda, It consists not only of -stanzas (rich), mostly borrowed from the Rigveda, but also of original -prose formulas. It resembles the Sama-veda, however, in having its -contents arranged in the order in which it was actually employed in -various sacrifices. It is, therefore, a book of sacrificial prayers -(yajus). The matter of this Veda has been handed down in two forms. In -the one, the sacrificial formulas only are given; in the other, these -are to a certain extent intermingled with their explanations. These -three Vedas alone were at first recognised as canonical scriptures, -being in the next stage of Vedic literature comprehensively spoken -of as "the threefold knowledge" (trayi vidya). - -The fourth collection, the Atharva-veda, attained to this position only -after a long struggle. Judged both by its language and by that portion -of its matter which is analogous to the contents of the Rigveda, -the Atharva-veda came into existence considerably later than that -Veda. In form it is similar to the Rigveda, consisting for the most -part of metrical hymns, many of which are taken from the last book -of the older collection. In spirit, however, it is not only entirely -different from the Rigveda, but represents a much more primitive -stage of thought. While the Rigveda deals almost exclusively with -the higher gods as conceived by a comparatively advanced and refined -sacerdotal class, the Atharva-veda is, in the main, a book of spells -and incantations appealing to the demon world, and teems with notions -about witchcraft current among the lower grades of the population, and -derived from an immemorial antiquity. These two, thus complementary to -each other in contents, are obviously the most important of the four -Vedas. As representing religious ideas at an earlier stage than any -other literary monuments of the ancient world, they are of inestimable -value to those who study the evolution of religious beliefs. - -The creative period of the Vedas at length came to an end. It was -followed by an epoch in which there no longer seemed any need to -offer up new prayers to the gods, but it appeared more meritorious -to repeat those made by the holy seers of bygone generations, and -handed down from father to son in various priestly families. The -old hymns thus came to be successively gathered together in the -Vedic collections already mentioned and in this form acquired an -ever-increasing sanctity. Having ceased to produce poetry, the -priesthood transferred their creative energies to the elaboration -of the sacrificial ceremonial. The result was a ritual system far -surpassing in complexity of detail anything the world has elsewhere -known. The main importance of the old Vedic hymns and formulas -now came to be their application to the innumerable details of the -sacrifice. Around this combination of sacred verse and rite a new -body of doctrine grew up in sacerdotal tradition, and finally assumed -definite shape in the guise of distinct theological treatises entitled -Brahmanas, "books dealing with devotion or prayer" (brahman). They -evidently did not come into being till a time when the hymns were -already deemed ancient and sacred revelations, the priestly custodians -of which no longer fully understood their meaning owing to the change -undergone by the language. They are written in prose throughout, and -are in some cases accented, like the Vedas themselves. They are thus -notable as representing the oldest prose writing of the Indo-European -family. Their style is, indeed, cumbrous, rambling, and disjointed, -but distinct progress towards greater facility is observable within -this literary period. - -The chief purpose of the Brahmanas is to explain the mutual relation of -the sacred text and the ceremonial, as well as their symbolical meaning -with reference to each other. With the exception of the occasional -legends and striking thoughts which occur in them, they cannot be -said to be at all attractive as literary productions. To support -their explanations of the ceremonial, they interweave exegetical, -linguistic, and etymological observations, and introduce myths and -philosophical speculations in confirmation of their cosmogonic and -theosophic theories. They form an aggregate of shallow and pedantic -discussions, full of sacerdotal conceits, and fanciful, or even absurd, -identifications, such as is doubtless unparalleled anywhere else. Yet, -as the oldest treatises on ritual practices extant in any literature, -they are of great interest to the student of the history of religions -in general, besides furnishing much important material to the student -of Indian antiquity in particular. - -It results from what has been said that the contrasts between the two -older phases of Vedic literature are strongly marked. The Vedas are -poetical in matter and form; the Brahmanas are prosaic and written in -prose. The thought of the Vedas is on the whole natural and concrete; -that of the Brahmanas artificial and abstract. The chief significance -of the Vedas lies in their mythology; that of the Brahmanas in -their ritual. - -The subject-matter of the Brahmanas which are attached to the various -Vedas, differs according to the divergent duties performed by the kind -of priest connected with each Veda. The Brahmanas of the Rigveda, -in explaining the ritual, usually limit themselves to the duties -of the priest called hotri or "reciter" on whom it was incumbent to -form the canon (çastra) for each particular rite, by selecting from -the hymns the verses applicable to it. The Brahmanas of the Sama-veda -are concerned only with the duties of the udgatri or "chanter" of the -Samans; the Brahmanas of the Yajur-veda with those of the adhvaryu, -or the priest who is the actual sacrificer. Again, the Brahmanas -of the Rigveda more or less follow the order of the ritual, quite -irrespectively of the succession of the hymns in the Veda itself. The -Brahmanas of the Sama- and the Yajur-veda, on the other hand, follow -the order of their respective Vedas, which are already arranged in -the ritual sequence. The Brahmana of the Sama-veda, however, rarely -explains individual verses, while that of the Yajur-veda practically -forms a running commentary on all the verses of the text. - -The period of the Brahmanas is a very important one in the history -of Indian society. For in it the system of the four castes assumed -definite shape, furnishing the frame within which the highly complex -network of the castes of to-day has been developed. In that system -the priesthood, who even in the first Vedic period had occupied an -influential position, secured for themselves the dominant power which -they have maintained ever since. The life of no other people has been -so saturated with sacerdotal influence as that of the Hindus, among -whom sacred learning is still the monopoly of the hereditary priestly -caste. While in other early societies the chief power remained in the -hands of princes and warrior nobles, the domination of the priesthood -became possible in India as soon as the energetic life of conquest -during the early Vedic times in the north-west was followed by a -period of physical inactivity or indolence in the plains. Such altered -conditions enabled the cultured class, who alone held the secret of -the all-powerful sacrifice, to gain the supremacy of intellect over -physical force. - -The Brahmanas in course of time themselves acquired a sacred -character, and came in the following period to be classed along with -the hymns as çruti or "hearing," that which was directly heard by or, -as we should say, revealed to, the holy sages of old. In the sphere -of revelation are included the later portions of the Brahmanas, -which form treatises of a specially theosophic character, and being -meant to be imparted or studied in the solitude of the forest, are -called Aranyakas or "Forest-books." The final part of these, again, -are philosophical books named Upanishads, which belong to the latest -stage of Brahmana literature. The pantheistic groundwork of their -doctrine was later developed into the Vedanta system, which is still -the favourite philosophy of the modern Hindus. - -Works of Vedic "revelation" were deemed of higher authority in cases -of doubt than the later works on religious and civil usage, called -smriti or "memory," as embodying only the tradition derived from -ancient sages. - -We have now arrived at the third and last stage of Vedic literature, -that of the Sutras. These are compendious treatises dealing with Vedic -ritual on the one hand, and with customary law on the other. The rise -of this class of writings was due to the need of reducing the vast -and growing mass of details in ritual and custom, preserved in the -Brahmanas and in floating tradition, to a systematic shape, and of -compressing them within a compass which did not impose too great a -burden on the memory, the vehicle of all teaching and learning. The -main object of the Sutras is, therefore, to supply a short survey of -the sum of these scattered details. They are not concerned with the -interpretation of ceremonial or custom, but aim at giving a plain and -methodical account of the whole course of the rites or practices with -which they deal. For this purpose the utmost brevity was needed, -a requirement which was certainly met in a manner unparalleled -elsewhere. The very name of this class of literature, sutra, "thread" -or "clue" (from siv, "to sew"), points to its main characteristic -and chief object--extreme conciseness. The prose in which these -works are composed is so compressed that the wording of the most -laconic telegram would often appear diffuse compared with it. Some -of the Sutras attain to an almost algebraic mode of expression, -the formulas of which cannot be understood without the help of -detailed commentaries. A characteristic aphorism has been preserved, -which illustrates this straining after brevity. According to it, -the composers of grammatical Sutras delight as much in the saving of -a short vowel as in the birth of a son. The full force of this remark -can only be understood when it is remembered that a Brahman is deemed -incapable of gaining heaven without a son to perform his funeral rites. - -Though the works comprised in each class of Sutras are essentially the -same in character, it is natural to suppose that their composition -extended over some length of time, and that those which are more -concise and precise in their wording are the more recent; for the -evolution of their style is obviously in the direction of increased -succinctness. Research, it is true, has hitherto failed to arrive at -any definite result as to the date of their composition. Linguistic -investigations, however, tend to show that the Sutras are closely -connected in time with the grammarian Panini, some of them appearing -to be considerably anterior to him. We shall, therefore, probably not -go very far wrong in assigning 500 and 200 B.C. as the chronological -limits within which the Sutra literature was developed. - -The tradition of the Vedic ritual was handed down in two forms. The -one class, called Çrauta Sutras, because based on çruti or revelation -(by which in this case the Brahmanas are chiefly meant), deal with -the ritual of the greater sacrifices, for the performance of which -three or more sacred fires, as well as the ministrations of priests, -are necessary. Not one of them presents a complete picture of the -sacrifice, because each of them, like the Brahmanas, describes only -the duties of one or other of the three kinds of priests attached to -the respective Vedas. In order to obtain a full description of each -ritual ceremony, it is therefore needful to supplement the account -given by one Çrauta Sutra from that furnished by the rest. - -The other division of the ritual Sutras is based on smriti or -tradition. These are the Grihya Sutras, or "House Aphorisms," which -deal with the household ceremonies, or the rites to be performed -with the domestic fire in daily life. As a rule, these rites are not -performed by a priest, but by the householder himself in company -with his wife. For this reason there is, apart from deviations -in arrangement and expression, omission or addition, no essential -difference between the various Grihya Sutras, except that the verses to -be repeated which they contain are taken from the Veda to which they -belong. Each Grihya Sutra, besides being attached to and referring -to the Çrauta Sutra of the same school, presupposes a knowledge of -it. But though thus connected, the two do not form a unity. - -The second class of Sutras, which deal with social and legal usage, is, -like the Grihya Sutras, also based on smriti or tradition. These are -the Dharma Sutras, which are in general the oldest sources of Indian -law. As is implied by the term dharma, "religion and morality," their -point of view is chiefly a religious one. They are closely connected -with the Veda, which they quote, and which the later law-books regard -as the first and highest source of dharma. - -From the intensely crabbed and unintelligible nature of their style, -and the studied baldness with which they present their subjects, -it is evident that the Sutras are inferior even to the Brahmanas as -literary productions. Judged, however, with regard to its matter, -this strange phase of literature has considerable value. In all other -ancient literatures knowledge of sacrificial rites can only be gained -by collecting stray references. But in the ritual Sutras we possess -the ancient manuals which the priests used as the foundation of their -sacrificial lore. Their statements are so systematic and detailed that -it is possible to reconstruct from them various sacrifices without -having seen them performed. They are thus of great importance for -the history of religious institutions. But the Sutras have a further -value. For, as the life of the Hindu, more than that of any other -nation, was, even in the Vedic age, surrounded with a network of -religious forms, both in its daily course and in its more important -divisions, the domestic ritual as well as the legal Sutras are our -most important sources for the study of the social conditions of -ancient India. They are the oldest Indian records of all that is -included under custom. - -Besides these ritual and legal compendia, the Sutra period produced -several classes of works composed in this style, which, though not -religious in character, had a religious origin. They arose from the -study of the Vedas, which was prompted by the increasing difficulty of -understanding the hymns, and of reciting them correctly, in consequence -of the changes undergone by the language. Their chief object was -to ensure the right recitation and interpretation of the sacred -text. One of the most important classes of this ancillary literature -comprises the Pratiçakhya Sutras, which, dealing with accentuation, -pronunciation, metre, and other matters, are chiefly concerned with -the phonetic changes undergone by Vedic words when combined in a -sentence. They contain a number of minute observations, such as have -only been made over again by the phoneticians of the present day in -Europe. A still more important branch of this subsidiary literature -is grammar, in which the results attained by the Indians in the -systematic analysis of language surpass those arrived at by any other -nation. Little has been preserved of the earliest attempts in this -direction, for all that had been previously done was superseded by the -great Sutra work of Panini. Though belonging probably to the middle -of the Sutra period, Panini must be regarded as the starting-point of -the Sanskrit age, the literature of which is almost entirely dominated -by the linguistic standard stereotyped by him. - -In the Sutra period also arose a class of works specially designed -for preserving the text of the Vedas from loss or change. These are -the Anukramanis or "Indices," which quote the first words of each -hymn, its author, the deity celebrated in it, the number of verses -it contains, and the metre in which it is composed. One of them -states the total number of hymns, verses, words, and even syllables, -contained in the Rigveda, besides supplying other details. - -From this general survey of the Vedic period we now turn to a more -detailed consideration of the different phases of the literature -it produced. - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE RIGVEDA - - -In the dim twilight preceding the dawn of Indian literature the -historical imagination can perceive the forms of Aryan warriors, the -first Western conquerors of Hindustan, issuing from those passes in -the north-west through which the tide of invasion has in successive -ages rolled to sweep over the plains of India. The earliest poetry of -this invading race, whose language and culture ultimately overspread -the whole continent, was composed while its tribes still occupied -the territories on both sides of the Indus now known as Eastern -Kabulistan and the Panjab. That ancient poetry has come down to us -in the form of a collection of hymns called the Rigveda. The cause -which gathered the poems it contains into a single book was not -practical, as in the case of the Sama- and Yajur-veda, but scientific -and historical. For its ancient editors were undoubtedly impelled by -the motive of guarding this heritage of olden time from change and -destruction. The number of hymns comprised in the Rigveda, in the -only recension which has been preserved, that of the Çakala school, -is 1017, or, if the eleven supplementary hymns (called Valakhilya) -which are inserted in the middle of the eighth book are added, -1028. These hymns are grouped in ten books, called mandalas, or -"cycles," which vary in length, except that the tenth contains the -same number of hymns as the first. In bulk the hymns of the Rigveda -equal, it has been calculated, the surviving poems of Homer. - -The general character of the ten books is not identical in all -cases. Six of them (ii.-vii.) are homogeneous. Each of these, in -the first place, is the work of a different seer or his descendants -according to the ancient tradition, which is borne out by internal -evidence. They were doubtless long handed down separately in the -families to which they owed their being. Moreover, the hymns contained -in these "family books," as they are usually called, are arranged on -a uniform plan differing from that of the rest. The first, eighth, -and tenth books are not the productions of a single family of seers -respectively, but consist of a number of groups based on identity of -authorship. The arrangement of the ninth book is in no way connected -with its composers; its unity is due to all its hymns being addressed -to the single deity Soma, while its groups depend on identity of -metre. The family books also contain groups; but each of these is -formed of hymns addressed to one and the same deity. - -Turning to the principle on which the entire books of the Rigveda are -arranged in relation to one another, we find that Books II.-VII., if -allowance is made for later additions, form a series of collections -which contain a successively increasing number of hymns. This fact, -combined with the uniformity of these books in general character -and internal arrangement, renders it probable that they formed the -nucleus of the Rigveda, to which the remaining books were successively -added. It further seems likely that the nine shorter collections, -which form the second part of Book I., as being similarly based on -identity of authorship, were subsequently combined and prefixed to the -family books, which served as the model for their internal arrangement. - -The hymns of the eighth book in general show a mutual affinity hardly -less pronounced than that to be found in the family books. For they -are connected by numerous repetitions of similar phrases and lines -running through the whole book. The latter, however, does not form a -parallel to the family books. For though a single family, that of the -Kanvas, at least predominates among its authors, the prevalence in it -of the strophic form of composition impresses upon it a character of -its own. Moreover, the fact that the eighth book contains fewer hymns -than the seventh, in itself shows that the former did not constitute -one of the family series. - -The first part (1-50) of Book I. has considerable affinities with -the eighth, more than half its hymns being attributed to members of -the Kanva family, while in the hymns composed by some of these Kanvas -the favourite strophic metre of the eighth book reappears. There are, -moreover, numerous parallel and directly identical passages in the -two collections. It is, however, at present impossible to decide -which of the two is the earlier, or why it is that, though so nearly -related, they should have been separated. Certain it is that they -were respectively added at the beginning and the end of a previously -existing collection, whether they were divided for chronological -reasons or because composed by different branches of the Kanva family. - -As to the ninth book, it cannot be doubted that it came into being -as a collection after the first eight books had been combined -into a whole. Its formation was in fact the direct result of that -combination. The hymns to Soma Pavamana ("the clearly flowing") are -composed by authors of the same families as produced Books II.-VII., -a fact, apart from other evidence, sufficiently indicated by their -having the characteristic refrains of those families. The Pavamana -hymns have affinities to the first and eighth books also. When the -hymns of the different families were combined into books, and clearly -not till then, all their Pavamana hymns were taken out and gathered -into a single collection. This of course does not imply that the -Pavamana hymns themselves were of recent origin. On the contrary, -though some of them may date from the time when the tenth book came -into existence, there is good reason to suppose that the poetry of -the Soma hymns, which has many points in common with the Avesta, -and deals with a ritual going back to the Indo-Iranian period, -reached its conclusion as a whole in early times among the Vedic -singers. Differences of age in the hymns of the ninth book have been -almost entirely effaced; at any rate, research has as yet hardly -succeeded in distinguishing chronological stages in this collection. - -With regard to the tenth book, there can be no doubt that its hymns -came into being at a time when the first nine already existed. Its -composers grew up in the knowledge of the older books, with which -they betray their familiarity at every turn. The fact that the -author of one of its groups (20-26) begins with the opening words -(agnim ile) of the first stanza of the Rigveda, is probably an -indication that Books I.-IX. already existed in his day even as a -combined collection. That the tenth book is indeed an aggregate of -supplementary hymns is shown by its position after the Soma book, and -by the number of its hymns being made up to that of the first book -(191). The unity which connects its poetry is chronological; for it -is the book of recent groups and recent single hymns. Nevertheless -the supplements collected in it appear for the most part to be older -than the additions which occur in the earlier books. - -There are many criteria, derived from its matter as well as its -form, showing the recent origin of the tenth book. With regard to -mythology, we find the earlier gods beginning to lose their hold -on the imagination of these later singers. Some of them seem to -be disappearing, like the goddess of Dawn, while only deities of -widely established popularity, such as Indra and Agni, maintain their -position. The comprehensive group of the Viçve devas, or "All gods," -has alone increased in prominence. On the other hand, an altogether -new type, the deification of purely abstract ideas, such as "Wrath" -and "Faith," now appears for the first time. Here, too, a number of -hymns are found dealing with subjects foreign to the earlier books, -such as cosmogony and philosophical speculation, wedding and burial -rites, spells and incantations, which give to this book a distinctive -character besides indicating its recent origin. - -Linguistically, also, the tenth book is clearly distinguished as later -than the other books, forming in many respects a transition to the -other Vedas. A few examples will here suffice to show this. Vowel -contractions occur much more frequently, while the hiatus has -grown rarer. The use of the letter l, as compared with r, is, -in agreement with later Sanskrit, strikingly on the increase. In -inflexion the employment of the Vedic nominative plural in asas is on -the decline. With regard to the vocabulary, many old words are going -out of use, while others are becoming commoner. Thus the particle -sim, occurring fifty times in the rest of the Rigveda, is found -only once in the tenth book. A number of words common in the later -language are only to be met with in this book; for instance, labh, -"to take," kala, "time," lakshmi, "fortune," evam, "thus." Here, too, -a number of conscious archaisms can be pointed out. - -Thus the tenth book represents a definitely later stratum of -composition in the Rigveda. Individual hymns in the earlier books -have also been proved by various recognised criteria to be of later -origin than others, and some advance has been made towards assigning -them to three or even five literary epochs. Research has, however, -not yet arrived at any certain results as to the age of whole groups -in the earlier books. For it must be borne in mind that posteriority -of collection and incorporation does not necessarily prove a later -date of composition. - -Some hundreds of years must have been needed for all the hymns found in -the Rigveda to come into being. There was also, doubtless, after the -separation of the Indians from the Iranians, an intermediate period, -though it was probably of no great length. In this transitional age -must have been composed the more ancient poems which are lost, and in -which the style of the earliest preserved hymns, already composed with -much skill, was developed. The poets of the older part of the Rigveda -themselves mention predecessors, in whose wise they sing, whose songs -they desire to renew, and speak of ancestral hymns produced in days of -yore. As far as linguistic evidence is concerned, it affords little -help in discriminating periods within the Rigveda except with regard -to the tenth book. For throughout the hymns, in spite of the number of -authors, essentially the same language prevails. It is quite possible -to distinguish differences of thought, style, and poetical ability, -but hardly any differences of dialect. Nevertheless, patient and -minute linguistic research, combined with the indications derived -from arrangement, metre, and subject-matter, is beginning to yield -evidence which may lead to the recognition of chronological strata -in the older books of the Rigveda. - -Though the aid of MSS. for this early period entirely fails, we yet -happily possess for the Rigveda an abundant mass of various readings -over 2000 years old. These are contained in the other Vedas, which -are largely composed of hymns, stanzas, and lines borrowed from -the Rigveda. The other Vedas are, in fact, for the criticism of the -Rigveda, what manuscripts are for other literary monuments. We are -thus enabled to collate with the text of the Rigveda directly handed -down, various readings considerably older than even the testimony of -Yaska and of the Pratiçakhyas. - -The comparison of the various readings supplied by the later Vedas -leads to the conclusion that the text of the Rigveda existed, -with comparatively few exceptions, in its present form, and not -in a possibly different recension, at the time when the text of the -Sama-veda, the oldest form of the Yajur-veda, and the Atharva-veda was -constituted. The number of cases is infinitesimal in which the Rigveda -shows a corruption from which the others are free. Thus it appears that -the kernel of Vedic tradition, as represented by the Rigveda, has come -down to us, with a high degree of fixity and remarkable care for verbal -integrity, from a period which can hardly be less remote than 1000 B.C. - -It is only natural that a sacred collection of poetry, historical in -its origin, and the heritage of oral tradition before the other Vedas -were composed and the details of the later ritual practice were fixed, -should have continued to be preserved more accurately than texts formed -mainly by borrowing from it hymns which were arbitrarily cut up into -groups of verses or into single verses, solely in order to meet new -liturgical needs. For those who removed verses of the Rigveda from -their context and mixed them up with their own new creations would -not feel bound to guard such verses from change as strictly as those -who did nothing but continue to hand down, without any break, the -ancient text in its connected form. The control of tradition would -be wanting where quite a new tradition was being formed. - -The criticism of the text of the Rigveda itself is concerned with -two periods. The first is that in which it existed alone before the -other Vedas came into being; the second is that in which it appears -in the phonetically modified form called the Samhita text, due to the -labours of grammatical editors. Being handed down in the older period -exclusively by oral tradition, it was not preserved in quite authentic -form down to the time of its final redaction. It did not entirely -escape the fate suffered by all works which, coming down from remote -antiquity, survive into an age of changed linguistic conditions. Though -there are undeniable corruptions in detail belonging to the older -period, the text maintained a remarkably high level of authenticity -till such modifications as it had undergone reached their conclusion -in the Samhita text. This text differs in hundreds of places from -that of the composers of the hymns; but its actual words are nearly -always the same as those used by the ancient seers. Thus there would -be no uncertainty as to whether the right word, for instance, was -sumnam or dyumnam. The difference lies almost entirely in the phonetic -changes which the words have undergone according to the rules of Sandhi -prevailing in the classical language. Thus what was formerly pronounced -as tuam hi agne now appears as tvam hy agne. The modernisation of -the text thereby produced is, however, only partial, and is often -inconsistently applied. The euphonic combinations introduced in -the Samhita text have interfered with the metre. Hence by reading -according to the latter the older text can be restored. At the same -time the Samhita text has preserved the smallest minutiĉ of detail -most liable to corruption, and the slightest difference in the matter -of accent and alternative forms, which might have been removed with -the greatest ease. Such points furnish an additional proof that the -extreme care with which the verbal integrity of the text was guarded -goes back to the earlier period itself. Excepting single mistakes of -tradition in the first, and those due to grammatical theories in the -second period, the old text of the Rigveda thus shows itself to have -been preserved from a very remote antiquity with marvellous accuracy -even in the smallest details. - -From the explanatory discussions of the Brahmanas in connection -with the Rigveda, it results that the text of the latter must -have been essentially fixed in their time, and that too in quite -a special manner, more, for instance, than the prose formulas of -the Yajurveda. For the Çatapatha Brahmana, while speaking of the -possibility of varying some of these formulas, rejects the notion -of changing the text of a certain Rigvedic verse, proposed by some -teachers, as something not to be thought of. The Brahmanas further -often mention the fact that such and such a hymn or liturgical group -contains a particular number of verses. All such numerical statements -appear to agree with the extant text of the Rigveda. On the other hand, -transpositions and omissions of Rigvedic verses are to be found in -the Brahmanas. These, however, are only connected with the ritual -form of those verses, and in no way show that the text from which -they were taken was different from ours. - -The Sutras also contain altered forms of Rigvedic verses, but these -are, as in the case of the Brahmanas, to be explained not from an -older recension of the text, but from the necessity of adapting them -to new ritual technicalities. On the other hand, they contain many -statements which confirm our present text. Thus all that the Sutra -of Çankhayana says about the position occupied by verses in a hymn, -or the total number of verses contained in groups of hymns, appears -invariably to agree with our text. - -We have yet to answer the question as to when the Samhita text, which -finally fixed the canonical form of the Rigveda, was constituted. Now -the Brahmanas contain a number of direct statements as to the number -of syllables in a word or a group of words, which are at variance -with the Samhita text owing to the vowel contractions made in the -latter. Moreover, the old part of the Brahmana literature shows -hardly any traces of speculations about phonetic questions connected -with the Vedic text. The conclusion may therefore be drawn that the -Samhita text did not come into existence till after the completion -of the Brahmanas. With regard to the Aranyakas and Upanishads, which -form supplements to the Brahmanas, the case is different. These works -not only mention technical grammatical terms for certain groups of -letters, but contain detailed doctrines about the phonetic treatment -of the Vedic text. Here, too, occur for the first time the names of -certain theological grammarians, headed by Çakalya and Mandukeya, who -are also recognised as authorities in the Pratiçakhyas. The Aranyakas -and Upanishads accordingly form a transition, with reference to the -treatment of grammatical questions, between the age of the Brahmanas -and that of Yaska and the Pratiçakhyas. The Samhita text must have -been created in this intermediate period, say about 600 B.C. - -This work being completed, extraordinary precautions soon began to be -taken to guard the canonical text thus fixed against the possibility -of any change or loss. The result has been its preservation with a -faithfulness unique in literary history. The first step taken in this -direction was the constitution of the Pada, or "word" text, which being -an analysis of the Samhita, gives each separate word in its independent -form, and thus to a considerable extent restores the Samhita text -to an older stage. That the Pada text was not quite contemporaneous -in origin with the other is shown by its containing some undoubted -misinterpretations and misunderstandings. Its composition can, however, -only be separated by a short interval from that of the Samhita, for -it appears to have been known to the writer of the Aitareya Aranyaka, -while its author, Çakalya, is older than both Yaska, who quotes him, -and Çaunaka, composer of the Rigveda Pratiçakhya, which is based on -the Pada text. - -The importance of the latter as a criterion of the authenticity of -verses in the Rigveda is indicated by the following fact. There are -six verses in the Rigveda [1] not analysed in the Pada text, but only -given there over again in the Samhita form. This shows that Çakalya did -not acknowledge them as truly Rigvedic, a view justified by internal -evidence. This group of six, which is doubtless exhaustive, stands -midway between old additions which Çakalya recognised as canonical, -and the new appendages called Khilas, which never gained admission -into the Pada text in any form. - -A further measure for preserving the sacred text from alteration with -still greater certainty was soon taken in the form of the Krama-patha, -or "step-text." This is old, for it, like the Pada-patha, is already -known to the author of the Aitareya Aranyaka. Here every word of the -Pada text occurs twice, being connected both with that which precedes -and that which follows. Thus the first four words, if represented by a, -b, c, d, would be read as ab, bc, cd. The Jata-patha, or "woven-text," -in its turn based on the Krama-patha, states each of its combinations -three times, the second time in reversed order (ab, ba, ab; bc, -cb, bc). The climax of complication is reached in the Ghana-patha, -in which the order is ab, ba, abc, cba, abc; bc, cb, bcd, &c. - -The Pratiçakhyas may also be regarded as safeguards of the text, -having been composed for the purpose of exhibiting exactly all the -changes necessary for turning the Pada into the Samhita text. - -Finally, the class of supplementary works called Anukramanis, or -"Indices" aimed at preserving the Rigveda intact by registering its -contents from various points of view, besides furnishing calculations -of the number of hymns, verses, words, and even syllables, contained -in the sacred book. - -The text of the Rigveda has come down to us in a single recension -only; but is there any evidence that other recensions of it existed -in former times? - -The Charana-vyuha, or "Exposition of Schools," a supplementary work -of the Sutra period, mentions as the five çakhas or "branches" -of the Rigveda, the Çakalas, the Vashkalas, the Açvalayanas, -the Çankhayanas, and the Mandukeyas. The third and fourth of these -schools, however, do not represent different recensions of the text, -the sole distinction between them and the Çakalas having been that the -Açvalayanas recognised as canonical the group of the eleven Valakhilya -or supplementary hymns, and the Çankhayanas admitted the same group, -diminished only by a few verses. Hence the tradition of the Puranas, -or later legendary works, mentions only the three schools of Çakalas, -Vashkalas, and Mandukas. If the latter ever possessed a recension of an -independent character, all traces of it were lost at an early period -in ancient India, for no information of any kind about it has been -preserved. Thus only the two schools of the Çakalas and the Vashkalas -come into consideration. The subsidiary Vedic writings contain -sufficient evidence to show that the text of the Vashkalas differed -from that of the Çakalas only in admitting eight additional hymns, -and in assigning another position to a group of the first book. But in -these respects it compares unfavourably with the extant text. Thus it -is evident that the Çakalas not only possessed the best tradition of -the text of the Rigveda, but handed down the only recension, in the -true sense, which, as far as we can tell, ever existed. - -The text of the Rigveda, like that of the other Samhitas, as well as -of two of the Brahmanas (the Çatapatha and the Taittiriya, together -with its Aranyaka), has come down to us in an accented form. The -peculiarly sacred character of the text rendered the accent very -important for correct and efficacious recitation. Analogously the -accent was marked by the Greeks in learned and model editions only. The -nature of the Vedic accent was musical, depending on the pitch of the -voice, like that of the ancient Greeks. This remained the character -of the Sanskrit accent till later than the time of Panini. But just -as the old Greek musical accent, after the beginning of our era, -was transformed into a stress accent, so by the seventh century -A.D. (and probably long before) the Sanskrit accent had undergone -a similar change. While, however, in modern Greek the stress accent -has remained, owing to the high pitch of the old acute, on the same -syllable as bore the musical accent in the ancient language, the modern -pronunciation of Sanskrit has no connection with the Vedic accent, -but is dependent on the quantity of the last two or three syllables, -much the same as in Latin. Thus the penultimate, if long, is accented, -e.g. Kalidasa, or the antepenultimate, if long and followed by a short -syllable, e.g. brahmana or Himalaya ("abode of snow"). This change of -accent in Sanskrit was brought about by the influence of Prakrit, in -which, as there is evidence to show, the stress accent is very old, -going back several centuries before the beginning of our era. - -There are three accents in the Rigveda as well as the other sacred -texts. The most important of these is the rising accent, called -ud-atta ("raised"), which corresponds to the Greek acute. Comparative -philology shows that in Sanskrit it rests on the same syllable as -bore it in the proto-Aryan language. In Greek it is generally on -the same syllable as in Sanskrit, except when interfered with by -the specifically Greek law restricting the accent to one of the last -three syllables. Thus the Greek heptá corresponds to the Vedic saptá, -"seven." The low-pitch accent, which precedes the acute, is called -the anudatta ("not raised"). The third is the falling accent, which -usually follows the acute, and is called svarita ("sounded"). - -Of the four different systems of marking the accent in Vedic texts, -that of the Rigveda is most commonly employed. Here the acute is -not marked at all, while the low-pitch anudatta is indicated by a -horizontal stroke below the syllable bearing it, and the svarita by -a vertical stroke above. Thus yajnasyà ("of sacrifice") would mean -that the second syllable has the acute and the third the svarita -(yajnásyà). The reason why the acute is not marked is because it is -regarded as the middle tone between the other two. [2] - -The hymns of the Rigveda consist of stanzas ranging in number -from three to fifty-eight, but usually not exceeding ten or -twelve. These stanzas (often loosely called verses) are composed in -some fifteen different metres, only seven of which, however, are at -all frequent. Three of them are by far the commonest, claiming together -about four-fifths of the total number of stanzas in the Rigveda. - -There is an essential difference between Greek and Vedic -prosody. Whereas the metrical unit of the former system is the -foot, in the latter it is the line (or verse), feet not being -distinguished. Curiously enough, however, the Vedic metrical unit -is also called pada, or "foot," but for a very different reason; -for the word has here really the figurative sense of "quarter" -(from the foot of a quadruped), Because the most usual kind of -stanza has four lines. The ordinary padas consist of eight, eleven, -or twelve syllables. A stanza or rich is generally formed of three -or four lines of the same kind. Four or five of the rarer types of -stanza are, however, made up of a combination of different lines. - -It is to be noted that the Vedic metres have a certain elasticity -to which we are unaccustomed in Greek prosody, and which recalls the -irregularities of the Latin Saturnian verse. Only the rhythm of the -last four or five syllables is determined, the first part of the line -not being subject to rule. Regarded in their historical connection, -the Vedic metres, which are the foundation of the entire prosody of the -later literature, occupy a position midway between the system of the -Indo-Iranian period and that of classical Sanskrit. For the evidence -of the Avesta, with its eight and eleven syllable lines, which ignore -quantity, but are combined into stanzas otherwise the same as those -of the Rigveda, indicates that the metrical practice of the period -when Persians and Indians were still one people, depended on no other -principle than the counting of syllables. In the Sanskrit period, -on the other hand, the quantity of every syllable in the line was -determined in all metres, with the sole exception of the loose measure -(called çloka) employed in epic poetry. The metrical regulation of the -line, starting from its end, thus finally extended to the whole. The -fixed rhythm at the end of the Vedic line is called vritta, literally -"turn" (from vrit, Lat. vert-ere), which corresponds etymologically -to the Latin versus. - -The eight-syllable line usually ends in two iambics, the first four -syllables, though not exactly determined, having a tendency to be -iambic also. This verse is therefore the almost exact equivalent of -the Greek iambic dimeter. - -Three of these lines combine to form the gayatri metre, in which nearly -one-fourth (2450) of the total number of stanzas in the Rigveda is -composed. An example of it is the first stanza of the Rigveda, which -runs as follows:-- - - - Agním ile puróhitam - Yajnásya devám ritvíjam - Hótaram ratnadhatamam. - - -It may be closely rendered thus in lines imitating the rhythm of -the original:-- - - - I praise Agni, domestic priest, - God, minister of sacrifice, - Herald, most prodigal of wealth. - - -Four of these eight-syllable lines combine to form the anushtubh -stanza, in which the first two and the last two are more closely -connected. In the Rigveda the number of stanzas in this measure -amounts to only about one-third of those in the gayatri. This -relation is gradually reversed, till we reach the post-Vedic period, -when the gayatri is found to have disappeared, and the anushtubh -(now generally called çloka) to have become the predominant measure -of Sanskrit poetry. A development in the character of this metre may -be observed within the Rigveda itself. All its verses in the oldest -hymns are the same, being iambic in rhythm. In later hymns, however, -a tendency to differentiate the first and third from the second -and fourth lines, by making the former non-iambic, begins to show -itself. Finally, in the latest hymns of the tenth book the prevalence -of the iambic rhythm disappears in the odd lines. Here every possible -combination of quantity in the last four syllables is found, but the -commonest variation, nearly equalling the iambic in frequency, is -[short][long][long][shortlong]. The latter is the regular ending of -the first and third line in the post-Vedic çloka. - -The twelve-syllable line ends thus: [long][short][long][short][short]. -Four of these together form the jagati stanza. The trishtubh stanza -consists of four lines of eleven syllables, which are practically -catalectic jagatis, as they end [long][short][long][shortlong]. These -two verses being so closely allied and having the same cadence, are -often found mixed in the same stanza. The trishtubh is by far the -commonest metre, about two-fifths of the Rigveda being composed in it. - -Speaking generally, a hymn of the Rigveda consists entirely of stanzas -in the same metre. The regular and typical deviation from this rule -is to conclude a hymn with a single stanza in a metre different from -that of the rest, this being a natural method of distinctly marking -its close. - -A certain number of hymns of the Rigveda consist not merely of a -succession of single stanzas, but of equal groups of stanzas. The -group consists either of three stanzas in the same simple metre, -generally gayatri, or of the combination of two stanzas in different -mixed metres. The latter strophic type goes by the name of Pragatha, -and is found chiefly in the eighth book of the Rigveda. - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -POETRY OF THE RIGVEDA - - -Before we turn to describe the world of thought revealed in the hymns -of the Rigveda, the question may naturally be asked, to what extent -is it possible to understand the true meaning of a book occupying -so isolated a position in the remotest age of Indian literature? The -answer to this question depends on the recognition of the right method -of interpretation applicable to that ancient body of poetry. When the -Rigveda first became known, European scholars, as yet only acquainted -with the language and literature of classical Sanskrit, found that the -Vedic hymns were composed in an ancient dialect and embodied a world -of ideas far removed from that with which they had made themselves -familiar. The interpretation of these hymns was therefore at the -outset barred by almost insurmountable difficulties. Fortunately, -however, a voluminous commentary on the Rigveda, which explains or -paraphrases every word of its hymns, was found to exist. This was the -work of the great Vedic scholar Sayana, who lived in the latter half -of the fourteenth century A.D. at Vijayanagara ("City of Victory"), -the ruins of which lie near Bellary in Southern India. As his -commentary constantly referred to ancient authorities, it was thought -to have preserved the true meaning of the Rigveda in a traditional -interpretation going back to the most ancient times. Nothing -further seemed to be necessary than to ascertain the explanation -of the original text which prevailed in India five centuries ago, -and is laid down in Sayana's work. This view is represented by the -translation of the Rigveda begun in 1850 by H. H. Wilson, the first -professor of Sanskrit at Oxford. - -Another line was taken by the late Professor Roth, the founder -of Vedic philology. This great scholar propounded the view that -the aim of Vedic interpretation was not to ascertain the meaning -which Sayana, or even Yaska, who lived eighteen centuries earlier, -attributed to the Vedic hymns, but the meaning which the ancient -poets themselves intended. Such an end could not be attained by -simply following the lead of the commentators. For the latter, though -valuable guides towards the understanding of the later theological -and ritual literature, with the notions and practice of which they -were familiar, showed no continuity of tradition from the time of -the poets; for the tradition supplied by them was solely that which -was handed down among interpreters, and only began when the meaning -of the hymns was no longer fully comprehended. There could, in fact, -be no other tradition; interpretation only arising when the hymns -had become obscure. The commentators, therefore, simply preserved -attempts at the solution of difficulties, while showing a distinct -tendency towards misinterpreting the language as well as the religious, -mythological, and cosmical ideas of a vanished age by the scholastic -notions prevalent in their own. - -It is clear from what Yaska says that some important discrepancies -in opinion prevailed among the older expositors and the different -schools of interpretation which flourished before his time. He gives -the names of no fewer than seventeen predecessors, whose explanations -of the Veda are often conflicting. Thus one of them interprets the word -Nasatyau, an epithet of the Vedic Dioskouroi, as "true, not false;" -another takes it to mean "leaders of truth," while Yaska himself thinks -it might mean "nose-born"! The gap between the poets and the early -interpreters was indeed so great that one of Yaska's predecessors, -named Kautsa, actually had the audacity to assert that the science -of Vedic exposition was useless, as the Vedic hymns and formulas -were obscure, unmeaning, or mutually contradictory. Such criticisms -Yaska meets by replying that it was not the fault of the rafter if -the blind man did not see it. Yaska himself interprets only a very -small portion of the hymns of the Rigveda. In what he does attempt -to explain, he largely depends on etymological considerations for the -sense he assigns. He often gives two or more alternative or optional -senses to the same word. The fact that he offers a choice of meanings -shows that he had no earlier authority for his guide, and that his -renderings are simply conjectural; for no one can suppose that the -authors of the hymns had more than one meaning in their minds. - -It is, however, highly probable that Yaska, with all the appliances -at his command, was able to ascertain the sense of many words which -scholars who, like Sayana, lived nearly two thousand years later, -had no means of discovering. Nevertheless Sayana is sometimes found -to depart from Yaska. Thus we arrive at the dilemma that either -the old interpreter is wrong or the later one does not follow the -tradition. There are also many instances in which Sayana, independently -of Yaska, gives a variety of inconsistent explanations of a word, -both in interpreting a single passage or in commenting on different -passages. Thus çarada, "autumnal," he explains in one place as -"fortified for a year," in another as "new or fortified for a year," -and in a third as "belonging to a demon called Çarad." One of the -defects of Sayana is, in fact, that he limits his view in most cases -to the single verse he has before him. A detailed examination of his -explanations, as well as those of Yaska, has shown that there is in -the Rigveda a large number of the most difficult words, about the -proper sense of which neither scholar had any certain information from -either tradition or etymology. We are therefore justified in saying -about them that there is in the hymns no unusual or difficult word -or obscure text in regard to which the authority of the commentators -should be received as final, unless it is supported by probability, -by the context, or by parallel passages. Thus no translation of -the Rigveda based exclusively on Sayana's commentary can possibly -be satisfactory. It would, in fact, be as unreasonable to take him -for our sole guide as to make our understanding of the Hebrew books -of the Old Testament dependent on the Talmud and the Rabbis. It -must, indeed, be admitted that from a large proportion of Sayana's -interpretations most material help can be derived, and that he has -been of the greatest service in facilitating and accelerating the -comprehension of the Veda. But there is little information of value -to be derived from him, that, with our knowledge of later Sanskrit, -with the other remains of ancient Indian literature, and with our -various philological appliances, we might not sooner or later have -found out for ourselves. - -Roth, then, rejected the commentators as our chief guides in -interpreting the Rigveda, which, as the earliest literary monument -of the Indian, and indeed of the Aryan race, stands quite by itself, -high up on an isolated peak of remote antiquity. As regards its more -peculiar and difficult portions, it must therefore be interpreted -mainly through itself; or, to apply in another sense the words -of an Indian commentator, it must shine by its own light and be -self-demonstrating. Roth further expressed the view that a qualified -European is better able to arrive at the true meaning of the Rigveda -than a Brahman interpreter. The judgment of the former is unfettered -by theological bias; he possesses the historical faculty, and he has -also a far wider intellectual horizon, equipped as he is with all -the resources of scientific scholarship. Roth therefore set himself -to compare carefully all passages parallel in form and matter, with -due regard to considerations of context, grammar, and etymology, -while consulting, though, perhaps, with insufficient attention, -the traditional interpretations. He thus subjected the Rigveda to a -historical treatment within the range of Sanskrit itself. He further -called in the assistance rendered from without by the comparative -method, utilising the help afforded not only by the Avesta, which is -so closely allied to the Rigveda in language and matter, but also -by the results of comparative philology, resources unknown to the -traditional scholar. - -By thus ascertaining the meaning of single words, the foundations -of the scientific interpretation of the Vedas were laid in the -great Sanskrit Dictionary, in seven volumes, published by Roth in -collaboration with Böhtlingk between 1852 and 1875. Roth's method is -now accepted by every scientific student of the Veda. Native tradition -is, however, being more fully exploited than was done by Roth himself, -for it is now more clearly recognised that no aid to be derived from -extant Indian scholarship ought to be neglected. Under the guidance of -such principles the progress already made in solving many important -problems presented by Vedic literature has been surprising, when we -consider the shortness of the time and the fewness of the labourers, of -whom only two or three have been natives of this country. As a general -result, the historical sense has succeeded in grasping the spirit of -Indian antiquity, long obscured by native misinterpretation. Much, of -course, still remains to be done by future generations of scholars, -especially in detailed and minute investigation. This could not be -otherwise when we remember that Vedic research is only the product -of the last fifty years, and that, notwithstanding the labours of -very numerous Hebrew scholars during several centuries, there are, -in the Psalms and the Prophetic Books of the Old Testament, still many -passages which remain obscure and disputed. There can be no doubt that -many problems at present insoluble will in the end be solved by that -modern scholarship which has already deciphered the cuneiform writings -of Persia as well as the rock inscriptions of India, and has discovered -the languages which lay hidden under these mysterious characters. - -Having thus arrived at the threshold of the world of Vedic thought, -we may now enter through the portals opened by the golden key of -scholarship. By far the greater part of the poetry of the Rigveda -consists of religious lyrics, only the tenth book containing some -secular poems. Its hymns are mainly addressed to the various gods of -the Vedic pantheon, praising their mighty deeds, their greatness, -and their beneficence, or beseeching them for wealth in cattle, -numerous offspring, prosperity, long life, and victory. The Rigveda -is not a collection of primitive popular poetry, as it was apt to be -described at an earlier period of Sanskrit studies. It is rather a -body of skilfully composed hymns, produced by a sacerdotal class and -meant to accompany the Soma oblation and the fire sacrifice of melted -butter, which were offered according to a ritual by no means so simple -as was at one time supposed, though undoubtedly much simpler than the -elaborate system of the Brahmana period. Its poetry is consequently -marred by frequent references to the sacrifice, especially when the two -great ritual deities, Agni and Soma, are the objects of praise. At the -same time it is on the whole much more natural than might under these -conditions be expected. For the gods who are invoked are nearly all -personifications of the phenomena of Nature, and thus give occasion for -the employment of much beautiful and even noble imagery. The diction of -the hymns is, generally speaking, simple and unaffected. Compound words -are sparingly used, and are limited to two members, in marked contrast -with the frequency and length of compounds in classical Sanskrit. The -thought, too, is usually artless and direct, except in the hymns to -the ritual deities, where it becomes involved in conceit and mystical -obscurity. The very limited nature of the theme, in these cases, must -have forced the minds of the priestly singers to strive after variety -by giving utterance to the same idea in enigmatical phraseology. - -Here, then, we already find the beginnings of that fondness for -subtlety and difficult modes of expression which is so prevalent -in the later literature, and which is betrayed even in the earlier -period by the saying in one of the Brahmanas that the gods love the -recondite. In some hymns, too, there appears that tendency to play -with words which was carried to inordinate lengths in late Sanskrit -poems and romances. The hymns of the Rigveda, of course, vary much in -literary merit, as is naturally to be expected in the productions of -many poets extending over some centuries. Many display a high order of -poetical excellence, while others consist of commonplace and mechanical -verse. The degree of skill in composition is on the average remarkably -high, especially when we consider that here we have by far the oldest -poetry of the Aryan race. The art which these early seers feel is -needed to produce a hymn acceptable to the gods is often alluded to, -generally in the closing stanza. The poet usually compares his work -to a car wrought and put together by a deft craftsman. One Rishi also -likens his prayers to fair and well-woven garments; another speaks of -having adorned his song of praise like a bride for her lover. Poets -laud the gods according to knowledge and ability (vi. 21, 6), and -give utterance to the emotions of their hearts (x. 39, 15). Various -individual gods are, it is true, in a general way said to have granted -seers the gift of song, but of the later doctrine of revelation the -Rigvedic poets know nothing. - -The remark which has often been made that monotony prevails in -the Vedic hymns contains truth. But the impression is produced by -the hymns to the same deity being commonly grouped together in each -book. A similar effect would probably arise from reading in succession -twenty or thirty lyrics on Spring, even in an anthology of the best -modern poetry. When we consider that nearly five hundred hymns of the -Rigveda are addressed to two deities alone, it is surprising that so -many variations of the same theme should be possible. - -The hymns of the Rigveda being mainly invocations of the gods, their -contents are largely mythological. Special interest attaches to this -mythology, because it represents an earlier stage of thought than -is to be found in any other literature. It is sufficiently primitive -to enable us to see clearly the process of personification by which -natural phenomena developed into gods. Never observing, in his ordinary -life, action or movement not caused by an acting or moving person, -the Vedic Indian, like man in a much less advanced state, still -refers such occurrences in Nature to personal agents, which to him -are inherent in the phenomena. He still looks out upon the workings of -Nature with childlike astonishment. One poet asks why the sun does not -fall from the sky; another wonders where the stars go by day; while a -third marvels that the waters of all rivers constantly flowing into it -never fill the ocean. The unvarying regularity of sun and moon, and the -unfailing recurrence of the dawn, however, suggested to these ancient -singers the idea of the unchanging order that prevails in Nature. The -notion of this general law, recognised under the name rita (properly -the "course" of things), we find in the Rigveda extended first to the -fixed rules of the sacrifice (rite), and then to those of morality -(right). Though the mythological phase presented by the Rigveda is -comparatively primitive, it yet contains many conceptions inherited -from previous ages. The parallels of the Avesta show that several of -the Vedic deities go back to the time when the ancestors of Persians -and Indians were still one people. Among these may be mentioned Yama, -god of the dead, identical with Yima, ruler of paradise, and especially -Mitra, the cult of whose Persian counterpart, Mithra, obtained from -200-400 A.D. a world-wide diffusion in the Roman Empire, and came -nearer to monotheism than the cult of any other god in paganism. - -Various religious practices can also be traced back to that early -age, such as the worship of fire and the cult of the plant Soma -(the Avestan Haoma). The veneration of the cow, too, dates from that -time. A religious hymn poetry must have existed even then, for stanzas -of four eleven-syllable (the Vedic trishtubh) and of four or three -eight-syllable lines (anushtubh and gayatri) were already known, -as is proved by the agreement of the Avesta with the Rigveda. - -From the still earlier Indo-European period had come down the general -conception of "god" (deva-s, Lat. deu-s) and that of heaven as a divine -father (Dyaus pita, Gr. Zeus pater, Lat. Jupiter). Probably from an -even remoter antiquity is derived the notion of heaven and earth as -primeval and universal parents, as well as many magical beliefs. - -The universe appeared to the poets of the Rigveda to be divided -into the three domains of earth, air, and heaven, a division perhaps -also known to the early Greeks. This is the favourite triad of the -Rigveda, constantly mentioned expressly or by implication. The solar -phenomena are referred to heaven, while those of lightning, rain, and -wind belong to the air. In the three worlds the various gods perform -their actions, though they are supposed to dwell only in the third, -the home of light. The air is often called a sea, as the abode of -the celestial waters, while the great rainless clouds are conceived -sometimes as rocks or mountains, sometimes as the castles of demons -who war against the gods. The thundering rain-clouds become lowing -cows, whose milk is shed and bestows fatness upon the earth. - -The higher gods of the Rigveda are almost entirely personifications -of natural phenomena, such as Sun, Dawn, Fire, Wind. Excepting -a few deities surviving from an older period, the gods are, for -the most part, more or less clearly connected with their physical -foundation. The personifications being therefore but slightly -developed, lack definiteness of outline and individuality of -character. Moreover, the phenomena themselves which are behind the -personifications have few distinctive traits, while they share some -attributes with other phenomena belonging to the same domain. Thus -Dawn, Sun, Fire have the common features of being luminous, dispelling -darkness, appearing in the morning. Hence the character of each -god is made up of only a few essential qualities combined with many -others which are common to all the gods, such as brilliance, power, -beneficence, and wisdom. These common attributes tend to obscure those -which are distinctive, because in hymns of prayer and praise the former -naturally assume special importance. Again, gods belonging to different -departments of nature, but having striking features in common, are apt -to grow more like each other. Assimilation of this kind is encouraged -by a peculiar practice of the Vedic poets--the invocation of deities -in pairs. Such combinations result in attributes peculiar to the one -god attaching themselves to the other, even when the latter appears -alone. Thus when the Fire-god, invoked by himself, is called a slayer -of the demon Vritra, he receives an attribute distinctive of the -thunder-god Indra, with whom he is often coupled. The possibility of -assigning nearly every power to every god rendered the identification -of one deity with another an easy matter. Such identifications are -frequent enough in the Rigveda. For example, a poet addressing the -fire-god exclaims: "Thou at thy birth, O Agni, art Varuna; when kindled -thou becomest Mitra; in thee, O Son of Might, all gods are centred; -thou art Indra to the worshipper" (v. 3, 1). - -Moreover, mystical speculations on the nature of Agni, so important -a god in the eyes of a priesthood devoted to a fire-cult, on his -many manifestations as individual fires on earth, and on his other -aspects as atmospheric fire in lightning and as celestial fire in -the sun--aspects which the Vedic poets are fond of alluding to in -riddles--would suggest the idea that various deities are but different -forms of a single divine being. This idea is found in more than one -passage of the later hymns of the Rigveda. Thus the composer of a -recent hymn (164) of the first book says: "The one being priests speak -of in many ways; they call it Agni, Yama, Matariçvan." Similarly, a -seer of the last book (x. 114) remarks: "Priests and poets with words -make into many the bird (i.e. the sun) which is but one." Utterances -like these show that by the end of the Rigvedic period the polytheism -of the Rishis had received a monotheistic tinge. - -Occasionally we even find shadowed forth the pantheistic idea of a -deity representing not only all the gods, but Nature as well. Thus -the goddess Aditi is identified with all the deities, with men, -with all that has been and shall be born, with air, and heaven -(i. 89); and in a cosmogonic hymn (x. 121) the Creator is not only -described as the one god above all gods, but is said [3] to embrace -all things. This germ of pantheism developed through the later Vedic -literature till it assumed its final shape in the Vedanta philosophy, -still the most popular system of the Hindus. - -The practice of the poets, even in the older parts of the Rigveda, of -invoking different gods as if each of them were paramount, gave rise to -Professor Max Müller's theory of Henotheism or Kathenotheism, according -to which the seers held "the belief in individual gods alternately -regarded as the highest," and for the moment treated the god addressed -as if he were an absolutely independent and supreme deity, alone -present to the mind. In reality, however, the practice of the poets -of the Rigveda hardly amounts to more than the exaggeration--to be -found in the Homeric hymns also--with which a singer would naturally -magnify the particular god whom he is invoking. For the Rishis well -knew the exact position of each god in the Soma ritual, in which -nearly every member of the pantheon found a place. - -The gods, in the view of the Vedic poets, had a beginning; for they are -described as the offspring of heaven and earth, or sometimes of other -gods. This in itself implies different generations, but earlier gods -are also expressly referred to in several passages. Nor were the gods -regarded as originally immortal; for immortality is said to have been -bestowed upon them by individual deities, such as Agni and Savitri, -or to have been acquired by drinking soma. Indra and other gods are -spoken of as unaging, but whether their immortality was regarded by -the poets as absolute there is no evidence to show. In the post-Vedic -view it was only relative, being limited to a cosmic age. - -The physical aspect of the Vedic gods is anthropomorphic. Thus head, -face, eyes, arms, hands, feet, and other portions of the human -frame are ascribed to them. But their forms are shadowy and their -limbs or parts are often simply meant figuratively to describe their -activities. Thus the tongue and limbs of the fire-god are merely his -flames; the arms of the sun-god are simply his rays, while his eye -only represents the solar orb. Since the outward shape of the gods was -thus vaguely conceived, while their connection with natural phenomena -was in many instances still evident, it is easy to understand why no -mention is made in the Rigveda of images of the gods, still less of -temples, which imply the existence of images. Idols first begin to -be referred to in the Sutras. - -Some of the gods appear equipped as warriors, wearing coats of mail -and helmets, and armed with spears, battle-axes, bows and arrows. They -all drive through the air in luminous cars, generally drawn by horses, -but in some cases by kine, goats, or deer. In their cars the gods -come to seat themselves at the sacrifice, which, however, is also -conveyed to them in heaven by Agni. They are on the whole conceived -as dwelling together in harmony; the only one who ever introduces a -note of discord being the warlike and overbearing Indra. - -To the successful and therefore optimistic Vedic Indian, the gods -seemed almost exclusively beneficent beings, bestowers of long life -and prosperity. Indeed, the only deity in whom injurious features are -at all prominent is Rudra. The lesser evils closely connected with -human life, such as disease, proceed from minor demons, while the -greater evils manifested in Nature, such as drought and darkness, are -produced by powerful demons like Vritra. The conquest of these demons -brings out all the more strikingly the beneficent nature of the gods. - -The character of the Vedic gods is also moral. They are "true" and -"not deceitful," being throughout the friends and guardians of honesty -and virtue. But the divine morality only reflects the ethical standard -of an early civilisation. Thus even the alliance of Varuna, the most -moral of the gods, with righteousness is not such as to prevent him -from employing craft against the hostile and the deceitful man. Moral -elevation is, on the whole, a less prominent characteristic of the -gods than greatness and power. - -The relation of the worshipper to the gods in the Rigveda is in -general one of dependence on their will, prayers and sacrifices -being offered to win their favour or forgiveness. The expectation -of something in return for the offering is, however, frequently -apparent, and the keynote of many a hymn is, "I give to thee that -thou mayst give to me." The idea is also often expressed that the -might and valour of the gods is produced by hymns, sacrifices, and -especially offerings of soma. Here we find the germs of sacerdotal -pretensions which gradually increased during the Vedic age. Thus the -statement occurs in the White Yajurveda that the Brahman who possesses -correct knowledge has the gods in his power. The Brahmanas go a step -farther in saying that there are two kinds of gods, the Devas and the -Brahmans, the latter of whom are to be held as deities among men. In -the Brahmanas, too, the sacrifice is represented as all-powerful, -controlling not only the gods, but the very processes of nature. - -The number of the gods is stated in the Rigveda itself to be -thirty-three, several times expressed as thrice eleven, when each -group is regarded as corresponding to one of the divisions of the -threefold universe. This aggregate could not always have been deemed -exhaustive, for sometimes other gods are mentioned in addition to the -thirty-three. Nor can this number, of course, include various groups, -such as the storm-gods. - -There are, however, hardly twenty individual deities important -enough in the Rigveda to have at least three entire hymns addressed -to them. The most prominent of these are Indra, the thunder-god, -with at least 250 hymns, Agni with about 200, and Soma with over 100; -while Parjanya, god of rain, and Yama, god of the dead, are invoked -in only three each. The rest occupy various positions between these -two extremes. It is somewhat remarkable that the two great deities -of modern Hinduism, Vishnu and Çiva, who are equal in importance, -should have been on the same level, though far below the leading -deities, three thousand years ago, as Vishnu and Rudra (the earlier -form of Çiva) in the Rigveda. Even then they show the same general -characteristics as now, Vishnu being specially benevolent and Rudra -terrible. - -The oldest among the gods of heaven is Dyaus (identical with the Greek -Zeus). This personification of the sky as a god never went beyond a -rudimentary stage in the Rigveda, being almost entirely limited to the -idea of paternity. Dyaus is generally coupled with Prithivi, Earth, -the pair being celebrated in six hymns as universal parents. In a -few passages Dyaus is called a bull, ruddy and bellowing downwards, -with reference to the fertilising power of rain no less than to the -lightning and thundering heavens. He is also once compared with a -black steed decked with pearls, in obvious allusion to the nocturnal -star-spangled sky. One poet describes this god as furnished with -a bolt, while another speaks of him as "Dyaus smiling through the -clouds," meaning the lightening sky. In several other passages of -the Rigveda the verb "to smile" (smi) alludes to lightning, just as -in classical Sanskrit a smile is constantly compared with objects of -dazzling whiteness. - -A much more important deity of the sky is Varuna, in whom the -personification has proceeded so far that the natural phenomenon which -underlies it can only be inferred from traits in his character. This -obscurity of origin arises partly from his not being a creation of -Indian mythology, but a heritage from an earlier age, and partly -from his name not at the same time designating a natural phenomenon, -like that of Dyaus. The word varuna-s seems to have originally -meant the "encompassing" sky, and is probably the same word as the -Greek Ouranos, though the identification presents some phonetic -difficulties. Varuna is invoked in far fewer hymns than Indra, Agni, -or Soma, but he is undoubtedly the greatest of the Vedic gods by the -side of Indra. While Indra is the great warrior, Varuna is the great -upholder of physical and moral order (rita). The hymns addressed to -him are more ethical and devout in tone than any others. They form -the most exalted portion of the Veda, often resembling in character -the Hebrew psalms. The peaceful sway of Varuna is explained by his -connection with the regularly recurring celestial phenomena, the -course of the heavenly bodies seen in the sky; Indra's warlike and -occasionally capricious nature is accounted for by the variable and -uncertain strife of the elements in the thunderstorm. The character -and power of Varuna may be sketched as nearly as possible in the -words of the Vedic poets themselves as follows. By the law of Varuna -heaven and earth are held apart. He made the golden swing (the sun) to -shine in heaven. He has made a wide path for the sun. The wind which -resounds through the air is Varuna's breath. By his ordinances the -moon shining brightly moves at night, and the stars placed up on high -are seen at night but disappear by day. He causes the rivers to flow; -they stream unceasingly according to his ordinance. By his occult -power the rivers swiftly pouring into the ocean do not fill it with -water. He makes the inverted cask to pour its waters and to moisten -the ground, while the mountains are wrapt in cloud. It is chiefly with -these aërial waters that he is connected, very rarely with the sea. - -Varuna's omniscience is often dwelt on. He knows the flight of the -birds in the sky, the path of ships in the ocean, the course of -the far-travelling wind. He beholds all the secret things that have -been or shall be done. He witnesses men's truth and falsehood. No -creature can even wink without him. As a moral governor Varuna stands -far above any other deity. His wrath is roused by sin, which is the -infringement of his ordinances, and which he severely punishes. The -fetters with which he binds sinners are often mentioned. A dispeller, -hater, and punisher of falsehood, he is gracious to the penitent. He -releases men not only from the sins which they themselves commit, -but from those committed by their fathers. He spares the suppliant -who daily transgresses his laws, and is gracious to those who have -broken his ordinances by thoughtlessness. There is, in fact, no hymn -to Varuna in which the prayer for forgiveness of guilt does not occur, -as in the hymns to other deities the prayer for worldly goods. - -With the growth of the conception of the creator, Prajapati, as -a supreme deity, the characteristics of Varuna as a sovereign god -naturally faded away, and the dominion of waters, only a part of his -original sphere, alone remained. This is already partly the case in -the Atharva-veda, and in post-Vedic mythology he is only an Indian -Neptune, god of the sea. - -The following stanzas from a hymn to Varuna (vii. 89) will illustrate -the spirit of the prayers addressed to him:-- - - - May I not yet, King Varuna, - Go down into the house of clay: - Have mercy, spare me, mighty Lord. - - Thirst has come on thy worshipper - Though standing in the waters' midst: [4] - Have mercy, spare me, mighty Lord. - - O Varuna, whatever the offence may be - That we as men commit against the heavenly folk - When through our want of thought we violate thy laws, - Chastise us not, O God, for that iniquity. - - -There are in the Rigveda five solar deities, differentiated as -representing various aspects of the activity of the sun. One of the -oldest of these, Mitra, the "Friend," seems to have been conceived as -the beneficent side of the sun's power. Going back to the Indo-Iranian -period, he has in the Rigveda almost entirely lost his individuality, -which is practically merged in that of Varuna. With the latter he is -constantly invoked, while only one single hymn (iii. 59) is addressed -to him alone. - -Surya (cognate in name to the Greek Helios) is the most concrete -of the solar deities. For as his name also designates the luminary -itself, his connection with the latter is never lost sight of. The -eye of Surya is often mentioned, and Dawn is said to bring the eye -of the gods. All-seeing, he is the spy of the whole world, beholding -all beings and the good or bad deeds of mortals. Aroused by Surya, men -pursue their objects and perform their work. He is the soul or guardian -of all that moves and is fixed. He rides in a car, which is generally -described as drawn by seven steeds. These he unyokes at sunset:-- - - - When he has loosed his coursers from their station, - Straightway Night over all spreads out her garment (i. 115, 4). - - -Surya rolls up the darkness like a skin, and the stars slink away like -thieves. He shines forth from the lap of the dawns. He is also spoken -of as the husband of Dawn. As a form of Agni, the gods placed him in -heaven. He is often described as a bird or eagle traversing space. He -measures the days and prolongs life. He drives away disease and evil -dreams. At his rising he is prayed to declare men sinless to Mitra and -Varuna. All beings depend on Surya, and so he is called "all-creating." - -Eleven hymns, or about the same number as to Surya, are addressed to -another solar deity, Savitri, the "Stimulator," who represents the -quickening activity of the sun. He is pre-eminently a golden deity, -with golden hands and arms and a golden car. He raises aloft his -strong golden arms, with which he blesses and arouses all beings, -and which extend to the ends of the earth. He moves in his golden car, -seeing all creatures, on a downward and an upward path. He shines after -the path of the dawn. Beaming with the rays of the sun, yellow-haired, -Savitri raises up his light continually from the east. He removes evil -dreams and drives away demons and sorcerers. He bestows immortality -on the gods as well as length of life on man. He also conducts the -departed spirit to where the righteous dwell. The other gods follow -Savitri's lead; no being, not even the most powerful gods, Indra -and Varuna, can resist his will and independent sway. Savitri is not -infrequently connected with the evening, being in one hymn (ii. 38) -extolled as the setting sun:-- - - - Borne by swift coursers, he will now unyoke them: - The speeding chariot he has stayed from going. - He checks the speed of them that glide like serpents: - Night has come on by Savitri's commandment. - The weaver rolls her outstretched web together, - The skilled lay down their work in midst of toiling, - The birds all seek their nests, their shed the cattle: - Each to his lodging Savitri disperses. - - -To this god is addressed the most famous stanza of the Rigveda, -with which, as the Stimulator, he was in ancient times invoked at -the beginning of Vedic study, and which is still repeated by every -orthodox Hindu in his morning prayers. From the name of the deity -it is called the Savitri, but it is also often referred to as "the -Gayatri," from the metre in which it is composed:-- - - - May we attain that excellent - Glory of Savitri the god, - That he may stimulate our thoughts (iii. 62, 10). - - -A peculiarity of the hymns to Savitri is the perpetual play on his name -with forms of the root su, "to stimulate," from which it is derived. - -Pushan is invoked in some eight hymns of the Rigveda. His name means -"Prosperer," and the conception underlying his character seems to -be the beneficent power of the sun, manifested chiefly as a pastoral -deity. His car is drawn by goats and he carries a goad. Knowing the -ways of heaven, he conducts the dead on the far path to the fathers. He -is also a guardian of roads, protecting cattle and guiding them with -his goad. The welfare which he bestows results from the protection he -extends to men and cattle on earth, and from his guidance of mortals -to the abodes of bliss in the next world. - -Judged by a statistical standard, Vishnu is only a deity of the fourth -rank, less frequently invoked than Surya, Savitri, and Pushan in -the Rigveda, but historically he is the most important of the solar -deities. For he is one of the two great gods of modern Hinduism. The -essential feature of his character is that he takes three strides, -which doubtless represent the course of the sun through the three -divisions of the universe. His highest step is heaven, where the gods -and the fathers dwell. For this abode the poet expresses his longing -in the following words (i. 154, 5):-- - - - May I attain to that, his well-loved dwelling, - Where men devoted to the gods are blessèd: - In Vishnu's highest step--he is our kinsman, - Of mighty stride--there is a spring of nectar. - - -Vishnu seems to have been originally conceived as the sun, not in -his general character, but as the personified swiftly moving luminary -which with vast strides traverses the three worlds. He is in several -passages said to have taken his three steps for the benefit of man. - -To this feature may be traced the myth of the Brahmanas in which Vishnu -appears in the form of a dwarf as an artifice to recover the earth, -now in the possession of demons, by taking his three strides. His -character for benevolence was in post-Vedic mythology developed in -the doctrine of the Avatars ("descents" to earth) or incarnations -which he assumed for the good of humanity. - -Ushas, goddess of dawn, is almost the only female deity to whom entire -hymns are addressed, and the only one invoked with any frequency. She, -however, is celebrated in some twenty hymns. The name, meaning the -"Shining One," is cognate to the Latin Aurora and the Greek Eos. When -the goddess is addressed, the physical phenomenon of dawn is never -absent from the poet's mind. The fondness with which the thoughts of -these priestly singers turned to her alone among the goddesses, though -she received no share in the offering of soma like the other gods, -seems to show that the glories of the dawn, more splendid in Northern -India than those we are wont to see, deeply impressed the minds of -these early poets. In any case, she is their most graceful creation, -the charm of which is unsurpassed in the descriptive religious lyrics -of any other literature. Here there are no priestly subtleties to -obscure the brightness of her form, and few allusions to the sacrifice -to mar the natural beauty of the imagery. - -To enable the reader to estimate the merit of this poetry I will -string together some utterances about the Dawn goddess, culled from -various hymns, and expressed as nearly as possible in the words of -their composers. Ushas is a radiant maiden, born in the sky, daughter -of Dyaus. She is the bright sister of dark Night. She shines with -the light of her lover, with the light of Surya, who beams after -her path and follows her as a young man a maiden. She is borne on -a brilliant car, drawn by ruddy steeds or kine. Arraying herself in -gay attire like a dancer, she displays her bosom. Clothed upon with -light, the maiden appears in the east and unveils her charms. Rising -resplendent as from a bath, she shows her form. Effulgent in peerless -beauty, she withholds her light from neither small nor great. She -opens wide the gates of heaven; she opens the doors of darkness, -as the cows (issue from) their stall. Her radiant beams appear -like herds of cattle. She removes the black robe of night, warding -off evil spirits and the hated darkness. She awakens creatures that -have feet, and makes the birds fly up: she is the breath and life of -everything. When Ushas shines forth, the birds fly up from their nests -and men seek nourishment. She is the radiant mover of sweet sounds, -the leader of the charm of pleasant voices. Day by day appearing at -the appointed place, she never infringes the rule of order and of the -gods; she goes straight along the path of order; knowing the way, -she never loses her direction. As she shone in former days, so she -shines now and will shine in future, never aging, immortal. - -The solitude and stillness of the early morning sometimes suggested -pensive thoughts about the fleeting nature of human life in contrast -with the unending recurrence of the dawn. Thus one poet exclaims:-- - - - Gone are the mortals who in former ages - Beheld the flushing of the earlier morning. - We living men now look upon her shining; - They are coming who shall in future see her (i. 113, 11). - - -In a similar strain another Rishi sings:-- - - - Again and again newly born though ancient, - Decking her beauty with the self-same colours, - The goddess wastes away the life of mortals, - Like wealth diminished by the skilful player (i. 92, 10). - - -The following stanzas from one of the finest hymns to Dawn (i. 113) -furnish a more general picture of this fairest creation of Vedic -poetry:-- - - - This light has come, of all the lights the fairest, - The brilliant brightness has been born, far-shining. - Urged onward for god Savitri's uprising, - Night now has yielded up her place to Morning. - - The sisters' pathway is the same, unending: - Taught by the gods, alternately they tread it. - Fair-shaped, of different forms and yet one-minded, - Night and Morning clash not, nor do they linger. - - Bright leader of glad sounds, she shines effulgent: - Widely she has unclosed for us her portals. - Arousing all the world, she shows us riches: - Dawn has awakened every living creature. - - There Heaven's Daughter has appeared before us, - The maiden flushing in her brilliant garments. - Thou sovran lady of all earthly treasure, - Auspicious Dawn, flush here to-day upon us. - - In the sky's framework she has shone with splendour; - The goddess has cast off the robe of darkness. - Wakening up the world with ruddy horses, - Upon her well-yoked chariot Dawn is coming. - - Bringing upon it many bounteous blessings, - Brightly shining, she spreads her brilliant lustre. - Last of the countless mornings that have gone by, - First of bright morns to come has Dawn arisen. - - Arise! the breath, the life, again has reached us: - Darkness has gone away and light is coming. - She leaves a pathway for the sun to travel: - We have arrived where men prolong existence. - - -Among the deities of celestial light, those most frequently invoked are -the twin gods of morning named Açvins. They are the sons of Heaven, -eternally young and handsome. They ride on a car, on which they are -accompanied by the sun-maiden Surya. This car is bright and sunlike, -and all its parts are golden. The time when these gods appear is the -early dawn, when "darkness still stands among the ruddy cows." At -the yoking of their car Ushas is born. - -Many myths are told about the Açvins as succouring divinities. They -deliver from distress in general, especially rescuing from the ocean -in a ship or ships. They are characteristically divine physicians, -who give sight to the blind and make the lame to walk. One very -curious myth is that of the maiden Viçpala, who having had her leg -cut off in some conflict, was at once furnished by the Açvins with an -iron limb. They agree in many respects with the two famous horsemen -of Greek mythology, the Dioskouroi, sons of Zeus and brothers of -Helen. The two most probable theories as to the origin of these twin -deities are, that they represent either the twilight, half dark, -half light, or the morning and evening star. - -In the realm of air Indra is the dominant deity. He is, indeed, -the favourite and national god of the Vedic Indian. His importance -is sufficiently indicated by the fact that more than one-fourth of -the Rigveda is devoted to his praise. Handed down from a bygone age, -Indra has become more anthropomorphic and surrounded by mythological -imagery than any other Vedic god. The significance of his character -is nevertheless sufficiently clear. He is primarily the thunder-god, -the conquest of the demon of drought or darkness named Vritra, the -"Obstructor," and the consequent liberation of the waters or the -winning of light, forming his mythological essence. This myth furnishes -the Rishis with an ever-recurring theme. Armed with his thunderbolt, -exhilarated by copious draughts of soma, and generally escorted by -the Maruts or Storm-gods, Indra enters upon the fray. The conflict is -terrible. Heaven and earth tremble with fear when Indra smites Vritra -like a tree with his bolt. He is described as constantly repeating -the combat. This obviously corresponds to the perpetual renewal of -the natural phenomena underlying the myth. The physical elements in -the thunderstorm are seldom directly mentioned by the poets when -describing the exploits of Indra. He is rarely said to shed rain, -but constantly to release the pent-up waters or rivers. The lightning -is regularly the "bolt," while thunder is the lowing of the cows or -the roaring of the dragon. The clouds are designated by various names, -such as cow, udder, spring, cask, or pail. They are also rocks (adri), -which encompass the cows set free by Indra. They are further mountains -from which Indra casts down the demons dwelling upon them. They -thus often become fortresses (pur) of the demons, which are ninety, -ninety-nine, or a hundred in number, and are variously described as -"moving," "autumnal," "made of iron or stone." One stanza (x. 89, 7) -thus brings together the various features of the myth: "Indra slew -Vritra, broke the castles, made a channel for the rivers, pierced -the mountain, and delivered over the cows to his friends." Owing to -the importance of the Vritra myth, the chief and specific epithet of -Indra is Vritrahan, "slayer of Vritra." The following stanzas are from -one of the most graphic of the hymns which celebrate the conflict of -Indra with the demon (i. 32):-- - - - I will proclaim the manly deeds of Indra, - The first that he performed, the lightning-wielder. - He smote the dragon, then discharged the waters, - And cleft the caverns of the lofty mountains. - - Impetuous as a bull, he chose the soma, - And drank in threefold vessels of its juices. - The Bounteous god grasped lightning for his missile, - He struck down dead that first-born of the dragons. - - Him lightning then availèd naught, nor thunder, - Nor mist nor hailstorm which he spread around him: - When Indra and the dragon strove in battle, - The Bounteous god gained victory for ever. - - Plunged in the midst of never-ceasing torrents, - That stand not still but ever hasten onward, - The waters bear off Vritra's hidden body: - Indra's fierce foe sank down to lasting darkness. - - -With the liberation of the waters is connected the winning of light -and the sun. Thus we read that when Indra had slain the dragon Vritra -with his bolt, releasing the waters for man, he placed the sun visibly -in the heavens, or that the sun shone forth when Indra blew the dragon -from the air. - -Indra naturally became the god of battle, and is more frequently -invoked than any other deity as a helper in conflicts with earthly -enemies. In the words of one poet, he protects the Aryan colour -(varna) and subjects the black skin; while another extols him for -having dispersed 50,000 of the black race and rent their citadels. His -combats are frequently called gavishti, "desire of cows," his gifts -being considered the result of victories. - -The following stanzas (ii. 12, 2 and 13) will serve as a specimen of -the way in which the greatness of Indra is celebrated:-- - - - Who made the widespread earth when quaking steadfast, - Who brought to rest the agitated mountains. - Who measured out air's intermediate spaces, - Who gave the sky support: he, men, is Indra. - - Heaven and earth themselves bow down before him, - Before his might the very mountains tremble. - Who, known as Soma-drinker, armed with lightning, - Is wielder of the bolt: he, men, is Indra. - - -To the more advanced anthropomorphism of Indra's nature are due -the occasional immoral traits which appear in his character. Thus -he sometimes indulges in acts of capricious violence, such as the -slaughter of his father or the destruction of the car of Dawn. He -is especially addicted to soma, of which he is described as drinking -enormous quantities to stimulate him in the performance of his warlike -exploits. One entire hymn (x. 119) consists of a monologue in which -Indra, inebriated with soma, boasts of his greatness and power. Though -of little poetic merit, this piece has a special interest as being -by far the earliest literary description of the mental effects, -braggadocio in particular, produced by intoxication. In estimating -the morality of Indra's excesses, it should not be forgotten that the -exhilaration of soma partook of a religious character in the eyes of -the Vedic poets. - -Indra's name is found in the Avesta as that of a demon. His -distinctive Vedic epithet, Vritrahan, also occurs there in the form -of verethraghna, as a designation of the god of victory. Hence there -was probably in the Indo-Iranian period a god approaching to the -Vedic form of the Vritra-slaying and victorious Indra. - -In comparing historically Varuna and Indra, whose importance was -about equal in the earlier period of the Rigveda, it seems clear that -Varuna was greater in the Indo-Iranian period, but became inferior -to Indra in later Vedic times. Indra, on the other hand, became in -the Brahmanas and Epics the chief of the Indian heaven, and even -maintained this position under the Puranic triad, Brahma-Vishnu-Çiva, -though of course subordinate to them. - -At least three of the lesser deities of the air are connected with -lightning. One of these is the somewhat obscure god Trita, who is -only mentioned in detached verses of the Rigveda. The name appears -to designate the "third" (Greek, trito-s), as the lightning form of -fire. His frequent epithet, Aptya, seems to mean the "watery." This god -goes back to the Indo-Iranian period, as both his name and his epithet -are found in the Avesta. But he was gradually ousted by Indra as being -originally almost identical in character with the latter. Another -deity of rare occurrence in the Rigveda, and also dating from the -Indo-Iranian period, is Apam napat, the "Son of Waters." He is -described as clothed in lightning and shining without fuel in the -waters. There can, therefore, be little doubt that he represents fire -as produced from the rain-clouds in the form of lightning. Matariçvan, -seldom mentioned in the Rigveda, is a divine being described as having, -like the Greek Prometheus, brought down the hidden fire from heaven to -earth. He most probably represents the personification of a celestial -form of Agni, god of fire, with whom he is in some passages actually -identified. In the later Vedas, the Brahmanas, and the subsequent -literature, the name has become simply a designation of wind. - -The position occupied by the god Rudra in the Rigveda is very -different from that of his historical successor in a later age. He is -celebrated in only three or four hymns, while his name is mentioned -slightly less often than that of Vishnu. He is usually said to be -armed with bow and arrows, but a lightning shaft and a thunderbolt -are also occasionally assigned to him. He is described as fierce -and destructive like a wild beast, and is called "the ruddy boar -of heaven." The hymns addressed to him chiefly express fear of his -terrible shafts and deprecation of his wrath. His malevolence is -still more prominent in the later Vedic literature. The euphemistic -epithet Çiva, "auspicious," already applied to him in the Rigveda, -and more frequently, though not exclusively, in the younger Vedas, -became his regular name in the post-Vedic period. Rudra is, of course, -not purely malevolent like a demon. He is besought not only to preserve -from calamity but to bestow blessings and produce welfare for man -and beast. His healing powers are mentioned with especial frequency, -and he is lauded as the greatest of physicians. - -Prominent among the gods of the Rigveda are the Maruts or Storm-gods, -who form a group of thrice seven or thrice sixty. They are the sons -of Rudra and the mottled cloud-cow Priçni. At birth they are compared -with fires, and are once addressed as "born from the laughter of -lightning." They are a troop of youthful warriors armed with spears -or battle-axes and wearing helmets upon their heads. They are decked -with golden ornaments, chiefly in the form of armlets or of anklets:-- - - - They gleam with armlets as the heavens are decked with stars; - Like cloud-born lightnings shine the torrents of their rain - (ii. 34, 2). - - -They ride on golden cars which gleam with lightning, while they hold -fiery lightnings in their hands:-- - - - The lightnings smile upon the earth below them - What time the Maruts sprinkle forth their fatness.--(i. 168, 8). - - -They drive with coursers which are often described as spotted, and -they are once said to have yoked the winds as steeds to their pole. - -The Maruts are fierce and terrible, like lions or wild boars. With -the fellies of their car they rend the hills:-- - - - The Maruts spread the mist abroad, - And make the mountains rock and reel, - When with the winds they go their way (viii. 7, 4). - - -They shatter the lords of the forest and like wild elephants devour -the woods:-- - - - Before you, fierce ones, even woods bow down in fear, - The earth herself, the very mountain trembles (v. 60, 2). - - -One of their main functions is to shed rain. They are clad in a robe -of rain, and cover the eye of the sun with showers. They bedew the -earth with milk; they shed fatness (ghee); they milk the thundering, -the never-failing spring; they wet the earth with mead; they pour -out the heavenly pail:-- - - - The rivers echo to their chariot fellies - What time they utter forth the voice of rain-clouds.--(i. 168, 8). - - -In allusion to the sound of the winds the Maruts are often called -singers, and as such aid Indra in his fight with the demon. They are, -indeed, his constant associates in all his celestial conflicts. - -The God of Wind, called Vayu or Vata, is not a prominent deity in -the Rigveda, having only three entire hymns addressed to him. The -personification is more developed under the name of Vayu, who is -mostly associated with Indra, while Vata is coupled only with the less -anthropomorphic rain-god, Parjanya. Vayu is swift as thought and has -roaring velocity. He has a shining car drawn by a team or a pair of -ruddy steeds. On this car, which has a golden seat and touches the -sky, Indra is his companion. Vata, as also the ordinary designation -of wind, is celebrated in a more concrete manner. His name is often -connected with the verb va, "to blow," from which it is derived. Like -Rudra, he wafts healing and prolongs life; for he has the treasure of -immortality in his house. The poet of a short hymn (x. 168) devoted -to his praise thus describes him:-- - - - Of Vata's car I now will praise the greatness: - Crashing it speeds along; its noise is thunder. - Touching the sky, it goes on causing lightnings; - Scattering the dust of earth it hurries forward. - - In air upon his pathways hastening onward, - Never on any day he tarries resting. - The first-born order-loving friend of waters, - Where, pray, was he born? say, whence came he hither? - - The soul of gods, and of the world the offspring, - This god according to his liking wanders. - His sound is heard, but ne'er is seen his figure. - This Vata let us now with offerings worship. - - -Another deity of air is Parjanya, god of rain, who is invoked -in but three hymns, and is only mentioned some thirty times -in the Rigveda. The name in several passages still means simply -"rain-cloud." The personification is therefore always closely connected -with the phenomenon of the rain-storm, in which the rain-cloud itself -becomes an udder, a pail, or a water-skin. Often likened to a bull, -Parjanya is characteristically a shedder of rain. His activity is -described in very vivid strains (v. 83):-- - - - The trees he strikes to earth and smites the demon crew: - The whole world fears the wielder of the mighty bolt. - The guiltless man himself flees from the potent god, - What time Parjanya thund'ring smites the miscreant. - - Like a car-driver urging on his steeds with whips, - He causes to bound forth the messengers of rain. - From far away the lion's roar reverberates, - What time Parjanya fills the atmosphere with rain. - - Forth blow the winds, to earth the lightning flashes fall, - Up shoot the herbs, the realm of light with moisture streams; - Nourishment in abundance springs for all the world, - What time Parjanya quickeneth the earth with seed. - - Thunder and roar: the vital germ deposit! - With water-bearing chariot fly around us! - Thy water-skin unloosed to earth draw downward: - With moisture make the heights and hollows equal! - - -The Waters are praised as goddesses in four hymns of the Rigveda. The -personification, however, hardly goes beyond representing them as -mothers, young wives, and goddesses who bestow boons and come to the -sacrifice. As mothers they produce Agni, whose lightning form is, -as we have seen, called Apam Napat, "Son of Waters." The divine -waters bear away defilement, and are even invoked to cleanse from -moral guilt, the sins of violence, cursing, and lying. They bestow -remedies, healing, long life, and immortality. Soma delights in the -waters as a young man in lovely maidens; he approaches them as a lover; -they are maidens who bow down before the youth. - -Several rivers are personified and invoked as deities in the -Rigveda. One hymn (x. 75) celebrates the Sindhu or Indus, while -another (iii. 33) sings the praises of the sister streams Vipaç and -Çutudri. Sarasvati is, however, the most important river goddess, -being lauded in three entire hymns as well as in many detached -verses. The personification here goes much further than in the case -of other streams; but the poets never lose sight of the connection of -the goddess with the river. She is the best of mothers, of rivers, -and of goddesses. Her unfailing breast yields riches of every kind, -and she bestows wealth, plenty, nourishment, and offspring. One -poet prays that he may not be removed from her to fields which are -strange. She is invoked to descend from the sky, from the great -mountain, to the sacrifice. Such expressions may have suggested the -notion of the celestial origin and descent of the Ganges, familiar -to post-Vedic mythology. Though simply a river deity in the Rigveda, -Sarasvati is in the Brahmanas identified with Vach, goddess of speech, -and has in post-Vedic mythology become the goddess of eloquence and -wisdom, invoked as a muse, and regarded as the wife of Brahma. - -Earth, Prithivi, the Broad One, hardly ever dissociated from Dyaus, is -celebrated alone in only one short hymn of three stanzas (v. 84). Even -here the poet cannot refrain from introducing references to her -heavenly spouse as he addresses the goddess, - - - Who, firmly fixt, the forest trees - With might supportest in the ground: - When from the lightning of thy cloud - The rain-floods of the sky pour down. - - -The personification is only rudimentary, the attributes of the goddess -being chiefly those of the physical earth. - -The most important of the terrestrial deities is Agni, god of -fire. Next to Indra he is the most prominent of the Vedic gods, -being celebrated in more than 200 hymns. It is only natural that -the personification of the sacrificial fire, the centre around -which the ritual poetry of the Veda moves, should engross so much -of the attention of the Rishis. Agni being also the regular name -of the element (Latin, igni-s), the anthropomorphism of the deity -is but slight. The bodily parts of the god have a clear connection -with the phenomena of terrestrial fire mainly in its sacrificial -aspect. In allusion to the oblation of ghee cast in the fire, Agni -is "butter-backed," "butter-faced," or "butter-haired." He is also -"flame-haired," and has a tawny beard. He has sharp, shining, golden, -or iron teeth and burning jaws. Mention is also often made of his -tongue or tongues. He is frequently compared with or directly called -a steed, being yoked to the pole of the rite in order to waft the -sacrifice to the gods. He is also often likened to a bird, being winged -and darting with rapid flight to the gods. He eats and chews the forest -with sharp tooth. His lustre is like the rays of dawn or of the sun, -and resembles the lightnings of the rain-cloud; but his track and his -fellies are black, and his steeds make black furrows. Driven by the -wind, he rushes through the wood. He invades the forests and shears -the hairs of the earth, shaving it as a barber a beard. His flames -are like the roaring waves of the sea. He bellows like a bull when he -invades the forest trees; the birds are terrified at the noise when -his grass-devouring sparks arise. Like the erector of a pillar, he -supports the sky with his smoke; and one of his distinctive epithets -is "smoke-bannered." He is borne on a brilliant car, drawn by two -or more steeds, which are ruddy or tawny and wind-impelled. He yokes -them to summon the gods, for he is the charioteer of the sacrifice. - -The poets love to dwell on his various births, forms, and abodes. They -often refer to the daily generation of Agni by friction from the -two fire-sticks. These are his parents, producing him as a new-born -infant who is hard to catch. From the dry wood the god is born -living; the child as soon as born devours his parents. The ten -maidens said to produce him are the ten fingers used in twirling -the upright fire-drill. Agni is called "Son of strength" because -of the powerful friction necessary in kindling a flame. As the -fire is lit every morning for the sacrifice, Agni is described as -"waking at dawn." Hence, too, he is the "youngest" of the gods; -but he is also old, for he conducted the first sacrifice. Thus he -comes to be paradoxically called both "ancient" and "very young" -in the same passage. - -Agni also springs from the aërial waters, and is often said to -have been brought from heaven. Born on earth, in air, in heaven, -Agni is frequently regarded as having a triple character. The gods -made him threefold, his births are three, and he has three abodes -or dwellings. "From heaven first Agni was born, the second time from -us (i.e. men), thirdly in the waters." This earliest Indian trinity -is important as the basis of much of the mystical speculation of the -Vedic age. It was probably the prototype not only of the later Rigvedic -triad, Sun, Wind, Fire, spoken of as distributed in the three worlds, -but also of the triad Sun, Indra, Fire, which, though not Rigvedic, -is still ancient. It is most likely also the historical progenitor -of the later Hindu trinity of Brahma, Vishnu, Çiva. This triad of -fires may have suggested and would explain the division of a single -sacrificial fire into the three which form an essential feature of -the cult of the Brahmanas. - -Owing to the multiplicity of terrestrial fires, Agni is also said -to have many births; for he abides in every family, house, or -dwelling. Kindled in many spots, he is but one; scattered in many -places, he is one and the same king. Other fires are attached to him -as branches to a tree. He assumes various divine forms, and has many -names; but in him are comprehended all the gods, whom he surrounds -as a felly the spokes. Thus we find the speculations about Agni's -various forms leading to the monotheistic notion of a unity pervading -the many manifestations of the divine. - -Agni is an immortal who has taken up his abode among mortals; he is -constantly called a "guest" in human dwellings; and is the only god to -whom the frequent epithet grihapati, "lord of the house," is applied. - -As the conductor of sacrifice, Agni is repeatedly called both a -"messenger" who moves between heaven and earth and a priest. He is -indeed the great priest, just as Indra is the great warrior. - -Agni is, moreover, a mighty benefactor of his worshippers. With -a thousand eyes he watches over the man who offers him oblations; -but consumes his worshippers' enemies like dry bushes, and strikes -down the malevolent like a tree destroyed by lightning. All blessings -issue from him as branches from a tree. All treasures are collected -in him, and he opens the door of wealth. He gives rain from heaven -and is like a spring in the desert. The boons which he confers are, -however, chiefly domestic welfare, offspring, and general prosperity, -while Indra for the most part grants victory, booty, power, and glory. - -Probably the oldest function of fire in regard to its cult is that -of burning and dispelling evil spirits and hostile magic. It still -survives in the Rigveda from an earlier age, Agni being said to drive -away the goblins with his light and receiving the epithet rakshohan, -"goblin-slayer." This activity is at any rate more characteristic of -Agni than of any other deity, both in the hymns and in the ritual of -the Vedas. - -Since the soma sacrifice, beside the cult of fire, forms a main -feature in the ritual of the Rigveda, the god Soma is naturally one -of its chief deities. The whole of the ninth book, in addition to -a few scattered hymns elsewhere, is devoted to his praise. Thus, -judged by the standard of frequency of mention, Soma comes third in -order of importance among the Vedic gods. The constant presence of -the soma plant and its juice before their eyes set limits to the -imagination of the poets who describe its personification. Hence -little is said of Soma's human form or action. The ninth book mainly -consists of incantations sung over the soma while it is pressed by -the stones and flows through the woollen strainer into the wooden -vats, in which it is finally offered as a beverage to the gods on a -litter of grass. The poets are chiefly concerned with these processes, -overlaying them with chaotic imagery and mystical fancies of almost -infinite variety. When Soma is described as being purified by the -ten maidens who are sisters, or by the daughters of Vivasvat (the -rising sun), the ten fingers are meant. The stones used in pounding -the shoots on a skin "chew him on the hide of a cow." The flowing -of the juice into jars or vats after passing through the filter of -sheep's wool is described in various ways. The streams of soma rush -to the forest of the vats like buffaloes. The god flies like a bird -to settle in the vats. The Tawny One settles in the bowls like a bird -sitting on a tree. The juice being mixed with water in the vat, Soma -is said to rush into the lap of the waters like a roaring bull on the -herd. Clothing himself in waters, he rushes around the vat, impelled by -the singers. Playing in the wood, he is cleansed by the ten maidens. He -is the embryo or child of waters, which are called his mothers. When -the priests add milk to soma "they clothe him in cow-garments." - -The sound made by the soma juice flowing into the vats or bowls is -often referred to in hyperbolical language. Thus a poet says that "the -sweet drop flows over the filter like the din of combatants." This -sound is constantly described as roaring, bellowing, or occasionally -even thundering. In such passages Soma is commonly compared with or -called a bull, and the waters, with or without milk, are termed cows. - -Owing to the yellow colour of the juice, the physical quality of Soma -mainly dwelt upon by the poets is his brilliance. His rays are often -referred to, and he is frequently assimilated to the sun. - -The exhilarating and invigorating action of soma led to its being -regarded as a divine drink that bestows everlasting life. Hence -it is called amrita, the "immortal" draught (allied to the Greek -ambrosia). Soma is the stimulant which conferred immortality upon -the gods. Soma also places his worshipper in the imperishable world -where there is eternal light and glory, making him immortal where -King Yama dwells. Thus soma naturally has medicinal power also. It -is medicine for a sick man, and the god Soma heals whatever is sick, -making the blind to see and the lame to walk. - -Soma when imbibed stimulates the voice, which it impels as the rower -his boat. Soma also awakens eager thought, and the worshippers of the -god exclaim, "We have drunk soma, we have become immortal, we have -entered into light, we have known the gods." The intoxicating power -of soma is chiefly, and very frequently, dwelt on in connection with -Indra, whom it stimulates in his conflict with the hostile demons of -the air. - -Being the most important of herbs, soma is spoken of as lord of -plants or their king, receiving also the epithet vanaspati, "lord of -the forest." - -Soma is several times described as dwelling or growing on the -mountains, in accordance with the statements of the Avesta about -Haoma. Its true origin and abode is regarded as heaven, whence it has -been brought down to earth. This belief is most frequently embodied in -the myth of the soma-bringing eagle (çyena), which is probably only -the mythological account of the simple phenomenon of the descent of -lightning and the simultaneous fall of rain. - -In some of the latest hymns of the Rigveda Soma begins to be somewhat -obscurely identified with the moon. In the Atharva-veda Soma several -times means the moon, and in the Yajurveda Soma is spoken of as having -the lunar mansions for his wives. The identification is a commonplace -in the Brahmanas, which explain the waning of the moon as due to the -gods and fathers eating up the ambrosia of which it consists. In one -of the Upanishads, moreover, the statement occurs that the moon is -King Soma, the food of the gods, and is drunk up by them. Finally, -in post-Vedic literature Soma is a regular name of the moon, which is -regarded as being consumed by the gods, and consequently waning till -it is filled up again by the sun. This somewhat remarkable coalescence -of Soma with the moon doubtless sprang from the hyperbolical terms in -which the poets of the Rigveda dwell on Soma's celestial nature and -brilliance, which they describe as dispelling darkness. They sometimes -speak of it as swelling in the waters, and often refer to the sap as -a "drop" (indu). Comparisons with the moon would thus easily suggest -themselves. In one passage of the Rigveda, for instance, Soma in the -bowls is said to appear like the moon in the waters. The mystical -speculations with which the Soma poetry teems would soon complete -the symbolism. - -A comparison of the Avesta with the Rigveda shows clearly that soma -was already an important feature in the mythology and cult of the -Indo-Iranian age. In both it is described as growing on the mountains, -whence it is brought by birds; in both it is king of plants; in both -a medicine bestowing long life and removing death. In both the sap -was pressed and mixed with milk; in both its mythical home is heaven, -whence it comes down to earth; in both the draught has become a mighty -god; in both the celestial Soma is distinguished from the terrestrial, -the god from the beverage. The similarity goes so far that Soma and -Haoma have even some individual epithets in common. - -The evolution of thought in the Rigvedic period shows a tendency to -advance from the concrete to the abstract. One result of this tendency -is the creation of abstract deities, which, however, are still rare, -occurring for the most part in the last book only. A few of them are -deifications of abstract nouns, such as Çraddha "Faith," invoked in -one short hymn, and Manyu, "Wrath," in two. These abstractions grow -more numerous in the later Vedas. Thus Kama, "Desire," first appears -in the Atharva-veda, where the arrows with which he pierces hearts -are already referred to; he is the forerunner of the flower-arrowed -god of love, familiar in classical literature. More numerous is -the class of abstractions comprising deities whose names denote an -agent, such as Dhatri, "Creator," or an attribute, such as Prajapati, -"Lord of Creatures." These do not appear to be direct abstractions, -but seem to be derived from epithets designating a particular aspect -of activity or character, which at first applying to one or more -of the older deities, finally acquired an independent value. Thus -Prajapati, originally an epithet of such gods as Savitri and Soma, -occurs in a late verse of the last book as a distinct deity possessing -the attribute of a creator. This god is in the Atharva-veda and the -Vajasaneyi-Samhita often, and in the Brahmanas regularly, recognised -as the chief deity, the father of the gods. In the Sutras, Prajapati -is identified with Brahma, his successor in the post-Vedic age. - -A hymn of the tenth book furnishes an interesting illustration of the -curious way in which such abstractions sometimes come into being. Here -is one of the stanzas:-- - - - By whom the mighty sky, the earth so steadfast, - The realm of light, heaven's vault, has been established, - Who in the air the boundless space traverses: - What god should we with sacrifices worship? - - -The fourth line here is the refrain of nine successive stanzas, in -which the creator is referred to as unknown, with the interrogative -pronoun ka, "what?" This ka in the later Vedic literature came to be -employed not only as an epithet of the creator Prajapati, but even -as an independent name of the supreme god. - -A deity of an abstract character occurring in the oldest as well as -the latest parts of the Rigveda is Brihaspati, "Lord of Prayer." Roth -and other distinguished Vedic scholars regard him as a direct -personification of devotion. In the opinion of the present writer, -however, he is only an indirect deification of the sacrificial activity -of Agni, a god with whom he has undoubtedly much in common. Thus -the most prominent feature of his character is his priesthood. Like -Agni, he has been drawn into and has obtained a firm footing in the -Indra myth. Thus he is often described as driving out the cows after -vanquishing the demon Vala. As the divine brahma priest, Brihaspati -seems to have been the prototype of the god Brahma, chief of the later -Hindu trinity. But the name Brihaspati itself survived in post-Vedic -mythology as the designation of a sage, the teacher of the gods, -and regent of the planet Jupiter. - -Another abstraction, and one of a very peculiar kind, is the -goddess Aditi. Though not the subject of any separate hymn, she is -often incidentally celebrated. She has two, and only two, prominent -characteristics. She is, in the first place, the mother of the small -group of gods called Adityas, of whom Varuna is the chief. Secondly, -she has, like her son Varuna, the power of releasing from the bonds -of physical suffering and moral guilt. With the latter trait her -name, which means "unbinding," "freedom," is clearly connected. The -unpersonified sense seems to survive in a few passages of the -Rigveda. Thus a poet prays for the "secure and unlimited gift of -aditi." The origin of the abstraction is probably to be explained -as follows. The expression "sons of Aditi," which is several times -applied to the Adityas, when first used in all likelihood meant "sons -of liberation," to emphasise a salient trait of their character, -according to a turn of language common in the Rigveda. The feminine -word "liberation" (aditi) used in this connection would then have -become personified by a process which has more than one parallel in -Sanskrit. Thus Aditi, a goddess of Indian origin, is historically -younger than some at least of her sons, who can be traced back to a -pre-Indian age. - -Goddesses, as a whole, occupy a very subordinate position in Vedic -belief. They play hardly any part as rulers of the world. The only -one of any consequence is Ushas. The next in importance, Sarasvati, -ranks only with the least prominent of the male gods. One of the few, -besides Prithivi, to whom an entire hymn is addressed, is Ratri, -Night. Like her sister Dawn, with whom she is often coupled, she -is addressed as a daughter of the sky. She is conceived not as the -dark, but as the bright starlit night. Thus, in contrasting the twin -goddesses, a poet says, "One decks herself with stars, with sunlight -the other." The following stanzas are from the hymn addressed to Night -(x. 127):-- - - - Night coming on, the goddess shines - In many places with her eyes: - All-glorious she has decked herself. - - Immortal goddess, far and wide - She fills the valleys and the heights: - Darkness with light she overcomes. - - And now the goddess coming on - Has driven away her sister Dawn: - Far off the darkness hastes away. - - Thus, goddess, come to us to-day, - At whose approach we seek our homes, - As birds upon the tree their nest. - - The villagers have gone to rest, - Beasts, too, with feet and birds with wings: - The hungry hawk himself is still. - - Ward off the she-wolf and the wolf, - Ward off the robber, goddess Night: - And take us safe across the gloom. - - -Goddesses, as wives of the great gods, play a still more insignificant -part, being entirely devoid of independent character. Indeed, hardly -anything about them is mentioned but their names, which are simply -formed from those of their male consorts by means of feminine suffixes. - -A peculiar feature of Vedic mythology is the invocation in couples -of a number of deities whose names are combined in the form of dual -compounds. About a dozen such pairs are celebrated in entire hymns, -and some half-dozen others in detached stanzas. By far the greatest -number of such hymns is addressed to Mitra-Varuna, but the names -most often found combined in this way are those of Heaven and Earth -(Dyavaprithivi). There can be little doubt that the latter couple -furnished the analogy for this favourite formation. For the association -of this pair, traceable as far back as the Indo-European period, -appeared to early thought so intimate in nature, that the myth of -their conjugal union is found widely diffused among primitive peoples. - -Besides these pairs of deities there is a certain number of more -or less definite groups of divine beings generally associated with -some particular god. The largest and most important of these are the -Maruts or Storm-gods, who, as we have seen, constantly attend Indra -on his warlike exploits. The same group, under the name of Rudras, -is occasionally associated with their father Rudra. The smaller group -of the Adityas is constantly mentioned in company with their mother -Aditi, or their chief Varuna. Their number in two passages of the -Rigveda is stated as seven or eight, while in the Brahmanas and later -it is regularly twelve. Some eight or ten hymns of the Rigveda are -addressed to them collectively. The following lines are taken from one -(viii. 47) in which their aid and protection is specially invoked:-- - - - As birds extend their sheltering wings, - Spread your protection over us. - - As charioteers avoid ill roads, - May dangers always pass us by. - - Resting in you, O gods, we are - Like men that fight in coats of mail. - - Look down on us, O Adityas, - Like spies observing from the bank: - - Lead us to paths of pleasantness, - Like horses to an easy ford. - - -A third and much less important group is that of the Vasus, mostly -associated with Indra in the Rigveda, though in later Vedic texts -Agni becomes their leader. They are a vague group, for they are not -characterised, having neither individual names nor any definite -number. The Brahmanas, however, mention eight of them. Finally, -there are the Viçvedevas or All-gods, to whom some sixty hymns are -addressed. It is a factitious sacrificial group meant to embrace the -whole pantheon in order that none should be excluded in invocations -intended to be addressed to all. Strange to say, the All-gods are -sometimes conceived as a narrower group, which is invoked with others -like the Vasus and Adityas. - -Besides the higher gods the Rigveda knows a number of mythical beings -not regarded as possessing the divine nature to the full extent and -from the beginning. The most important of these are the Ribhus who -form a triad, and are addressed in eleven hymns. Characteristically -deft-handed, they are often said to have acquired the rank of deities -by their marvellous skill. Among the five great feats of dexterity -whereby they became gods, the greatest--in which they appear as -successful rivals of Tvashtri, the artificer god--consists in their -having transformed his bowl, the drinking vessel of the gods, into four -shining cups. This bowl perhaps represents the moon, the four cups -being its phases. It has also been interpreted as the year with its -division into seasons. The Ribhus are further said to have renewed -the youth of their parents, by whom Heaven and Earth seem to have -been meant. With this miraculous deed another myth told about them -appears to be specially connected. They rested for twelve days in the -house of the sun, Agohya ("who cannot be concealed"). This sojourn -of the Ribhus in the house of the sun in all probability alludes to -the winter solstice, the twelve days being the addition which was -necessary to bring the lunar year of 354 into harmony with the solar -year of nearly 366 days, and was intercalated before the days begin to -grow perceptibly longer. On the whole, it seems likely that the Ribhus -were originally terrestrial or aërial elves, whose dexterity gradually -attracted to them various myths illustrative of marvellous skill. - -In a few passages of the Rigveda mention is made of a celestial -water-nymph called Apsaras ("moving in the waters"), who is regarded -as the spouse of a corresponding male genius called Gandharva. The -Apsaras, in the words of the poet, smiles at her beloved in the -highest heaven. More Apsarases than one are occasionally spoken -of. Their abode is in the later Vedas extended to the earth, where -they especially frequent trees, which resound with the music of their -lutes and cymbals. The Brahmanas describe them as distinguished by -great beauty and devoted to dance, song, and play. In the post-Vedic -period they become the courtesans of Indra's heaven. The Apsarases are -loved not only by the Gandharvas but occasionally even by men. Such -an one was Urvaçi. A dialogue between her and her earthly spouse, -Pururavas, is contained in a somewhat obscure hymn of the Rigveda -(x. 95). The nymph is here made to say:-- - - - Among mortals in other form I wandered, - And dwelt for many nights throughout four autumns. - - -Her lover implores her to return; but, though his request is refused, -he (like Tithonus) receives the promise of immortality. The Çatapatha -Brahmana tells the story in a more connected and detailed form. Urvaçi -is joined with Pururavas in an alliance, the permanence of which -depends on a condition. When this is broken by a stratagem of the -Gandharvas, the nymph immediately vanishes from the sight of her -lover. Pururavas, distracted, roams in search of her, till at last -he observes her swimming in a lotus lake with other Apsarases in -the form of an aquatic bird. Urvaçi discovers herself to him, and -in response to his entreaties, consents to return for once after the -lapse of a year. This myth in the post-Vedic age furnished the theme -of Kalidasa's play Vikramorvaçi. - -Gandharva appears to have been conceived originally as a single -being. For in the Rigveda the name nearly always occurs in the -singular, and in the Avesta, where it is found a few times in the -form of Gandarewa, only in the singular. According to the Rigveda, -this genius, the lover of the water-nymph, dwells in the fathomless -spaces of air, and stands erect on the vault of heaven. He is also a -guardian of the celestial soma, and is sometimes, as in the Avesta, -connected with the waters. In the later Vedas the Gandharvas form -a class, their association with the Apsarases being so frequent as -to amount to a stereotyped phrase. In the post-Vedic age they have -become celestial singers, and the notion of their home being in the -realm of air survives in the expression "City of the Gandharvas" -as one of the Sanskrit names for "mirage." - -Among the numerous ancient priests and heroes of the Rigveda the most -important is Manu, the first sacrificer and the ancestor of the human -race. The poets refer to him as "our father," and speak of sacrificers -as "the people of Manu." The Çatapatha Brahmana makes Manu play the -part of a Noah in the history of human descent. - -A group of ancient priests are the Angirases, who are closely -associated with Indra in the myth of the capture of the cows. Another -ancient race of mythical priests are the Bhrigus, to whom the Indian -Prometheus, Matariçvan, brought the hidden Agni from heaven, and whose -function was the establishment and diffusion of the sacrificial fire -on earth. - -A numerically definite group of ancestral priests, rarely mentioned in -the Rigveda, are the seven Rishis or seers. In the Brahmanas they came -to be regarded as the seven stars in the constellation of the Great -Bear, and are said to have been bears in the beginning. This curious -identification was doubtless brought about partly by the sameness of -the number in the two cases, and partly by the similarity of sound -between rishi, "seer," and riksha, which in the Rigveda means both -"star" and "bear." - -Animals play a considerable part in the mythological and religious -conceptions of the Veda. Among them the horse is conspicuous as drawing -the cars of the gods, and in particular as representing the sun under -various names. In the Vedic ritual the horse was regarded as symbolical -of the sun and of fire. Two hymns of the Rigveda (i. 162-163) which -deal with the subject, further show that horse-sacrifice was practised -in the earliest age of Indian antiquity. - -The cow, however, is the animal which figures most largely in the -Rigveda. This is undoubtedly due to the important position, resulting -from its pre-eminent utility, occupied by this animal even in the -remotest period of Indian life. The beams of dawn and the clouds -are cows. The rain-cloud, personified under the name of Priçni, "the -speckled one," is a cow, the mother of the Storm-gods. The bountiful -clouds on which all wealth in India depended, were doubtless the -prototypes of the many-coloured cows which yield all desires in -the heaven of the blest described by the Atharva-veda, and which -are the forerunners of the "Cow of Plenty" (Kamaduh) so familiar -to post-Vedic poetry. The earth itself is often spoken of by the -poets of the Rigveda as a cow. That this animal already possessed a -sacred character is shown by the fact that one Rishi addresses a cow -as Aditi and a goddess, impressing upon his hearers that she should -not be slain. Aghnya ("not to be killed"), a frequent designation -of the cow in the Rigveda, points in the same direction. Indeed -the evidence of the Avesta proves that the sanctity of this animal -goes back even to the Indo-Iranian period. In the Atharva-veda the -worship of the cow is fully recognised, while the Çatapatha Brahmana -emphasises the evil consequences of eating beef. The sanctity of the -cow has not only survived in India down to the present day, but has -even gathered strength with the lapse of time. The part played by the -greased cartridges in the Indian Mutiny is sufficient to prove this -statement. To no other animal has mankind owed so much, and the debt -has been richly repaid in India with a veneration unknown in other -lands. So important a factor has the cow proved in Indian life and -thought, that an exhaustive account of her influence from the earliest -times would form a noteworthy chapter in the history of civilisation. - -Among the noxious animals of the Rigveda the serpent is the most -prominent. This is the form which the powerful demon, the foe of Indra, -is believed to possess. The serpent also appears as a divine being -in the form of the rarely mentioned Ahi budhnya, "the Dragon of the -Deep," supposed to dwell in the fathomless depths of the aërial ocean, -and probably representing the beneficent side of the character of -the serpent Vritra. In the later Vedas the serpents are mentioned as -a class of semi-divine beings along with the Gandharvas and others; -and in the Sutras offerings to them are prescribed. In the latter -works we meet for the first time with the Nagas, in reality serpents, -and human only in form. In post-Vedic times serpent-worship is found -all over India. Since there is no trace of it in the Rigveda, while it -prevails widely among the non-Aryan Indians, there is reason to believe -that when the Aryans spread over India, the land of serpents, they -found the cult diffused among the aborigines and borrowed it from them. - -Plants are frequently invoked as divinities, chiefly in enumerations -along with waters, rivers, mountains, heaven, and earth. One entire -hymn (x. 97) is, however, devoted to the praise of plants (oshadhi) -alone, mainly with regard to their healing powers. Later Vedic -texts mention offerings made to plants and the adoration paid to -large trees passed in marriage processions. One hymn of the Rigveda -(x. 146) celebrates the forest as a whole, personified as Aranyani, -the mocking genius of the woods. The weird sights and sounds of the -gloaming are here described with a fine perception of nature. In the -dark solitudes of the jungle - - - Sounds as of grazing cows are heard, - A dwelling-house appears to loom, - And Aranyani, Forest-nymph, - Creaks like a cart at eventide. - - Here some one calls his cow to him, - Another there is felling wood; - Who tarries in the forest-glade - Thinks to himself, "I heard a cry." - - Never does Aranyani hurt - Unless one goes too near to her: - When she has eaten of sweet fruit - At her own will she goes to rest. - - Sweet-scented, redolent of balm, - Replete with food, yet tilling not, - Mother of beasts, the Forest-nymph, - Her I have magnified with praise. - - -On the whole, however, the part played by plant, tree, and forest -deities is a very insignificant one in the Rigveda. - -A strange religious feature pointing to a remote antiquity is the -occasional deification and worship even of objects fashioned by -the hand of man, when regarded as useful to him. These are chiefly -sacrificial implements. Thus in one hymn (iii. 8) the sacrificial post -(called "lord of the forest") is invoked, while three hymns of the -tenth book celebrate the pressing stones used in preparing soma. The -plough is invoked in a few stanzas; and an entire hymn (vi. 75) is -devoted to the praise of various implements of war, while one in the -Atharva-veda (v. 20) glorifies the drum. - -The demons so frequently mentioned in the Rigveda are of two -classes. The one consists of the aërial adversaries of the gods. The -older view is that of a conflict waged between a single god and a -single demon. This gradually developed into the notion of the gods and -the demons in general being arrayed against each other as two opposing -hosts. The Brahmanas regularly represent the antagonism thus. Asura -is the ordinary name of the aërial foes of the gods. This word has a -remarkable history. In the Rigveda it is predominantly a designation -of the gods, and in the Avesta it denotes, in the form of Ahura, the -highest god of Zoroastrianism. In the later parts of the Rigveda, -however, asura, when used by itself, also signifies "demon," and -this is its only sense in the Atharva-veda. A somewhat unsuccessful -attempt has been made to explain how a word signifying "god" came -to mean "devil," as the result of national conflicts, the Asuras or -gods of extra-Vedic tribes becoming demons to the Vedic Indian, just -as the devas or gods of the Veda are demons in the Avesta. There is -no traditional evidence in support of this view, and it is opposed -by the fact that to the Rigvedic Indian asura not only in general -meant a divine being, but was especially appropriate to Varuna, the -most exalted of the gods. The word must therefore have changed its -meaning in course of time within the Veda itself. Here it seems from -the beginning to have had the sense of "possessor of occult power," -and hence to have been potentially applicable to hostile beings. Thus -in one hymn of the Rigveda (x. 124) both senses seem to occur. Towards -the end of the Rigvedic period the application of the word to the -gods began to fall into abeyance. This tendency was in all likelihood -accelerated by the need of a word denoting the hostile demoniac powers -generally, as well as by an incipient popular etymology, which saw -a negative (a-sura) in the word and led to the invention of sura, -"god," a term first found in the Upanishads. - -A group of aërial demons, primarily foes of Indra, are the Panis. The -proper meaning of the word is "niggard," especially in regard -to sacrificial gifts. From this signification it developed the -mythological sense of demons resembling those originally conceived -as withholding the treasures of heaven. The term dasa or dasyu, -properly the designation of the dark aborigines of India contrasted -with their fair Aryan conquerors, is frequently used in the sense of -demons or fiends. - -By far the most conspicuous of the individual aërial demons of the -Rigveda, is Vritra, who has the form of a serpent, and whose name means -"encompasser." Another demon mentioned with some frequency is Vala, -the personification of the mythical cave in which the celestial cows -are confined. In post-Vedic literature these two demons are frequently -mentioned together and are regarded as brothers slain by Indra. The -most often named among the remaining adversaries of Indra is Çushna, -the "hisser" or "scorcher." A rarely-mentioned demon is Svarbhanu, -who is described as eclipsing the sun with darkness. His successor -in Sanskrit literature was Rahu, regarded as causing eclipses by -swallowing the sun or moon. - -The second class of demons consists of goblins supposed to infest the -earth, enemies of mankind as the Asuras are of the gods. By far the -most common generic name for this class is Rakshas. They are hardly -ever mentioned except in connection with some god who is invoked -to destroy or is praised for having destroyed them. These goblins -are conceived as having the shapes of various animals as well as of -men. Their appearance is more fully described by the Atharvaveda, -in which they are also spoken of as deformed or as being blue, -yellow, or green in colour. According to the Rigveda they are fond -of the flesh of men and horses, whom they attack by entering into -them in order to satisfy their greed. They are supposed to prowl -about at night and to make the sacrifice the special object of their -attacks. The belief that the Rakshases actively interfere with the -performance of sacrificial rites remains familiar in the post-Vedic -period. A species of goblin scarcely referred to in the Rigveda, -but often mentioned in the later Vedas, are the Piçachas, described -as devouring corpses and closely connected with the dead. - -Few references to death and the future life are to be found in the -hymns of the Rigveda, as the optimistic and active Vedic Indian, -unlike his descendants in later centuries, seems to have given little -thought to the other world. Most of the information to be gained about -their views of the next life are to be found in the funeral hymns of -the last book. The belief here expressed is that fire or the grave -destroys the body only, while the real personality of the deceased -is imperishable. The soul is thought to be separable from the body, -not only after death, but even during unconsciousness (x. 58). There -is no indication here, or even in the later Vedas, of the doctrine of -the transmigration of souls, though it was already firmly established -in the sixth century B.C. when Buddhism arose. One passage of the -Rigveda, however, in which the soul is spoken of as departing to the -waters or the plants, may contain the germs of the theory. - - - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PHILOSOPHY OF THE RIGVEDA - - -According to the Vedic view, the spirit of the deceased proceeded to -the realm of eternal light on the path trodden by the fathers, whom -he finds in the highest heaven revelling with Yama, king of the dead, -and feasting with the gods. - -In one of the funeral hymns (x. 14, 7) the dead man is thus -addressed:-- - - - Go forth, go forth along those ancient pathways - To where our early ancestors departed. - There thou shalt see rejoicing in libations - The two kings, Varuna the god and Yama. - - -Here a tree spreads its branches, in the shade of which Yama drinks -soma with the gods, and the sound of the flute and of songs is -heard. The life in heaven is free from imperfections or bodily -frailties, and is altogether delectable. It is a glorified life -of material joys as conceived by the imagination, not of warriors, -but of priests. Heaven is gained as a reward by heroes who risk their -lives in battle, but above all by those who bestow liberal sacrificial -gifts on priests. - -Though the Atharva-veda undoubtedly shows a belief in a place of -future punishment, the utmost that can be inferred with regard to -the Rigveda from the scanty evidence we possess, is the notion that -unbelievers were consigned to an underground darkness after death. So -little, indeed, do the Rishis say on this subject, and so vague is -the little they do say, that Roth held the total annihilation of the -wicked by death to be their belief. The early Indian notions about -future punishment gradually developed, till, in the post-Vedic period, -a complicated system of hells had been elaborated. - -Some passages of the Rigveda distinguish the path of the fathers or -dead ancestors from the path of the gods, doubtless because cremation -appeared as a different process from sacrifice. In the Brahmanas the -fathers and the gods are thought to dwell in distinct abodes, for the -"heavenly world" is contrasted with the "world of the fathers." - -The chief of the blessed dead is Yama, to whom three entire hymns -are addressed. He is spoken of as a king who rules the departed and -as a gatherer of the people, who gives the deceased a resting-place -and prepares an abode for him. Yama it was who first discovered the -way to the other world:-- - - - Him who along the mighty heights departed, - Him who searched and spied out the path for many, - Son of Vivasvat, gatherer of the people, - Yama the king, with sacrifices worship. (x. 14, 1). - - -Though death is the path of Yama, and he must consequently have been -regarded with a certain amount of fear, he is not yet in the Rigveda, -as in the Atharvaveda and the later mythology, a god of death. The -owl and pigeon are occasionally mentioned as emissaries of Yama, but -his regular messengers are two dogs which guard the path trodden by -the dead proceeding to the other world. - -With reference to them the deceased man is thus addressed in one of -the funeral hymns (x. 14):-- - - - Run on thy path straight forward past the two dogs, - The sons of Sarama, four-eyed and brindled, - Draw near thereafter to the bounteous fathers, - Who revel on in company with Yama. - - Broad-nosed and brown, the messengers of Yama, - Greedy of lives, wander among the people: - May they give back to us a life auspicious - Here and to-day, that we may see the sunlight. - - -The name of Yama is sometimes used in the Rigveda in its primary -sense of "twin," and the chief of the dead actually occurs in this -character throughout a hymn (x. 10) of much poetic beauty, consisting -of a dialogue between him and his sister Yami. She endeavours to win -his love, but he repels her advances with these words:-- - - - The spies sent by the gods here ever wander, - They stand not still, nor close their eyes in slumber: - Another man thine arms shall clasp, O Yami, - Tightly as twines around the tree the creeper. - - -The incestuous union which forms the main theme of the poem, though -rejected as contrary to the higher ethical standard of the Rigveda, -was doubtless the survival of an already existing myth of the descent -of mankind from primeval "twins." This myth, indeed, seems to have -been handed down from the Indo-Iranian period, for the later Avestan -literature makes mention of Yimeh as a sister of Yima. Even the name -of Yama's father goes back to that period, for Yima is the son of -Vivanhvant in the Avesta as Yama is of Vivasvat in the Rigveda. - -The great bulk of the Rigvedic poems comprises invocations of gods -or deified objects as described in the foregoing pages. Scattered -among them are to be found, chiefly in the tenth book, about a -dozen mythological pieces consisting of dialogues which, in a vague -and fragmentary way, indicate the course of the action and refer to -past events. In all likelihood they were originally accompanied by a -narrative setting in prose, which explained the situation more fully -to the audience, but was lost after these poems were incorporated -among the collected hymns of the Rigveda. One of this class (iv. 42) -is a colloquy between Indra and Varuna, in which each of these -leading gods puts forward his claims to pre-eminence. Another, which -shows considerable poetic merit and presents the situation clearly, -is a dialogue in alternate verses between Varuna and Agni (x. 51), -followed by a second (x. 52) between the gods and Agni, who has grown -weary of his sacrificial office, but finally agrees to continue the -performance of his duties. - -A curious but prosaic and obscure hymn (x. 86), consists of a dialogue -between Indra and his wife Indrani on the subject of a monkey which -has incurred the anger of the latter. The circumstances are much more -clearly presented in a poem of great beauty (x. 108), in which Sarama, -the messenger of Indra, having tracked the stolen cows, demands them -back from the Panis. Another already referred to (p. 107) treats -the myth of Urvaçi and Pururavas. The dialogue takes place at the -moment when the nymph is about to quit her mortal lover for ever. A -good deal of interest attaches to this myth, not only as the oldest -Indo-European love-story, but as one which has had a long history in -Indian literature. The dialogue of Yama and Yami (x. 10) is, as we -have seen, based on a still older myth. These mythological ballads, -if I may use the expression, foreshadow the dramatic and epic poetry -of a later age. - -A very small number, hardly more than thirty altogether, of the -hymns of the Rigveda are not addressed to the gods or deified -objects. About a dozen poems, occurring almost exclusively in the -tenth book, are concerned with magical notions, and therefore belong -rather to the domain of the Atharva-veda, Two short ones (ii. 42-43) -belong to the sphere of augury, certain birds of omen being invoked -to utter auspicious cries. Two others consist of spells directed -against poisonous vermin (i. 191), and the disease called yakshma -(x. 163). Two are incantations to preserve the life of one lying at -the point of death (x. 58; 60, 7-12). A couple of stanzas from one -of the latter may serve as a specimen:-- - - - Just as a yoke with leathern thong - They fasten on that it may hold: - So have I now held fast thy soul, - That thou mayst live and mayst not die, - Anon to be unhurt and well. - - Downward is blown the blast of wind, - Downward the burning sunbeams shoot, - Adown the milk streams from the cow: - So downward may thy ailment go. - - -Here is a stanza from a poem intended as a charm to induce slumber -(v. 55):-- - - - The man who sits and he who walks, - And he who sees us with his gaze: - Of these we now close up the eyes, - Just as we shut this dwelling-house. - - -The first three stanzas of this lullaby end with the refrain, "Fall -fast asleep" (ni shu shvapa). - -The purpose of one incantation (x. 183) is to procure children, -while another (x. 162) is directed against the demon that destroys -offspring. There is also a spell (x. 166) aiming at the destruction of -enemies. We further find the incantation (x. 145) of a woman desiring -to oust her rival wives from the affections of her husband. A sequel to -it is formed by the song of triumph (x. 159) of one who has succeeded -in this object:-- - - - Up has arisen there the sun, - So too my fortunes now arise: - With craft victorious I have gained - Over my lord this victory. - - My sons now mighty warriors are, - My daughter is a princess now, - And I myself have gained the day: - My name stands highest with my lord. - - Vanquished have I these rival wives, - Rising superior to them all, - That over this heroic man - And all this people I may rule. - - -With regard to a late hymn (vii. 103), which is entirely secular in -style, there is some doubt as to its original purpose. The awakening -of the frogs at the beginning of the rainy season is here described -with a graphic power which will doubtless be appreciated best by those -who have lived in India. The poet compares the din of their croaking -with the chants of priests exhilarated by soma, and with the clamour -of pupils at school repeating the words of their teacher:-- - - - Resting in silence for a year, - As Brahmans practising a vow, - The frogs have lifted up their voice, - Excited when Parjanya comes. - - When one repeats the utterance of the other - Like those who learn the lesson of their teacher, - Then every limb of yours seems to be swelling, - As eloquent ye prate upon the waters. - - As Brahmans at the mighty soma offering - Sit round the large and brimming vessel talking, - So throng ye round the pool to hallow - This day of all the year that brings the rain-time. - - These Brahmans with their soma raise their voices, - Performing punctually their yearly worship; - And these Adhvaryus, sweating with their kettles, - These priests come forth to view, and none are hidden. - - The twelvemonth's god-sent order they have guarded, - And never do these men neglect the season. - When in the year the rainy time commences, - Those who were heated kettles gain deliverance. - - -This poem has usually been interpreted as a satire upon the -Brahmans. If such be indeed its purport, we find it difficult to -conceive how it could have gained admittance into a collection -like the Rigveda, which, if not entirely composed, was certainly -edited, by priests. The Brahmans cannot have been ignorant of the -real significance of the poem. On the other hand, the comparison of -frogs with Brahmans would not necessarily imply satire to the Vedic -Indian. Students familiar with the style of the Rigveda know that -many similes which, if used by ourselves, would involve contempt -or ridicule, were employed by the ancient Indian poets only for the -sake of graphic effect. As the frogs are in the last stanza besought -to grant wealth and length of days, it is much more likely that we -have here a panegyric of frogs believed to have the magical power of -bringing rain. - -There remain about twenty poems the subject-matter of which is of a -more or less secular character. They deal with social customs, the -liberality of patrons, ethical questions, riddles, and cosmogonic -speculations. Several of them are of high importance for the history -of Indian thought and civilisation. As social usages have always been -dominated by religion in India, it is natural that the poems dealing -with them should have a religious and mythological colouring. The -most notable poem of this kind is the long wedding-hymn (x. 85) of -forty-seven stanzas. Lacking in poetic unity, it consists of groups of -verses relating to the marriage ceremonial loosely strung together. The -opening stanzas (1-5), in which the identity of the celestial soma -and of the moon is expressed in veiled terms, are followed by others -(6-17) relating the myth of the wedding of Soma the moon with the -sun-maiden Surya. The Açvins, elsewhere her spouses, here appear in -the inferior capacity of groomsmen, who, on behalf of Soma, sue for -the hand of Surya from her father, the sun-god. Savitri consents, -and sends his daughter, a willing bride, to her husband's house on a -two-wheeled car made of the wood of the çalmali or silk-cotton tree, -decked with red kimçuka flowers, and drawn by two white bulls. - -Then sun and moon, the prototype of human marriage, are described as -an inseparable pair (18-19):-- - - - They move alternately with mystic power; - Like children playing they go round the sacrifice: - One of the two surveys all living beings, - The other, seasons meting out, is born again. - - Ever anew, being born again, he rises, - He goes in front of dawns as daylight's token. - He, coming, to the gods their share apportions: - The moon extends the length of man's existence. - - -Blessings are then invoked on the wedding procession, and a wish -expressed that the newly-married couple may have many children and -enjoy prosperity, long life, and freedom from disease (20-33). - -The next two stanzas (34-35), containing some obscure references to -the bridal garments, are followed by six others (36-41) pronounced -at the wedding rite, which is again brought into connection with the -marriage of Surya. The bridegroom here thus addresses the bride:-- - - - I grasp thy hand that I may gain good fortune, - That thou may'st reach old age with me thy husband. - Bhaga, Aryaman, Savitri, Puramdhi, - The gods have given thee to share my household. - - -The god of fire is at the same time invoked:-- - - - To thee, O Agni, first they led - Bright Surya with the bridal throng: - So in thy turn to husbands give - A wife along with progeny. - - -The concluding verses (42-47) are benedictions pronounced on the -newly-wedded couple after the bride has arrived at her future home:-- - - - Here abide; be not divided; - Complete life's whole allotted span, - Playing with your sons and grandsons, - Rejoicing in your own abode. - - -The last stanza of all is spoken by the bridegroom:-- - - - May all the gods us two unite, - May Waters now our hearts entwine; - May Matariçvan and Dhatri, - May Deshtri us together join. - - -There are five hymns, all in the last book (x. 14-18), which are more -or less concerned with funeral rites. All but one of them, however, -consist chiefly of invocations of gods connected with the future -life. The first (14) is addressed to Yama, the next to the Fathers, -the third to Agni, and the fourth to Pushan, as well as Sarasvati. Only -the last (18) is a funeral hymn in the true sense. It is secular in -style as well as in matter, being almost free from references to any -of the gods. Grave and elevated in tone, it is distinguished by great -beauty of language. It also yields more information about the funeral -usages of those early days than any of the rest. - -From this group of hymns it appears that burial was practised as well -as cremation by the Vedic Indians. The composer of a hymn addressed to -Varuna in Book VII. also mentions "the house of clay" in connection -with death. Cremation was, however, the usual manner of disposing of -the dead, and the later Vedic ritual practically knew this method -alone, sanctioning only the burial of ascetics and children under -two years of age. With the rite of cremation, too, the mythological -notions about the future life were specially connected. Thus Agni -conducts the corpse to the other world, where the gods and Fathers -dwell. A goat was sacrificed when the corpse was burned, and this -goat, according to the Atharva-veda (ix. 5, 1 and 3), preceded and -announced the deceased to the fathers, just as in the Rigveda the -goat immolated with the sacrificial horse goes before to announce -the offering to the gods (i. 162-163). In the later Vedic ritual a -goat or cow was sacrificed as the body was cremated. - -In conformity with a custom of remotest antiquity still surviving -in India, the dead man was provided with ornaments and clothing for -use in the future life. The fact that in the funeral obsequies of the -Rigveda the widow lies down beside the body of her deceased husband and -his bow is removed from the dead man's hand, shows that both were in -earlier times burnt with his body to accompany him to the next world, -and a verse of the Atharva-veda calls the dying of the widow with her -husband an old custom. The evidence of anthropology shows that this was -a very primitive practice widely prevailing at the funerals of military -chiefs, and it can be proved to go back to the Indo-European age. - -The following stanza (8) from the last funeral hymn (x. 18) is -addressed to the widow, who is called upon to rise from the pyre and -take the hand of her new husband, doubtless a brother of the deceased, -in accordance with an ancient marriage custom:-- - - - Rise up; come to the world of life; O woman; - Thou liest here by one whose soul has left him. - Come: thou hast now entered upon the wifehood - Of this thy lord who takes thy hand and woos thee. - - -The speaker then, turning to the deceased man, exclaims:-- - - - From the dead hand I take the bow he wielded, - To gain for us dominion, might, and glory. - Thou there, we here, rich in heroic offspring, - Will vanquish all assaults of every foeman. - - Approach the bosom of the earth, the mother, - This earth extending far and most propitious: - Young, soft as wool to bounteous givers, may she - Preserve thee from the lap of dissolution. - - Open wide, O earth, press not heavily on him, - Be easy of approach, hail him with kindly aid; - As with a robe a mother hides - Her son, so shroud this man, O earth. - - -Referring to the bystanders he continues:-- - - - These living ones are from the dead divided: - Our calling on the gods is now auspicious. - We have come forth prepared for dance and laughter, - Till future days prolonging our existence. - - As days in order follow one another, - As seasons duly alternate with seasons; - As the later never forsakes the earlier, - So fashion thou the lives of these, Ordainer. - - -A few of the secular poems contain various historical references. These -are the so-called Danastutis or "Praises of Gifts," panegyrics -commemorating the liberality of princes towards the priestly singers -employed by them. They possess little poetic merit, and are of late -date, occurring chiefly in the first and tenth books, or among the -Valakhilya (supplementary) hymns of the eighth. A number of encomia -of this type, generally consisting of only two or three stanzas, are -appended to ordinary hymns in the eighth book and, much less commonly, -in most of the other books. Chiefly concerned in describing the kind -and the amount of the gifts bestowed on them, the composers of these -panegyrics incidentally furnish historical data about the families and -genealogies of themselves and their patrons, as well as about the names -and homes of the Vedic tribes. The amount of the presents bestowed--for -instance, 60,000 cows--is sometimes enormously exaggerated. We may, -however, safely conclude that it was often considerable, and that -the Vedic chiefs possessed very large herds of cattle. - -Four of the secular poems are didactic in character. One of -these (x. 34), "The Lament of the Gambler," strikes a pathetic -note. Considering that it is the oldest composition of the kind -in existence, we cannot but regard this poem as a most remarkable -literary product. The gambler deplores his inability to throw off -the spell of the dice, though he sees the ruin they are bringing on -him and his household:-- - - - Downward they fall, then nimbly leaping upward, - They overpower the man with hands, though handless. - Cast on the board like magic bits of charcoal, - Though cold themselves, they burn the heart to ashes. - - It pains the gambler when he sees a woman, - Another's wife, and their well-ordered household: - He yokes these brown steeds early in the morning, - And, when the fire is low, sinks down an outcast. - - "Play not with dice, but cultivate thy cornfield; - Rejoice in thy goods, deeming them abundant: - There are thy cows, there is thy wife, O gambler." - This counsel Savitri the kindly gives me. - - -We learn here that the dice (aksha) were made of the nut of the -Vibhidaka tree (Terminalia bellerica), which is still used for the -purpose in India. - -The other three poems of this group may be regarded as the forerunners -of the sententious poetry which flourished so luxuriantly in Sanskrit -literature. One of them, consisting only of four stanzas (ix. 112), -describes in a moralising strain of mild humour how men follow after -gain in various ways:-- - - - The thoughts of men are manifold, - Their callings are of diverse kinds: - The carpenter desires a rift, - The leech a fracture wants to cure. - - A poet I; my dad's a leech; - Mama the upper millstone grinds: - With various minds we strive for wealth, - As ever seeking after kine. - - -Another of these poems (x. 117) consists of a collection of maxims -inculcating the duty of well-doing and charity:-- - - - Who has the power should give unto the needy, - Regarding well the course of life hereafter: - Fortune, like two chariot wheels revolving, - Now to one man comes nigh, now to another. - - Ploughing the soil, the share produces nurture; - He who bestirs his feet performs his journey; - A priest who speaks earns more than one who's silent; - A friend who gives is better than the niggard. - - -The fourth of these poems (x. 71) is composed in praise of wise -speech. Here are four of its eleven stanzas:-- - - - Where clever men their words with wisdom utter, - And sift them as with flail the corn is winnowed, - There friends may recognise each other's friendship: - A goodly stamp is on their speech imprinted. - - Whoever his congenial friend abandons, - In that man's speech there is not any blessing. - For what he hears he hears without advantage: - He has no knowledge of the path of virtue. - - When Brahman friends unite to offer worship, - In hymns by the heart's impulse swiftly fashioned, - Then not a few are left behind in wisdom, - While others win their way as gifted Brahmans. - - The one sits putting forth rich bloom of verses, - Another sings a song in skilful numbers, - A third as teacher states the laws of being, - A fourth metes out the sacrifice's measure. - - -Even in the ordinary hymns are to be found a few moralising remarks of -a cynical nature about wealth and women, such as frequently occur in -the ethical literature of the post-Vedic age. Thus one poet exclaims: -"How many a maiden is an object of affection to her wooer for the -sake of her admirable wealth!" (x. 27, 12); while another addresses -the kine he desires with the words: "Ye cows make even the lean -man fat, even the ugly man ye make of goodly countenance" (vi. 28, -6). A third observes: "Indra himself said this, 'The mind of woman -is hard to instruct, and her intelligence is small'" (viii. 33, 17); -and a fourth complains: "There are no friendships with women; their -hearts are those of hyenas" (x. 95, 15). One, however, admits that -"many a woman is better than the godless and niggardly man" (v. 61, 6). - -Allied to the didactic poems are the riddles, of which there are at -least two collections in the Rigveda. In their simplest form they are -found in a poem (29) of the eighth book. In each of its ten stanzas a -different deity is described by his characteristic marks, but without -being mentioned, the hearer being left to guess his name. Vishnu, -for instance, is thus alluded to:-- - - - Another with his mighty stride has made three steps - To where the gods rejoice in bliss. - - -A far more difficult collection, consisting of fifty-two stanzas, -occurs in the first book (164). Nothing here is directly described, the -language being always symbolical and mystical. The allusions in several -cases are so obscurely expressed that it is now impossible to divine -the meaning. Sometimes the riddle is put in the form of a question, -and in one case the answer itself is also given. Occasionally the poet -propounds a riddle of which he himself evidently does not know the -solution. In general these problems are stated as enigmas. The subject -of about one-fourth of them is the sun. Six or seven deal with clouds, -lightning, and the production of rain; three or four with Agni and his -various forms; about the same number with the year and its divisions; -two with the origin of the world and the One Being. The dawn, heaven -and earth, the metres, speech, and some other subjects which can -hardly even be conjectured, are dealt with in one or two stanzas -respectively. One of the more clearly expressed of these enigmas is -the following, which treats of the wheel of the year with its twelve -months and three hundred and sixty days:-- - - - Provided with twelve spokes and undecaying, - The wheel of order rolls around the heavens; - Within it stand, O Agni, joined in couples, - Together seven hundred sons and twenty. - - -The thirteenth or intercalary month, contrasted with the twelve -others conceived as pairs, is thus darkly alluded to: "Of the co-born -they call the seventh single-born; sages call the six twin pairs -god-born." The latter expression probably alludes to the intercalary -month being an artificial creation of man. In the later Vedic age -it became a practice to propound such enigmas, called "theological -problems" (brahmodya), in contests for intellectual pre-eminence -when kings instituted great sacrifices or Brahmans were otherwise -assembled together. - -Closely allied to these poetical riddles is the philosophical poetry -contained in the six or seven cosmogonic hymns of the Rigveda. The -question of the origin of the world here treated is of course largely -mixed with mythological and theological notions. Though betraying much -confusion of ideas, these early speculations are of great interest as -the sources from which flow various streams of later thought. Most -of these hymns handle the subject of the origin of the world in a -theological, and only one in a purely philosophical spirit. In the -view of the older Rishis, the gods in general, or various individual -deities, "generated" the world. This view conflicts with the frequently -expressed notion that heaven and earth are the parents of the gods. The -poets thus involve themselves in the paradox that the children -produce their own parents. Indra, for instance, is described in so -many words as having begotten his father and mother from his own body -(x. 54, 3). This conceit evidently pleased the fancy of a priesthood -becoming more and more addicted to far-fetched speculations; for in -the cosmogonic hymns we find reciprocal generation more than once -introduced in the stages of creation. Thus Daksha is said to have -sprung from Aditi, and Aditi from Daksha (x. 72, 4). - -The evolution of religious thought in the Rigveda led to the conception -of a creator distinct from any of the chief deities and superior to all -the gods. He appears under the various names of Purusha, Viçvakarman, -Hiranyagarbha, or Prajapati in the cosmogonic hymns. Whereas creation, -according to the earlier view, is regularly referred to as an act of -natural generation with some form of the verb jan, "to beget," these -cosmogonic poems speak of it as the manufacture or evolution from some -original material. In one of them (x. 90), the well-known Hymn of Man -(purusha-sukta), the gods are still the agents, but the material out -of which the world is made consists of the body of a primeval giant, -Purusha (man), who being thousand-headed and thousand-footed, extends -even beyond the earth, as he covers it. The fundamental idea of the -world being created from the body of a giant is, indeed, very ancient, -being met with in several primitive mythologies. But the manner in -which the idea is here worked out is sufficiently late. Quite in -the spirit of the Brahmanas, where Vishnu is identified with the -sacrifice, the act of creation is treated as a sacrificial rite, -the original man being conceived as a victim, the parts of which -when cut up become portions of the universe. His head, we are told, -became the sky, his navel the air, his feet the earth, while from -his mind sprang the moon, from his eye the sun, from his breath the -wind. "Thus they (the gods) fashioned the worlds." Another sign of -the lateness of the hymn is its pantheistic colouring; for it is here -said that "Purusha is all this world, what has been and shall be," -and "one-fourth of him is all creatures, and three-fourths are the -world of the immortals in heaven." In the Brahmanas, Purusha is the -same as the creator, Prajapati, and in the Upanishads he is identified -with the universe. Still later, in the dualistic Sankhya philosophy, -Purusha becomes the name of "soul" as opposed to "matter." In the Hymn -of Man a being called Viraj is mentioned as produced from Purusha. This -in the later Vedanta philosophy is a name of the personal creator as -contrasted with Brahma, the universal soul. The Purusha hymn, then, -may be regarded as the oldest product of the pantheistic literature -of India. It is at the same time one of the very latest poems of the -Rigvedic age; for it presupposes a knowledge of the three oldest Vedas, -to which it refers together by name. It also for the first and only -time in the Rigveda mentions the four castes; for it is here said that -Purusha's mouth became the Brahman, his arms the Rajanya (warrior), -his thighs the Vaiçya (agriculturist), and his feet the Çudra (serf). - -In nearly all the other poems dealing with the origin of the -world, not the gods collectively but an individual creator is -the actor. Various passages in other hymns show that the sun was -regarded as an important agent of generation by the Rishis. Thus he -is described as "the soul of all that moves and stands" (i. 115, -1), and is said to be "called by many names though one" (i. 164, -46). Such statements indicate that the sun was in process of being -abstracted to the character of a creator. This is probably the origin -of Viçvakarman, "the all-creating," to whom two cosmogonic hymns -(x. 81-82) are addressed. Three of the seven stanzas of the first -deserve to be quoted:-- - - - What was the place on which he gained a footing? - Where found he anything, or how, to hold by, - What time, the earth creating, Viçvakarman, - All-seeing, with his might disclosed the heavens? - - Who has his eyes and mouth in every quarter, - Whose arms and feet are turned in all directions, - The one god, when the earth and heaven creating, - With his two arms and wings together welds them. - - What was the wood, and what the tree, pray tell us, - From which they fashioned forth the earth and heaven? - Ye sages, in your mind, pray make inquiry, - Whereon he stood, when he the worlds supported? - - -It is an interesting coincidence that "wood," the term here used, was -regularly employed in Greek philosophy to express "original matter" -(hule). - -In the next hymn (x. 82), the theory is advanced that the waters -produced the first germ of things, the source of the universe and -the gods. - - - Who is our father, parent, and disposer, - Who knows all habitations and all beings, - Who only to the gods their names apportions: - To him all other beings turn inquiring? - - What germ primeval did the waters cherish, - Wherein the gods all saw themselves together, - Which is beyond the earth, beyond that heaven, - Beyond the mighty gods' mysterious dwelling? - - That germ primeval did the waters cherish, - Wherein the gods together all assembled, - The One that in the goat's [5] source is established, - Within which all the worlds are comprehended. - - Ye cannot find him who these worlds created: - That which comes nearer to you is another. - - -In a cosmogonic poem (x. 121) of considerable beauty the creator -further appears under the name of Hiranyagarbha, "germ of gold," a -notion doubtless suggested by the rising sun. Here, too, the waters -are, in producing Agni, regarded as bearing the germ of all life. - - - The Germ of Gold at first came into being, - Produced as the one lord of all existence. - The earth he has supported and this heaven: - What god shall we with sacrifices worship? - - Who gives the breath of life and vital power, - To whose commands the gods all render homage, - Whose shade is death and life immortal: - What god shall we with sacrifices worship? - - What time the mighty waters came containing - All germs of life and generating Agni, - Then was produced the gods' one vital spirit: - What god shall we with sacrifices worship? - - Who with his mighty power surveyed the waters - That intellect and sacrifice engendered, - The one god over all the gods exalted: - What god shall we with sacrifices worship? - - -The refrain receives its answer in a tenth stanza (added to the poem -at a later time), which proclaims the unknown god to be Prajapati. - -Two other cosmogonic poems explain the origin of the world -philosophically as the evolution of the existent (sat) from the -non-existent (asat). In the somewhat confused account given in one -of them (x. 72), three stages of creation may be distinguished: first -the world is produced, then the gods, and lastly the sun. The theory -of evolution is here still combined with that of creation:-- - - - Even as a smith, the Lord of Prayer, - Together forged this universe: - In earliest ages of the gods - From what was not arose what is. - - -A far finer composition than this is the Song of Creation (x. 129):-- - - - Non-being then existed not, nor being: - There was no air, nor heaven which is beyond it. - What motion was there? Where? By whom directed? - Was water there, and fathomless abysses? - - Death then existed not, nor life immortal; - Of neither night nor day was any semblance. - The One breathed calm and windless by self-impulse: - There was not any other thing beyond it. - - Darkness at first was covered up by darkness; - This universe was indistinct and fluid. - The empty space that by the void was hidden. - That One was by the force of heat engendered. - - Desire then at the first arose within it, - Desire, which was the earliest seed of spirit. - The bond of being in non-being sages - Discovered searching in their hearts with wisdom. - - Who knows it truly? who can here declare it? - Whence was it born? whence issued this creation? - And did the gods appear with its production? - But then who knows from whence it has arisen? - - This world-creation, whence it has arisen. - Or whether it has been produced or has not. - He who surveys it in the highest heaven, - He only knows, or ev'n he does not know it. - - -Apart from its high literary merit, this poem is most noteworthy -for the daring speculations which find utterance in so remote an -age. But even here may be traced some of the main defects of Indian -philosophy--lack of clearness and consistency, with a tendency to make -reasoning depend on mere words. Being the only piece of sustained -speculation in the Rigveda, it is the starting-point of the natural -philosophy which assumed shape in the evolutionary Sankhya system. It -will, moreover, always retain a general interest as the earliest -specimen of Aryan philosophic thought. With the theory of the Song of -Creation, that after the non-existent had developed into the existent, -water came first, and then intelligence was evolved from it by heat, -the cosmogonic accounts of the Brahmanas substantially agree. Here, -too, the non-existent becomes the existent, of which the first form -is the waters. On these floats Hiranyagarbha, the cosmic golden -egg, whence is produced the spirit that desires and creates the -universe. Always requiring the agency of the creator Prajapati at -an earlier or a later stage, the Brahmanas in some of their accounts -place him first, in others the waters. This fundamental contradiction, -due to mixing up the theory of creation with that of evolution, is -removed in the Sankhya system by causing Purusha, or soul, to play the -part of a passive spectator, while Prakriti, or primordial matter, -undergoes successive stages of development. The cosmogonic hymns of -the Rigveda are not only thus the precursors of Indian philosophy, -but also of the Puranas, one of the main objects of which is to -describe the origin of the world. - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE RIGVEDIC AGE - - -The survey of the poetry of the Rigveda presented in the foregoing -pages will perhaps suffice to show that this unique monument of a -long-vanished age contains, apart from its historical interest, much of -ĉsthetic value, and well deserves to be read, at least in selections, -by every lover of literature. The completeness of the picture -it supplies of early religious thought has no parallel. Moreover, -though its purely secular poems are so few, the incidental references -contained in the whole collection are sufficiently numerous to afford -material for a tolerably detailed description of the social condition -of the earliest Aryans in India. Here, then, we have an additional -reason for attaching great importance to the Rigveda in the history -of civilisation. - -In the first place, the home of the Vedic tribes is revealed to us by -the geographical data which the hymns yield. From these we may conclude -with certainty that the Aryan invaders, after having descended into -the plains, in all probability through the western passes of the -Hindu Kush, had already occupied the north-western corner of India -which is now called by the Persian name of Panjab, or "Land of Five -Rivers." [6] Mention is made in the hymns of some twenty-five streams, -all but two or three of which belong to the Indus river system. Among -them are the five which water the territory of the Panjab, and, after -uniting in a single stream, flow into the Indus. They are the Vitasta -(now Jhelum), the Asikni (Chenab), the Parushni (later called Iravati, -"the refreshing," whence its present name, Ravi), the Vipaç (Beäs), -and the largest and most easterly, the Çutudri (Sutlej). Some of -the Vedic tribes, however, still remained on the farther side of -the Indus, occupying the valleys of its western tributaries, from -the Kubha (Kabul), with its main affluent to the north, the Suvastu, -river "of fair dwellings" (now Swat), to the Krumu (Kurum) and Gomati, -"abounding in cows" (now Gomal), farther south. - -Few of the rivers of the Rigveda are mentioned more than two or three -times in the hymns, and several of them not more than once. The -only names of frequent occurrence are those of the Indus and the -Sarasvati. One entire hymn (x. 75) is devoted to its laudation, but -eighteen other streams, mostly its tributaries, share its praises in -two stanzas. The mighty river seems to have made a deep impression on -the mind of the poet. He speaks of her as the swiftest of the swift, -surpassing all other streams in volume of water. Other rivers flow -to her as lowing cows hasten to their calf. The roar and rush of her -waters are described in enthusiastic strains:-- - - - From earth the sullen roar swells upward to the sky, - With brilliant spray she dashes up unending surge; - As when the streams of rain pour thund'ring from the cloud, - The Sindhu onward rushes like a bellowing bull. - - -The Sindhu (now Sindh), which in Sanskrit simply means the "river," -as the western boundary of the Aryan settlements, suggested to the -nations of antiquity which first came into contact with them in that -quarter a name for the whole peninsula. Adopted in the form of Indos, -the word gave rise to the Greek appellation India as the country of -the Indus. It was borrowed by the ancient Persians as Hindu, which -is used in the Avesta as a name of the country itself. More accurate -is the modern Persian designation Hindustan, "land of the Indus," -a name properly applying only to that part of the peninsula which -lies between the Himalaya and Vindhya ranges. - -Mention is often made in the Rigveda of the sapta sindhavah, or -"seven rivers," which in one passage at least is synonymous with the -country inhabited by the Aryan Indians. It is interesting to note -that the same expression hapta hindu occurs in the Avesta, though it -is there restricted to mean only that part of the Indian territory -which lay in Eastern Kabulistan. If "seven" is here intended for a -definite number, the "seven rivers" must originally have meant the -Kabul, the Indus, and the five rivers of the Panjab, though later the -Sarasvati may have been substituted for the Kabul. For the Sarasvati -is the sacred river of the Rigveda, more frequently mentioned, -generally as a goddess, and lauded with more fervour than any other -stream. The poet's descriptions are often only applicable to a large -river. Hence Roth and other distinguished scholars concluded that -Sarasvati is generally used by the poets of the Rigveda simply as a -sacred designation of the Indus. On the other hand, the name in a few -passages undoubtedly means the small river midway between the Sutlej -and the Jumna, which at a later period formed, with the Drishadvati, -the eastern boundary of the sacred region called Brahmavarta, lying -to the south of Ambala, and commencing some sixty miles south of Simla. - -This small river now loses itself in the sands of the desert, but -the evidence of ancient river-beds appears to favour the conclusion -that it was originally a tributary of the Çutudri (Sutlej). It is -therefore not improbable that in Vedic times it reached the sea, -and was considerably larger than it is now. Considering, too, the -special sanctity which it had already acquired, the laudations supposed -to be compatible only with the magnitude of the Indus may not have -seemed too exaggerated when applied to the lesser stream. It is to -be noted that the Drishadvati, the "stony" (now Ghogra or Ghugger), -in the only passage in which the name occurs in the Rigveda, is -associated with the Sarasvati, Agni being invoked to flame on the -banks of these rivers. This is perhaps an indication that even in the -age of the Rigveda the most easterly limit of the Indus river system -had already acquired a certain sanctity as the region in which the -sacrificial ritual and the art of sacred poetry were practised in -the greatest perfection. There are indications showing that by the -end at least of the Rigvedic period some of the Aryan invaders had -passed beyond this region and had reached the western limit of the -Gangetic river system. For the Yamuna (now Jumna), the most westerly -tributary of the Ganges in the north, is mentioned in three passages, -two of which prove that the Aryan settlements already extended to its -banks. The Ganges itself is already known, for its name is mentioned -directly in one passage of the Rigveda and indirectly in another. It -is, however, a noteworthy fact that the name of the Ganges is not to -be found in any of the other Vedas. - -The southward migration of the Aryan invaders does not appear to have -extended, at the time when the hymns of the Rigveda were composed, -much beyond the point where the united waters of the Panjab flow -into the Indus. The ocean was probably known only from hearsay, for -no mention is made of the numerous mouths of the Indus, and fishing, -one of the main occupations on the banks of the Lower Indus at the -present day, is quite ignored. The word for fish (matsya), indeed, -only occurs once, though various kinds of animals, birds, and insects -are so frequently mentioned. This accords with the character of the -rivers of the Panjab and Eastern Kabulistan, which are poor in fish, -while it contrasts with the intimate knowledge of fishing betrayed -by the Yajurveda, which was composed when the Aryans had spread much -farther to the east, and, doubtless, also to the south. The word which -later is the regular name for "ocean" (sam-udra), seems therefore, -in agreement with its etymological sense ("collection of waters"), -to mean in the Rigveda only the lower course of the Indus, which, -after receiving the waters of the Panjab, is so wide that a boat in -mid-stream is invisible from the bank. It has been noted in recent -times that the natives in this region speak of the river as the "sea of -Sindh;" and indeed the word sindhu ("river") itself in several passages -of the Rigveda has practically the sense of "sea." Metaphors such as -would be used by a people familiar with the ocean are lacking in the -Rigveda. All references to navigation point only to the crossing of -rivers in boats impelled by oars, the main object being to reach the -other bank (para). This action suggested a favourite figure, which -remained familiar throughout Sanskrit literature. Thus one of the -poets of the Rigveda invokes Agni with the words, "Take us across all -woes and dangers as across the river (sindhu) in a boat;" and in the -later literature one who has accomplished his purpose or mastered his -subject is very frequently described as "having reached the farther -shore" (paraga). The Atharva-veda, on the other hand, contains some -passages showing that its composers were acquainted with the ocean. - -Mountains are constantly mentioned in the Rigveda, and rivers are -described as flowing from them. The Himalaya ("abode of snow") range in -general is evidently meant by the "snowy" (himavantah) mountains which -are in the keeping of the Creator. But no individual peak is mentioned -with the exception of Mujavat, which is indirectly referred to as -the home of Soma. This peak, it is to be inferred from later Vedic -literature, was situated close to the Kabul Valley, and was probably -one of the mountains to the south-west of Kashmir. The Atharva-veda -also mentions two other mountains of the Himalaya. One of these is -called Trikakud, the "three-peaked" (in the later literature Trikuta, -and even now Trikota), through the valley at the foot of which flows -the Asikni (Chenab). The other is Navaprabhramçana ("sinking of the -ship"), doubtless identical with the Naubandhana ("binding of the -ship") of the epic and the Manoravasarpana of the Çatapatha Brahmana, -on which the ship of Manu is said to have rested when the deluge -subsided. The Rigveda knows nothing of the Vindhya range, which -divides Northern India from the southern triangle of the peninsula -called the Dekhan; [7] nor does it mention the Narmada River (now -Nerbudda), which flows immediately south of and parallel to that range. - -From these data it may safely be concluded that the Aryans, when the -hymns of the Rigveda were composed, had overspread that portion of -the north-west which appears on the map as a fan-shaped territory, -bounded on the west by the Indus, on the east by the Sutlej, and on -the north by the Himalaya, with a fringe of settlements extending -beyond those limits to the east and the west. Now the Panjab of the -present day is a vast arid plain, from which, except in the north-west -corner at Rawal Pindi, no mountains are visible, and over which no -monsoon storms break. Here there are no grand displays of the strife -of the elements, but only gentle showers fall during the rainy season, -while the phenomena of dawn are far more gorgeous than elsewhere in -the north. There is, therefore, some probability in the contention of -Professor Hopkins, that only the older hymns, such as those to Varuna -and Ushas, were composed in the Panjab itself, while the rest arose -in the sacred region near the Sarasvati, south of the modern Ambala, -where all the conditions required by the Rigveda are found. This is -more likely than the assumption that the climate of the Panjab has -radically changed since the age of the Vedic poets. - -That the home of the Aryans in the age of the Rigveda was the region -indicated is further borne out by the information the poems yield -about the products of the country, its flora and fauna. Thus the soma, -the most important plant of the Rigveda, is described as growing on -the mountains, and must have been easily obtainable, as its juice was -used in large quantities for the daily ritual. In the period of the -Brahmanas it was brought from long distances, or substitutes had to -be used on account of its rarity. Thus the identity of the original -plant came to be lost in India. The plant which is now commonly -used is evidently quite another, for its juice when drunk produces a -nauseating effect, widely different from the feeling of exhilaration -dwelt on by the poets of the Rigveda. Nor can the plant which the -Parsis still import from Persia for the Haoma rite be identical with -the old soma. Again, rice, which is familiar to the later Vedas and -regarded in them as one of the necessaries of life, is not mentioned -in the Rigveda at all. Its natural habitat is in the south-east, the -regular monsoon area, where the rainfall is very abundant. Hence it -probably did not exist in the region of the Indus river system when -the Rigveda was composed, though, in later times, with the practice -of irrigation, its cultivation spread to all parts of India. Corn -(yava) was grown by the tillers of the Rigveda, but the term is -probably not restricted, as later, to the sense of barley. - -Among large trees mentioned in the Rigveda, the most important is the -Açvattha ("horse-stand") or sacred fig-tree (Ficus religiosa). Its -fruit (pippala) is described as sweet and the food of birds. Its -sacredness is at least incipient, for its wood was used for soma -vessels, and, as we learn from the Atharva-veda, also for the drill -(later-called pramantha) employed in producing the sacred fire. The -latter Veda further tells us that the gods are seated in the third -heaven under an Açvattha, which may indeed have been intended -in the Rigveda itself by the "tree with fair foliage," in whose -shade the blessed revel with Yama. This tree, now called Peepal, -is still considered so sacred that a Hindu would be afraid to utter -a falsehood beside it. But the Rigveda does not mention at all, and -the Atharva-veda only twice, the tree which is most characteristic -of India, and shades with its wide-spreading foliage a larger -area than any other tree on the face of the earth--the Nyagrodha -("growing downwards") or banyan (Ficus indica). With its lofty dome -of foliage impenetrable to the rays of the sun and supported by many -lesser trunks as by columns, this great tree resembles a vast temple -of verdure fashioned by the hand of Nature. What the village oak is -in England, that and much more is the banyan to the dwellers in the -innumerable hamlets which overspread the face of agricultural India. - -Among wild animals, one of the most familiar to the poets of the -Rigveda is the lion (simha). They describe him as living in wooded -mountains and as caught with snares, but the characteristic on which -they chiefly dwell is his roaring. In the vast desert to the east of -the Lower Sutlej and of the Indus, the only part of India suited for -its natural habitat, the lion was in ancient times no doubt frequent, -but he now survives only in the wooded hills to the south of the -peninsula of Gujarat. The king of beasts has, however, remained -conventionally familiar in Indian literature, and his old Sanskrit -designation is still common in Hindu names in the form of Singh. - -The tiger is not mentioned in the Rigveda at all, its natural home -being the swampy jungles of Bengal, though he is now found in all the -jungly parts of India. But in the other Vedas he has decidedly taken -the place of the lion, which is, however, still known. His dangerous -character as a beast of prey is here often referred to. Thus the -White Yajurveda compares a peculiarly hazardous undertaking with -waking a sleeping tiger; and the Atharva-veda describes the animal -as "man eating" (purushad). The relation of the tiger to the lion in -the Vedas therefore furnishes peculiarly interesting evidence of the -eastward migration of the Aryans during the Vedic period. - -Somewhat similar is the position of the elephant. It is explicitly -referred to in only two passages of the Rigveda, and the form of the -name applied to it, "the beast (mriga) with a hand (hastin)," shows -that the Rishis still regarded it as a strange creature. One passage -seems to indicate that by the end of the Rigvedic period attempts -were made to catch the animal. That the capture of wild elephants -had in any case become a regular practice by 300 B.C. is proved by -the evidence of Megasthenes. To the Atharva- and the Yajur-vedas the -elephant is quite familiar, for it is not only frequently mentioned, -but the adjective hastin, "possessing a hand" (i.e. trunk), has -become sufficiently distinctive to be used by itself to designate -the animal. The regular home of the elephant in Northern India is -the Terai or lowland jungle at the foot of the Himalaya, extending -eastward from about the longitude of Cawnpore. - -The wolf (vrika) is mentioned more frequently in the Rigveda than the -lion himself, and there are many references to the boar (varaha), -which was hunted with dogs. The buffalo (mahisha), in the tame as -well as the wild state, was evidently very familiar to the poets, -who several times allude to its flesh being cooked and eaten. There -is only one reference to the bear (riksha). The monkey (kapi) is only -mentioned in a late hymn (x. 86), but in such a way as to show that -the animal had already been tamed. The later and ordinary Sanskrit -name for monkey, vanara ("forest-animal"), has survived in the modern -vernaculars, and is known to readers of Mr. Rudyard Kipling in the -form of Bunder-log ("monkey-people"). - -Among the domestic animals known to the Rigveda those of lesser -importance are sheep, goats, asses, and dogs. The latter, it may -be gathered, were used for hunting, guarding, and tracking cattle, -as well as for keeping watch at night. Cattle, however, occupy the -chief place. Cows were the chief form of wealth, and the name of the -sacrificial "fee," [8] dakshina, is properly an adjective meaning -"right," "valuable," with the ellipse of go, "cow." No sight gladdened -the eye of the Vedic Indian more than the cow returning from the -pasture and licking her calf fastened by a cord; no sound was more -musical to his ear than the lowing of milch kine. To him therefore -there was nothing grotesque in the poet exclaiming, "As cows low -to their calves near the stalls, so we will praise Indra with our -hymns," or "Like unmilked kine we have called aloud (lowed) to thee, -O hero (Indra)." For greater security cows were, after returning -from pasture, kept in stalls during the night and let out again in -the morning. Though the cow-killer is in the White Yajurveda already -said to be punishable with death, the Rigveda does not express an -absolute prohibition, for the wedding-hymn shows that even the cow was -slaughtered on specially solemn occasions, while bulls are several -times described as sacrificed to Indra in large numbers. Whilst the -cows were out at pasture, bulls and oxen were regularly used for the -purpose of ploughing and drawing carts. - -Horses came next in value to cattle, for wealth in steeds is -constantly prayed for along with abundance of cows. To a people so -frequently engaged in battle, the horse was of essential value in -drawing the war-car; he was also indispensable in the chariot-race, -to which the Vedic Indian was devoted. He was, however, not yet used -for riding. The horse-sacrifice, moreover, was regarded as the most -important and efficacious of animal sacrifices. - -Of the birds of the Rigveda I need only mention those which have -some historical or literary interest. The wild goose or swan (hamsa), -so familiar to the classical poets, is frequently referred to, being -said to swim in the water and to fly in a line. The curious power of -separating soma from water is attributed to it in the White Yajurveda, -as that of extracting milk from water is in the later poetry. The -latter faculty belongs to the curlew (krunch), according to the -same Veda. - -The chakravaka or ruddy goose, on the fidelity of which the post-Vedic -poets so often dwell, is mentioned once in the Rigveda, the Açvins -being said to come in the morning like a couple of these birds, -while the Atharva-veda already refers to them as models of conjugal -love. Peahens (mayuri) are spoken of in the Rigveda as removing -poison, and parrots (çuka) are alluded to as yellow. By the time of the -Yajurveda the latter bird had been tamed, for it is there described as -"uttering human speech." - -A good illustration of the dangers of the argumentum ex silentio -is furnished by the fact that salt, the most necessary of minerals, -is never once mentioned in the Rigveda. And yet the Northern Panjab -is the very part of India where it most abounds. It occurs in the -salt range between the Indus and the Jhelum in such quantities that -the Greek companions of Alexander, according to Strabo, asserted the -supply to be sufficient for the wants of the whole of India. - -Among the metals, gold is the one most frequently mentioned in the -Rigveda. It was probably for the most part obtained from the rivers -of the north-west, which even at the present day are said to yield -considerable quantities of the precious metal. Thus the Indus is -spoken of by the poets as "golden" or "having a golden bed." There -are indications that kings possessed gold in abundance. Thus one poet -praises his royal benefactor for bestowing ten nuggets of gold upon -him besides other bountiful gifts. Gold ornaments of various kinds, -such as ear-rings and armlets, are often mentioned. - -The metal which is most often referred to in the Rigveda next to gold -is called ayas (Latin, aes). It is a matter of no slight historical -interest to decide whether this signifies "iron" or not. In most -passages where it occurs the word appears to mean simply "metal." In -the few cases where it designates a particular metal, the evidence is -not very conclusive; but the inference which may be drawn as to its -colour is decidedly in favour of its having been reddish, which points -to bronze and not iron. The fact that the Atharva-veda distinguishes -between "dark" ayas and "red," seems to indicate that the distinction -between iron and copper or bronze had only recently been drawn. It is, -moreover, well known that in the progress of civilisation the use of -bronze always precedes that of iron. Yet it would be rash to assert -that iron was altogether unknown even to the earlier Vedic age. It -seems quite likely that the Aryans of that period were unacquainted -with silver, for its name is not mentioned in the Rigveda, and the -knowledge of silver goes hand in hand with that of iron, owing to -the manner in which these metals are intermingled in the ore which -produces them. These two metals, moreover, are not found in any -quantity in the north-west of India. - -The evidence of the topography, the climate, and the products of -the country thus shows that the people by whose poets the Rigveda was -composed were settled in the north-west of India, from the Kabul to the -Jumna. But they were still engaged in conflict with the aborigines, for -many victories over them are referred to. Thus Indra is said to have -bound 1000 or slain 30,000 of them for his allies. That the conquerors -were bent on acquiring new territory appears from the rivers being -frequently mentioned as obstacles to farther advance. The invaders, -though split up into many tribes, were conscious of a unity of race -and religion. They styled themselves Aryas or "kinsmen," as opposed to -the aborigines, to whom they gave the name of Dasyu or Dasa, "fiends," -in later times also called anarya, or non-Aryans. The characteristic -physical difference between the two races was that of colour (varna), -the aborigines being described as "black" (krishna) or "black-skins," -and as the "Dasa colour," in contrast with the "Aryan colour" or "our -colour." This contrast undoubtedly formed the original basis of caste, -the regular name for which in Sanskrit is "colour." - -Those of the conquered race who did not escape to the hills and were -captured became slaves. Thus one singer receives from his royal -patron a hundred asses, a hundred sheep, and a hundred Dasas. The -latter word in later Sanskrit regularly means servant or slave, -much in the same way as "captive Slav" to the German came to mean -"slave." When thoroughly subjected, the original inhabitants, ceasing -to be called Dasyus, became the fourth caste under the later name of -Çudras. The Dasyus are described in the Rigveda as non-sacrificing, -unbelieving, and impious. They are also doubtless meant by the -phallus-worshippers mentioned in two passages. The Aryans in course -of time came to adopt this form of cult. There are several passages -in the Mahabharata showing that Çiva was already venerated under the -emblem of the phallus when that epic was composed. Phallus-worship is -widely diffused in India at the present day, but is most prevalent -in the south. The Dasyus appear to have been a pastoral race, for -they possessed large herds, which were captured by the victorious -Aryans. They fortified themselves in strongholds (called pur), which -must have been numerous, as Indra is sometimes said to have destroyed -as many as a hundred of them for his allies. - -The Rigveda mentions many tribes among the Aryans. The most -north-westerly of these are the Gandharis, who, judged by the way they -are referred to, must have been breeders of sheep. They were later -well known as Gandharas or Gandharas. The Atharva-veda mentions as -contiguous to the Gandharis the Mujavats, a tribe doubtless settled -close to Mount Mujavat; evidently regarding these two as the extreme -limit of the Aryan settlements to the north-west. - -The most important part, if not the whole, of the Indian Aryans is -meant by the "five tribes," an expression of frequent occurrence in the -Rigveda. It is not improbable that by this term were meant five tribes -which are enumerated together in two passages, the Purus, Turvaças, -Yadus, Anus, and Druhyus. These are often mentioned as engaged in -intertribal conflicts. Four of them, along with some other clans, are -named as having formed a coalition under ten kings against Sudas, chief -of the Tritsus. The opposing forces met on the banks of the Parushni, -where the great "battle of the ten kings" was fought. The coalition, -in their endeavours to cross the stream and to deflect its course, -were repulsed with heavy loss by the Tritsus. - -The Purus are described as living on both banks of the Sarasvati. A -part of them must, however, have remained behind farther west, as -they were found on the Parushni in Alexander's time. The Rigveda often -mentions their king, Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa, and speaks of his -descendant Trikshi as a powerful prince. The Turvaças are one of the -most frequently named of the tribes. With them are generally associated -the Yadus, among whom the priestly family of the Kanvas seems to have -lived. It is to be inferred from one passage of the Rigveda that the -Anus were settled on the Parushni, and the priestly family of the -Bhrigus, it would appear, belonged to them. Their relations to the -Druhyus seem to have been particularly close. The Matsyas, mentioned -only in one passage of the Rigveda, were also foes of the Tritsus. In -the Mahabharata we find them located on the western bank of the Yamuna. - -A more important name among the enemies of Sudas is that of the -Bharatas. One hymn (iii. 33) describes them as coming to the rivers -Vipaç and Çutudri accompanied by Viçvamitra, who, as we learn -from another hymn (iii. 53), had formerly been the chief priest of -Sudas, and who now made the waters fordable for the Bharatas by his -prayers. This is probably the occasion on which, according to another -hymn (vii. 33), the Bharatas were defeated by Sudas and his Tritsus, -who were aided by the invocations of Vasishtha, the successor and -rival of Viçvamitra. The Bharatas appear to be specially connected -with sacrificial rites in the Rigveda; for Agni receives the epithet -Bharata, "belonging to the Bharatas," and the ritual goddess Bharati, -frequently associated with Sarasvati, derives her name from them. In -a hymn to Agni (iii. 23), mention is made of two Bharatas named -Devaçravas and Devavata who kindled the sacred fire on the Drishadvati, -the Apaya, and the Sarasvati, the very region which is later celebrated -as the holy land of Brahmanism under the names of Brahmavarta and -Kurukshetra. The family of the Kuçikas, to whom Viçvamitra belonged, -was closely connected with the Bharatas. - -The Tritsus appear to have been settled somewhere to the east of the -Parushni, on the left bank of which Sudas may be supposed to have drawn -up his forces to resist the coalition of the ten kings attempting to -cross the stream from the west. Five tribes, whose names do not occur -later, are mentioned as allied with Sudas in the great battle. The -Srinjayas were probably also confederates of the Tritsus, being, -like the latter, described as enemies of the Turvaças. - -Of some tribes we learn nothing from the Rigveda but the name, which, -however, survives till later times. Thus the Uçinaras, mentioned only -once, were, at the period when the Aitareya Brahmana was composed, -located in the middle of Northern India; and the Chedis, also referred -to only once, are found in the epic age settled in Magadha (Southern -Behar). Krivi, as a tribal name connected with the Indus and Asikni, -points to the north-west. In the Çatapatha Brahmana it is stated to -be the old name of the Panchalas, who inhabited the country to the -north of the modern Delhi. - -The Atharva-veda mentions as remote tribes not only the Gandharis and -Mujavats, but also the Magadhas (Behar) and the Angas (Bengal). We -may therefore conclude that by the time that Veda was completed the -Aryans had already spread to the Delta of the Ganges. - -The Panchalas are not mentioned in either Veda, and the name of the -Kurus is only found there indirectly in two or three compounds or -derivatives. They are first referred to in the White Yajurveda; yet -they are the two most prominent peoples of the Brahmana period. On the -other hand, the names of a number of the most important of the Rigvedic -tribes, such as the Purus, Turvaças, Yadus, Tritsus, and others, -have entirely or practically disappeared from the Brahmanas. Even the -Bharatas, though held in high regard by the composers of the Brahmanas, -and set up by them as models of correct conduct, appear to have ceased -to represent a political entity, for there are no longer any references -to them in that sense, as to other peoples of the day. Their name, -moreover, does not occur in the tribal enumerations of the Aitareya -Brahmana and of Manu, while it is practically altogether ignored in -the Buddhistic literature. - -Such being the case, it is natural to suppose that the numerous Vedic -tribes, under the altered conditions of life in vast plains, coalesced -into nations with new names. Thus the Bharatas, to whom belonged -the royal race of the Kurus in the epic, and from whom the very name -of the Mahabharata, which describes the great war of the Kurus, is -derived, were doubtless absorbed in what came to be called the Kuru -nation. In the genealogical system of the Mahabharata the Purus are -brought into close connection with the Kurus. This is probably an -indication that they too had amalgamated with the latter people. It -is not unlikely that the Tritsus, whose name disappears after the -Rigveda, also furnished one of the elements of the Kuru nation. - -As to the Panchalas, we have seen that they represent the old -Krivis. It is, however, likely that the latter combined with several -small tribes to make up the later nation. A Brahmana passage contains -an indication that the Turvaças may have been one of these. Perhaps -the Yadus, generally associated with the Turvaças in the Rigveda, were -also one of them. The epic still preserves the name, in the patronymic -form of Yadava, as that of the race in which Krishna was born. The -name of the Panchalas itself (derived from pancha, five) seems to -indicate that this people consisted of an aggregate of five elements. - -Some of the tribes mentioned in the Rigveda, however, maintained -their individual identity under their old names down to the epic -period. These were the Uçinaras, Srinjayas, Matsyas, and Chedis. - -It is interesting to note that the Rigveda refers to a rich and -powerful prince called Ikshvaku. In the epic this name recurs as that -of a mighty king who ruled to the east of the Ganges in the city of -Ayodhya (Oudh) and was the founder of the Solar race. - -It is clear from what has been said that the Vedic Aryans were split up -into numerous tribes, which, though conscious of their unity in race, -language, and religion, had no political cohesion. They occasionally -formed coalitions, it is true, but were just as often at war with one -another. The tribe, in fact, was the political unit, organised much -in the same way as the Afghans are at the present day, or the Germans -were in the time of Tacitus. The tribe (jana) consisted of a number of -settlements (viç), which again were formed of an aggregate of villages -(grama). The fighting organisation of the tribe appears to have been -based on these divisions. The houses forming the village seem to -have been built entirely of wood, as they still were in the time of -Megasthenes. In the midst of each house the domestic fire burnt. For -protection against foes or inundations, fortified enclosures (called -pur) were made on eminences. They consisted of earthworks strengthened -with a stockade, or occasionally with stone. There is nothing to show -that they were inhabited, much less that pur ever meant a town or city, -as it did in later times. - -The basis of Vedic society being the patriarchal family, the government -of the tribe was naturally monarchical. The king (raja) was often -hereditary. Thus several successive members of the same family are -mentioned as rulers of the Tritsus and of the Purus. Occasionally, -however, the king was elected by the districts (viç) of the tribe; -but whether the choice was then limited to members of the royal race, -or was extended to certain noble families, does not appear. In times -of peace the main duty of the king was to ensure the protection of -his people. In return they rendered him obedience, and supplied him -with voluntary gifts--not fixed taxes--for his maintenance. His power -was by no means absolute, being limited by the will of the people -expressed in the tribal assembly (samiti). As to the constitution -and functions of the latter, we have unfortunately little or no -information. In war, the king of course held the chief command. On -important occasions, such as the eve of a battle, it was also his -duty to offer sacrifice on behalf of his tribe, either performing -the rites himself, or employing a priest to do so. - -Every tribe doubtless possessed a family of singers who attended the -king, praising his deeds as well as composing hymns to accompany the -sacrifice in honour of the gods. Depending on the liberality of their -patrons, these poets naturally did not neglect to lay stress on the -efficacy of their invocations, and on the importance of rewarding them -well for their services. The priest whom a king appointed to officiate -for him was called a purohita or domestic chaplain. Vasishtha occupied -that position in the employ of King Sudas; and in one of his hymns -(vii. 33) he does not fail to point out that the victory of the -Tritsus was due to his prayers. The panegyrics on liberal patrons -contain manifest exaggerations, partly, no doubt, intended to act -as an incentive to other princes. Nevertheless, the gifts in gold, -cows, horses, chariots, and garments bestowed by kings on their chief -priests must often have been considerable, especially after important -victories. Under the later Brahmanic hierarchy liberality to the -priestly caste became a duty, while the amount of the sacrificial -fee was fixed for each particular rite. - -The employment of Purohitas by kings as their substitutes in -the performance of sacrificial functions is to be regarded as the -beginning and the oldest form of the priesthood in India. It became -the starting-point of the historically unique hierarchical order in -which the sacerdotal caste occupied the supreme position in society, -and the State was completely merged in the Church. Such, indeed, -was the ideal of the Catholic Church in the West during the Middle -Ages, but it never became an accomplished fact in Europe, as it did -in India. No sooner had the priesthood become hereditary than the -development of a caste system began, which has had no parallel in -any other country. But during the period represented by Sudas and -Vasishtha, in which the older portion of the Rigveda was composed, -the priesthood was not yet hereditary, still less had the warrior -and sacerdotal classes became transformed into castes among the Aryan -tribes settled in the Panjab. This is confirmed by the fact that in -the epic age the inhabitants of Madhyadeça or Mid-land, where the -Brahmanic caste system grew up, regarded the people of the north-west -as semi-barbarians. - -In the simple social organisation of the Vedic tribes of this region, -where occupations were but little differentiated, every man was a -soldier as well a civilian, much as among the Afghans of to-day. As -they moved farther to the east, society became more complex, -and vocations tended to become hereditary. The population being -now spread over wider tracts of territory, the necessity arose for -something in the nature of a standing army to repel sudden attacks -or quell risings of the subject aborigines. The nucleus would have -been supplied by the families of the chiefs of lesser tribes which -had amalgamated under some military leader. The agricultural and -industrial part of the population were thus left to follow their -pursuits without interruption. Meanwhile the religious ceremonial was -increasing in complexity; its success was growing more dependent on -correct performance, while the preservation of the ancient hymns was -becoming more urgent. The priests had, therefore, to devote all their -time and energies to the carrying out of their religious duties and -the handing down of the sacred tradition in their families. - -Owing to these causes, the three main classes of Aryan society became -more and more separated. But how were they transformed into castes or -social strata divided from one another by the impassable barriers of -heredity and the prohibition of intermarrying or eating together? This -rigid mutual exclusiveness must have started, in the first instance, -from the treatment of the conquered aborigines, who, on accepting -the Aryan belief, were suffered to form a part of the Aryan polity -in the capacity of a servile class. The gulf between the two races -need not have been wider than that which at the present day, in the -United States, divides the whites from the negroes. When the latter -are described as men of "colour," the identical term is used which, in -India, came to mean "caste." Having become hereditary, the sacerdotal -class succeeded in securing a position of sanctity and inviolability -which raised them above the rest of the Aryans as the latter were -raised above the Dasas. When their supremacy was established, they -proceeded to organise the remaining classes in the state on similar -lines of exclusiveness. To the time when the system of the three Aryan -castes, with the Çudras added as a fourth, already existed in its -fundamental principles, belong the greater part of the independent -portions of the Yajurveda, a considerable part of the Atharva-veda -(most of books viii. to xiii.), but of the Rigveda, besides the one -(x. 90) which distinctly refers to the four castes by name, only a -few of the latest hymns of the first, eighth, and tenth books. The -word brahmana, the regular name for "man of the first caste," is still -rare in the Rigveda, occurring only eight times, while brahman, which -simply means sage or officiating priest, is found forty-six times. - -We may now pass on to sketch rapidly the social conditions which -prevailed in the period of the Rigveda. The family, in which such -relationships as a wife's brother and a husband's brother or sister had -special names, was clearly the foundation of society. The father was -at its head as "lord of the house" (grihapati). Permission to marry a -daughter was asked from him by the suitor through the mediation of an -intimate friend. The wedding was celebrated in the house of the bride's -parents, whither the bridegroom, his relatives, and friends came in -procession. Here they were entertained with the flesh of cows slain in -honour of the occasion. Here, too, the bridegroom took the bride's hand -and led her round the nuptial fire. The Atharva-veda adds that he set -down a stone on the ground, asking the bride to step upon it for the -obtainment of offspring. On the conclusion of the wedding festivities, -the bride, anointed and in festal array, mounted with her husband a -car adorned with red flowers and drawn by two white bulls. On this -she was conducted in procession to her new home. The main features -of this nuptial ceremony of 3000 years ago still survive in India. - -Though the wife, like the children, was subject to the will of her -husband, she occupied a position of greater honour in the age of the -Rigveda than in that of the Brahmanas, for she participated with her -husband in the offering of sacrifice. She was mistress of the house -(grihapatni), sharing the control not only of servants and slaves, -but also of the unmarried brothers and sisters of her husband. From -the Yajurveda we learn that it was customary for sons and daughters -to marry in the order of their age, but the Rigveda more than once -speaks of girls who remained unmarried and grew old in their father's -house. As the family could only be continued in the male line, -abundance of sons is constantly prayed for, along with wealth in -cattle and land, and the newly wedded husband hopes that his bride -may become a mother of heroes. Lack of sons was placed on the same -level as poverty, and adoption was regarded as a mere makeshift. No -desire for the birth of daughters is ever expressed in the Rigveda; -their birth is deprecated in the Atharva-veda, and the Yajurveda -speaks of girls being exposed when born. Fathers, even in the earliest -Vedic times, would doubtless have sympathised with the sentiment of -the Aitareya Brahmana, that "to have a daughter is a misery." This -prejudice survives in India to the present day with unabated force. - -That the standard of morality was comparatively high may be inferred -from the fact that adultery and rape were counted among the most -serious offences, and illegitimate births were concealed. - -One or two passages indicate that the practice of exposing old men, -found among many primitive peoples, was not unknown to the Rigveda. - -Among crimes, the commonest appears to have been robbery, which -generally took the form of cattle-lifting, mostly practised at -night. Thieves and robbers are often mentioned, and the Rigveda -contains many prayers for protection at home, abroad, and on -journeys. Such criminals, when caught, were punished by being tied -to stakes with cords. Debts (rina) were often incurred, chiefly, -it would seem, at play, and the Rigveda even speaks of paying them -off by instalments. - -From the references to dress which the Rigveda contains we may -gather that a lower garment and a cloak were worn. Clothes were woven -of sheep's wool, were often variegated, and sometimes adorned with -gold. Necklets, bracelets, anklets, and ear-rings are mentioned in the -way of ornaments. The hair was anointed and combed. The Atharva-veda -even mentions a comb with a hundred teeth, and also speaks of remedies -which strengthened or restored the growth of the hair. Women plaited -their hair, while men occasionally wore it braided and wound like a -shell. The gods Rudra and Pushan are described as being thus adorned; -and the Vasishthas, we learn, wore their hair braided on the right side -of the head. On festive occasions wreaths were worn by men. Beards -were usual, but shaving was occasionally practised. The Atharva-veda -relates how, when the ceremony of shaving off his beard was performed -on King Soma, Vayu brought the hot water and Savitri skilfully wielded -the razor. - -The chief article of food was milk, which was either drunk as it -came from the cow or was used for cooking grain as well as mixing -with soma. Next in importance came clarified butter (ghrita, -now ghee), which, as a favourite food of men, was also offered to -the gods. Grain was eaten after being parched, or, ground to flour -between millstones, was made into cakes with milk or butter. Various -kinds of vegetables and fruit also formed part of the daily fare -of the Vedic Indian. Flesh was eaten only on ceremonial occasions, -when animals were sacrificed. Bulls being the chief offerings -to the gods, beef was probably the kind of meat most frequently -eaten. Horse-flesh must have been less commonly used, owing to the -comparative rarity of the horse-sacrifice. Meat was either roasted on -spits or cooked in pots. The latter were made of metal or earthenware; -but drinking-vessels were usually of wood. - -The Indians of the Rigveda were acquainted with at least two kinds -of spirituous liquor. Soma was the principal one. Its use was, -however, restricted to occasions of a religious character, such as -sacrifices and festivals. The genuine soma plant from which it was -made also became increasingly difficult to obtain as the Aryans -moved farther away from the mountains. The spirit in ordinary use -was called sura. The knowledge of it goes back to a remote period, -for its name, like that of soma, is found in the Avesta in the form -of hura. It was doubtless prepared from some kind of grain, like the -liquor made from rice at the present day in India. Indulgence in sura -went hand in hand with gambling. One poet mentions anger, dice, and -sura as the causes of various sins; while another speaks of men made -arrogant with sura reviling the gods. Its use must have been common, -for by the time of the Vajasaneyi Samhita, the occupation of a "maker -of sura" (surakara) or distiller had become a profession. - -One of the chief occupations of the Vedic Indians was of course -warfare. They fought either on foot or on chariots. The latter had -two occupants, the fighter and the driver. This was still the case -in the Mahabharata, where we find Krishna acting as charioteer to -Arjuna. Cavalry is nowhere mentioned, and probably came into use at -a considerably later period. By the time of Alexander's invasion, -however, it formed one of the regular four divisions of the Indian -army. There are some indications that riding on horseback was at -least known to the Rigveda, and distinct references to it occur in -the Atharva- and the Yajur-vedas. The Vedic warriors were protected -with coats of mail and helmets of metal. The principal weapons were -the bow and arrow, the latter being tipped with poisoned horn or with -a metal point. Spears and axes are also frequently mentioned. - -The principal means of livelihood to the Vedic Indian was -cattle-breeding. His great desire was to possess large herds; and in -the numerous prayers for protection, health, and prosperity, cattle -are nearly always mentioned first. - -The Vedic Aryans were, however, not merely a pastoral people. They -had brought with them from beyond the valleys of Afghanistan at least -a primitive knowledge of agriculture, as is shown by the Indians and -Iranians having such terms as "to plough" (krish) in common. This had, -indeed, by the time of the Rigveda, become an industry second only to -cattle-breeding in importance. The plough, which we learn from the -Atharva-veda had a metal share, was used for making furrows in the -fields, and was drawn by bulls. When the earth was thus prepared, -seed was strewn over the soil. Irrigation seems not to have been -unknown, as dug-out channels for water are mentioned. When ripe, -the corn (yava) was cut with a sickle. It was then laid in bundles -on the threshing-floor, where it was threshed out and finally sifted -by winnowing. - -Though the Vedic Indians were already a pastoral and agricultural -people, they still practised hunting to a considerable extent. The -hunter pursued his game with bow and arrow, or used traps and -snares. Birds were usually caught with toils or nets spread on the -ground. Lions were taken in snares, antelopes secured in pits, and -boars hunted with dogs. - -Navigation in Rigvedic times was, as we have already seen, limited -to the crossing of rivers. The boats (called nau-s, Greek nau-s) were -propelled by what were doubtless paddles (aritra), and must have been -of the most primitive type, probably dug-out tree-trunks. No mention -is made of rudder or anchor, masts, or sails. - -Trade in those days consisted in barter, the cow being the pecuniary -standard by which the value of everything was measured. The transition -to coinage was made by the use of gold ornaments and jewelry as a form -of reward or payment, as was the case among the ancient Germans. Thus -nishka, which in the Rigveda means a necklet, in later times became -the name of a coin. - -Though the requirements of life in early Vedic times were still -primitive enough to enable every man more or less to supply his own -wants, the beginnings of various trades and industries can be clearly -traced in the Rigveda. References are particularly frequent to the -labour of the worker in wood, who was still carpenter, joiner, and -wheelwright in one. As the construction of chariots and carts required -peculiar skill, we find that certain men already devoted themselves -to it as a special art, and worked at it for pay. Hence felicity in -the composition of hymns is often compared with the dexterity of the -wheelwright. Mention is also sometimes made of the smith who smelts -the ore in a forge, using the wing of a bird instead of a bellows to -produce a draught. He is described as making kettles as well as other -domestic utensils of metal. The Rigveda also refers to tanners and the -skins of animals prepared by them. Women, it appears, were acquainted -with sewing and with the plaiting of mats from grass or reeds. An art -much more frequently alluded to in metaphors and similes is that of -weaving, but the references are so brief that we obtain no insight -into the process. The Atharva-veda, however, gives some details in a -passage which describes how Night and Day, personified as two sisters, -weave the web of the year alternately with threads that never break -or come to an end. The division of labour had been greatly developed -by the time of the White Yajurveda, in which a great many trades -and vocations are enumerated. Among these we find the rope-maker, -the jeweller, the elephant-keeper, and the actor. - -Among the active and warlike Vedic Aryans the chariot-race was a -favourite amusement, as is shown by the very metaphors which are -borrowed from this form of sport. Though skilful driving was still -a highly esteemed art in the epic period, the use of the chariot -both for war and for racing gradually died out in Hindustan, partly -perhaps owing to the enervating influence of the climate, and partly -to the scarcity of horses, which had to be brought from the region -of the Indus. - -The chief social recreation of men when they met together was gambling -with dice. The irresistible fascination exercised, and the ruin often -entailed by this amusement, we have already found described in the -Gambler's Lament. Some haunted the gaming-hall to such an extent that -we find them jocularly described in the Yajurveda as "pillars of the -playhouse" (sabhasthanu). No certain information can be gathered from -the Rigveda as to how the game was played. We know, however, from one -passage that four dice were used. The Yajurveda mentions a game played -with five, each of which has a name. Cheating at play appears in the -Rigveda as one of the most frequent of crimes; and one poet speaks of -dice as one of the chief sources of sinning against the ordinances of -Varuna. Hence the word used in the Rigveda for "gamester" (kitava) in -classical Sanskrit came to mean "cheat," and a later word for "rogue" -(dhurta) is used as a synonym of "gamester." - -Another amusement was dancing, which seems to have been indulged in by -men as well as women. But when the sex of the dancers is distinctly -referred to, they are nearly always maidens. Thus the Goddess of -Dawn is compared to a dancer decked in gay attire. That dancing -took place in the open air may be gathered from the line (x. 76, 6), -"thick dust arose as from men who dance" (nrityatam). - -Various references in the Rigveda show that even in that early age the -Indians were acquainted with different kinds off music. For we find -the three main types of percussion, wind, and stringed instruments -there represented by the drum (dundubhi), the flute (vana), and the -lute (vina). The latter has ever since been the favourite musical -instrument of the Indians down to the present day. That the Vedic -Indians were fond of instrumental music may be inferred from the -statement of a Rishi that the sound of the flute is heard in the -abode of Yama, where the blessed dwell. From one of the Sutras we -learn that instrumental music was performed at some religious rites, -the vina being played at the sacrifice to the Manes. By the time of -the Yajurveda several kinds of professional musicians appear to have -arisen, for lute-players, drummers, flute-players, and conch-blowers -are enumerated in its list of callings. Singing is, of course, very -often mentioned in the Rigveda. That vocal music had already got beyond -the most primitive stage may be concluded from the somewhat complicated -method of chanting the Samaveda, a method which was probably very -ancient, as the Soma ritual goes back to the Indo-Iranian age. - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE LATER VEDAS - - -Of the three later Vedas, the Samaveda is much the most closely -connected with the Rigveda. Historically it is of little importance, -for it contains hardly any independent matter, all its verses except -seventy-five being taken directly from the Rigveda. Its contents are -derived chiefly from the eighth and especially the ninth, the Soma -book. The Samaveda resembles the Yajurveda in having been compiled -exclusively for ritual application; for the verses of which it -consists are all meant to be chanted at the ceremonies of the soma -sacrifice. Removed from their context in the Rigveda, they are strung -together without internal connection, their significance depending -solely on their relation to particular rites. In form these stanzas -appear in the text of the Samaveda as if they were to be spoken or -recited, differing from those of the Rigveda only in the way of -marking the accent. The Samaveda is, therefore, only the book of -words employed by the special class of Ugatri priests at the soma -sacrifice. Its stanzas assume their proper character of musical Samans -or chants only in the various song-books called ganas, which indicate -the prolongation, the repetition, and the interpolation of syllables -necessary in singing, just as is often done in European publications -when the words are given below the musical notation. There are four -of these songbooks in existence, two belonging to each division of -the Veda. The number of Samans here given of course admitted of being -indefinitely increased, as each verse could be sung to many melodies. - -The Samaveda consists of 1549 stanzas, distributed in two books called -archikas or collections of rich verses. The principle of arrangement -in these two books is different. The first is divided into six lessons -(prapathaka), each of which contains ten decades (daçat) of stanzas, -except the sixth, which has only nine. The verses of the first twelve -decades are addressed to Agni, those of the last eleven to Soma, -while those of the intermediate thirty-six are chiefly invocations -of Indra, the great soma-drinker. The second book contains nine -lessons, each of which is divided into two, and sometimes three -sections. It consists throughout of small groups of stanzas, which, -generally three in number, are closely connected, the first in the -group being usually found in the first book also. That the second book -is both later in date and secondary in character is indicated by its -repeating stanzas from the first book as well as by its deviating much -less from the text of the Rigveda. It is also a significant fact in -this connection that the verses of the first book which recur in the -second agree more closely with the readings of the Rigveda than the -other verses by which they are surrounded. This can only be accounted -for by the supposition that they were consciously altered in order to -accord with the same verses in the second book which were directly -influenced by the Rigveda, while the readings of the first book had -diverged more widely because that book had been handed down, since -the original borrowing, by an independent tradition. - -We know from statements of the Çatapatha Brahmana that the divisions -of the first book of the Samaveda existed at least as early as the -period when the second part of that Brahmana was composed. There is, -moreover, some reason to believe that the Samaveda as a collection is -older than at least the Taittiriya and the Vajasaneyi recensions of the -Yajurveda. For the latter contain verses, used also as Saman chants, -in a form which shows the variations of the Samaveda in contrast with -the Rigveda. This is all the more striking as the Vajasaneyi text has -an undoubted tendency to adhere to the readings of the Rigveda. On -the other hand, the view expressed by Professor Weber that numerous -variants in verses of the Samaveda contain archaic forms as compared -with the Rigveda, and were therefore borrowed at a time before the -existing redaction of the Rigveda took place, has been shown to be -untenable. The various readings of the Samaveda are really due in -part to inferior tradition, and in part to arbitrary alterations made -in order to adapt verses detached from their context to the ritual -purpose to which they were applied. - -Two schools of the Samaveda are known--the Kauthumas and the -Ranayaniyas, the former of whom are said still to exist in Gujarat, -while the latter, at one time settled mainly in the Mahratta country, -are said to survive in Eastern Hyderabad. Their recensions of the -text appear to have differed but little from each other. That of -the Ranayanayas has been published more than once. The earliest -edition, brought out by a missionary named Stevenson in 1842, -was entirely superseded by the valuable work of Benfey, which, -containing a German translation and glossary besides the text, -came out in 1848. The Samaveda was thus the first of the Vedas to -be edited in its entirety. The text of this Veda, according to the -recension of the same school, together with the commentary of Sayana, -was subsequently edited in India. Of the Kauthuma recension nothing has -been preserved excepting the seventh prapathaka, which, in the Naigeya -subdivision of this school, forms an addition to the first archika, -and was edited in 1868. Two indices of the deities and composers of the -Samaveda according to the Naigeya school have also been preserved, and -indirectly supply information about the text of the Kauthuma recension. - -The Yajurveda introduces us not only to a geographical area different -from that of the Rigveda, but also to a new epoch of religious -and social life in India. The centre of Vedic civilisation is now -found to lie farther to the east. We hear no more of the Indus and -its tributaries; for the geographical data of all the recensions of -the Yajurveda point to the territory in the middle of Northern India -occupied by the neighbouring peoples of the Kurus and Panchalas. The -country of the former, called Kurukshetra, is specifically the holy -land of the Yajurvedas and of the Brahmanas attached to them. It lay -in the plain between the Sutlej and the Jumna, beginning with the -tract bounded by the two small rivers Drishadvati and Sarasvati, -and extending south-eastwards to the Jumna. It corresponds to the -modern district of Sirhind. Closely connected with, and eastward -of this region, was situated the land of the Panchalas, which, -running south-east from the Meerut district to Allahabad, embraces -the territory between the Jumna and the Ganges called the Doab ("Two -Waters"). Kurukshetra was the country in which the Brahmanic religious -and social system was developed, and from which it spread over the rest -of India. It claims a further historical interest as being in later -times the scene of the conflict, described in the Mahabharata, between -the Panchalas and Matsyas on the one hand, and the Kurus, including -the ancient Bharatas, on the other. In the famous lawbook of Manu the -land of the Kurus is still regarded with veneration as the special -home of Brahmanism, and as such is designated Brahmavarta. Together -with the country of the Panchalas, and that of their neighbours to the -south of the Jumna, the Matsyas (with Mathura, now Muttra, as their -capital) and the Çurasenas, it is spoken of as the land of Brahman -sages, where the bravest warriors and the most pious priests live, -and the customs and usages of which are authoritative. - -Here the adherents of the Yajurveda split up into several schools, -which gradually spread over other parts of India, the Kathas, with -their subdivision the Kapishthalas, being in the time of the Greeks -located in the Panjab, and later in Kashmir also. The Kathas are now -to be found in Kashmir only, while the Kapishthalas have entirely -disappeared. The Maitrayaniyas, originally called Kalapas, appear -at one time to have occupied the region around the lower course of -the Narmada for a distance of some two hundred miles from the sea, -extending to the south of its mouth more than a hundred miles, as far -as Naasik, and northwards beyond the modern city of Baroda. There are -now only a few remnants of this school to the north of the Narmada in -Gujarat, chiefly at Ahmedabad, and farther west at Morvi. Before the -beginning of our era these two ancient schools must have been very -widely diffused in India. For the grammarian Patanjali speaks of the -Kathas and Kalapas as the universally known schools of the Yajurveda, -whose doctrines were proclaimed in every village. From the Ramayana, -moreover, we learn that these two schools were highly honoured in -Ayodhya (Oudh) also. They were, however, gradually ousted by the two -younger schools of the Yajurveda. Of these, the Taittiriyas have been -found only to the south of the Narmada, where they can be traced as -far back as the fourth century A.D. Their most important subdivision, -that of the Apastambas, still survives in the territory of the -Godavari, while another, the Hiranyakeçins, are found still farther -south. The school of the Vajasaneyins spread towards the south-east, -down the Ganges Valley. At the present day they occupy a wide area, -embracing North-East and Central India. - -Each of these four schools has preserved one or two recensions of the -Yajurveda. The text of the Maitrayani Samhita, which consists of four -books (kanda), subdivided into fifty-four lessons (prapathaka), has -been edited by Professor L. v. Schroeder (1881-86). The same scholar -is preparing an edition of the Kathaka Samhita, the recension of the -Katha school. These two recensions are nearly related in language, -having many forms in common which are not found elsewhere. Of -the Kapishthala-Katha Samhita only somewhat corrupt fragments have -hitherto come to light, and it is very doubtful whether sufficient -manuscript material will ever be discovered to render an edition of -this text possible. The Taittiriya Samhita, which comprises seven -books, and is subdivided into forty-four lessons, is somewhat later -in origin than the above-mentioned recensions. It was edited by -Professor A. Weber in 1871-72. These texts of the Yajurveda form -a closely connected group, for they are essentially the same in -character. Their agreement is often even verbal, especially in the -verses and formulas for recitation which they contain. They also -agree in arranging their matter according to a similar principle, -which is different from that of the Vajasaneyi recension. - -The Samhita of the latter consists entirely of the verses and -formulas to be recited at the sacrifice, and is therefore clear -(çukla), that is to say, separated from the explanatory matter -which is collected in the Brahmana. Hence it is called the White -(çukla) Yajurveda, while the others, under the general name of Black -(krishna) Yajurveda, are contrasted with it, as containing both kinds -of matter mixed up in the Samhita. The text of the Vajasaneyins has -been preserved in two recensions, that of the Madhyamdinas and of the -Kanvas. These are almost identical in their subject-matter as well -as its arrangement. Their divergences hardly go beyond varieties -of reading, which, moreover, appear only in their prose formulas, -not in their verses. Agreeing thus closely, they cannot be separated -in their origin by any wide interval of time. Their discrepancies -probably arose rather from geographical separation, since each has -its own peculiarities of spelling. The White Yajurveda in both these -recensions has been edited by Professor Weber (1849-52). - -It is divided into forty chapters, called adhyayas. That it -originally consisted of the first eighteen alone is indicated by -external as well as internal evidence. This is the only portion -containing verses and prose formulas (both having the common name of -mantras) which recur in the Taittiriya Samhita, the sole exceptions -being a few passages relating to the horse-sacrifice in chapters -22-25. Otherwise the contents of the last twenty-two chapters are -found again only in the Brahmana and the Aranyaka belonging to the -Taittiriya Samhita. Moreover, it is only the mantras of the first -eighteen chapters of the Vajasaneyi Samhita which are quoted and -explained word by word in the first nine books of its own Brahmana, -while merely a few mantras from the following seventeen chapters -are mentioned in that work. According to the further testimony of -an ancient index of the White Yajurveda, attributed to Katyayana, -the ten chapters 26-35 form a supplement (khila). - -The internal evidence of the Vajasaneyi Samhita leads to similar -conclusions. The fact that chapters 26-29 contain mantras relating to -ceremonies dealt with in previous chapters and requiring to be applied -to those ceremonies, is a clear indication of their supplementary -character. The next ten chapters (30-39) are concerned with altogether -new ceremonies, such as the human sacrifice, the universal sacrifice, -and the sacrifice to the Manes. Lastly, the 40th chapter must be a -late addition, for it stands in no direct relation to the ritual and -bears the character of an Upanishad. Different parts of the Samhita, -moreover, furnish some data pointing to different periods of religious -and social development. In the 16th chapter the god Rudra is described -by a large number of epithets which are subsequently peculiar -to Çiva. Two, however, which are particularly significant, Içana, -"Ruler," and Mahadeva, "Great God," are absent here, but are added in -the 39th chapter. These, as indicating a special worship of the god, -represent a later development. Again, the 30th chapter specifies -most of the Indian mixed castes, while the 16th mentions only a few -of them. Hence, it is likely that at least some which are known to -the former chapter did not as yet exist when the latter was composed. - -On these grounds four chronological strata may be distinguished in -the White Yajurveda. To the fundamental portion, comprising chapters -1-18, the next seven must first have been added, for these two parts -deal with the general sacrificial ceremonial. The development of the -ritual led to the compilation of the next fourteen chapters, which -are concerned with ceremonies already treated (26-29) or entirely new -(30-39). The last chapter apparently dates from a period when the -excessive growth of ritual practices led to a reaction. It does not -supply sacrificial mantras, but aims at establishing a mean between -exclusive devotion to and total neglect of the sacrificial ceremonies. - -Even the original portion of the White Yajurveda must have assumed -shape somewhat later than any of the recensions of the Black. For the -systematic and orderly distribution of matter by which the mantras -are collected in the Samhita, while their dogmatic explanation is -entirely relegated to a Brahmana, can hardly be as old as the confused -arrangement in which both parts are largely mixed up. - -The two most important portions of the Yajurvedas deal with the new and -full moon sacrifices, as well as the soma sacrifice, on the one hand, -and with the construction of the fire-altar on the other. Chapters -1-10 of the White Yajurveda contain the mantras for the former, -chapters 11-18 those for the latter part of the ceremonial. The -corresponding ritual explanations are to be found in books 1-5 and 6-9 -respectively of the Çatapatha Brahmana. In these fundamental portions -even the Black Yajurveda does not intermingle the mantras with their -explanations. The first book of the Taittiriya Samhita contains in -its first four lessons nothing but the verses and formulas to be -recited at the fortnightly and the soma sacrifices; the fourth book, -nothing but those employed in the fire-altar ritual. These books follow -the same order as, and in fact furnish a parallel recension of, the -corresponding parts of the Vajasaneyi Samhita. On the other hand, the -Taittiriya Samhita contains within itself, but in a different part, -the two corresponding Brahmanas, which, on the whole, are free from -admixture with mantras. The fifth book is the Brahmana of the fire -ritual, and the sixth is that of the soma sacrifice; but the dogmatic -explanation of the new and full moon sacrifice is altogether omitted -here, being found in the third book of the Taittiriya Brahmana. In -the Maitrayani Samhita the distribution of the corresponding material -is similar. The first three lessons of the first book contain the -mantras only for the fortnightly and the soma sacrifices; the latter -half of the second book (lessons 7-13), the mantras only for the fire -ritual. The corresponding Brahmanas begin with the sixth and the first -lesson respectively of the third book. It is only in the additions to -these fundamental parts of the Black Yajurveda that the separation of -Mantra and Brahmana is not carried out. The main difference, then, -between the Black and the White consists in the former combining -within the same collection Brahmana as well as Mantra matter. As to -its chief and fundamental parts, there is no reason to suppose that -these two kinds of matter, which are kept separate and unmixed, are -either chronologically or essentially more nearly related than are -the Vajasaneyi Samhita and the Çatapatha Brahmana. - -The Yajurveda resembles the Samaveda in having been compiled for -application to sacrificial rites only. But while the Samaveda deals -solely with one part of the ritual, the soma sacrifice, the Yajurveda -supplies the formulas for the whole sacrificial ceremonial. Like -the Samaveda, it is also connected with the Rigveda; but while the -former is practically altogether extracted from the Rigveda, the -Yajurveda, though borrowing many of its verses from the same source, -is largely an original production. Thus somewhat more than one-fourth -only of the Vajasaneyi Samhita is derived from the Rigveda, One half -of this collection consists of verses (rich) most of which (upwards -of 700) are found in the Rigveda; the other half is made up of prose -formulas (yajus). The latter, as well as the verses not borrowed from -the Rigveda, are the independent creation of the composers of the -Yajurveda. This partial originality was indeed a necessary result of -the growth of entirely new ceremonies and the extraordinary development -of ritual detail. It became impossible to obtain from the Rigveda -even approximately suitable verses for these novel requirements. - -The language of the Mantra portion of the Yajurveda, though distinctly -representing a later stage, yet on the whole agrees with that of -the Rigveda, while separated from that of classical Sanskrit by a -considerable interval. - -On its mythological side the religion of the Yajurveda does not -differ essentially from that of the older Veda; for the pantheon is -still the same. Some important modifications in detail are, however, -apparent. The figure of Prajapati, only foreshadowed in the latest -hymns of the Rigveda, comes more and more into the foreground as -the chief of the gods. The Rudra of the Rigveda has begun to appear -on the scene as Çiva, being several times mentioned by that name as -well as by other epithets later peculiar to Çiva, such as Çankara and -Mahadeva. Vishnu now occupies a somewhat more prominent position than -in the Rigveda. A new feature is his constant identification with -the sacrifice. The demons, now regularly called Asuras, perpetually -appear as a group of evil beings opposed to the good gods. Their -conflicts with the latter play a considerable part in the myths of the -Yajurveda. The Apsarases, who, as a class of celestial nymphs endowed -with all the seductive charms of female beauty, occupy so important a -place in post-Vedic mythology, but are very rarely mentioned in the -Rigveda, begin to be more prominent in the Yajurveda, in which many -of them are referred to by individual names. - -Certain religious conceptions have, moreover, been modified and -new rites introduced. Thus the word brahma, which in the Rigveda -meant simply "devotion," has come to signify the essence of -prayer and holiness, an advance towards its ultimate sense in the -Upanishads. Again, snake-worship, which is unknown to the Rigveda, -now appears as an element in Indian religion. That, however, which -impresses on the Yajurveda the stamp of a new epoch is the character -of the worship which it represents. The relative importance of -the gods and of the sacrifice in the older religion has now become -inverted. In the Rigveda the object of devotion was the gods, for the -power of bestowing benefits on mankind was believed to lie in their -hands alone, while the sacrifice was only a means of influencing their -will in favour of the offerer. In the Yajurveda the sacrifice itself -has become the centre of thought and desire, its correct performance -in every detail being all-important. Its power is now so great that -it not merely influences, but compels the gods to do the will of -the officiating priest. By means of it the Brahmans may, in fact, -be said to hold the gods in their hands. - -The religion of the Yajurveda may be described as a kind of mechanical -sacerdotalism. A crowd of priests conducts a vast and complicated -system of external ceremonies, to which symbolical significance is -attributed, and to the smallest minutiĉ of which the greatest weight -is attached. In this stifling atmosphere of perpetual sacrifice and -ritual, the truly religious spirit of the Rigveda could not possibly -survive. Adoration of the power and beneficence of the gods, as well -as the consciousness of guilt, is entirely lacking, every prayer -being coupled with some particular rite and aiming solely at securing -material advantages. As a natural result, the formulas of the Yajurveda -are full of dreary repetitions or variations of the same idea, and -abound with half or wholly unintelligible interjections, particularly -the syllable om. The following quotation from the Maitrayani Samhita -is a good example: Nidhayo va nidhayo va om va om va om va e ai om -svarnajyotih. Here only the last word, which means "golden light," -is translatable. - -Thus the ritual could not fail to become more and more of a mystery -to all who did not belong to the Brahman caste. To its formulas, -no less than to the sacrifice itself, control over Nature as well -as the supernatural powers is attributed. Thus there are certain -formulas for the obtainment of victory; by means of these, it is said, -Indra constantly vanquished the demons. Again, we learn that, if the -priest pronounces a formula for rain while mixing a certain offering, -he causes the rain to stream down. Hence the formulas are regarded -as having a kind of magical effect by exercising compulsion. Similar -miraculous powers later came to be attached to penance and asceticism -among the Brahmans, and to holiness among the Buddhists. The formulas -of the Yajurveda have not, as a rule, the form of prayers addressed to -the gods, but on the whole and characteristically consist of statements -about the result of employing particular rites and mantras. Together -with the corresponding ritual they furnish a complex mass of appliances -ready to hand for the obtainment of material welfare in general as -well as all sorts of special objects, such as cattle or a village. The -presence of a priest capable of using the necessary forms correctly -is of course always presupposed. The desires which several rites are -meant to fulfil amount to nothing more than childish absurdity. Thus -some of them aim at the obtainment of the year. Formulas to secure -possession of the moon would have had equal practical value. - -Hand in hand with the elaboration of the sacrificial ceremonial -went the growth and consolidation of the caste system, in which -the Brahmans secured the social as well as the religious supremacy, -and which has held India enchained for more than two thousand five -hundred years. Not only do we find the four castes firmly established -as the main divisions of Indian society in the Yajurveda, but, as one -of the later books of the Vajasaneyi Samhita shows, most of the mixed -castes known in later times are already found to exist. The social -as well as the religious conditions of the Indian people, therefore, -now wear an aspect essentially differing from those revealed to us -in the hymns of the Rigveda. - -The Rig-, Sama-, and Yajur-vedas alone were originally recognised as -canonical collections. For they only were concerned with the great -sacrificial ceremonial. The Atharva-veda, with the exception of the -last book, which was obviously added in order to connect it with -that ceremonial, is essentially unconnected with it. The ceremonial -to which its hymns were practically applied is, with few exceptions, -that with which the Grihya Sutras deal, being domestic rites such as -those of birth, marriage, and death, or the political rites relating -to the inauguration of kings. Taken as a whole, it is a heterogeneous -collection of spells. Its most salient teaching is sorcery, for it is -mainly directed against hostile agencies, such as diseases, noxious -animals, demons, wizards, foes, oppressors of Brahmans. But it also -contains many spells of an auspicious character, such as charms to -secure harmony in family and village life, reconciliation of enemies, -long life, health, and prosperity, besides prayers for protection -on journeys, and for luck in gambling. Thus it has a double aspect, -being meant to appease and bless as well as to curse. - -In its main contents the Atharva-veda is more superstitious than -the Rigveda. For it does not represent the more advanced religious -beliefs of the priestly class, but is a collection of the most popular -spells current among the masses, who always preserve more primitive -notions with regard to demoniac powers. The spirit which breathes in -it is that of a prehistoric age. A few of its actual charms probably -date with little modification from the Indo-European period; for, as -Adalbert Kuhn has shown, some of its spells for curing bodily ailments -agree in purpose and content, as well as to some extent even in form, -with certain old German, Lettic, and Russian charms. But with regard -to the higher religious ideas relating to the gods, it represents -a more recent and advanced stage than the Rigveda. It contains, -indeed, more theosophic matter than any of the other Samhitas. For -the history of civilisation it is on the whole more interesting and -important than the Rigveda itself. - -The Atharva-veda is extant in the recensions of two different -schools. That of the Paippaladas is, however, known in a single -birch-bark manuscript, which is ancient but inaccurate and mostly -unaccented. It was discovered by Professor Bühler in Kashmir, and -has been described by Professor Roth in his tract Der Atharvaveda -in Kaschmir (1875). It will probably soon be accessible to scholars -in the form of a photographic reproduction published by Professor -Bloomfield. This recension is doubtless meant by the "Paippalada -Mantras" mentioned in one of the Pariçishtas or supplementary writings -of the Atharva-veda. - -The printed text, edited by Roth and Whitney in 1856, gives the -recension of the Çaunaka school. Nearly the whole of Sayana's -commentary to the Atharva-veda has been edited in India. Its chief -interest lies in the large number of readings supplied by it which -differ from those of the printed edition of this Veda. - -This Samhita is divided into twenty books, containing 730 hymns and -about 6000 stanzas. Some 1200 of the latter are derived from the -Rigveda, chiefly from the tenth, first, and eighth books, a few -also from each of the other books. Of the 143 hymns of Book XX., -all but twelve are taken bodily from the established text of the -Rigveda without any change. The matter borrowed from the Rigveda in -the other books shows considerable varieties of reading, but these, -as in the other Samhitas, are of inferior value compared with the -text of the Rigveda. As is the case in the Yajurveda, a considerable -part of the Atharva (about one-sixth) consists of prose. Upwards of -fifty hymns, comprising the whole of the fifteenth and sixteenth, -besides some thirty hymns scattered in the other books, are entirely -unmetrical. Parts or single stanzas of over a hundred other hymns -are of a similar character. - -That the Atharva-veda originally consisted of its first thirteen books -only is shown both by its arrangement and by its subject-matter. The -contents of Books I.-VII. are distributed according to the number of -stanzas contained in the hymns. In Book I. they have on the average -four stanzas, in II. five, in III. six, in IV. seven, in V. eight -to eighteen, in VI. three; and in VII. about half the hymns have -only one stanza each. Books VIII.-XIII. contain longer pieces. The -contents of all these thirteen books are indiscriminately intermingled. - -The following five books, on the contrary, are arranged according to -uniformity of subject-matter. Book XIV. contains the stanzas relating -to the wedding rite, which consist largely of mantras from the tenth -book of the Rigveda. Book XV. is a glorification of the Supreme -Being under the name of Vratya, while XVI. and XVII. contain certain -conjurations. The whole of XV. and nearly the whole of XVI., moreover, -are composed in prose of the type found in the Brahmanas. Both -XVI. and XVII. are very short, the former containing nine hymns -occupying four printed pages, the latter consisting of only a single -hymn, which extends to little more than two pages. Book XVIII. deals -with burial and the Manes. Like XIV., it derives most of its stanzas -from the tenth book of the Rigveda. Both these books are, therefore, -not specifically Atharvan in character. - -The last two books are manifestly late additions. Book XIX. consists -of a mixture of supplementary pieces, part of the text of which is -rather corrupt. Book XX., with a slight exception, contains only -complete hymns addressed to Indra, which are borrowed directly and -without any variation from the Rigveda. The fact that its readings are -identical with those of the Rigveda would alone suffice to show that -it is of later date than the original books, the readings of which -show considerable divergences from those of the older Veda. There is, -however, more convincing proof of the lateness of this book. Its matter -relates to the Soma ritual, and is entirely foreign to the spirit -of the Atharva-veda. It was undoubtedly added to establish the claim -of the Atharva to the position of a fourth Veda, by bringing it into -connection with the recognised sacrificial ceremonial of the three old -Vedas. This book, again, as well as the nineteenth, is not noticed in -the Pratiçakhya of the Atharva-veda. Both of them must, therefore, have -been added after that work was composed. Excepting two prose pieces -(48 and 49) the only original part of Book XX. is the so-called kuntapa -hymns (127-136). These are allied to the danastutis of the Rigveda, -those panegyrics of liberal kings or sacrificers which were the -forerunners of epic narratives in praise of warlike princes and heroes. - -The existence of the Atharva, as a collection of some kind, when the -last books of the Çatapatha Brahmana (xi., xiii., xiv.), the Taittiriya -Brahmana, and the Chhandogya Upanishad were composed, is proved by -the references to it in those works. In Patanjali's Mahabhashya the -Atharva had already attained to such an assured position that it is -even cited at the head of the Vedas, and occasionally as their only -representative. - -The oldest name of this Veda is Atharvangirasah, a designation -occurring in the text of the Atharva-veda, and found at the beginning -of its MSS. themselves. This word is a compound formed of the names of -two ancient families of priests, the Atharvans and Angirases. In the -opinion of Professor Bloomfield the former term is here synonymous -with "holy charms," as referring to auspicious practices, while the -latter is an equivalent of "witchcraft charms." The term atharvan -and its derivatives, though representing only its benevolent side, -would thus have come to designate the fourth Veda as a whole. In its -plural form (atharvanah) the word in this sense is found several times -in the Brahmanas, but in the singular it seems first to occur in an -Upanishad. The adjective atharvana, first found as a neuter plural with -the sense of "Atharvan hymns" in the Atharva-veda itself (Book XIX.), -is common from that time onwards. The name atharva-veda first appears -in Sutras about as early as rigveda and similar designations of the -other Samhitas. There are besides two other names of the Atharva-veda, -the use of which is practically limited to the ritual texts of this -Veda. In one of these, Bhrigu-angirasah, the name of another ancient -family of fire-priests, the Bhrigus, takes the place of that of the -Angirases. The other, brahma-veda, has outside the Atharvan literature -only been found once, and that in a Grihya Sutra of the Rigveda. - -A considerable time elapsed before the Atharva-veda, owing to -the general character of its contents, attained to the rank of a -canonical book. There is no evidence that even at the latest period -of the Rigveda the charms constituting the Atharva-veda were formally -recognised as a separate literary category. For the Purusha hymn, while -mentioning the three sacrificial Vedas by the names of Rik, Saman, -and Yajus, makes no reference to the spells of the Atharva-veda. Yet -the Rigveda, though it is mainly concerned with praises of the gods in -connection with the sacrifice, contains hymns showing that sorcery was -bound up with domestic practices from the earliest times in India. The -only reference to the spells of the Atharva-veda as a class in the -Yajurvedas is found in the Taittiriya Samhita, where they are alluded -to under the name of angirasah by the side of Rik, Saman, and Yajus, -which it elsewhere mentions alone. Yet the formulas of the Yajur-veda -are often pervaded by the spirit of the Atharva-veda, and are sometimes -Atharvan even in their wording. In fact, the difference between the -Rigveda and Yajurveda on the one hand, and the Atharva on the other, -as regards sorcery, lies solely in the degree of its applicability -and prominence. - -The Atharva-veda itself only once mentions its own literary type -directly (as atharvangirasah) and once indirectly (as bheshaja or -"auspicious spells"), by the side of the other three Vedas, while -the latter in a considerable number of passages are referred to -alone. This shows that as yet there was no feeling of antagonism -between the adherents of this Veda and those of the older ones. - -Turning to the Brahmanas, we find that those of the Rigveda do -not mention the Atharva-veda at all, while the Taittiriya Brahmana -(like the Taittiriya Aranyaka) refers to it twice. In the Çatapatha -Brahmana it appears more frequently, occupying a more defined position, -though not that of a Veda. This work very often mentions the three -old Vedas alone, either explicitly as Rik, Saman, Yajus, or as trayi -vidya, "the threefold knowledge." In several passages they are also -mentioned along with other literary types, such as itihasa (story), -purana (ancient legend), gatha (song), sutra, and upanishad. In these -enumerations the Atharva-veda regularly occupies the fourth place, -coming immediately after the three Vedas, while the rest follow in -varying order. The Upanishads in general treat the Atharva-veda in the -same way; the Upanishads of the Atharva itself, however, sometimes -tacitly add its name after the three Vedas, even without mentioning -other literary types. With regard to the Çrauta or sacrificial Sutras, -we find no reference to the Atharva in those of Katyayana (White -Yajurveda) or Latyayana (Samaveda), and only one each in those of -Çankhayana and Açvalayana (Rigveda). - -In all this sacrificial literature there is no evidence of repugnance -to the Atharva, or of exclusiveness towards it on the part of -followers of the other Vedas. Such an attitude could indeed hardly -be expected. For though the sphere of the Vedic sacrificial ritual -was different from that of regular magical rites, it is impossible -to draw a distinct line of demarcation between sacrifice and sorcery -in the Vedic religion, of which witchcraft is, in fact, an essential -element. The adherents of the three sacrificial Vedas would thus -naturally recognise a work which was a repository of witchcraft. Thus -the Çatapatha Brahmana, though characterising yatu or sorcery as -devilish--doubtless because it may be dangerous to those who practise -it--places yatuvidah or sorcerers by the side of bahvrichas or men -skilled in Rigvedic verses. Just as the Rigveda contains very few -hymns directly connected with the practice of sorcery, so the Atharva -originally included only matters incidental and subsidiary to the -sacrificial ritual. Thus it contains a series of formulas (vi. 47-48) -which have no meaning except in connection with the three daily -pressings (savana) of soma. We also find in it hymns (e. g. vi. 114) -which evidently consist of formulas of expiation for faults committed -at the sacrifice. We must therefore conclude that the followers of the -Atharva to some extent knew and practised the sacrificial ceremonial -before the conclusion of the present redaction of their hymns. The -relation of the Atharva to the çrauta rites was, however, originally -so slight, that it became necessary, in order to establish a direct -connection with it, to add the twentieth book, which was compiled -from the Rigveda for the purposes of the sacrificial ceremonial. - -The conspicuous way in which çrauta works ignore the Atharva is -therefore due to its being almost entirely unconnected with the -subject-matter of the sacrifice, not to any pronounced disapproval -or refusal to recognise its value in its own sphere. With the -Grihya or Domestic Sutras, which contain many elements of sorcery -practice (vidhana), we should expect the Atharva to betray a -closer connection. This is, indeed, to some extent the case; for -many verses quoted in these Sutras are identical with or variants -of those contained in the Atharva, even though the Domestic, -like the Sacrificial, Sutras endeavoured to borrow their verses -as far as possible from the particular Veda to which they were -attached. Otherwise, however, their references to the Atharva betray -no greater regard for it than those in the Sacrificial Sutras do. Such -references to the fourth Veda are here, it is true, more frequent -and formulaic; but this appears to mean nothing more than that the -Grihya Sutras belong to a later date. - -In the sphere, too, of law (dharma), as dealing with popular usage and -custom, the practices of the Atharva maintained a certain place; for -the indispensable sciences of medicine and astrology were distinctively -Atharvan, and the king's domestic chaplain (purohita), believed capable -of rendering great services in the injury and overthrow of enemies by -sorcery, seems usually to have been an Atharvan priest. At the same -time it is only natural that we should first meet with censures of -the practices of the Atharva in the legal literature, because such -practices were thought to enable one man to harm another. The verdict -of the law treatises on the whole is, that as incantations of various -kinds are injurious, the Atharva-veda is inferior and its practices -impure. This inferiority is directly expressed in the Dharma Sutra -of Apastamba; and the later legal treatise (smriti) of Vishnu classes -the reciter of a deadly incantation from the Atharva among the seven -kinds of assassins. Physicians and astrologers are pronounced impure; -practices with roots are prohibited; sorceries and imprecations -are punished with severe penances. In certain cases, however, -the Atharva-veda is stated to be useful. Thus the Lawbook of Manu -recommends it as the natural weapon of the Brahman against his enemies. - -In the Mahabharata we find the importance and the canonical character -of the Atharva fully recognised. The four Vedas are often mentioned, -the gods Brahma and Vishnu being in several passages described as -having created them. The Atharva is here often also referred to -alone, and spoken of with approbation. Its practices are well known -and seldom criticised adversely, magic and sorcery being, as a rule, -regarded as good. - -Finally, the Puranas not only regularly speak of the fourfold Veda, -but assign to the Atharva the advanced position claimed for it by its -own ritual literature. Thus the Vishnu Purana connects the Atharva -with the fourth priest (the brahman) of the sacrificial ritual. - -Nevertheless a certain prejudice has prevailed against the Atharva from -the time of the Dharma Sutras. This appears from the fact that, even at -the present day, according to Burnell, the most influential Brahmans -of Southern India still refuse to accept the authority of the fourth -Veda, and deny its genuineness. A similar conclusion may be drawn -from occasional statements in classical texts, and especially from -the efforts of the later Atharvan writings themselves to vindicate the -character of their Veda. These ritual texts not only never enumerate -the Vedas without including the Atharva, but even sometimes place -it at the head of the four Vedas. Under a sense of the exclusion of -their Veda from the sphere of the sacrificial ritual, they lay claim -to the fourth priest (the brahman), who in the Vedic religion was -not attached to any of the three Vedas, but being required to have a -knowledge of all three and of their sacrificial application, acted as -superintendent or director of the sacrificial ceremonial. Ingeniously -availing themselves of the fact that he was unconnected with any of -the three Vedas, they put forward the claim of the fourth Veda as the -special sphere of the fourth priest. That priest, moreover, was the -most important as possessing a universal knowledge of religious lore -(brahma), the comprehensive esoteric understanding of the nature -of the gods and of the mystery of the sacrifice. Hence the Gopatha -Brahmana exalts the Atharva as the highest religious lore (brahma), -and calls it the Brahmaveda. The claim to the latter designation -was doubtless helped by the word brahma often occurring in the -Atharva-veda itself with the sense of "charm," and by the fact that -the Veda contains a larger amount of theosophic matter (brahmavidya) -than any other Samhita. The texts belonging to the other Vedas never -suggest that the Atharva is the sphere of the fourth priest, some -Brahmana passages expressly declaring that any one equipped with the -requisite knowledge maybe a brahman. The ritual texts of the Atharva -further energetically urged that the Purohita, or domestic chaplain, -should be a follower of the Atharva-veda. They appear to have finally -succeeded in their claim to this office, doubtless because kings -attached great value to a special knowledge of witchcraft. - -The geographical data contained in the Atharva are but few, and -furnish no certain evidence as to the region in which its hymns were -composed. One hymn of its older portion (v. 22) makes mention of the -Gandharis, Mujavats, Mahavrishas, and Balhikas (in the north-west), -and the Magadhas and Angas (in the east); but they are referred to -in such a way that no safe conclusions can be drawn as to the country -in which the composer of the hymn in question lived. - -The Atharva also contains a few astronomical data, the lunar mansions -being enumerated in the nineteenth book. The names here given deviate -considerably from those mentioned in the Taittiriya Samhita, appearing -mostly in a later form. The passage in which this list is found is, -however, a late addition. - -The language of the Atharva is, from a grammatical point of view, -decidedly later than that of the Rigveda, but earlier than that of -the Brahmanas. In vocabulary it is chiefly remarkable for the large -number of popular words which it contains, and which from lack of -opportunity do not appear elsewhere. - -It seems probable that the hymns of the Atharva, though some of them -must be very old, were not edited till after the Brahmanas of the -Rigveda were composed. - -On examining the contents of the Atharva-veda more in detail, we -find that the hostile charms it contains are directed largely against -various diseases or the demons which are supposed to cause them. There -are spells to cure fever (takman), leprosy, jaundice, dropsy, scrofula, -cough, ophthalmia, baldness, lack of vital power; fractures and wounds; -the bite of snakes or injurious insects, and poison in general; mania -and other ailments. These charms are accompanied by the employment of -appropriate herbs. Hence the Atharva is the oldest literary monument -of Indian medicine. - -The following is a specimen of a charm against cough (vi. 105):-- - - - Just as the soul with soul-desires - Swift to a distance flies away, - So even thou, O cough, fly forth - Along the soul's quick-darting course. - - Just as the arrow, sharpened well, - Swift to a distance flies away, - So even thou, O cough, fly forth - Along the broad expanse of earth. - - Just as the sun-god's shooting rays - Swift to a distance fly away, - So even thou, O cough, fly forth - Along the ocean's surging flood. - - -Here is a spell for the cure of leprosy by means of a dark-coloured -plant:-- - - - Born in the night art thou, O herb, - Dark-coloured, sable, black of hue: - Rich-tinted, tinge this leprosy, - And stain away its spots of grey! (i. 23, 1). - - -A large number of imprecations are directed against demons, sorcerers, -and enemies. The following two stanzas deal with the latter two -classes respectively:-- - - - Bend round and pass us by, O curse, - Even as a burning fire a lake. - Here strike him down that curses us, - As heaven's lightning smites the tree (vi. 37, 2). - - As, rising in the east, the sun - The stars' bright lustre takes away, - So both of women and of men, - My foes, the strength I take away (vii. 13, 1). - - -A considerable group of spells consists of imprecations directed -against the oppressors of Brahmans and those who withhold from them -their rightful rewards. The following is one of the threats held out -against such evil-doers:-- - - - Water with which they bathe the dead, - And that with which they wet his beard, - The gods assigned thee as thy share, - Oppressor of the Brahman priest (v. 19, 14). - - -Another group of charms is concerned with women, being intended -to secure their love with the aid of various potent herbs. Some of -them are of a hostile character, being meant to injure rivals. The -following two stanzas belong to the former class:-- - - - As round this heaven and earth the sun - Goes day by day, encircling them, - So do I go around thy mind, - That, woman, thou shalt love me well, - And shalt not turn away from me (vi. 8, 3). - - 'Tis winged with longing, barbed with love, - Its shaft is formed of fixed desire: - With this his arrow levelled well - Shall Kama pierce thee to the heart (iii. 25, 2). - - -Among the auspicious charms of the Atharva there are many prayers -for long life and health, for exemption from disease and death:-- - - - If life in him declines or has departed, - If on the very brink of death he totters, - I snatch him from the lap of Dissolution, - I free him flow to live a hundred autumns (iii. 11, 2). - - Rise up from hence, O man, and straightway casting - Death's fetters from thy feet, depart not downward; - From life upon this earth be not yet sundered, - Nor from the sight of Agni and the sunlight (viii. 1, 4). - - -Another class of hymns includes prayers for protection from dangers and -calamities, or for prosperity in the house or field, in cattle, trade, -and even gambling. Here are two spells meant to secure luck at play:-- - - - As at all times the lightning stroke - Smites irresistibly the tree: - So gamesters with the dice would I - Beat irresistibly to-day (vii. 5, 1). - - O dice, give play that profit brings, - Like cows that yield abundant milk: - Attach me to a streak of gain, - As with a string the bow is bound (vii. 5, 9). - - -A certain number of hymns contain charms to secure harmony, to -allay anger, strife, and discord, or to procure ascendency in the -assembly. The following one is intended for the latter purpose:-- - - - O assembly, we know thy name, - "Frolic" [9] truly by name thou art: - May all who meet and sit in thee - Be in their speech at one with me (vii. 12, 2). - - -A few hymns consist of formulas for the expiation of sins, such as -offering imperfect sacrifices and marrying before an elder brother, -or contain charms for removing the defilement caused by ominous birds, -and for banishing evil dreams. - - - If waking, if asleep, I have - Committed sin, to sin inclined, - May what has been and what shall be - Loose me as from a wooden post (vi. 115, 2). - - -A short hymn (vi. 120), praying for the remission of sins, concludes -with this stanza:-- - - - In heaven, where our righteous friends are blessèd, - Having cast off diseases from their bodies, - From lameness free and not deformed in members, - There may we see our parents and our children. - - -Another group of hymns has the person of the king as its centre. They -contain charms to be used at a royal election or consecration, for -the restoration of an exiled king, for the attainment of lustre and -glory, and in particular for victory in battle. The following is a -specimen of spells intended to strike terror into the enemy:-- - - - Arise and arm, ye spectral forms, - Followed by meteoric flames; - Ye serpents, spirits of the deep, - Demons of night, pursue the foe! (xi. 10, 1). - - -Here is a stanza from a hymn (v. 21, 6) to the battle-drum meant to -serve the same purpose:-- - - - As birds start back affrighted at the eagle's cry, - As day and night they tremble at the lion's roar: - So thou, O drum, shout out against our enemies, - Scare them away in terror and confound their minds. - - -Among the cosmogonic and theosophic hymns the finest is a long one -of sixty-three stanzas addressed to the earth (xii. 1). I translate -a few lines to give some idea of its style and contents:-- - - - The earth, on whom, with clamour loud, - Men that are mortal sing and dance, - On whom they fight in battle fierce: - This earth shall drive away from us our foemen, - And she shall make us free from all our rivals. - - In secret places holding treasure manifold, - The earth shall riches give, and gems and gold to me: - Granting wealth lavishly, the kindly goddess - Shall goods abundantly bestow upon us. - - -The four hymns of Book XIII. are devoted to the praise of Rohita, -the "Red" Sun, as a cosmogonic power. In another (xi. 5) the sun -is glorified as a primeval principle under the guise of a Brahman -disciple (brahmacharin). In others Prana or Breath (xi. 4), Kama -or Love (ix. 2), and Kala or Time (xix. 53-54), are personified as -primordial powers. There is one hymn (xi. 7) in which even Ucchishta -(the remnant of the sacrifice) is deified as the Supreme Being; except -for its metrical form it belongs to the Brahmana type of literature. - -In concluding this survey of the Atharva-veda, I would draw attention -to a hymn to Varuna (iv. 16); which, though its last two stanzas are -ordinary Atharvan spells for binding enemies with the fetters of that -deity, in its remaining verses exalts divine omniscience in a strain -unequalled in any other Vedic poem. The following three stanzas are -perhaps the best:-- - - - This earth is all King Varuna's dominion, - And that broad sky whose boundaries are distant. - The loins of Varuna are these two oceans, - Yet in this drop of water he is hidden. - - He that should flee afar beyond the heaven - Would not escape King Varuna's attention: - His spies come hither, from the sky descending, - With all their thousand eyes the earth surveying. - - King Varuna discerns all that's existent - Between the earth and sky, and all beyond them; - The winkings of men's eyes by him are counted; - As gamesters dice, so he lays down his statutes. - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE BRAHMANAS - -(Circa 800-500 B.C.) - - -The period in which the poetry of the Vedic Samhitas arose was -followed by one which produced a totally different literary type--the -theological treatises called Brahmanas. It is characteristic of the -form of these works that they are composed in prose, and of their -matter that they deal with the sacrificial ceremonial. Their main -object being to explain the sacred significance of the ritual to those -who are already familiar with the sacrifice, the descriptions they give -of it are not exhaustive, much being stated only in outline or omitted -altogether. They are ritual text-books, which, however, in no way aim -at furnishing a complete survey of the sacrificial ceremonial to those -who do not know it already. Their contents may be classified under the -three heads of practical sacrificial directions (vidhi), explanations -(arthavada), exegetical, mythological, or polemical, and theological or -philosophical speculations on the nature of things (upanishad). Even -those which have been preserved form quite an extensive literature by -themselves; yet many others must have been lost, as appears from the -numerous names of and quotations from Brahmanas unknown to us occurring -in those which are extant. They reflect the spirit of an age in which -all intellectual activity is concentrated on the sacrifice, describing -its ceremonies, discussing its value, speculating on its origin and -significance. It is only reasonable to suppose that an epoch like this, -which produced no other literary monuments, lasted for a considerable -time. For though the Brahmanas are on the whole uniform in character, -differences of age are traceable in them. Next to the prose portions -of the Yajurvedas, the Panchavimça and the Taittiriya are proved by -their syntax and vocabulary to be the most archaic of the regular -Brahmanas. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the latter -is, and the former is known to have been, accented. A more recent -group is formed by the Jaiminiya, the Kaushitaki, and the Aitareya -Brahmanas. The first of these is probably the oldest, while the -third seems, on linguistic grounds at least, to be the latest of the -three. The Çatapatha Brahmana, again, is posterior to these. For it -shows a distinct advance in matter; its use of the narrative tenses is -later than that of the Aitareya; and its style is decidedly developed -in comparison with all the above-mentioned Brahmanas. It is, indeed, -accented, but in a way which differs entirely from the regular Vedic -method. Latest of all are the Gopatha Brahmana of the Atharva and -the short Brahmanas of the Samaveda. - -In language the Brahmanas are considerably more limited in the use of -forms than the Rigveda. The subjunctive is, however, still employed, -as well as a good many of the old infinitives. Their syntax, indeed, -represents the oldest Indian stage even better than the Rigveda, -chiefly of course owing to the restrictions imposed by metre -on the style of the latter. The Brahmanas contain some metrical -pieces (gathas), which differ from the prose in which they are -imbedded by certain peculiarities of their own and by a more archaic -character. Allied to these is a remarkable poem of this period, the -Suparnadhyaya, an attempt, after the age of living Vedic poetry had -come to an end, to compose in the style of the Vedic hymns. It contains -many Vedic forms, and is accented, but it betrays its true character -not only by its many modern forms, but by numerous monstrosities due -to unsuccessful imitation of the Vedic language. - -A further development are the Aranyakas or "Forest Treatises," the -later age of which is indicated both by the position they occupy at the -end of the Brahmanas and by their theosophical character. These works -are generally represented as meant for the use of pious men who have -retired to the forest and no longer perform sacrifices. According to -the view of Professor Oldenberg, they are, however, rather treatises -which, owing to the superior mystic sanctity of their contents, -were intended to be communicated to the pupil by his teacher in the -solitude of the forest instead of in the village. - -In tone and content the Aranyakas form a transition to the Upanishads, -which are either imbedded in them, or more usually form their -concluding portion. The word upa-ni-shad (literally "sitting down -beside") having first doubtless meant "confidential session," came to -signify "secret or esoteric doctrine," because these works were taught -to select pupils (probably towards the end of their apprenticeship) -in lectures from which the wider circle was excluded. Being entirely -devoted to theological and philosophical speculations on the nature -of things, the Upanishads mark the last stage of development in -the Brahmana literature. As they generally come at the end of the -Brahmanas, they are also called Vedanta ("end of the Veda"), a term -later interpreted to mean "final goal of the Veda." "Revelation" -(çruti) was regarded as including them, while the Sutras belonged to -the sphere of tradition (smriti). The subject-matter of all the old -Upanishads is essentially the same--the doctrine of the nature of -the Atman or Brahma (the supreme soul). This fundamental theme was -expounded in various ways by the different Vedic schools, of which -the Upanishads were originally the dogmatic text-books, just as the -Brahmanas were their ritual text-books. - -The Aranyakas and Upanishads represent a phase of language which -on the whole closely approaches to classical Sanskrit, the oldest -Upanishads occupying a position linguistically midway between the -Brahmanas and the Sutras. - -Of the two Brahmanas attached to the Rigveda, the more important is the -Aitareya. The extant text consists of forty chapters (adhyaya) divided -into eight books called panchikas or "pentads," because containing -five chapters each. That its last ten chapters were a later addition -appears likely both from internal evidence and from the fact that the -closely related Çankhayana Brahmana contains nothing corresponding to -their subject-matter, which is dealt with in the Çankhayana Sutra. The -last three books would further appear to have been composed at a -later date than the first five, since the perfect in the former -is used as a narrative tense, while in the latter it still has its -original present force, as in the oldest Brahmanas. The essential -part of this Brahmana deals with the soma sacrifice. It treats first -(1-16) of the soma rite called Agnishtoma, which lasts one day, then -(17-18) of that called Gavamayana, which lasts 360 days, and thirdly -(19-24) of the Dvadaçaha or "twelve days' rite." The next part (25-32), -which is concerned with the Agnihotra or "fire sacrifice" and other -matters, has the character of a supplement. The last portion (33-40), -dealing with the ceremonies of the inauguration of the king and with -the position of his domestic priest, bears similar signs of lateness. - -The other Brahmana of the Rigveda, which goes by the name of Kaushitaki -as well as Çankhayana, consists of thirty chapters. Its subject-matter -is, on the whole, the same as that of the original part of the Aitareya -(i.-v.), but is wider. For in its opening chapters it goes through -the setting up of the sacred fire (agni-adhana), the daily morning -and evening sacrifice (agnihotra), the new and full moon ritual, and -the four-monthly sacrifices. The Soma sacrifice, however, occupies the -chief position even here. The more definite and methodical treatment -of the ritual in the Kaushitaki would seem to indicate that this -Brahmana was composed at a later date than the first five books of -the Aitareya. Such a conclusion is, however, not altogether borne out -by a comparison of the linguistic data of these two works. Professor -Weber argues from the occurrence in one passage of Içana and Mahadeva -as designations of the god who was later exclusively called Çiva, -that the Kaushitaki Brahmana was composed at about the same time -as the latest books of the White Yajurveda and those parts of the -Atharva-veda and of the Çatapatha Brahmana in which these appellations -of the same god are found. - -These Brahmanas contain very few geographical data. From the way, -however, in which the Aitareya mentions the Indian tribes, it may be -safely inferred that this work had its origin in the country of the -Kuru-Panchalas, in which, as we have seen, the Vedic ritual must have -been developed, and the hymns of the Rigveda were probably collected -in the existing Samhita. From the Kaushitaki we learn that the study -of language was specially cultivated in the north of India, and that -students who returned from there were regarded as authorities on -linguistic questions. - -The chief human interest of these Brahmanas lies in the numerous myths -and legends which they contain. The longest and most remarkable of -those found in the Aitareya is the story of Çunahçepa (Dog's-Tail), -which forms the third chapter of Book VII. The childless King -Hariçchandra vowed, if he should have a son, to sacrifice him to -Varuna. But when his son Rohita was born, he kept putting off the -fulfilment of his promise. At length, when the boy was grown up, his -father, pressed by Varuna, prepared to perform the sacrifice. Rohita, -however, escaped to the forest, where he wandered for six years, -while his father was afflicted with dropsy by Varuna. At last he -fell in with a starving Brahman, who consented to sell to him for a -hundred cows his son Çunahçepa as a substitute. Varuna agreed, saying, -"A Brahman is worth more than a Kshatriya." Çunahçepa was accordingly -bound to the stake, and the sacrifice was about to proceed, when the -victim prayed to various gods in succession. As he repeated one verse -after the other, the fetters of Varuna began to fall off and the -dropsical swelling of the king to diminish, till finally Çunahçepa -was released and Hariçchandra was restored to health again. - -The style of the prose in which the Aitareya is composed is crude, -clumsy, abrupt, and elliptical. The following quotation from the -stanzas interspersed in the story of Çunahçepa may serve as a specimen -of the gathas found in the Brahmanas. These verses are addressed by -a sage named Narada to King Hariçchandra on the importance of having -a son:-- - - - In him a father pays a debt - And reaches immortality, - When he beholds the countenance - Of a son born to him alive. - - Than all the joy which living things - In waters feel, in earth and fire, - The happiness that in his son - A father feels is greater far. - - At all times fathers by a son - Much darkness, too, have passed beyond: - In him the father's self is born, - He wafts him to the other shore. - - Food is man's life and clothes afford protection, - Gold gives him beauty, marriages bring cattle; - His wife's a friend, his daughter causes pity: - A son is like a light in highest heaven. - - -To the Aitareya Brahmana belongs the Aitareya Aranyaka. It consists -of eighteen chapters, distributed unequally among five books. The -last two books are composed in the Sutra style, and are really to -be regarded as belonging to the Sutra literature. Four parts can -be clearly distinguished in the first three books. Book I. deals -with various liturgies of the Soma sacrifice from a purely ritual -point of view. The first three chapters of Book II., on the other -hand, are theosophical in character, containing speculations about -the world-soul under the names of Prana and Purusha. It is allied in -matter to the Upanishads, some of its more valuable thoughts recurring, -occasionally even word for word, in the Kaushitaki Upanishad. The -third part consists of the remaining four sections of Book II., -which form the regular Aitareya Upanishad. Finally, Book III. deals -with the mystic and allegorical meaning of the three principal modes -in which the Veda is recited in the Samhita, Pada and Krama Pathas, -and of the various letters of the alphabet. - -To the Kaushitaki Brahmana is attached the Kaushitaki Aranyaka. It -consists of fifteen chapters. The first two of these correspond to -Books I. and V. of the Aitareya Aranyaka, the seventh and eighth -to Book III., while the intervening four chapters (3-6) form the -Kaushitaki Upanishad. The latter is a long and very interesting -Upanishad. It seems not improbably to have been added as an independent -treatise to the completed Aranyaka, as it is not always found in the -same part of the latter work in the manuscripts. - -Brahmanas belonging to two independent schools of the Samaveda -have been preserved, those of the Tandins and of the Talavakaras -or Jaiminiyas. Though several other works here claim the title of -ritual text-books, only three are in reality Brahmanas. The Brahmana -of the Talavakaras, which for the most part is still unpublished, -seems to consist of five books. The first three (unpublished) are -mainly concerned with various parts of the sacrificial ceremonial. The -fourth book, called the Upanishad Brahmana (probably "the Brahmana of -mystic meanings"), besides all kinds of allegories of the Aranyaka -order, two lists of teachers, a section about the origin of the -vital airs (prana) and about the savitri stanza, contains the brief -but important Kena Upanishad. Book V., entitled Arsheya-Brahmana, -is a short enumeration of the composers of the Samaveda. - -To the school of the Tandins belongs the Panchavimça ("twenty-five -fold"), also called Tandya or Praudha, Brahmana, which, as the first -name implies, consists of twenty-five books. It is concerned with -the Soma sacrifices in general, ranging from the minor offerings to -those which lasted a hundred days, or even several years. Besides -many legends, it contains a minute description of sacrifices performed -on the Sarasvati and Drishadvati. Though Kurukshetra is known to it, -other geographical data which it contains point to the home of this -Brahmana having lain farther east. Noteworthy among its contents are -the so-called Vratya-Stomas, which are sacrifices meant to enable -Aryan but non-Brahmanical Indians to enter the Brahmanical order. A -point of interest in this Brahmana is the bitter hostility which -it displays towards the school of the Kaushitakins. The Shadvimça -Brahmana, though nominally an independent work, is in reality a -supplement to the Panchavimça, of which, as its name implies, it -forms the twenty-sixth book. The last of its six chapters is called -the Adbhuta Brahmana, which is intended to obviate the evil effects -of various extraordinary events or portents. Among such phenomena -are mentioned images of the gods when they laugh, cry, sing, dance, -perspire, crack, and so forth. - -The other Brahmana of this school, the Chhandogya Brahmana, is only -to a slight extent a ritual text-book. It does not deal with the -Soma sacrifice at all, but only with ceremonies relating to birth -and marriage or prayers addressed to divine beings. These are the -contents of only the first two "lessons" of this Brahmana of the Sama -theologians. The remaining eight lessons constitute the Chhandogya -Upanishad. - -There are four other short works which, though bearing the name, are -not really Brahmanas. These are the Samavidhana Brahmana, a treatise on -the employment of chants for all kinds of superstitious purposes; the -Devatadhyaya Brahmana, containing some statements about the deities -of the various chants of the Samaveda; the Vamça Brahmana, which -furnishes a genealogy of the teachers of the Samaveda; and, finally, -the Samhitopanishad, which, like the third book of the Aitareya -Aranyaka, treats of the way in which the Veda should be recited. - -The Brahmanas of the Samaveda are distinguished by the exaggerated and -fantastic character of their mystical speculations. A prominent feature -in them is the constant identification of various kinds of Samans -or chants with all kinds of terrestrial and celestial objects. At -the same time they contain much matter that is interesting from a -historical point of view. - -In the Black Yajurveda the prose portions of the various Samhitas form -the only Brahmanas in the Katha and the Maitrayaniya schools. In -the Taittiriya school they form the oldest and most important -Brahmana. Here we have also the Taittiriya Brahmana as an independent -work in three books. This, however, hardly differs in character -from the Taittiriya Samhita, being rather a continuation. It forms a -supplement concerned with a few sacrifices omitted in the Samhita, -or handles, with greater fulness of detail, matters already dealt -with. There is also a Taittiriya Aranyaka, which in its turn forms -a supplement to the Brahmana. The last four of its ten sections -constitute the two Upanishads of this school, vii.-ix. forming the -Taittiriya Upanishad, and x. the Maha-Narayana Upanishad, also called -the Yajniki Upanishad. Excepting these four sections, the title of -Brahmana or Aranyaka does not indicate a difference of content as -compared with the Samhita, but is due to late and artificial imitation -of the other Vedas. - -The last three sections of Book III. of the Brahmana, as well as the -first two books of the Aranyaka, originally belonged to the school -of the Kathas, though they have not been preserved as part of the -tradition of that school. The different origin of these parts is -indicated by the absence of the change of y and v to iy and uv -respectively, which otherwise prevails in the Taittiriya Brahmana -and Aranyaka. In one of these Kathaka sections (Taitt. Br. iii. 11), -by way of illustrating the significance of the particular fire called -nachiketa, the story is told of a boy, Nachiketas, who, on visiting -the House of Death, was granted the fulfilment of three wishes by -the god of the dead. On this story is based the Kathaka Upanishad. - -Though the Maitrayani Samhita has no independent Brahmana, its fourth -book, as consisting of explanations and supplements to the first -three, is a kind of special Brahmana. Connected with this Samhita, -and in the manuscripts sometimes forming its second or its fifth book, -is the Maitrayana (also called Maitrayaniya and Maitri) Upanishad. - -The ritual explanation of the White Yajurveda is to be found in -extraordinary fulness in the Çatapatha Brahmana., the "Brahmana of the -Hundred Paths," so called because it consists of one hundred lectures -(adhyaya). This work is, next to the Rigveda, the most important -production in the whole range of Vedic literature. Its text has come -down in two recensions, those of the Madhyamdina school, edited by -Professor Weber, and of the Kanva school, which is in process of being -edited by Professor Eggeling. The Madhyamdina recension consists of -fourteen books, while the Kanva has seventeen. The first nine of the -former, corresponding to the original eighteen books of the Vajasaneyi -Samhita, doubtless form the oldest part. The fact that Book XII. is -called madhyama, or "middle one," shows that the last five books -(or possibly only X.-XIII.) were at one time regarded as a separate -part of the Brahmana. Book X. treats of the mystery of the fire-altar -(agnirahasya), XI. is a sort of recapitulation of the preceding ritual, -while XII. and XIII. deal with various supplementary matters. The -last book forms the Aranyaka, the six concluding chapters of which -are the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. - -Books VI.-X. of the Çatapatha Brahmana occupy a peculiar -position. Treating of the construction of the fire-altar, they -recognise the teaching of Çandilya as their highest authority, -Yajnavalkya not even being mentioned; while the peoples who are -named, the Gandharas, Salvas, Kekayas, belong to the north-west. In -the other books Yajnavalkya is the highest authority, while hardly -any but Eastern peoples, or those of the middle of Hindustan, the -Kuru-Panchalas, Kosalas, Videhas, Srinjayas, are named. That the -original authorship of the five Çandilya books was different from that -of the others is indicated by a number of linguistic differences, -which the hand of a later editor failed to remove. Thus the use of -the perfect as a narrative tense is unknown to the Çandilya books -(as well as to XIII.). - -The geographical data of the Çatapatha Brahmana point to the -land of the Kuru-Panchalas being still the centre of Brahmanical -culture. Janamejaya is here celebrated as a king of the Kurus, and -the most renowned Brahmanical teacher of the age, Aruni, is expressly -stated to have been a Panchala. Nevertheless, it is clear that the -Brahmanical system had by this time spread to the countries to the -east of Madhyadeça, to Kosala, with its capital, Ayodhya (Oudh), and -Videha (Tirhut or Northern Behar), with its capital, Mithila. The -court of King Janaka of Videha was thronged with Brahmans from the -Kuru-Panchala country. The tournaments of argument which were here -held form a prominent feature in the later books of the Çatapatha -Brahmana. The hero of these is Yajnavalkya, who, himself a pupil of -Aruni, is regarded as the chief spiritual authority in the Brahmana -(excepting Books VI.-X.). Certain passages of the Brahmana render -it highly probable that Yajnavalkya was a native of Videha. The fact -that its leading authority, who thus appears to have belonged to this -Eastern country, is represented as vanquishing the most distinguished -teachers of the West in argument, points to the redaction of the -White Yajurveda having taken place in this eastern region. - -The Çatapatha Brahmana contains reminiscences of the days when the -country of Videha was not as yet Brahmanised. Thus Book I. relates -a legend in which three stages in the eastward migration of the -Aryans can be clearly distinguished. Mathava, the king of Videgha -(the older form of Videha), whose family priest was Gotama Rahugana, -was at one time on the Sarasvati. Agni Vaiçvanara (here typical of -Brahmanical culture) thence went burning along this earth towards the -east, followed by Mathava and his priest, till he came to the river -Sadanira (probably the modern Gandak, a tributary running into the -Ganges near Patna), which flows from the northern mountain, and which -he did not burn over. This river Brahmans did not cross in former -times, thinking "it has not been burnt over by Agni Vaiçvanara." At -that time the land to the eastward was very uncultivated and marshy, -but now many Brahmans are there, and it is highly cultivated, for the -Brahmans have caused Agni to taste it through sacrifices. Mathava the -Videgha then said to Agni, "Where am I to abide?" "To the east of this -river be thy abode," he replied. Even now, the writer adds, this river -forms the boundary between the Kosalas (Oudh) and the Videhas (Tirhut). - -The Vajasaneyi school of the White Yajurveda evidently felt a sense -of the superiority of their sacrificial lore, which grew up in these -eastern countries. Blame is frequently expressed in the Çatapatha -Brahmana of the Adhvaryu priests of the Charaka school. The latter is -meant as a comprehensive term embracing the three older schools of the -Black Yajurveda, the Kathas, the Kapishthalas, and the Maitrayaniyas. - -As Buddhism first obtained a firm footing in Kosala and Videha, it is -interesting to inquire in what relation the Çatapatha Brahmana stands -to the beginnings of that doctrine. In this connection it is to be -noted that the words Arhat, Çramana, and Pratibuddha occur here for -the first time, but as yet without the technical sense which they have -in Buddhistic literature. Again, in the lists of teachers given in -the Brahmana mention is made with special frequency of the Gautamas, -a family name used by the Çakyas of Kapilavastu, among whom Buddha -was born. Certain allusions are also suggestive of the beginnings of -the Sankhya doctrine; for mention is several times made of a teacher -called Asuri, and according to tradition Asuri is the name of a leading -authority for the Sankhya system. If we inquire as to how far the -legends of our Brahmana contain the germs of the later epic tales, -we find that there is indeed some slight connection. Janamejaya, -the celebrated king of the Kurus in the Mahabharata, is mentioned -here for the first time. The Pandus, however, who proved victorious -in the epic war, are not to be met with in this any more than in the -other Brahmanas; and Arjuna, the name of their chief, is still an -appellation of Indra. But as the epic Arjuna is a son of Indra, his -origin is doubtless to be traced to this epithet of Indra. Janaka, -the famous king of Videha, is in all probability identical with the -father of Sita, the heroine of the Ramayana. - -Of two legends which furnished the classical poet Kalidasa with the -plots of two of his most famous dramas, one is told in detail, and the -other is at least alluded to. The story of the love and separation -of Pururavas and Urvaçi, already dimly shadowed forth in a hymn of -the Rigveda, is here related with much more fulness; while Bharata, -son of Duhshanta and of the nymph Çakuntala, also appears on the -scene in this Brahmana. - -A most interesting legend which reappears in the Mahabharata, that -of the Deluge, is here told for the first time in Indian literature, -though it seems to be alluded to in the Atharva-veda, while it is -known even to the Avesta. This myth is generally regarded as derived -from a Semitic source. It tells how Manu once came into possession of -a small fish, which asked him to rear it, and promised to save him -from the coming flood. Having built a ship in accordance with the -fish's advice, he entered it when the deluge arose, and was finally -guided to the Northern Mountain by the fish, to whose horn he had -tied his ship. Manu subsequently became the progenitor of mankind -through his daughter. - -The Çatapatha Brahmana is thus a mine of important data and noteworthy -narratives. Internal evidence shows it to belong to a late period -of the Brahmana age. Its style, as compared with the earlier works -of the same class, displays some progress towards facility and -clearness. Its treatment of the sacrificial ceremonial, which is -essentially the same in the Brahmana portions of the Black Yajurveda, -is throughout more lucid and systematic. On the theosophic side, too, -we find the idea of the unity in the universe more fully developed -than in any other Brahmana work, while its Upanishad is the finest -product of Vedic philosophy. - -To the Atharva-veda is attached the Gopatha Brahmana, though it has -no particular connection with that Samhita. This Brahmana consists of -two books, the first containing five chapters, the second six. Both -parts are very late, for they were composed after the Vaitana Sutra and -practically without any Atharvan tradition. The matter of the former -half, while not corresponding or following the order of the sacrifice -in any ritual text, is to a considerable extent original, the rest -being borrowed from Books XI. and XII. of the Çatapatha Brahmana, -besides a few passages from the Aitareya. The main motive of this -portion is the glorification of the Atharva-veda and of the fourth or -brahman priest. The mention of the god Çiva points to its belonging to -the post-Vedic rather than to the Brahmana period. Its presupposing the -Atharva-veda in twenty books, and containing grammatical matters of a -very advanced type, are other signs of lateness. The latter half bears -more the stamp of a regular Brahmana, being a fairly connected account -of the ritual in the sacrificial order of the Vaitana Çrauta Sutra; -but it is for the most part a compilation. The ordinary historical -relation of Brahmana and Sutra is here reversed, the second book of -the Gopatha Brahmana being based on the Vaitana Sutra, which stands -to it practically in the relation of a Samhita. About two-thirds of -its matter have already been shown to be taken from older texts. The -Aitareya and Kaushitaki Brahmanas have been chiefly exploited, and to -a less extent the Maitrayani and Taittiriya Samhitas. A few passages -are derived from the Çatapatha, and even the Panchavimça Brahmana. - -Though the Upanishads generally form a part of the Brahmanas, being -a continuation of their speculative side (jnana-kanda), they really -represent a new religion, which is in virtual opposition to the -ritual or practical side (karma-kanda). Their aim is no longer the -obtainment of earthly happiness and afterwards bliss in the abode of -Yama by sacrificing correctly to the gods, but release from mundane -existence by the absorption of the individual soul in the world-soul -through correct knowledge. Here, therefore, the sacrificial ceremonial -has become useless and speculative knowledge all-important. - -The essential theme of the Upanishads is the nature of the -world-soul. Their conception of it represents the final stage in -the development from the world-man, Purusha, of the Rigveda to -the world-soul, Atman; from the personal creator, Prajapati, to -the impersonal source of all being, Brahma. Atman in the Rigveda -means no more than "breath"; wind, for instance, being spoken of -as the atman of Varuna. In the Brahmanas it came to mean "soul" or -"self." In one of their speculations the pranas or "vital airs," -which are supposed to be based on the atman, are identified with the -gods, and so an atman comes to be attributed to the universe. In one -of the later books of the Çatapatha Brahmana (X. vi. 3) this atman, -which has already arrived at a high degree of abstraction, is said to -"pervade this universe." Brahma (neuter) in the Rigveda signified -nothing more than "prayer" or "devotion." But even in the oldest -Brahmanas it has come to have the sense of "universal holiness," -as manifested in prayer, priest, and sacrifice. In the Upanishads -it is the holy principle which animates nature. Having a long -subsequent history, this word is a very epitome of the evolution of -religious thought in India. These two conceptions, Atman and Brahma, -are commonly treated as synonymous in the Upanishads. But, strictly -speaking, Brahma, the older term, represents the cosmical principle -which pervades the universe, Atman the psychical principle manifested -in man; and the latter, as the known, is used to explain the former -as the unknown. The Atman under the name of the Eternal (aksharam) -is thus described in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (III. viii. 8, 11):-- - - - "It is not large, and not minute; not short, not long; without - blood, without fat; without shadow, without darkness; without wind, - without ether; not adhesive, not tangible; without smell, without - taste; without eyes, ears, voice, or mind; without heat, breath, or - mouth; without personal or family name; unaging, undying, without - fear, immortal, dustless, not uncovered or covered; with nothing - before, nothing behind, nothing within. It consumes no one and - is consumed by no one. It is the unseen seer, the unheard hearer, - the unthought thinker, the unknown knower. There is no other seer, - no other hearer, no other thinker, no other knower. That is the - Eternal in which space (akaça) is woven and which is interwoven - with it." - - -Here, for the first time in the history of human thought, we find -the Absolute grasped and proclaimed. - -A poetical account of the nature of the Atman is given by the Kathaka -Upanishad in the following stanzas:-- - - - That whence the sun's orb rises up, - And that in which it sinks again: - In it the gods are all contained, - Beyond it none can ever pass (iv. 9). - - Its form can never be to sight apparent, - Not any one may with his eye behold it: - By heart and mind and soul alone they grasp it, - And those who know it thus become immortal (vi. 9). - - Since not by speech and not by thought, - Not by the eye can it be reached: - How else may it be understood - But only when one says "it is"? (vi. 12). - - -The place of the more personal Prajapati is taken in the Upanishads by -the Atman as a creative power. Thus the Brihadaranyaka (I. iv.) relates -that in the beginning the Atman or the Brahma was this universe. It -was afraid in its loneliness and felt no pleasure. Desiring a second -being, it became man and woman, whence the human race was produced. It -then proceeded to produce male and female animals in a similar way; -finally creating water, fire, the gods, and so forth. The author then -proceeds in a more exalted strain:-- - - - "It (the Atman) is here all-pervading down to the tips of the - nails. One does not see it any more than a razor hidden in its case - or fire in its receptacle. For it does not appear as a whole. When - it breathes, it is called breath; when it speaks, voice; when it - hears, ear; when it thinks, mind. These are merely the names of - its activities. He who worships the one or the other of these, - has not (correct) knowledge.... One should worship it as the - Self. For in it all these (breath, etc.) become one." - - -In one of the later Upanishads, the Çvetaçvatara (iv. 10), the notion, -so prominent in the later Vedanta system, that the material world is -an illusion (maya), is first met with. The world is here explained -as an illusion produced by Brahma as a conjuror (mayin). This notion -is, however, inherent even in the oldest Upanishads. It is virtually -identical with the teaching of Plato that the things of experience -are only the shadow of the real things, and with the teaching of Kant, -that they are only phenomena of the thing in itself. - -The great fundamental doctrine of the Upanishads is the identity of the -individual atman with the world Atman. It is most forcibly expressed in -a frequently repeated sentence of the Chhandogya Upanishad (vi. 8-16): -"This whole world consists of it: that is the Real, that is the Soul, -that art thou, O Çvetaketu." In that famous formula, "That art thou" -(tat tvam asi), all the teachings of the Upanishads are summed -up. The Brihadaranyaka (I. iv. 6) expresses the same doctrine thus: -"Whoever knows this, 'I am brahma' (aham brahma asmi), becomes the -All. Even the gods are not able to prevent him from becoming it. For -he becomes their Self (atman)." - -This identity was already recognised in the Çatapatha Brahmana -(X. vi. 3): "Even as the smallest granule of millet, so is this -golden Purusha in the heart.... That self of the spirit is my self: -on passing from hence I shall obtain that Self." - -We find everywhere in these treatises a restless striving to grasp -the true nature of the pantheistic Self, now through one metaphor, -now through another. Thus (Brih. Up. II. iv.) the wise Yajnavalkya, -about to renounce the world and retire to the forest, replies to the -question of his wife, Maitreyi, with the words: "As a lump of salt -thrown into the water would dissolve and could not be taken out again, -while the water, wherever tasted, would be salt, so is this great -being endless, unlimited, simply compacted of cognition. Arising -out of these elements, it disappears again in them. After death -there is no consciousness;" for, as he further explains, when the -duality on which consciousness is based disappears, consciousness -must necessarily cease. - -In another passage of the same Upanishad (II. i. 20) we read: "Just -as the spider goes out of itself by means of its thread, as tiny -sparks leap out of the fire, so from the Atman issue all vital airs, -all worlds, all gods, all beings." - -Here, again, is a stanza from the Mundaka (III. ii. 8):-- - - - As rivers flow and disappear at last - In ocean's waters, name and form renouncing, - So, too, the sage, released from name and form, - Is merged in the divine and highest spirit. - - -In a passage of the Brihadaranyaka (III. vii.) Yajnavalkya describes -the Atman as the "inner guide" (antaryamin): "Who is in all beings, -different from all beings, who guides all beings within, that is thy -Self, the inward guide, immortal." - -The same Upanishad contains an interesting conversation, in which King -Ajataçatru of Kaçi (Benares) instructs the Brahman, Balaki Gargya, -that Brahma is not the spirit (purusha) which is in sun, moon, wind, -and other natural phenomena, or even in the (waking) soul (atman), -but is either the dreaming soul, which is creative, assuming any form -at pleasure, or, in the highest stage, the soul in dreamless sleep, -for here all phenomena have disappeared. This is the first and the -last condition of Brahma, in which no world exists, all material -existence being only the phantasms of the dreaming world-soul. - -Of somewhat similar purport is a passage of the Chhandogya -(viii. 7-12), where Prajapati is represented as teaching the nature -of the Atman in three stages. The soul in the body as reflected in -a mirror or water is first identified with Brahma, then the dreaming -soul, and, lastly, the soul in dreamless sleep. - -How generally accepted the pantheistic theory must have become by -the time the disputations at the court of King Janaka took place, is -indicated by the form in which questions are put. Thus two different -sages in the Brihadaranyaka (iii. 4, 5) successively ask Yajnavalkya -in the same words: "Explain to us the Brahma which is manifest and -not hidden, the Atman that dwells in everything." - -With the doctrine that true knowledge led to supreme bliss by the -absorption of the individual soul in Brahma went hand in hand the -theory of transmigration (samsara). That theory is developed in -the oldest Upanishads; it must have been firmly established by the -time Buddhism arose, for Buddha accepted it without question. Its -earliest form is found in the Çatapatha Brahmana, where the notion -of being born again after death and dying repeatedly is coupled with -that of retribution. Thus it is here said that those who have correct -knowledge and perform a certain sacrifice are born again after death -for immortality, while those who have not such knowledge and do not -perform this sacrifice are reborn again and again, becoming the prey -of Death. The notion here expressed does not go beyond repeated births -and deaths in the next world. It is transformed to the doctrine of -transmigration in the Upanishads by supposing rebirth to take place in -this world. In the Brihadaranyaka we further meet with the beginnings -of the doctrine of karma, or "action," which regulates the new birth, -and makes it depend on a man's own deeds. When the body returns to -the elements, nothing of the individuality is here said to remain -but the karma, according to which a man becomes good or bad. This is, -perhaps, the germ of the Buddhistic doctrine, which, though denying -the existence of soul altogether, allows karma to continue after -death and to determine the next birth. - -The most important and detailed account of the theory of transmigration -which we possess from Vedic times is supplied by the Chhandogya -Upanishad. The forest ascetic possessed of knowledge and faith, it is -here said, after death enters the devayana, the "path of the gods," -which leads to absorption in Brahma, while the householder who has -performed sacrifice and good works goes by the pitriyana or "path of -the Fathers" to the moon, where he remains till the consequences of -his actions are exhausted. He then returns to earth, being first born -again as a plant and afterwards as a man of one of the three highest -castes. Here we have a double retribution, first in the next world, -then by transmigration in this. The former is a survival of the old -Vedic belief about the future life. The wicked are born again as -outcasts (chandalas), dogs or swine. - -The account of the Brihadaranyaka (VI. ii. 15-16) is similar. Those -who have true knowledge and faith pass through the world of the gods -and the sun to the world of Brahma, whence there is no return. Those -who practise sacrifice and good works pass through the world of the -Fathers to the moon, whence they return to earth, being born again -as men. Others become birds, beasts, and reptiles. - -The view of the Kaushitaki Upanishad (i. 2-3) is somewhat -different. Here all who die go to the moon, whence some go by the -"path of the Fathers" to Brahma, while others return to various -forms of earthly existence, ranging from man to worm, according to -the quality of their works and the degree of their knowledge. - -The Kathaka, one of the most remarkable and beautiful of the -Upanishads, treats the question of life after death in the form of a -legend. Nachiketas, a young Brahman, visits the realm of Yama, who -offers him the choice of three boons. For the third he chooses the -answer to the question, whether man exists after death or no. Death -replies: "Even the gods have doubted about this; it is a subtle point; -choose another boon." After vain efforts to evade the question by -offering Nachiketas earthly power and riches, Yama at last yields to -his persistence and reveals the secret. Life and death, he explains, -are only different phases of development. True knowledge, which -consists in recognising the identity of the individual soul with the -world soul, raises its possessor beyond the reach of death:-- - - - When every passion vanishes - That nestles in the human heart, - Then man gains immortality, - Then Brahma is obtained by him (vi. 14). - - -The story of the temptation of Nachiketas to choose the goods of this -world in preference to the highest knowledge is probably the prototype -of the legend of the temptation of Buddha by Mara or Death. Both by -resisting the temptation obtain enlightenment. - -It must not of course be supposed that the Upanishads, either as a -whole or individually, offer a complete and consistent conception -of the world logically developed. They are rather a mixture -of half-poetical, half-philosophical fancies, of dialogues and -disputations dealing tentatively with metaphysical questions. Their -speculations were only later reduced to a system in the Vedanta -philosophy. The earliest of them can hardly be dated later than about -600 B.C., since some important doctrines first met with in them are -presupposed by Buddhism. They may be divided chronologically, on -internal evidence, into four classes. The oldest group, consisting, -in chronological order, of the Brihadaranyaka, Chhandogya, Taittiriya, -Aitareya, Kaushitaki, is written in prose which still suffers from the -awkwardness of the Brahmana style. A transition is formed by the Kena, -which is partly in verse and partly in prose, to a decidedly later -class, the Kathaka, Iça, Çvetaçvatara, Mundaka, Mahanarayana, which are -metrical, and in which the Upanishad doctrine is no longer developing, -but has become fixed. These are more attractive from the literary -point of view. Even those of the older class acquire a peculiar -charm from their liveliness, enthusiasm, and freedom from pedantry, -while their language often rises to the level of eloquence. The third -class, comprising the Praçna, Maitrayaniya, and Mandukya, reverts to -the use of prose, which is, however, of a much less archaic type than -that of the first class, and approaches that of classical Sanskrit -writers. The fourth class consists of the later Atharvan Upanishads, -some of which are composed in prose, others in verse. - -The Aitareya, one of the shortest of the Upanishads (extending to -only about four octavo pages), consists of three chapters. The first -represents the world as a creation of the Atman (also called Brahma), -and man as its highest manifestation. It is based on the Purusha hymn -of the Rigveda, but the primeval man is in the Upanishad described as -having been produced by the Atman from the waters which it created. The -Atman is here said to occupy three abodes in man, the senses, mind, -and heart, to which respectively correspond the three conditions of -waking, dreaming, and deep sleep. The second chapter treats of the -threefold birth of the Atman. The end of transmigration is salvation, -which is represented as an immortal existence in heaven. The last -chapter dealing with the nature of the Atman states that "consciousness -(prajna) is Brahma." - -The Kaushitaki Upanishad is a treatise of considerable length divided -into four chapters. The first deals with the two paths traversed by -souls after death in connection with transmigration; the second with -Prana or life as a symbol of the Atman. The last two, while discussing -the doctrine of Brahma, contain a disquisition about the dependence -of the objects of sense on the organs of sense, and of the latter on -unconscious life (prana) and conscious life (prajnatma). Those who -aim at redeeming knowledge are therefore admonished not to seek after -objects or subjective faculties, but only the subject of cognition -and action, which is described with much power as the highest god, -and at the same time as the Atman within us. - -The Upanishads of the Samaveda start from the saman or chant, just -as those of the Rigveda from the uktha or hymn recited by the Hotri -priest, in order, by interpreting it allegorically, to arrive at a -knowledge of the Atman or Brahma. The fact that the Upanishads have the -same basis, which is, moreover, largely treated in a similar manner, -leads to the conclusion that the various Vedic schools found a common -body of oral tradition which they shaped into dogmatic texts-books -or Upanishads in their own way. - -Thus the Chhandogya, which is equal in importance, and only slightly -inferior in extent, to the Brihadaranyaka, bears clear traces, -like the latter, of being made up of collections of floating -materials. Each of its eight chapters forms an independent whole, -followed by supplementary pieces often but slightly connected with -the main subject-matter. - -The first two chapters consist of mystical interpretations of the -saman and its chief part, called Udgitha ("loud song"). A supplement -to the second chapter treats, among other subjects, of the origin of -the syllable om, and of the three stages of religious life, those of -the Brahman pupil, the householder, and the ascetic (to which later -the religious mendicant was added as a fourth). The third chapter in -the main deals with Brahma as the sun of the universe, the natural sun -being its manifestation. The infinite Brahma is further described as -dwelling, whole and undivided, in the heart of man. The way in which -Brahma is to be attained is then described, and the great fundamental -dogma of the identity of Brahma with the Atman (or, as we might say, -of God and Soul) is declared. The chapter concludes with a myth -which forms a connecting link between the cosmogonic conceptions of -the Rigveda and those of the law-book of Manu. The fourth chapter, -containing discussions about wind, breath, and other phenomena -connected with Brahma, also teaches how the soul makes its way to -Brahma after death. - -The first half of chapter v. is almost identical with the beginning of -chapter vi. of the Brihadaranyaka. It is chiefly noteworthy for the -theory of transmigration which it contains. The second half of the -chapter is important as the earliest statement of the doctrine that -the manifold world is unreal. The sat by desire produced from itself -the three primary elements, heat, water, food (the later number being -five--ether, air, fire, water, earth). As individual soul (jiva-atman) -it entered into these, which, by certain partial combinations called -"triplication," became various products (vikara) or phenomena. But -the latter are a mere name. Sat is the only reality, it is the Atman: -"Thou art that." Chapter vii. enumerates sixteen forms in which Brahma -may be adored, rising by gradation from naman, "name," to bhuman, -"infinity," which is the all-in-all and the Atman within us. The first -half of the last chapter discusses the Atman in the heart and the -universe, as well as how to attain it. The concluding portion of the -chapter distinguishes the false from the true Atman, illustrated by the -three stages in which it appears--in the material body, in dreaming, -and in sound sleep. In the latter stage we have the true Atman, -in which the distinction between subject and object has disappeared. - -To the Samaveda also belongs a very short treatise which was long -called the Talavakara Upanishad, from the school to which it was -attached, but later, when it became separated from that school, -received the name of Kena, from its initial word. It consists of two -distinct parts. The second, composed in prose and much older, describes -the relation of the Vedic gods to Brahma, representing them as deriving -their power from and entirely dependent on the latter. The first part, -which is metrical and belongs to the period of fully developed Vedanta -doctrine, distinguishes from the qualified Brahma, which is an object -of worship, the unqualified Brahma, which is unknowable:-- - - - To it no eye can penetrate, - Nor speech nor thought can ever reach: - It rests unknown; we cannot see - How any one may teach it us. - - -The various Upanishads of the Black Yajurveda all bear the stamp -of lateness. The Maitrayana is a prose work of considerable extent, -in which occasional stanzas are interspersed. It consists of seven -chapters, the seventh and the concluding eight sections of the sixth -forming a supplement. The fact that it retains the orthographical and -euphonic peculiarities of the Maitrayana school, gives this Upanishad -an archaic appearance. But its many quotations from other Upanishads, -the occurrence of several late words, the developed Sankhya doctrine -presupposed by it, distinct references to anti-Vedic heretical schools, -all combine to render the late character of this work undoubted. It is, -in fact, a summing up of the old Upanishad doctrines with an admixture -of ideas derived from the Sankhya system and from Buddhism. The main -body of the treatise expounds the nature of the Atman, communicated -to King Brihadratha of the race of Ikshvaku (probably identical with -the king of that name mentioned in the Ramayana), who declaims at some -length on the misery and transitoriness of earthly existence. Though -pessimism is not unknown to the old Upanishads, it is much more -pronounced here, doubtless in consequence of Sankhya and Buddhistic -influence. - -The subject is treated in the form of three questions. The answer -to the first, how the Atman enters the body, is that Prajapati -enters in the form of the five vital airs in order to animate the -lifeless bodies created by him. The second question is, How does -the supreme soul become the individual soul (bhutatman)? This is -answered rather in accordance with the Sankhya than the Vedanta -doctrine. Overcome by the three qualities of matter (prakriti), -the Atman, forgetting its real nature, becomes involved in -self-consciousness and transmigration. The third question is, How -is deliverance from this state of misery possible? This is answered -in conformity with neither Vedanta nor Sankhya doctrine, but in a -reactionary spirit. Only those who observe the old requirements of -Brahmanism, the rules of caste and the religious orders (açramas), -are declared capable of attaining salvation by knowledge, penance, -and meditation on Brahma. The chief gods, that is to say, the triad of -the Brahmana period, Fire, Wind, Sun, the three abstractions, Time, -Breath, Food, and the three popular gods, Brahma, Rudra (i.e. Çiva), -and Vishnu are explained as manifestations of Brahma. - -The remainder of this Upanishad is supplementary, but contains several -passages of considerable interest. We have here a cosmogonic myth, -like those of the Brahmanas, in which the three qualities of matter, -Tamas, Rajas, Sattva, are connected with Rudra, Brahma, and Vishnu, and -which is in other respects very remarkable as a connecting link between -the philosophy of the Rigveda and the later Sankhya system. The sun -is further represented as the external, and prana (breath) as the -internal, symbol of the Atman, their worship being recommended by -means of the sacred syllable om, the three "utterances" (vyahritis) -bhur, bhuvah, svar, and the famous Savitri stanza. As a means of -attaining Brahma we find a recommendation of Yoga or the ascetic -practices leading to a state of mental concentration and bordering -on trance. The information we here receive of these practices is -still undeveloped compared with the later system. In addition to -the three conditions of Brahma, waking, dreaming, and deep sleep, -mention is made of a fourth (turiya) and highest stage. The Upanishad -concludes with the declaration that the Atman entered the world of -duality because it wished to taste both truth and illusion. - -Older than the Maitrayana, which borrows from them, are two -other Upanishads of the Black Yajurveda, the Kathaka and the -Çvetaçvatara. The former contains some 120 and the latter some 110 -stanzas. - -The Kathaka deals with the legend of Nachiketas, which is told in -the Kathaka portion of the Taittiriya Brahmana, and a knowledge of -which it presupposes. This is indicated by the fact that it begins -with the same words as the Brahmana story. The treatise appears to -have consisted originally of the first only of its two chapters. For -the second, with its more developed notions about Yoga and its much -more pronounced view as to the unreality of phenomena, looks like -a later addition. The first contains an introductory narrative, an -account of the Atman, of its embodiment and final return by means of -Yoga. The second chapter, though less well arranged, on the whole -corresponds in matter with the first. Its fourth section, while -discussing the nature of the Atman, identifies both soul (purusha) -and matter (prakriti) with it. The fifth section deals with the -manifestation of the Atman in the world, and especially in man. The -way in which it at the same time remains outside them in its full -integrity and is not affected by the suffering of living beings, is -strikingly illustrated by the analogy of both light and air, which -pervade space and yet embrace every object, and of the sun, the eye -of the universe, which remains free from the blemishes of all other -eyes outside of it. In the last section Yoga is taught to be the means -of attaining the highest goal. The gradation of mental faculties here -described is of great interest for the history of the Sankhya and Yoga -system. An unconscious contradiction runs through this discussion, -inasmuch as though the Atman is regarded as the all-in-all, a sharp -contrast is drawn between soul and matter. It is the contradiction -between the later Vedanta and the Sankhya-Yoga systems of philosophy. - -According to its own statement, the Çvetaçvatara Upanishad derives its -name from an individual author, and the tradition which attributes it -to one of the schools of the Black Yajurveda hardly seems to have a -sufficient foundation. Its confused arrangement, the irregularities -and arbitrary changes of its metres, the number of interpolated -quotations which it contains, make the assumption likely that the -work in its present form is not the work of a single author. In its -present form it is certainly later than the Kathaka, since it contains -several passages which must be referred to that work, besides many -stanzas borrowed from it with or without variation. Its lateness is -further indicated by the developed theory of Yoga which it contains, -besides the more or less definite form in which it exhibits various -Vedanta doctrines either unknown to or only foreshadowed in the -earlier Upanishads. Among these may be mentioned the destruction of -the world by Brahma at the end of a cosmic age (kalpa), as well as -its periodic renewal out of Brahma, and especially the explanation of -the world as an illusion (maya) produced by Brahma. At the same time -the author shows a strange predilection for the personified forms of -Brahma as Savitri, Içana, or Rudra. Though Çiva has not yet become -the name of Rudra, its frequent use as an adjective connected with -the latter shows that it is in course of becoming fixed as the proper -name of the highest god. In this Upanishad we meet with a number of -the terms and fundamental notions of the Sankhya, though the point -of view is thoroughly Vedantist; matter (prakriti), for instance, -being represented as an illusion produced by Brahma. - -To the White Yajurveda is attached the longest, and, beside the -Chhandogya, the most important of the Upanishads. It bears even -clearer traces than that work of being a conglomerate of what must -originally have been separate treatises. It is divided into three -parts, each containing two chapters. The last part is designated, even -in the tradition of the commentaries, as a supplement (Khila-kanda), -a statement fully borne out by the contents. That the first and second -parts were also originally independent of each other is sufficiently -proved by both containing the legend of Yajnavalkya and his two -wives in almost identical words throughout. To each of these parts -(as well as to Book x. of the Çatapatha Brahmana) a successive list -(vamça) of teachers is attached. A comparison of these lists seems -to justify the conclusion that the first part (called Madhukanda) -and the second (Yajnavalkya-kanda) existed during nine generations -as independent Upanishads within the school of the White Yajurveda, -and were then combined by a teacher named Agniveçya; the third part, -which consists of all kinds of supplementary matter, being subsequently -added. These lists further make the conclusion probable that the -leading teachers of the ritual tradition (Brahmanas) were different -from those of the philosophical tradition (Upanishads). - -Beginning with an allegorical interpretation of the most important -sacrifice, the Açvamedha (horse-sacrifice), as the universe, the first -chapter proceeds to deal with prana (breath) as a symbol of soul, -and then with the creation of the world out of the Atman or Brahma, -insisting on the dependence of all existence on the Supreme Soul, -which appears in every individual as his self. The polemical attitude -adopted against the worship of the gods is characteristic, showing that -the passage belongs to an early period, in which the doctrine of the -superiority of the Atman to the gods was still asserting itself. The -next chapter deals with the nature of the Atman and its manifestations, -purusha and prana. - -The second part of the Upanishad consists of four philosophical -discussions, in which Yajnavalkya is the chief speaker. The -first (iii. 1-9) is a great disputation, in which the sage proves -his superiority to nine successive interlocutors. One of the most -interesting conclusions here arrived at is that Brahma is theoretically -unknowable, but can be comprehended practically. The second discourse -is a dialogue between King Janaka and Yajnavalkya, in which the latter -shows the untenableness of six definitions set up by other teachers as -to the nature of Brahma; for instance, that it is identical with Breath -or Mind. He finally declares that the Atman can only be described -negatively, being intangible, indestructible, independent, immovable. - -The third discourse (iv. 3-4) is another dialogue between Janaka and -Yajnavalkya. It presents a picture of the soul in the conditions of -waking, dreaming, deep sleep, dying, transmigration, and salvation. For -wealth of illustration, fervour of conviction, beauty and elevation -of thought, this piece is unequalled in the Upanishads or any other -work of Indian literature. Its literary effect is heightened by the -numerous stanzas with which it is interspersed. These are, however, -doubtless later additions. The dreaming soul is thus described:-- - - - Leaving its lower nest in breath's protection, - And upward from that nest, immortal, soaring, - Where'er it lists it roves about immortal, - The golden-pinioned only swan of spirit (IV. iii. 13). - - It roves in dream condition up and downward, - Divinely many shapes and forms assuming (ib. 14). - - -Then follows an account of the dreamless state of the soul:-- - - - As a falcon or an eagle, having flown about in the air, exhausted - folds together its wings and prepares to alight, so the spirit - hastes to that condition in which, asleep, it feels no desire - and sees no dream (19). - - This is its essential form, in which it rises above desire, - is free from evil and without fear. For as one embraced by a - beloved woman wots not of anything without or within, so also - the soul embraced by the cognitional Self wots not of anything - without or within (21). - - -With regard to the souls of those who are not saved, the view of the -writer appears to be that after death they enter a new body immediately -and without any intervening retribution in the other world, in exact -accordance with their intellectual and moral quality. - - - As a caterpillar, when it has reached the point of a leaf, makes a - new beginning and draws itself across, so the soul, after casting - off the body and letting go ignorance, makes a new beginning and - draws itself across (IV. iv. 3). - - As a goldsmith takes the material of an image and hammers out - of it another newer and more beautiful form, so also the soul - after casting off the body and letting go ignorance, creates for - itself another newer and more beautiful form, either that of the - Fathers or the Gandharvas or the Gods, or Prajapati or Brahma, - or other beings (IV. iv. 4). - - -But the vital airs of him who is saved, who knows himself to be -identical with Brahma, do not depart, for he is absorbed in Brahma -and is Brahma. - - - As a serpent's skin, dead and cast off, lies upon an ant-hill, - so his body then lies; but that which is bodiless and immortal, - the life, is pure Brahma, is pure light (IV. iv. 7). - - -The fourth discourse is a dialogue between Yajnavalkya and his wife -Maitreyi, before the former, about to renounce the world, retires -to the solitude of the forest. There are several indications that -it is a secondary recension of the same conversation occurring in a -previous chapter (II. iv.). - -The first chapter of the third or supplementary part consists of -fifteen sections, which are often quite short, are mostly unconnected -in matter, and appear to be of very different age. The second chapter, -however, forms a long and important treatise (identical with that -found in the Chhandogya) on the doctrine of transmigration. The views -here expressed are so much at variance with those of Yajnavalkya -that this text must have originated in another Vedic school, and -have been loosely attached to this Upanishad owing to the peculiar -importance of its contents. The preceding and following section, -which are connected with it, and are also found in the Chhandogya, -must have been added at the same time. - -Not only is the longest Upanishad attached to the White Yajurveda, -but also one of the very shortest, consisting of only eighteen -stanzas. This is the Iça, which is so called from its initial -word. Though forming the last chapter of the Vajasaneyi Samhita, it -belongs to a rather late period. It is about contemporaneous with the -latest parts of the Brihadaranyaka, is more developed in many points -than the Kathaka, but seems to be older than the Çvetaçvatara. Its -leading motive is to contrast him who knows himself to be the same as -the Atman with him who does not possess true knowledge. It affords -an excellent survey of the fundamental doctrines of the Vedanta -philosophy. - -A large and indefinite number of Upanishads is attributed to -the Atharva-veda, but the most authoritative list recognises -twenty-seven altogether. They are for the most part of very late -origin, being post-Vedic, and, all but three, contemporaneous with -the Puranas. One of them is actually a Muhammadan treatise entitled -the Alla Upanishad! The older Upanishads which belong to the first -three Vedas were, with a few exceptions like the Çvetaçvatara, the -dogmatic text-books of actual Vedic schools, and received their -names from those schools, being connected with and supplementary -to the ritual Brahmanas. The Upanishads of the Atharva-veda, on the -other hand, are with few exceptions like the Mandukya and the Jabala, -no longer connected with Vedic schools, but derive their names from -their subject-matter or some other circumstance. They appear for the -most part to represent the views of theosophic, mystic, ascetic, or -sectarian associations, who wished to have an Upanishad of their own -in imitation of the old Vedic schools. They became attached to the -Atharva-veda not from any internal connection, but partly because the -followers of the Atharva-veda desired to become possessed of dogmatic -text-books of their own, and partly because the fourth Veda was not -protected from the intrusion of foreign elements by the watchfulness -of religious guilds like the old Vedic schools. - -The fundamental doctrine common to all the Upanishads of the -Atharva-veda is developed by most of them in various special -directions. They may accordingly be divided into four categories -which run chronologically parallel with one another, each containing -relatively old and late productions. The first group, as directly -investigating the nature of the Atman, has a scope similar to that of -the Upanishads of the other Vedas, and goes no further than the latter -in developing its main thesis. The next group, taking the fundamental -doctrine for granted, treats of absorption in the Atman through -ascetic meditation (yoga) based on the component parts of the sacred -syllable om. These Upanishads are almost without exception composed in -verse and are quite short, consisting on the average of about twenty -stanzas. In the third category the life of the religious mendicant -(sannyasin), as a practical consequence of the Upanishad doctrine, -is recommended and described. These Upanishads, too, are short, but -are written in prose, though with an admixture of verse. The last -group is sectarian in character, interpreting the popular gods Çiva -(under various names, such as Içana, Maheçvara, Mahadeva) and Vishnu -(as Narayana and Nrisimha or "Man-lion") as personifications of the -Atman. The different Avatars of Vishnu are here regarded as human -manifestations of the Atman. - -The oldest and most important of these Atharvan Upanishads, as -representing the Vedanta doctrine most faithfully, are the Mundaka, -the Praçna, and to a less degree the Mandukya. The first two come -nearest to the Upanishads of the older Vedas, and are much quoted by -Badarayana and Çankara, the great authorities of the later Vedanta -philosophy. They are the only original and legitimate Upanishads of the -Atharva. The Mundaka derives its name from being the Upanishad of the -tonsured (munda), an association of ascetics who shaved their heads, -as the Buddhist monks did later. It is one of the most popular of the -Upanishads, not owing to the originality of its contents, which are -for the most part derived from older texts, but owing to the purity -with which it reproduces the old Vedanta doctrine, and the beauty -of the stanzas in which it is composed. It presupposes, above all, -the Chhandogya Upanishad, and in all probability the Brihadaranyaka, -the Taittiriya, and the Kathaka. Having several important passages -in common with the Çvetaçvatara and the Brihannarayana of the Black -Yajurveda, it probably belongs to the same epoch, coming between the -two in order of time. It consists of three parts, which, speaking -generally, deal respectively with the preparations for the knowledge -of Brahma, the doctrine of Brahma, and the way to Brahma. - -The Praçna Upanishad, written in prose and apparently belonging to -the Pippalada recension of the Atharva-veda, is so called because it -treats, in the form of questions (praçna) addressed by six students -of Brahma to the sage Pippalada, six main points of the Vedanta -doctrine. These questions concern the origin of matter and life -(prana) from Prajapati; the superiority of life (prana) above the -other vital powers; the nature and divisions of the vital powers; -dreaming and dreamless sleep; meditation on the syllable om; and the -sixteen parts of man. - -The Mandukya is a very short prose Upanishad, which would hardly -fill two pages of the present book. Though bearing the name of -a half-forgotten school of the Rigveda, it is reckoned among the -Upanishads of the Atharva-veda. It must date from a considerably -later time than the prose Upanishads of the three older Vedas, with -the unmethodical treatment and prolixity of which its precision and -conciseness are in marked contrast. It has many points of contact -with the Maitrayana Upanishad, to which it seems to be posterior. It -appears, however, to be older than the rest of the treatises which -form the fourth class of the Upanishads of the Atharva-veda. Thus it -distinguishes only three morae in the syllable om, and not yet three -and a half. The fundamental idea of this Upanishad is that the sacred -syllable is an expression of the universe. It is somewhat remarkable -that this work is not quoted by Çankara; nevertheless, it not only -exercised a great influence on several Upanishads of the Atharva-veda, -but was used more than any other Upanishad by the author of the -well-known later epitome of the Vedanta doctrine, the Vedanta-sara. - -It is, however, chiefly important as having given rise to one of -the most remarkable products of Indian philosophy, the Karika of -Gaudapada. This work consists of more than 200 stanzas divided into -four parts, the first of which includes the Mandukya Upanishad. The -esteem in which the Karika was held is indicated by the fact that -its parts are reckoned as four Upanishads. There is much probability -in the assumption that its author is identical with Gaudapada, the -teacher of Govinda, whose pupil was the great Vedantist commentator, -Çankara (800 A.D.). The point of view of the latter is the same -essentially as that of the author of the Karika, and many of the -thoughts and figures which begin to appear in the earlier work are in -common use in Çankara's commentaries. Çankara may, in fact, be said -to have reduced the doctrines of Gaudapada to a system, as did Plato -those of Parmenides. Indeed, the two leading ideas which pervade the -Indian poem, viz., that there is no duality (advaita) and no becoming -(ajati), are, as Professor Deussen points out, identical with those -of the Greek philosopher. - -The first part of the Karika is practically a metrical paraphrase -of the Mandukya Upanishad. Peculiar to it is the statement that the -world is not an illusion or a development in any sense, but the very -nature or essence (svabhava) of Brahma, just as the rays, which are all -the same (i.e. light), are not different from the sun. The remainder -of the poem is independent of the Upanishad and goes far beyond its -doctrines. The second part has the special title of Vaitathya or the -"Falseness" of the doctrine of reality. Just as a rope is in the -dark mistaken for a snake, so the Atman in the darkness of ignorance -is mistaken for the world. Every attempt to imagine the Atman under -empirical forms is futile, for every one's idea of it is dependent -on his experience of the world. - -The third part is entitled Advaita, "Non-duality." The identity of the -Supreme Soul (Atman) with the individual soul (jiva) is illustrated -by comparison with space, and that part of it which is contained in -a jar. Arguing against the theory of genesis and plurality, the poet -lays down the axiom that nothing can become different from its own -nature. The production of the existent (sato janma) is impossible, -for that would be produced which already exists. The production of the -non-existent (asato janma) is also impossible, for the non-existent is -never produced, any more than the son of a barren woman. The last part -is entitled Alata-çanti, or "Extinction of the firebrand (circle)," -so called from an ingenious comparison made to explain how plurality -and genesis seem to exist in the world. If a stick which is glowing -at one end is waved about, fiery lines or circles are produced without -anything being added to or issuing from the single burning point. The -fiery line or circle exists only in the consciousness (vijnana). So, -too, the many phenomena of the world are merely the vibrations of -the consciousness, which is one. - - - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE SUTRAS - -(Circa 500-200 B.C.) - - -As the Upanishads were a development of the speculative side of the -Brahmanas and constituted the textbooks of Vedic dogma, so the Çrauta -Sutras form the continuation of their ritual side, though they are -not, like the Upanishads, regarded as a part of revelation. A sacred -character was never attributed to them, probably because they were felt -to be treatises compiled, with the help of oral priestly tradition, -from the contents of the Brahmanas solely to meet practical needs. The -oldest of them seem to go back to about the time when Buddhism came -into being. Indeed it is quite possible that the rise of the rival -religion gave the first impetus to the composition of systematic -manuals of Brahmanic worship. The Buddhists in their turn must have -come to regard Sutras as the type of treatise best adapted for the -expression of religious doctrine, for the earliest Pali texts are -works of this character. The term Kalpa Sutra is used to designate -the whole body of Sutras concerned with religion which belonged to -a particular Vedic school. Where such a complete collection has been -preserved, the Çrauta Sutra forms its first and most extensive portion. - -To the Rigveda belong the Çrauta manuals of two Sutra schools -(charanas), the Çankhayanas and the Açvalayanas, the former of whom -were in later times settled in Northern Gujarat, the latter in the -South between the Godavari and the Krishna. The ritual is described -in much the same order by both, but the account of the great royal -sacrifices is much more detailed in the Çankhayana Çrauta Sutra. The -latter, which is closely connected with the Çankhayana Brahmana, seems -to be the older of the two, on the ground both of its matter and of -its style, which in many parts resembles that of the Brahmanas. It -consists of eighteen books, the last two of which were added later, -and correspond to the first two books of the Kaushitaki Aranyaka. The -Çrauta Sutra of Açvalayana, which consists of twelve books, is related -to the Aitareya Brahmana. Açvalayana is also known as the author -of the fourth book of the Aitareya Aranyaka, and was according to -tradition the pupil of Çaunaka. - -Three Çrauta Sutras to the Samaveda have been preserved. The oldest, -that of Maçaka, also called Arsheya-kalpa, is nothing more than -an enumeration of the prayers belonging to the various ceremonies -of the Soma sacrifice in the order of the Panchavimça Brahmana. The -Çrauta Sutra composed by Latyayana, became the accepted manual of the -Kauthuma school. This Sutra, like that of Maçaka, which it quotes, -is closely connected with the Panchavimça Brahmana. The Çrauta Sutra -of Drahyayana, which differs but little from that of Latyayana, -belongs to the Ranayaniya branch of the Samaveda. - -To the White Yajurveda belongs the Çrauta Sutra of Katyayana. This -manual, which consists of twenty-six chapters, on the whole strictly -follows the sacrificial order of the Çatapatha Brahmana. Three of -its chapters (xxii.-xxiv.), however, relate to the ceremonial of the -Samaveda. Owing to the enigmatical character of its style, it appears -to be one of the later productions of the Sutra period. - -No less than six Çrauta Sutras belonging to the Black Yajurveda have -been preserved, but only two of them have as yet been published. Four -of these form a very closely connected group, being part of the -Kalpa Sutras of four subdivisions of the Taittiriya Çakha, which -represented the later sutra schools (charanas) not claiming a special -revelation of Veda or Brahmana. The Çrauta Sutra of Apastamba forms -the first twenty-four of the thirty chapters (praçnas) into which his -Kalpa Sutra is divided; and that of Hiranyakeçin, an offshoot of the -Apastambas, the first eighteen of the twenty-nine chapters of his -Kalpa Sutra. The Sutra of Baudhayana, who is older than Apastamba, -as well as that of Bharadvaja, has not yet been published. - -Connected with the Maitrayani Samhita is the Manava Çrauta Sutra. It -belongs to the Manavas, who were a subdivision of the Maitrayaniyas, -and to whom the law-book of Manu probably traces its origin. It seems -to be one of the oldest. It has a descriptive character, resembling -the Brahmana parts of the Yajurveda, and differing from them only in -simply describing the course of the sacrifice, to the exclusion of -legends, speculations, or discussions of any kind. There is also a -Vaikhanasa Çrauta Sutra attached to the Black Yajurveda, but it is -known only in a few MSS. - -The Çrauta Sutra of the Atharva-veda is the Vaitana Sutra. It is -neither old nor original, but was undoubtedly compiled in order to -supply the Atharva, like the other Vedas, with a Sutra of its own. It -probably received its name from the word with which it begins, since -the term vaitana ("relating to the three sacrificial fires") is equally -applicable to all Çrauta Sutras. It agrees to a considerable extent -with the Gopatha Brahmana, though it distinctly follows the Sutra of -Katyayana to the White Yajurveda. One indication of its lateness is -the fact that whereas in other cases a Grihya regularly presupposes -the Çrauta Sutra, the Vaitana is dependent on the domestic sutra of -the Atharva-veda. - -Though the Çrauta Sutras are indispensable for the right understanding -of the sacrificial ritual, they are, from any other point of view, a -most unattractive form of literature. It will, therefore, suffice to -mention in briefest outline the ceremonies with which they deal. It -is important to remember, in the first place, that these rites are -never congregational, but are always performed on behalf of a single -individual, the so-called Yajamana or sacrificer, who takes but little -part in them. The officiators are Brahman priests, whose number varies -from one to sixteen, according to the nature of the ceremony. In all -these rites an important part is played by the three sacred fires -which surround the vedi, a slightly excavated spot covered with a -litter of grass for the reception of offerings to the gods. The first -ceremony of all is the setting up of the sacred fires (agni-adheya), -which are kindled by the sacrificer and his wife with the firesticks, -and are thereafter to be regularly maintained. - -The Çrauta rites, fourteen in number, are divided into the two -main groups of seven oblation (havis) sacrifices and seven soma -sacrifices. Different forms of the animal sacrifice are classed with -each group. The havis sacrifices consist of offerings of milk, ghee, -porridge, grain, cakes, and so forth. The commonest is the Agnihotra, -the daily morning and evening oblation of milk to the three fires. The -most important of the others are the new and full moon sacrifices -(darçapurna-masa) and those offered at the beginning of the three -seasons (chaturmasya). Besides some other recurrent sacrifices, there -are very many which are to be offered on some particular occasion, -or for the attainment of some special object. - -The various kinds of Soma sacrifices were much more complicated. Even -the simplest and fundamental form, the Agnishtoma ("praise of Agni") -required the ministrations of sixteen priests. This rite occupied only -one day, with three pressings of soma, at morning, noon, and evening; -but this day was preceded by very detailed preparatory ceremonies, -one of which was the initiation (diksha) of the sacrificer and his -wife. Other soma sacrifices lasted for several days up to twelve; -while another class, called sattras or "sessions," extended to a year -or more. - -A very sacred ceremony that can be connected with the soma sacrifice -is the Agnichayana, or "Piling of the fire-altar," which lasts for -a year. It begins with a sacrifice of five animals. Then a long -time is occupied in preparing the earthenware vessel, called ukha, -in which fire is to be maintained for a year. Very elaborate rules -are given both as to the ingredients, such as the hair of a black -antelope, with which the clay is to be mixed, and as to how it is to -be shaped, and finally burnt. Then the bricks, which have different -and particular sizes, have to be built up in prescribed order. The -lowest of the five strata must have 1950, all of them together, a -total of 10,800 bricks. Many of these have their special name and -significance. Thus the altar is gradually built up, as its bricks -are placed in position, to the accompaniment of appropriate rites and -verses, by a formidable array of priests. These are but some of the -main points in the ceremony; but they will probably give some faint -idea of the enormous complexity and the vast mass of detail, where -the smallest of minutiĉ are of importance, in the Brahman ritual. No -other religion has ever known its like. - -As the domestic ritual is almost entirely excluded from the Brahmanas, -the authors of the Grihya Sutras had only the authority of popular -tradition to rely on when they systematised the observances of daily -life. As a type, the Grihya manuals must be somewhat later than the -Çrauta, for they regularly presuppose a knowledge of the latter. - -To the Rigveda belongs in the first place the Çankhayana -Grihya Sutra. It consists of six books, but only the first four -form the original portion of the work, and even these contain -interpolations. Closely connected with this work is the Çambavya -Grihya, which also belongs to the school of the Kaushitakins, and -is as yet known only in manuscript. Though borrowing largely from -Çankhayana, it is not identical with that work. It knows nothing -of the last two books, nor even a number of ceremonies described in -the third and fourth, while having a book of its own concerning the -sacrifice to the Manes. Connected with the Aitareya Brahmana is the -Grihya Sutra of Açvalayana, which its author in the first aphorism -gives us to understand is a continuation of his Çrauta Sutra. It -consists of four books, and, like the latter work, ends with the words -"adoration to Çaunaka." - -The chief Grihya Sutra of the Samaveda is that of Gobhila, which -is one of the oldest, completest, and most interesting works of -this class. Its seems to have been used by both the schools of its -Veda. Besides the text of the Samaveda it presupposes the Mantra -Brahmana. The latter is a collection, in the ritual order, of the -mantras (except those occurring in the Samaveda itself), which are -quoted by Gobhila in an abbreviated form. The Grihya Sutra of Khadira, -belonging to the Drahyayana school and used by the Ranayaniya branch -of the Samaveda, is little more than Gobhila remodelled in a more -succinct form. - -The Grihya Sutra of the White Yajurveda is that of Paraskara, -also called the Katiya or Vajasaneya Grihya Sutra. It is so closely -connected with the Çrauta Sutra of Katyayana, that it is often quoted -under the name of that author. The later law-book of Yajnavalkya -bears evidence of the influence of Paraskara's work. - -Of the seven Grihya Sutras of the Black Yajurveda only three have -as yet been published. The Grihya of Apastamba forms two books -(26-27) of his Kalpa Sutra. The first of these two books is the -Mantrapatha, which is a collection of the formulas accompanying the -ceremonies. The Grihya Sutra, in the strict sense, is the second book, -which presupposes the Mantrapatha. Books XIX. and XX. of Hiranyakeçin's -Kalpa Sutra form his Grihya Sutra. About Baudhayana's Grihya not much -is known, still less about that of Bharadvaja. The Manava Grihya Sutra -is closely connected with the Çrauta, repeating many of the statements -of the latter verbally. It is interesting as containing a ceremony -unknown to other Grihya Sutras, the worship of the Vinayakas. The -passage reappears in a versified form in Yajnavalkya's law-book, -where the four Vinayakas are transformed into the one Vinayaka, the -god Ganeça. With the Manava is clearly connected the Kathaka Grihya -Sutra, not only in the principle of its arrangement, but even in -the wording of many passages. It is nearly related to the law-book -of Vishnu. The Vaikhanasa Grihya Sutra is an extensive work bearing -traces of a late origin, and partly treating of subjects otherwise -relegated to works of a supplementary character. - -To the Atharva-veda belongs the important Kauçika Sutra. It is not -a mere Grihya Sutra, for besides giving the more important rules of -the domestic ritual, it deals with the magical and other practices -specially connected with its Veda. By its extensive references to -these subjects it supplies much material unknown to other Vedic -schools. It is a composite work, apparently made up of four or five -different treatises. In combination with the Atharva-veda it supplies -an almost complete picture of the ordinary life of the Vedic Indian. - -The Grihya Sutras give the rules for the numerous ceremonies -applicable to the domestic life of a man and his family from birth -to the grave. For the performance of their ritual only the domestic -(avasathya or vaivahika) fire was required, as contrasted with the -three sacrificial fires of the Çrauta Sutras. They describe forty -consecrations or sacraments (samskaras) which are performed at -various important epochs in the life of the individual. The first -eighteen, extending from conception to marriage, are called "bodily -sacraments." The remaining twenty-two are sacrifices. Eight of these, -the five daily sacrifices (mahayajna) and some other "baked offerings" -(pakayajna), form part of the Grihya ceremonies, the rest belonging -to the Çrauta ritual. - -The first of the sacraments is the pumsavana or ceremony aiming -at the obtainment of a son. The most common expedient prescribed -is the pounded shoot of a banyan tree placed in the wife's right -nostril. After the birth-rites (jata-karma), the ceremony of giving -the child its names (nama-karana) takes place, generally on the tenth -day after birth. Two are given, one being the "secret name," known -only to the parents, as a protection against witchcraft, the other for -common use. Minute directions are given as to the quality of the name; -for instance, that it should contain an even number of syllables, -begin with a soft letter, and have a semi-vowel in the middle; that -for a Brahman it should end in -çarman, for a Kshatriya in -varman, -and a Vaiçya in -gupta. Generally in the third year takes place the -ceremony of tonsure (chuda-karana), when the boy's hair was cut, one -or more tufts being left on the top, so that his hair might be worn -after the fashion prevailing in his family. In the sixteenth year the -rite of shaving the beard was performed. Its name, go-dana, or "gift -of cows," is due to the fee usually having been a couple of cattle. - -By far the most important ceremony of boyhood was that of -apprenticeship to a teacher or initiation (upanayana), which in the -case of a Brahman may take place between the eighth and sixteenth -year, but a few years later in the case of the Kshatriya and the -Vaiçya. On this occasion the youth receives a staff, a garment, a -girdle, and a cord worn over one shoulder and under the other arm. The -first is made of different wood, the others of different materials -according to caste. The sacred cord is the outward token of the Arya -or member of one of the three highest castes, and by investiture with -it he attains his second birth, being thenceforward a "twice-born" -man (dvi-ja). The spiritual significance of this initiation is the -right to study the Veda, and especially to recite the most sacred -of prayers, the Savitri. In this ceremony the teacher (acharya) -who initiates the young Brahman is regarded as his spiritual father, -and the Savitri as his mother. - -The rite of upanayana is still practised in India. It is based on a -very old custom. The Avestan ceremony of investing the boy of fifteen -with a sacred cord upon his admission into the Zoroastrian community -shows that it goes back to Indo-Iranian times. The prevalence among -primitive races all over the world of a rite of initiation, regarded as -a second birth, upon the attainment of manhood, indicates that it was -a still older custom, which in the Brahman system became transformed -into a ceremony of admission to Vedic study. - -Besides his studies, the course of which is regulated by detailed -rules, the constant duties of the pupil are the collection of fuel, -the performance of devotions at morning and evening twilight, begging -food, sleeping on the ground, and obedience to his teacher. - -At the conclusion of religious studentship (brahmacharya), which lasted -for twelve years, or till the pupil had mastered his Veda, he performs -the rite of return (samavartana), the principal part of which is a -bath, with which he symbolically washes off his apprenticeship. He is -now a snataka ("one who has bathed"), and soon proceeds to the most -important sacrament of his life, marriage. The main elements of this -ceremony doubtless go back to the Indo-European period, and belong -rather to the sphere of witchcraft than of the sacrificial cult. The -taking of her hand placed the bride in the power of her husband. The -stone on which she stepped was to give her firmness. The seven steps -which she took with her husband, and the sacrificial food which she -shared with him, were to inaugurate friendship and community. Future -abundance and male offspring were prognosticated when she had been -conducted to her husband's house, by seating her on the hide of a -red bull and placing upon her lap the son of a woman who had only -borne living male children. The god most closely connected with -the rite was Agni; for the husband led his bride three times round -the nuptial fire--whence the Sanskrit name for wedding, pari-naya, -"leading round"--and the newly kindled domestic fire was to accompany -the couple throughout life. Offerings are made to it and Vedic formulas -pronounced. After sunset the husband leads out his bride, and as -he points to the pole-star and the star Arundhati, they exhort each -other to be constant and undivided for ever. These wedding ceremonies, -preserved much as they are described in the Sutras, are still widely -prevalent in the India of to-day. - -All the above-mentioned sacraments are exclusively meant for males, -the only one in which girls had a share being marriage (vivaha). About -twelve of these Samskaras are still practised in India, investiture -being still the most important next to marriage. Some of the ceremonies -only survive in a symbolical form, as those connected with religious -studentship. - -Among the most important duties of the new householder is the regular -daily offering of the five great sacrifices (maha-yajna), which are -the sacrifice to the Veda (brahma-yajna), or Vedic recitation; the -offering to the gods (deva-yajna) of melted butter in fire (homa); the -libation (tarpana) to the Manes (pitri-yajna); offerings (called bali) -deposited in various places on the ground to demons and all beings -(bhuta-yajna); and the sacrifice to men (manushya-yajna), consisting in -hospitality, especially to Brahman mendicants. The first is regarded -as by far the highest; the recitation of the savitri, in particular, -at morning and evening worship, is as meritorious as having studied -the Veda. All these five daily sacrifices are still in partial use -among orthodox Brahmans. - -There are other sacrifices which occur periodically. Such are the -new and full moon sacrifices, in which, according to the Grihya -ritual, a baked offering (paka-yajna) is made, while, according to -the Çrauta ceremony, cakes (purodaça) are offered. There is, further, -at the beginning of the rains an offering made to serpents, when the -use of a raised bed is enjoined, owing to the danger from snakes at -that time. Various ceremonies are connected with the building and -entering of a new house. Detailed rules are given about the site -as well as the construction. A door on the west is, for instance, -forbidden. On the completion of the house, which is built of wood -and bamboo, an animal is sacrificed. Other ceremonies are concerned -with cattle; for instance, the release of a young bull for the -benefit of the community. Then there are agricultural ceremonies, -such as the offering of the first-fruits and rites connected with -ploughing. Mention is also made of offerings to monuments (chaityas) -erected to the memory of teachers. There are, moreover, directions as -to what is to be done in case of evil dreams, bad omens, and disease. - -Finally, one of the most interesting subjects with which the Grihya -Sutras deal is that of funeral rites (antyeshti) and the worship -of the Manes. All but children under two years of age are to be -cremated. The dead man's hair and beard are cut off and his nails -trimmed, the body being anointed with nard and a wreath being placed -on the head. Before being burnt the corpse is laid on a black antelope -skin. In the case of a Kshatriya, his bow (in that of a Brahman his -staff, of a Vaiçya his goad) is taken from his hand, broken, and cast -on the pyre, while a cow or a goat is burnt with the corpse. Afterwards -a purifying ablution is performed by all relations to the seventh -or tenth degree. They then sit down on a grassy spot and listen to -old stories or a sermon on the transitoriness of life till the stars -appear. At last, without looking round, they return in procession to -their homes, where various observances are gone through. A death is -followed by a period of impurity, generally lasting three days, during -which the relatives are required, among other things, to sleep on the -ground and refrain from eating flesh. On the night after the death -a cake is offered to the deceased, and a libation of water is poured -out; a vessel with milk and water is also placed in the open air, and -the dead man is called upon to bathe in it. Generally after the tenth -day the bones are collected and placed in an urn, which is buried to -the accompaniment of the Rigvedic verse, "Approach thy mother earth" -(x. 18, 10). - -The soul is supposed to remain separated from the Manes for a time as a -preta or "ghost." A çraddha, or "offering given with faith" (çraddha), -of which it is the special object (ekoddishta), is presented to it in -this state, the idea being that it would otherwise return and disquiet -the relatives. Before the expiry of a year he is admitted to the -circle of the Manes by a rite which makes him their sapinda ("united -by the funeral cake"). After the lapse of a year or more another -elaborate ceremony (called pitri-medha) takes place in connection -with the erection of a monument, when the bones are taken out of the -urn and buried in a suitable place. There are further various general -offerings to the Manes, or çraddhas, which take place at fixed periods, -such as that on the day of new moon (parvana çraddha), while others -are only occasional and optional. These rites still play an important -part in India, well-to-do families in Bengal spending not less than -5000 to 6000 rupees on their first çraddha. - -From all these offerings of the Grihya ritual are to be distinguished -the two regular sacrifices of the Çrauta ritual, the one called -Pinda-pitri-yajna immediately preceding the new-moon sacrifice, the -other being connected with the third of the four-monthly sacrifices. - -The ceremonial of ancestor-worship was especially elaborated, and -developed a special literature of its own, extending from the Vedic -period to the legal Compendia of the Middle Ages. The Çraddha-kalpa -of Hemadri comprises upwards of 1700 pages in the edition of the -Bibliotheca Indica. - -The above is the briefest possible sketch of the abundant material -of the Grihya Sutras, illustrating the daily domestic life of ancient -India. Perhaps, however, enough has been said to show that they have -much human interest, and that they occupy an important place in the -history of civilisation. - -The second branch of the Sutra literature, based on tradition or -Smriti, are the Dharma Sutras, which deal with the customs of everyday -life (samayacharika). They are the earliest Indian works on law, -treating fully of its religious, but only partially and briefly of -its secular, aspect. The term Dharma Sutra is, strictly speaking, -applied to those collections of legal aphorisms which form part -of the body of Sutras belonging to a particular branch (çakha) of -the Veda. In this sense only three have been preserved, all of them -attached to the Taittiriya division of the Black Yajurveda. But there -is good reason to suppose that other works of the same kind which -have been preserved, or are known to have existed, were originally -also attached to individual Vedic schools. That Sutras on Dharma were -composed at a very early period is shown by the fact that Yaska, who -dates from near the beginning of the Sutra age, quotes legal rules -in the Sutra style. Indeed, one or two of those extant must go back -to about his time. - -The Dharma Sutra which has been best preserved, and has remained free -from the influence of sectarians or modern editors, is that of the -Apastambas. It forms two (28-29) of the thirty sections of the great -Apastamba Kalpa Sutra, or body of aphorisms concerning the performance -of sacrifices and the duties of the three upper classes. It deals -chiefly with the duties of the Vedic student and of the householder, -with forbidden food, purifications, and penances, while, on the -secular side, it touches upon the law of marriage, inheritance, and -crime only. From the disapprobation which the author expresses for a -certain practice of the people of the North, it may be inferred that he -belonged to the South, where his school is known to have been settled -in later times. Owing to the pre-Paninean character of its language and -other criteria, Bühler has assigned this Dharma Sutra to about 400 B.C. - -Very closely connected with this work is the Dharma Sutra of -Hiranyakeçin; for the differences between the two do not go much -beyond varieties of reading. In keeping with this relationship is -the tradition that Hiranyakeçin branched off from the Apastambas -and founded a new school in the Konkan country on the south-west -(about Goa). The lower limit for this separation from the Apastambas -is about 500 A.D., when a Hiranyakeçin Brahman is mentioned in an -inscription. The main importance of this Sutra lies in its confirming, -by the parallelism of its text, the genuineness of by far the greatest -part of Apastamba's work. It forms two (26-27) of the twenty-nine -chapters of the Kalpa Sutra belonging to the school of Hiranyakeçin. - -The third Dharma Sutra, generally styled a dharmaçastra in the MSS., -is that of Baudhayana. Its position, however, within the Kalpa Sutra -of its school is not so fixed as in the two previous cases. Its -subject-matter, when compared with that of Apastamba's Dharma Sutra, -indicates that it is the older of the two, just as the more archaic -and awkward style of Baudhayana's Grihya Sutra shows the latter to -be earlier than the corresponding work of Apastamba. The Baudhayana -school cannot be traced at the present day, but it appears to have -belonged to Southern India, where the famous Vedic commentator Sayana -was a member of it in the fourteenth century. The subjects dealt with -in their Dharma Sutra are multifarious, including the duties of the -four religious orders, the mixed castes, various kinds of sacrifice, -purification, penance, auspicious ceremonies, duties of kings, criminal -justice, examination of witnesses, law of inheritance and marriage, -the position of women. The fourth section, which is almost entirely -composed in çlokas, is probably a modern addition, and even the third -is of somewhat doubtful age. - -With the above works must be classed the well-preserved law-book of -Gautama. Though it does not form part of a Kalpa Sutra, it must at -one time have been connected with a Vedic school; for the Gautamas are -mentioned as a subdivision of the Ranayaniya branch of the Samaveda, -and Kumarila's statement that Gautama's treatise originally belonged -to that Veda is confirmed by the fact that its twenty-sixth section is -taken word for word from the Samavidhana Brahmana. Though entitled -a Dharma Çastra, it is in style and character a regular Dharma -Sutra. It is composed entirely in prose aphorisms, without any -admixture of verse, as in the other works of this class. Its varied -contents resemble and are treated much in the same way as those of -the Dharma Sutra of Baudhayana. The latter has indeed been shown -to contain passages based on or borrowed from Gautama's work, which -is therefore the oldest Dharma Sutra that has been preserved, or at -least published, and can hardly date from later than about 500 B.C. - -Another work of the Sutra type, and belonging to the Vedic period, -is the Dharma Çastra of Vasishtha. It has survived only in inferior -MSS., and without the preserving influence of a commentary. It contains -thirty chapters (adhyayas), of which the last five appear to consist -for the most part of late additions. Many of the Sutras, not only -here, but even in the older portions, are hopelessly corrupt. The -prose aphorisms of the work are intermingled with verse, the archaic -trishtubh metre being frequently employed instead of the later çlokas -of Manu and others. The contents, which bear the Dharma Sutra stamp, -produce the impression of antiquity in various respects. Thus here, -as in the Dharma Sutra of Apastamba, only six forms of marriage are -recognised, instead of the orthodox eight. Kumarila states that in -his time Vasishtha's law-book, while acknowledged to have general -authority, was studied by followers of the Rigveda only. That he -meant the present work and no other, is proved by the quotations -from it which he gives, and which are found in the published text. As -Vasishtha, in citing Vedic Samhitas and Sutras, shows a predilection -for works belonging to the North of India, it is to be inferred that -he or his school belonged to that part. Vasishtha gives a quotation -from Gautama which appears to refer to a passage in the extant text of -the latter. His various quotations from Manu are derived, not from the -later famous law-book, but evidently from a legal Sutra related to our -Manu. On the other hand, the extant text of Manu contains a quotation -from Vasishtha which actually occurs in the published edition of the -latter. Hence Vasishtha's work must be later than that of Gautama, -and earlier than that of Manu. It is further probable that the original -part of the Sutra of a school connected with the Rigveda and belonging -to the North dates from a period some centuries before our era. - -Some Dharma Sutras are known from quotations only, the oldest being -those mentioned in other Dharma Sutras. Particular interest attaches -to one of these, the Sutra of Manu, or the Manavas, because of its -relationship to the famous Manava dharma-çastra. Of the numerous -quotations from it in Vasishtha, six are found unaltered or but -slightly modified in our text of Manu. One passage cited in Vasishtha -is composed partly in prose and partly in verse, the latter portion -recurring in Manu. The metrical quotations show a mixture of trishtubh -and çloka verses, like other Dharma Sutras. These quoted fragments -probably represent a Manava dharma-sutra which supplied the basis of -our Manava dharma-çastra or Code of Manu. - -Fragments of a legal treatise in prose and verse, attributed to the -brothers Çankha and Likhita, who became proverbial for justice, have -been similarly preserved. This work, which must have been extensive, -and dealt with all branches of law, is already quoted as authoritative -by Paraçara. The statement of Kumarila (700 A.D.) that it was connected -with the Vajasaneyin school of the White Yajurveda is borne out by -the quotations from it which have survived. - -Sutras need not necessarily go back to the oldest period of Indian -law, as this style of composition was never entirely superseded by -the use of metre. Thus there is a Vaikhanasa dharma-sutra in four -praçnas, which, as internal evidence shows, cannot be earlier than -the third century A.D. It refers to the cult of Narayana (Vishnu), -and mentions Wednesday by the name of budha-vara, "day of Mercury." It -is not a regular Dharma Sutra, for it contains nothing connected -with law in the strict sense, but is only a treatise on domestic law -(grihya-dharma). It deals with the religious duties of the four orders -(açramas), especially with those of the forest hermit. For it is -with the latter order that the Vaikhanasas, or followers of Vikhanas, -are specially connected. They seem to have been one of the youngest -offshoots of the Taittiriya school. - -Looking back on the vast mass of ritual and usage regulated by the -Sutras, we are tempted to conclude that it was entirely the conscious -work of an idle priesthood, invented to enslave and maintain in -spiritual servitude the minds of the Hindu people. But the progress -of research tends to show that the basis even of the sacerdotal ritual -of the Brahmans was popular religious observances. Otherwise it would -be hard to understand how Brahmanism acquired and retained such a -hold on the population of India. The originality of the Brahmans -consisted in elaborating and systematising observances which they -already found in existence. This they certainly succeeded in doing -to an extent unknown elsewhere. - -Comparative studies have shown that many ritual practices go back to -the period when the Indians and Persians were still one people. Thus -the sacrifice was even then the centre of a developed ceremonial, and -was tended by a priestly class. Many terms of the Vedic ritual already -existed then, especially soma, which was pressed, purified through a -sieve, mixed with milk, and offered as the main libation. Investiture -with a sacred cord was, as we have seen, also known, and was in its -turn based on the still older ceremony of the initiation of youths -on entering manhood. The offering of gifts to the gods in fire is -Indo-European, as is shown by the agreement of the Greeks, Romans, -and Indians. Indo-European also is that part of the marriage ritual -in which the newly wedded couple walk round the nuptial fire, the -bridegroom presenting a burnt offering and the bride an offering -of grain; for among the Romans also the young pair walked round -the altar from left to right before offering bread (far) in the -fire. Indo-European, too, must be the practice of scattering rice -or grain (as a symbol of fertility) over the bride and bridegroom, -as prescribed in the Sutras; for it is widely diffused among peoples -who cannot have borrowed it. Still older is the Indian ceremony -of producing the sacrificial fire by the friction of two pieces -of wood. Similarly the practice in the construction of the Indian -fire-altar of walling up in the lowest layer of bricks the heads -of five different victims, including that of a man, goes back to an -ancient belief that a building can only be firmly erected when a man -or an animal is buried with its foundations. - -Finally, we have as a division of the Sutras, concerned with religious -practice, the Çulva Sutras. The thirtieth and last praçna of the -great Kalpa Sutra of Apastamba is a treatise of this class. These -are practical manuals giving the measurements necessary for the -construction of the vedi, of the altars, and so forth. They show -quite an advanced knowledge of geometry, and constitute the oldest -Indian mathematical works. - -The whole body of Vedic works composed in the Sutra style, is according -to the Indian traditional view, divided into six classes called -Vedangas ("members of the Veda"). These are çiksha or phonetics; -chhandas, or metre; vyakarana, or grammar; nirukta, or etymology; -kalpa, or religious practice; and jyotisha, or astronomy. The first -four were meant as aids to the correct reciting and understanding of -the sacred texts; the last two deal with religious rites or duties, -and their proper seasons. They all have their origin in the exigencies -of religion, and the last four furnish the beginnings or (in one case) -the full development of five branches of science that flourished in -the post-Vedic period. In the fourth and sixth group the name of the -class has been applied to designate a particular work representing it. - -Of kalpa we have already treated at length above. No work representing -astronomy has survived from the Vedic period; for the Vedic calendar, -called jyotisha, the two recensions of which profess to belong to -the Rigveda and Yajurveda respectively, dates from far on in the -post-Vedic age. - -The Taittiriya Aranyaka (vii. 1) already mentions çiksha, or phonetics, -a subject which even then appears to have dealt with letters, accents, -quantity, pronunciation, and euphonic rules. Several works bearing -the title of çiksha have been preserved, but they are only late -supplements of Vedic literature. They are short manuals containing -directions for Vedic recitation and correct pronunciation. The -earliest surviving results of phonetic studies are of course the -Samhita texts of the various Vedas, which were edited in accordance -with euphonic rules. A further advance was made by the constitution -of the pada-patha, or word-text of the Vedas, which, by resolving -the euphonic combinations and giving each word (even the parts of -compounds) separately, in its original form unmodified by phonetic -rules, furnished a basis for all subsequent studies. Yaska, Panini, and -other grammarians do not always accept the analyses of the Padapathas -when they think they understand a Vedic form better. Patanjali even -directly contests their authoritativeness. The treatises really -representative of Vedic phonetics are the Pratiçakhyas, which are -directly connected with the Samhita and Padapatha. It is their object -to determine the relation of these to each other. In so doing they -furnish a systematic account of Vedic euphonic combination, besides -adding phonetic discussions to secure the correct recitation of the -sacred texts. They are generally regarded as anterior to Panini, -who shows unmistakable points of contact with them. It is perhaps -more correct to suppose that Panini used the present Pratiçakhyas in -an older form, as, whenever he touches on Vedic sandhi, he is always -less complete in his statements than they are, while the Pratiçakhyas, -especially that of the Atharva-veda, are dependent on the terminology -of the grammarians. Four of these treatises have been preserved -and published. One belongs to the Rigveda, another to the Atharva-, -and two to the Yajur-veda, being attached to the Vajasaneyi and the -Taittiriya Samhita respectively. They are so called because intended -for the use of each respective branch (çakha) of the Vedas. - -The Pratiçakhya Sutra of the Rigveda is an extensive metrical work -in three books, traditionally attributed to Çaunaka, the teacher of -Açvalayana; it may, however, in its present form only be a production -of the school of Çaunaka. This Pratiçakhya was later epitomised, with -the addition of some supplementary matter, in a short treatise entitled -Upalekha. The Taittiriya Pratiçakhya is particularly interesting -owing to the various peculiar names of teachers occurring among -the twenty which it mentions. The Vajasaneyi Pratiçakhya, in eight -chapters, names Katyayana as its author, and mentions Çaunaka among -other predecessors. The Atharva-veda Pratiçakhya, in four chapters, -belonging to the school of the Çaunakas, is more grammatical than -the other works of this class. - -Metre, to which there are many scattered references in the Brahmanas, -is separately treated in a section of the Çankhayana Çrauta Sutra (7, -27), in the last three sections (patalas) of the Rigveda Pratiçakhya, -and especially in the Nidana Sutra, which belongs to the Samaveda. A -part of the Chhandah Sutra of Pingala also deals with Vedic metres; but -though it claims to be a Vedanga, it is in reality a late supplement, -dealing chiefly with post-Vedic prosody, on which, indeed, it is the -standard authority. - -Finally, Katyayana's two Anukramanis or indices, mentioned below, -each contains a section, varying but slightly from the other, on Vedic -metres. These sections are, however, almost identical in matter with -the sixteenth patala of the Rigveda Pratiçakhya, and may possibly be -older than the corresponding passage in the Pratiçakhya, though the -latter work as a whole is doubtless anterior to the Anukramani. - -The Padapathas show that their authors had not only made investigations -as to pronunciation and Sandhi, but already knew a good deal about -the grammatical analysis of words; for they separate both the parts of -compounds and the prefixes of verbs, as well as certain suffixes and -terminations of nouns. They had doubtless already distinguished the -four parts of speech (padajatani), though these are first mentioned by -Yaska as naman, or "noun" (including sarva-naman, "representing all -nouns" or "pronouns"), akhyata, "predicate," i.e. "verb"; upasarga, -"supplement," i.e. "preposition"; nipata, "incidental addition," -i.e. "particle." It is perhaps to the separation of these categories -that the name for grammar, vyakarana, originally referred, rather -than to the analysis of words. Even the Brahmanas bear evidence of -linguistic investigations, for they mention various grammatical -terms, such as "letter" (varna), "masculine" (vrishan), "number" -(vachana), "case-form" (vibhakti).Still more such references are to -be found in the Aranyakas, the Upanishads, and the Sutras. But the -most important information we have of pre-Paninean grammar is that -found in Yaska's work. - -Grammatical studies must have been cultivated to a considerable -extent before Yaska's time, for he distinguishes a Northern and -an Eastern school, besides mentioning nearly twenty predecessors, -among whom Çakatayana, Gargya, and Çakalya are the most important. By -the time of Yaska grammarians had learned to distinguish clearly -between the stem and the formative elements of words; recognising -the personal terminations and the tense affixes of the verb on -the one hand, and primary (krit) or secondary (taddhita) nominal -suffixes on the other. Yaska has an interesting discussion on the -theory of Çakatayana, which he himself follows, that nouns are -derived from verbs. Gargya and some other grammarians, he shows, -admit this theory in a general way, but deny that it is applicable -to all nouns. He criticises their objections, and finally dismisses -them as untenable. On Çakatayana's theory of the verbal origin -of nouns the whole system of Panini is founded. The sutra of that -grammarian contains hundreds of rules dealing with Vedic forms; but -these are of the nature of exceptions to the main body of his rules, -which are meant to describe the Sanskrit language. His work almost -entirely dominates the subsequent literature. Though belonging to -the middle of the Sutra period, it must be regarded as the definite -starting-point of the post-Vedic age. Coming to be regarded as an -infallible authority, Panini superseded all his predecessors, whose -works have consequently perished. Yaska alone survives, and that only -because he was not directly a grammarian; for his work represents, -and alone represents, the Vedanga "etymology." - -Yaska's Nirukta is in reality a Vedic commentary, and is older by some -centuries than any other exegetical work preserved in Sanskrit. Its -bases are the Nighantus, collections of rare or obscure Vedic words, -arranged for the use of teachers. Yaska had before him five such -collections. The first three contain groups of synonyms, the fourth -specially difficult words, and the fifth a classification of the -Vedic gods. These Yaska explained for the most part in the twelve -books of his commentary (to which two others were added later). In -so doing he adduces as examples a large number of verses, chiefly -from the Rigveda, which he interprets with many etymological remarks. - -The first book is an introduction, dealing with the principles -of grammar and exegesis. The second and third elucidate certain -points in the synonymous nighantus; Books IV.-VI. comment on the -fourth section, and VII.-XII. on the fifth. The Nirukta, besides -being very important from the point of view of exegesis and grammar, -is highly interesting as the earliest specimen of Sanskrit prose of -the classical type, considerably earlier than Panini himself. Yaska -already uses essentially the same grammatical terminology as Panini, -employing, for instance, the same words for root (dhatu), primary, -and secondary suffixes. But he must have lived a long time before -Panini; for a considerable number of important grammarians' names are -mentioned between them. Yaska must, therefore, go back to the fifth -century, and undoubtedly belongs to the beginning of the Sutra period. - -One point of very great importance proved by the Nirukta is that the -Rigveda had a very fixed form in Yaska's time, and was essentially -identical with our text. His deviations are very insignificant. Thus -in one passage (X. 29. I) he reads vayó as one word, against va -yó as two words in Çakalya's Pada text. Yaska's paraphrases show -that he also occasionally differed from the Samhita text, though -the quotations themselves from the Rigveda have been corrected so -as to agree absolutely with the traditional text. But these slight -variations are probably due to mistakes in the Nirukta rather than -to varieties of reading in the Rigveda. There are a few insignificant -deviations of this kind even in Sayana, but they are always manifestly -oversights on the part of the commentator. - -To the Sutras is attached a very extensive literature of Pariçishtas -or "supplements," which seem to have existed in all the Vedic -schools. They contain details on matters only touched upon in the -Sutras, or supplementary information about subjects not dealt with at -all by them. Thus, there is the Açvalayana Grihya-pariçishta, in four -chapters, connected with the Rigveda. The Gobhila samgraha-pariçishta -is a compendium of Grihya practices in general, with a special -leaning towards magical rites, which came to be attached to the -Samaveda. Closely related to, and probably later than this work, is -the Karma-pradipa ("lamp of rites"), also variously called sama-grihya- -or chhandogyagrihya-pariçishta, chhandoga-pariçishta, Gobhila-smriti, -attributed to the Katyayana of the White Yajurveda or to Gobhila. It -deals with the same subjects, though independently, as the Grihya -samgraha, with which it occasionally agrees in whole çlokas. - -Of great importance for the understanding of the sacrificial ceremonial -are the Prayogas ("Manuals") and Paddhatis ("Guides"), of which -a vast number exist in manuscript. These works represent both the -Çrauta and the Grihya ritual according to the various schools. The -Prayogas describe the course of each sacrifice and the functions -of the different groups of priests, solely from the point of view -of practical performance, while the Paddhatis rather follow the -systematic accounts of the Sutras and sketch their contents. There -are also versified accounts of the ritual called Karikas, which -are directly attached to Sutras or to Paddhatis. The oldest of them -appears to be the Karika of Kumarila (c. 700 A.D.). - -Of a supplementary character are also the class of writings called -Anukramanis or Vedic Indices, which give lists of the hymns, the -authors, the metres, and the deities in the order in which they -occur in the various Samhitas. To the Rigveda belonged seven of these -works, all attributed to Çaunaka, and composed in the mixture of the -çloka and trishtubh metre, which is also found in Çaunaka's Rigveda -Pratiçakhya. There is also a General Index or Sarvanukramani which is -attributed to Katyayana, and epitomises in the Sutra style the contents -of the metrical indices. Of the metrical indices five have been -preserved. The Arshanukramani, containing rather less than 300 çlokas, -gives a list of the Rishis or authors of the Rigveda. Its present text -represents a modernised form of that which was known to the commentator -Shadguruçishya in the twelfth century. The Chhandonukramani, which -is of almost exactly the same length, enumerates the metres in which -the hymns of the Rigveda are composed. It also states for each book -the number of verses in each metre as well as the aggregate in all -metres. The Anuvakanukramani is a short index containing only about -forty verses. It states the initial words of each of the eighty-five -anuvakas or lessons into which the Rigveda is divided, and the -number of hymns contained in these anuvakas. It further states that -the Rigveda contains 1017 hymns (or 1025 according to the Vashkala -recension), 10,580-1/2 verses, 153,826 words, 432,000 syllables, -besides some other statistical details. The number of verses given does -not exactly tally with various calculations that have recently been -made, but the differences are only slight, and may be due to the way in -which certain repeated verses were counted by the author of the index. - -There is another short index, known as yet only in two MSS., called -the Padanukramani, or "index of lines" (padas), and composed in the -same mixed metre as the others. The Suktanukramani, which has not -survived, and is only known by name, probably consisted only of the -initial words (pratikas) of the hymns. It probably perished because the -Sarvanukramani would have rendered such a work superfluous. No MS. of -the Devatanukramani or "Index of gods" exists, but ten quotations from -it have been preserved by the commentator Shadguruçishya. It must have -been superseded by the Brihaddevata, an index of the "many gods," -a much more extensive work than any of the other Anukramanis, as it -contains about 1200 çlokas interspersed with occasional trishtubhs. It -is divided into eight adhyayas corresponding to the ashtakas of -the Rigveda. Following the order of the Rigveda, its main object -is to state the deity for each verse. But as it contains a large -number of illustrative myths and legends, it is of great value as an -early collection of stories. It is to a considerable extent based -on Yaska's Nirukta. Besides Yaska himself and other teachers named -by that scholar, it also mentions Bhaguri and Açvalayana as well as -the Nidana Sutra, A peculiarity of this work is that it refers to a -number of supplementary hymns (khilas) which do not form part of the -canonical text of the Rigveda. - -Later, at least, than the original form of these metrical Anukramanis, -is the Sarvanukramani of Katyayana, which combines the data contained -in them within the compass of a single work. Composed in the Sutra -style, it is of considerable length, occupying about forty-six pages -in the printed edition. For every hymn in the Rigveda it states -the initial word or words, the number of its verses, as well as the -author, the deity, and the metre, even for single verses. There is an -introduction in twelve sections, nine of which form a short treatise on -Vedic metres corresponding to the last three sections of the Rigveda -Pratiçakhya. The author begins with the statement that he is going to -supply an index of the pratikas and so forth of the Rigveda according -to the authorities (yathopadeçam), because without such knowledge the -Çrauta and Smarta rites cannot be accomplished. These authorities are -doubtless the metrical indices described above. For the text of the -Sarvanukramani, which is composed in a concise Sutra style, not only -contains some metrical lines (padas), but also a number of passages -either directly taken from the Arshanukramani and the Brihaddevata, -or with their metrical wording but slightly altered. Another metrical -work attributed to Çaunaka is the Rigvidhana, which describes the -magical effects produced by the recitation of hymns or single verses -of the Rigveda. - -To the Pariçishtas of the Samaveda belong the two indices called Arsha -and Daivata, enumerating respectively the Rishis and deities of the -text of the Naigeya branch of the Samaveda. They quote Yaska, Çaunaka, -and Açvalayana among others. There are also two Anukramanis attached -to the Black Yajurveda. That of the Atreya school consists of two -parts, the first of which is in prose, and the second in çlokas. It -contains little more than an enumeration of names referring to the -contents of its Samhita. The Anukramani of the Charayaniya school of -the Kathaka is an index of the authors of the various sections and -verses. Its statements regarding passages derived from the Rigveda -differ much from those of the Sarvanukramani of the Rigveda, giving -a number of totally new names. It claims to be the work of Atri, who -communicated it to Laugakshi. The Anukramani of the White Yajurveda -in the Madhyamdina recension, attributed to Katyayana, consists of -five sections. The first four are an index of authors, deities, and -metres. The authors of verses taken from the Rigveda generally agree -with those in the Sarvanukramani. There are, however, a good many -exceptions, several new names belonging to a later period, some even -to that of the Çatapatha Brahmana. The fifth section gives a summary -account of the metres occurring in the text. It is identical with -the corresponding portion of the introduction to the Sarvanukramani, -which was probably the original position of the section. There -are many other Pariçishtas of the White Yajurveda, all attributed -to Katyayana. Only three of these need be mentioned here. The -Nigama-pariçishta, a glossary of synonymous words occurring in the -White Yajurveda, has a lexicographical interest. The Pravaradhyaya, -or "Chapter on Ancestors," is a list of Brahman families drawn up for -the purpose of determining the forbidden degrees of relationship in -marriage, and of indicating the priests suitable for the performance -of sacrifice. The Charana-vyuha, or "Exposition of the Schools" -of the various Vedas, is a very late work of little importance, -giving a far less complete enumeration of the Vedic schools than -certain sections of the Vishnu- and the Vayu-Purana. There is also a -Charana-vyuha among the Pariçishtas of the Atharva-veda, which number -upwards of seventy. This work makes the statement that the Atharva -contains 2000 hymns and 12,380 verses. - -In concluding this account of Vedic literature, I cannot omit to say -a few words about Sayana, the great mediĉval Vedic scholar, to whom -or to whose initiation we owe a number of valuable commentaries on the -Rigveda, the Aitareya Brahmana and Aranyaka, as well as the Taittiriya -Samhita, Brahmana, and Aranyaka, besides a number of other works. His -comments on the two Samhitas would appear to have been only partially -composed by himself and to have been completed by his pupils. He died -in 1387, having written his works under Bukka I. (1350-79), whose -teacher and minister he calls himself, and his successor, Harihara -(1379-99). These princes belonged to a family which, throwing off -the Muhammadan yoke in the earlier half of the fourteenth century, -founded the dynasty of Vijayanagara ("city of victory"), now Hampi, -on the Tungabhadra, in the Bellary district. Sayana's elder brother, -Madhava, was minister of King Bukka, and died as abbot of the monastery -of Çringeri, under the name of Vidyaranyasvamin. Not only did he too -produce works of his own, but Sayana's commentaries, as composed under -his patronage, were dedicated to him as madhaviya, or ("influenced -by Madhava"). By an interesting coincidence Professor Max Müller's -second edition of the Rigveda, with the commentary of Sayana, was -brought out under the auspices of a Maharaja of Vijayanagara. The -latter city has, however, nothing to do with that from which King -Bukka derived his title. - - - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE EPICS - -(Circa 500-50 B.C.) - - -In turning from the Vedic to the Sanskrit period, we are confronted -with a literature which is essentially different from that of -the earlier age in matter, spirit, and form. Vedic literature is -essentially religious; Sanskrit literature, abundantly developed in -every other direction, is profane. But, doubtless as a result of the -speculative tendencies of the Upanishads, a moralising spirit at the -same time breathes through it as a whole. The religion itself which now -prevails is very different from that of the Vedic age. For in the new -period the three great gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and Çiva are the chief -objects of worship. The important deities of the Veda have sunk to a -subordinate position, though Indra is still relatively prominent as the -chief of a warrior's heaven. Some new gods of lesser rank have arisen, -such as Kubera, god of wealth; Ganeça, god of learning; Karttikeya, -god of war; Çri or Lakshmi, goddess of beauty and fortune; Durga or -Parvati, the terrible spouse of Çiva; besides the serpent deities -and several classes of demigods and demons. - -While the spirit of Vedic literature, at least in its earlier phase, -is optimistic, Sanskrit poetry is pervaded by Weltschmerz, resulting -from the now universally accepted doctrine of transmigration. To -that doctrine, according to which beings pass by gradations from -Brahma through men and animals to the lowest forms of existence, -is doubtless also largely due the fantastic element characteristic -of this later poetry. Here, for instance, we read of Vishnu coming -down to earth in the shape of animals, of sages and saints wandering -between heaven and earth, of human kings visiting Indra in heaven. - -Hand in hand with this fondness for introducing the marvellous and -supernatural into the description of human events goes a tendency to -exaggeration. Thus King Viçvamitra, we are told, practised penance -for thousands of years in succession; and the power of asceticism -is described as so great as to cause even the worlds and the gods to -tremble. The very bulk of the Mahabharata, consisting as it does of -more than 200,000 lines, is a concrete illustration of this defective -sense of proportion. - -As regards the form in which it is presented to us, Sanskrit -literature contrasts with that of both the earlier and the later -Vedic period. While prose was employed in the Yajurvedas and the -Brahmanas, and finally attained to a certain degree of development, -it almost disappears in Sanskrit, nearly every branch of literature -being treated in verse, often much to the detriment of the subject, -as in the case of law. The only departments almost entirely restricted -to the use of prose are grammar and philosophy, but the cramped and -enigmatical style in which these subjects are treated hardly deserves -the name of prose at all. Literary prose is found only in fables, -fairy tales, romances, and partially in the drama. In consequence of -this neglect, the prose of the later period compares unfavourably with -that of the Brahmanas. Even the style of the romances or prose kavyas, -subject as it is to the strict rules of poetics, is as clumsy as that -of the grammatical commentaries; for the use of immense compounds, -like those of the Sutras, is one of its essential characteristics. - -Sanskrit literature, then, resembles that of the earlier Vedic age in -being almost entirely metrical. But the metres in which it is written, -though nearly all based on those of the Veda, are different. The bulk -of the literature is composed in the çloka, a development of the Vedic -anushtubh stanza of four octosyllabic lines; but while all four lines -ended iambically in the prototype, the first and third line have -in the çloka acquired a trochaic rhythm. The numerous other metres -employed in the classical poetry have become much more elaborate -than their Vedic originals by having the quantity of every syllable -in the line strictly determined. - -The style, too, excepting the two old epics, is in Sanskrit poetry -made more artificial by the frequent use of long compounds, as well -as by the application of the elaborate rules of poetics, while the -language is regulated by the grammar of Panini. Thus classical Sanskrit -literature, teeming as it does with fantastic and exaggerated ideas, -while bound by the strictest rules of form, is like a tropical garden -full of luxuriant and rank growth, in which, however, many a fair -flower of true poetry may be culled. - -It is impossible even for the Sanskrit scholar who has not lived in -India to appreciate fully the merits of this later poetry, much more so -for those who can only become acquainted with it in translations. For, -in the first place, the metres, artificial and elaborate though they -are, have a beauty of their own which cannot be reproduced in other -languages. Again, to understand it thoroughly, the reader must have -seen the tropical plains and forests of Hindustan steeped in intense -sunshine or bathed in brilliant moonlight; he must have viewed the -silent ascetic seated at the foot of the sacred fig-tree; he must have -experienced the feelings inspired by the approach of the monsoon; he -must have watched beast and bird disporting themselves in tank and -river; he must know the varying aspects of Nature in the different -seasons; in short, he must be acquainted with all the sights and sounds -of an Indian landscape, the mere allusion to one of which may call -up some familiar scene or touch some chord of sentiment. Otherwise, -for instance, the mango-tree, the red Açoka, the orange Kadamba, the -various creepers, the different kinds of lotus, the mention of each -of which should convey a vivid picture, are but empty names. Without -a knowledge, moreover, of the habits, modes of thought, and traditions -of the people, much must remain meaningless. But those who are properly -equipped can see many beauties in classical Sanskrit poetry which are -entirely lost to others. Thus a distinguished scholar known to the -present writer has entered so fully into the spirit of that poetry, -that he is unable to derive pleasure from any other. - -It would be a mistake to suppose that Sanskrit literature came into -being only at the close of the Vedic period, or that it merely forms -its continuation and development. As a profane literature, it must, -in its earliest phases, which are lost, have been contemporaneous -with the religious literature of the Vedas. Beside the productions -of the latest Vedic period, that of the Upanishads and Sutras, there -grew up, on the one hand, the rich Pali literature of Buddhism, and, -on the other, the earliest form of Sanskrit poetry in the shape of -epic tales. We have seen that even the Rigveda contains some hymns -of a narrative character. Later we find in the Brahmanas a number -of short legends, mostly in prose, but sometimes partly metrical, -as the story of Çunahçepa in the Aitareya. Again, the Nirukta, which -must date from the fifth century B.C., contains many prose tales, -and the oldest existing collection of Vedic legend, the metrical -Brihaddevata, cannot belong to a much later time. - -Sanskrit epic poetry falls into two main classes. That which -comprises old stories goes by the name of Itihasa, "legend," Akhyana, -"narrative," or Purana, "ancient tale," while the other is called -Kavya or artificial epic. The Mahabharata is the chief and oldest -representative of the former group, the Ramayana of the latter. Both -these great epics are composed in the same form of the çloka metre as -that employed in classical Sanskrit poetry. The Mahabharata, however, -also contains, as remnants of an older phase, archaic verses in the -upajati and vamçastha (developments of the Vedic trishtubh and jagati) -metres, besides preserving some old prose stories in what is otherwise -an entirely metrical work. It further differs from the sister epic in -introducing speeches with words, such as "Brihadaçva spake," which -do not form part of the verse, and which may be survivals of prose -narrative connecting old epic songs. The Ramayana, again, is, in the -main, the work of a single poet, homogeneous in plan and execution, -composed in the east of India. The Mahabharata, arising in the western -half of the country, is a congeries of parts, the only unity about -which is the connectedness of the epic cycle with which they deal; its -epic kernel, moreover, which forms only about one-fifth of the whole -work, has become so overgrown with didactic matter, that in its final -shape it is not an epic at all, but an encyclopĉdia of moral teaching. - -The Mahabharata, which in its present form consists of over 100,000 -çlokas, equal to about eight times as much as the Iliad and Odyssey put -together, is by far the longest poem known to literary history. It is -a conglomerate of epic and didactic matter divided into eighteen books -called parvan, with a nineteenth, the Harivamça, as a supplement. The -books vary very considerably in length, the twelfth being the longest, -with nearly 14,000, the seventeenth the shortest, with only 312 -çlokas. All the eighteen books, excepting the eighth and the last -three, are divided into subordinate parvans; each book is also cut -up into chapters (adhyayas). - -No European edition of the whole epic has yet been undertaken. This -remains one of the great tasks reserved for the future of Sanskrit -philology, and can only be accomplished by the collaboration of several -scholars. There are complete MSS. of the Mahabharata in London, Oxford, -Paris, and Berlin, besides many others in different parts of India; -while the number of MSS. containing only parts of the poem can hardly -be counted. - -Three main editions of the epic have appeared in India. The editio -princeps, including the Harivamça, but without any commentary, was -published in four volumes at Calcutta in 1834-39. Another and better -edition, which has subsequently been reproduced several times, was -printed at Bombay in 1863. This edition, though not including the -supplementary book, contains the commentary of Nilakantha. These -two editions do not on the whole differ considerably. Being derived -from a common source, they represent one and the same recension. The -Bombay edition, however, generally has the better readings. It contains -about 200 çlokas more than the Calcutta edition, but these additions -are of no importance. - -A third edition, printed in Telugu characters, was published in four -volumes at Madras in 1855-60. It includes the Harivamça and extracts -from Nilakantha's commentary. This edition represents a distinct -South Indian recension, which seems to differ from that of the North -about as much as the three recensions of the Ramayana do from one -another. Both recensions are of about equal length, omissions in the -first being compensated by others in the second. Sometimes one has -the better text, sometimes the other. - -The epic kernel of the Mahabharata or the "Great Battle of the -descendants of Bharata," consisting of about 20,000 çlokas, describes -the eighteen days' fight between Duryodhana, leader of the Kurus, and -Yudhishthira, chief of the Pandus, who were cousins, both descended -from King Bharata, son of Çakuntala. Within this narrative frame has -come to be included a vast number of old legends about gods, kings, and -sages; accounts of cosmogony and theogony; disquisitions on philosophy, -law, religion, and the duties of the military caste. These lengthy -and heterogeneous interpolations render it very difficult to follow -the thread of the narrative. Entire works are sometimes inserted to -illustrate a particular statement. Thus, while the two armies are -drawn up prepared for battle, a whole philosophical poem, in eighteen -cantos, the Bhagavadgita is recited to the hero Arjuna, who hesitates -to advance and fight against his kin. Hence the Mahabharata claims -to be not only a heroic poem (kavya), but a compendium teaching, -in accordance with the Veda, the fourfold end of human existence -(spiritual merit, wealth, pleasure, and salvation), a smriti or work -of sacred tradition, which expounds the whole duty of man, and is -intended for the religious instruction of all Hindus. Thus, in one -(I. lxii. 35) of many similar passages, it makes the statement -about itself that "this collection of all sacred texts, in which -the greatness of cows and Brahmans is exalted, must be listened -to by virtuous-minded men." Its title, Karshna Veda, or "Veda of -Krishna" (a form of Vishnu), the occurrence of a famous invocation -of Narayana and Nara (names of Vishnu) and Sarasvati (Vishnu's wife) -at the beginning of each of its larger sections, and the prevalence -of Vishnuite doctrines throughout the work, prove it to have been a -smriti of the ancient Vishnuite sect of the Bhagavatas. - -Thus it is clear that the Mahabharata in its present shape contains -an epic nucleus, that it favours the worship of Vishnu, and that it -has become a comprehensive didactic work. We further find in Book -I. the direct statements that the poem at one time contained 24,000 -çlokas before the episodes (upakhyana) were added, that it originally -consisted of only 8800 çlokas, and that it has three beginnings. These -data render it probable that the epic underwent three stages of -development from the time it first assumed definite shape; and this -conclusion is corroborated by various internal and external arguments. - -There can be little doubt that the original kernel of the epic has as a -historical background an ancient conflict between the two neighbouring -tribes of the Kurus and Panchalas, who finally coalesced into a single -people. In the Yajurvedas these two tribes already appear united, -and in the Kathaka King Dhritarashtra Vaichitravirya, one of the chief -figures of the Mahabharata, is mentioned as a well-known person. Hence -the historical germ of the great epic is to be traced to a very early -period, which cannot well be later than the tenth century B.C. Old -songs about the ancient feud and the heroes who played a part in it, -must have been handed down by word of mouth and recited in popular -assemblies or at great public sacrifices. - -These disconnected battle-songs were, we must assume, worked up by some -poetic genius into a comparatively short epic, describing the tragic -fate of the Kuru race, who, with justice and virtue on their side, -perished through the treachery of the victorious sons of Pandu, with -Krishna at their head. To the period of this original epic doubtless -belong the traces the Mahabharata has preserved unchanged of the -heroic spirit and the customs of ancient times, so different from the -later state of things which the Mahabharata as a whole reflects. To -this period also belongs the figure of Brahma as the highest god. The -evidence of Pali literature shows that Brahma already occupied that -position in Buddha's time. We may, then, perhaps assume that the -original form of our epic came into being about the fifth century -B.C. The oldest evidence we have for the existence of the Mahabharata -in some shape or other is to be found in Açvalayana's Grihya Sutra, -where a Bharata and Mahabharata are mentioned. This would also point -to about the fifth century B.C. - -To the next stage, in which the epic, handed down by rhapsodists, -swelled to a length of about 20,000 çlokas, belongs the representation -of the victorious Pandus in a favourable light, and the introduction on -a level with Brahma of the two other great gods, Çiva, and especially -Vishnu, of whom Krishna appears as an incarnation. - -We gather from the account of Megasthenes that about 300 B.C., -these two gods were already prominent, and the people were divided -into Çivaites and Vishnuites. Moreover, the Yavanas or Greeks are -mentioned in the Mahabharata as allies of the Kurus, and even the Çakas -(Scythians) and Pahlavas (Parthians) are named along with them; Hindu -temples are also referred to as well as Buddhist relic mounds. Thus -an extension of the original epic must have taken place after 300 -B.C. and by the beginning of our era. - -The Brahmans knew how to utilise the great influence of the old epic -tradition by gradually incorporating didactic matter calculated to -impress upon the people, and especially on kings, the doctrines -of the priestly caste. It thus at last assumed the character of -a vast treatise on duty (dharma), in which the divine origin and -immutability of Brahman institutions, the eternity of the caste system, -and the subordination of all to the priests, are laid down. When the -Mahabharata attributes its origin to Vyasa, it implies a belief in a -final redaction, for the name simply means "Arranger." Dahlmann has -recently put forward the theory that the great epic was a didactic -work from the very outset; this view, however, appears to be quite -irreconcilable with the data of the poem, and is not likely to find -any support among scholars. - -What evidence have we as to when the Mahabharata attained to the form -in which we possess it? There is an inscription in a land grant dating -from 462 A.D. or at the latest 532 A.D., which proves incontrovertibly -that the epic about 500 A.D. was practically of exactly the same length -as it is stated to have in the survey of contents (anukramanika) given -in Book I., and as it actually has now; for it contains the following -words: "It has been declared in the Mahabharata, the compilation -embracing 100,000 verses, by the highest sage, Vyasa, the Vyasa of -the Vedas, the son of Paraçara." This quotation at the same time -proves that the epic at that date included the very long 12th and -13th, as well as the extensive supplementary book, the Harivamça, -without any one of which it would have been impossible to speak even -approximately of 100,000 verses. There are also several land grants, -dated between 450 and 500 A.D., and found in various parts of India, -which quote the Mahabharata as an authority teaching the rewards of -pious donors and the punishments of impious despoilers. This shows -that in the middle of the fifth century it already possessed the -same character as at present, that of a Smriti or Dharmaçastra. It -is only reasonable to suppose that it had acquired this character -at least a century earlier, or by about 350 A.D. Further research -in the writings of the Northern Buddhists and their dated Chinese -translations will probably enable us to put this date back by some -centuries. We are already justified in considering it likely that -the great epic had become a didactic compendium before the beginning -of our era. In any case, the present state of our knowledge entirely -disproves the suggestions put forward by Prof. Holtzmann in his work -on the Mahabharata, that the epic was turned into a Dharmaçastra by -the Brahmans after 900 A.D., and that whole books were added at this -late period. - -The literary evidence of Sanskrit authors from about 600 to 1100 -A.D. supplies us with a considerable amount of information as to the -state of the great epic during those five centuries. An examination -of the works of Bana, and of his predecessor Subandhu, shows that -these authors, who belong to the beginning of the seventh century, -not only studied and made use of legends from every one of the -eighteen books of the Mahabharata for the poetical embellishment of -their works, but were even acquainted with the Harivamça. We also -know that in Bana's time the Bhagavadgita was included in the great -epic. The same writer mentions that the Mahabharata was recited in -the temple of Mahakala at Ujjain. That such recitation was already a -widespread practice at that time is corroborated by an inscription -of about 600 A.D. from the remote Indian colony of Kamboja, which -states that copies of the Mahabharata, as well as of the Ramayana -and of an unnamed Purana, were presented to a temple there, and that -the donor had made arrangements to ensure their daily recitation in -perpetuity. This evidence shows that the Mahabharata cannot have -been a mere heroic poem, but must have borne the character of a -Smriti work of long-established authority. Even at the present day -both public and private recitations of the Epics and Puranas are -common in India, and are always instituted for the edification and -religious instruction of worshippers in temples or of members of -the family. As a rule, the Sanskrit texts are not only declaimed, -but also explained in the vernacular tongue for the benefit both of -women, and of such males as belong to classes unacquainted with the -learned language of the Brahmans. - -We next come to the eminent Mimamsa philosopher Kumarila, who has -been proved to have flourished in the first half of the eighth -century A.D. In the small portion of his great commentary, entitled -Tantra-varttika, which has been examined, no fewer than ten of the -eighteen books of the Mahabharata are named, quoted, or referred to. It -is clear that the epic as known to him not only included the first book -(adiparvan), but that that book in his time closely resembled the form -of its text which we possess. It even appears to have contained the -first section, called anukramanika or "Survey of contents," and the -second, entitled parva-samgraha or "Synopsis of sections." Kumarila -also knew Books XII. and XIII., which have frequently been pronounced -to be of late origin, as well as XIX. It is evident from his treatment -of the epic that he regarded it as a work of sacred tradition and of -great antiquity, intended from the beginning for the instruction of all -the four castes. To him it is not an account of the great war between -the Kauravas and Pandus; the descriptions of battles were only used -for the purpose of rousing the martial instincts of the warrior caste. - -The great Vedantist philosopher Çankaracharya, who wrote his -commentary in 804 A.D., often quotes the Mahabharata as a Smriti, -and in discussing a verse from Book XII. expressly states that the -Mahabharata was intended for the religious instruction of those -classes who by their position are debarred from studying the Vedas -and the Vedanta. - -From the middle of the eleventh century A.D. we have the oldest -known abstract of the Mahabharata, the work of the Kashmirian poet -Kshemendra, entitled Bharata-Manjari. This condensation is specially -important, because it enables the scholar to determine the state of the -text in detail at that time. Professor Bühler's careful comparison of -the MSS. of this work with the great epic has led him to the conclusion -that Kshemendra's original did not differ from the Mahabharata as we -have it at present in any other way than two classes of MSS. differ -from each other. This poetical epitome shows several omissions, -but these are on the whole of such a nature as is to be expected in -any similar abridgment. It is, however, likely that twelve chapters -(342-353) of Book XII., treating of Narayana, which the abbreviator -passes over, did not exist in the original known to him. There can, -moreover, be no doubt that the forms of several proper names found in -the Manjari are better and older than those given by the editions of -the Mahabharata. Though the division of the original into eighteen -books is found in the abridgment also, it is made up by turning the -third section (gada-parvan) of Book IX. (çalya-parvan) into a separate -book, while combining Books XII. and XIII. into a single one. This -variation probably represents an old division, as it occurs in many -MSS. of the Mahabharata. - -Another work of importance in determining the state of the Mahabharata -is a Javanese translation of the epic, also dating from the eleventh -century. - -The best-known commentator of the Mahabharata is Nilakantha, who -lived at Kurpara, to the west of the Godavari, in Maharashtra, and, -according to Burnell, belongs to the sixteenth century. Older than -Nilakantha, who quotes him, is Arjuna Miçra, whose commentary, along -with that of Nilakantha, appears in an edition of the Mahabharata -begun at Calcutta in 1875. The earliest extant commentator of the -great epic is Sarvajna Narayana, large fragments of whose notes have -been preserved, and who cannot have written later than in the second -half of the fourteenth century, but may be somewhat older. - -The main story of the Mahabharata in the briefest possible outline -is as follows: In the country of the Bharatas, which, from the name -of the ruling race, had come to be called Kurukshetra, or "Land of -the Kurus," there lived at Hastinapura, fifty-seven miles north-east -of the modern Delhi, two princes named Dhritarashtra and Pandu. The -elder of these brothers being blind, Pandu succeeded to the throne -and reigned gloriously. He had five sons called Pandavas, the chief -of whom were Yudhishthira, Bhima, and Arjuna. Dhritarashtra had a -hundred sons, usually called Kauravas, or Kuru princes, the most -prominent of whom was Duryodhana. On the premature death of Pandu, -Dhritarashtra took over the reins of government, and receiving his five -nephews into his palace, had them brought up with his own sons. As the -Pandus distinguished themselves greatly in feats of arms and helped -him to victory, the king appointed his eldest nephew, Yudhishthira, -to be heir-apparent. The Pandu princes, however, soon found it -necessary to escape from the plots their cousins now began to set -on foot against them. They made their way to the king of Panchala, -whose daughter Draupadi was won, in a contest between many kings and -heroes, by Arjuna, who alone was able to bend the king's great bow and -to hit a certain mark. In order to avoid strife, Draupadi consented to -become the common wife of the five princes. At Draupadi's svayamvara -(public choice of a husband) the Pandus made acquaintance with Krishna, -the hero of the Yadavas, who from this time onward became their fast -friend and adviser. Dhritarashtra, thinking it best to conciliate -the Pandavas in view of their double alliance with the Panchalas and -Yadavas, now divided his kingdom, giving Hastinapura to his sons, and -to his nephews a district where they built the city of Indraprastha, -the modern Delhi (i.). - -Here the Pandavas ruled wisely and prospered greatly. Duryodhana's -jealousy being aroused, he resolved to ruin his cousins, with -the aid of his uncle Çakuni, a skilful gamester. Dhritarashtra -was accordingly induced to invite the Pandus to Hastinapura. Here -Yudhishthira, accepting the challenge to play at dice with Duryodhana, -lost everything, his kingdom, his wealth, his army, his brothers, -and finally Draupadi. In the end a compromise was made by which the -Pandavas agreed to go into banishment for twelve years, and to remain -incognito for a thirteenth, after which they might return and regain -their kingdom (ii.). - -With Draupadi they accordingly departed to the Kamyaka forest on -the Sarasvati. The account of their twelve years' life here, and -the many legends told to console them in their exile, constitute the -vana-parvan or "Forest book," one of the longest in the poem (iii.). - -The thirteenth year they spent in disguise as servants of Virata, king -of the Matsyas. At this time the Kurus, in alliance with another king, -invaded the country of the Matsyas, causing much distress. Then the -Pandus arose, put the enemy to flight, and restored the king. They -now made themselves known, and entered into an alliance with the king -(iv.). - -Their message demanding back their possessions receiving no answer, -they prepared for war. The rival armies met in the sacred region -of Kurukshetra, with numerous allies on both sides. Joined with the -Kurus were, among others, the people of Kosala, Videha, Anga, Banga -(Bengal), Kalinga on the east, and those of Sindhu, Gandhara, Bahlika -(Balk), together with the Çakas and Yavanas on the west. The Pandus, -on the other hand, were aided by the Panchalas, the Matsyas, part -of the Yadavas under Krishna, besides the kings of Kaçi (Benares), -Chedi, Magadha, and others (v.). - -The battle raged for eighteen days, till all the Kurus were destroyed, -and only the Pandavas and Krishna with his charioteer escaped -alive. The account of it extends over five books (vi.-x.). Then -follows a description of the obsequies of the dead (xi.). In the -next two books, Bhima, the leader of the Kurus, on his deathbed, -instructs Yudhishthira for about 20,000 çlokas on the duties of kings -and other topics. - -The Pandus having been reconciled to the old king Dhritarashtra, -Yudhishthira was crowned king in Hastinapura, and instituted a great -horse-sacrifice (xiv.). Dhritarashtra having remained at Hastinapura -for fifteen years, at length retired, with his wife Gandhari, to the -jungle, where they perished in a forest conflagration (xv.). Among -the Yadavas, who had taken different sides in the great war, an -internecine conflict broke out, which resulted in the annihilation -of this people. Krishna sadly withdrew to the wilderness, where he -was accidentally shot dead by a hunter (xvi.). - -The Pandus themselves, at last weary of life, leaving the young prince -Parikshit, grandson of Arjuna, to rule over Hastinapura, retired to the -forest, and dying as they wandered towards Meru, the mountain of the -gods (xvii.), ascended to heaven with their faithful spouse (xviii.). - -Here the framework of the great epic, which begins at the commencement -of the first book, comes to an end. King Parikshit having died of -snake-bite, his son Janamejaya instituted a great sacrifice to the -serpents. At that sacrifice the epic was recited by Vaiçampayana, who -had learnt it from Vyasa. The latter, we are told, after arranging the -four Vedas, composed the Mahabharata, which treats of the excellence -of the Pandus, the greatness of Krishna, and the wickedness of the -sons of Dhritarashtra. - -The supplementary book, the Harivamça, or "Family of Vishnu," is -concerned only with Krishna. It contains more than 16,000 çlokas, -and is divided into three sections. The first of these describes -the history of Krishna's ancestors down to the time of Vishnu's -incarnation in him; the second gives an account of Krishna's exploits; -the third treats of the future corruptions of the Kali, or fourth -age of the world. - -The episodes of the Mahabharata are numerous and often very extensive, -constituting, as we have seen, about four-fifths of the whole -poem. Many of them are interesting for various reasons, and some are -distinguished by considerable poetic beauty. One of them, the story of -Çakuntala (occurring in Book I.), supplied Kalidasa with the subject -of his famous play. Episodes are specially plentiful in Book III., -being related to while away the time of the exiled Pandus. Here is -found the Matsyopakhyana, or "Episode of the fish," being the story of -the flood, narrated with more diffuseness than the simple story told -in the Çatapatha Brahmana. The fish here declares itself to be Brahma, -Lord of creatures, and not yet Vishnu, as in the Bhagavata Purana. Manu -no longer appears as the progenitor of mankind, but as a creator who -produces all beings and worlds anew by means of his ascetic power. - -Another episode is the history of Rama, interesting in its relation to -Valmiki's Ramayana, which deals with the same subject at much greater -length. The myth of the descent of the Ganges from heaven to earth, -here narrated, is told in the Ramayana also. - -Another legend is that of the sage Riçya-çringa, who having produced -rain in the country of Lomapada, king of the Angas, was rewarded with -the hand of the princess Çanta, and performed that sacrifice for -King Daçaratha which brought about the birth of Rama. This episode -is peculiarly important from a critical point of view, as the legend -recurs not only in the Ramayana, but also in the Padma Purana, the -Skanda Purana, and a number of other sources. - -Of special interest is the story of King Uçinara, son of Çibi, -who sacrificed his life to save a pigeon from a hawk. It is told -again in another part of Book III. about Çibi himself, as well as in -Book XIII. about Vrishadarbha, son of Çibi. Distinctly Buddhistic in -origin and character, the story is famous in Pali as well as Sanskrit -literature, and spread beyond the limits of India. - -The story of the abduction of Draupadi forms an episode of her life -while she dwelt with the Pandus in the Kamyaka forest. Accidentally -seen when alone by King Jayadratha of Sindhu, who was passing with a -great army, and fell in love with her at first sight, she was forcibly -carried off, and only rescued after a terrible fight, in which the -Pandus annihilated Jayadratha's host. - -Interesting as an illustration of the mythological ideas of the -age is the episode which describes the journey of Arjuna to Indra's -heaven. Here we see the mighty warrior-god of the Vedas transformed -into a glorified king of later times, living a life of ease amid -the splendours of his celestial court, where the ear is lulled by -strains of music, while the eye is ravished by the graceful dancing -and exquisite beauty of heavenly nymphs. - -In the story of Savitri we have one of the finest of the many -ideal female characters which the older epic poetry of India has -created. Savitri, daughter of Açvapati, king of Madra, chooses as -her husband Satyavat, the handsome and noble son of a blind and -exiled king, who dwells in a forest hermitage. Though warned by the -sage Narada that the prince is fated to live but a single year, she -persists in her choice, and after the wedding departs with her husband -to his father's forest retreat. Here she lives happily till she begins -to be tortured with anxiety on the approach of the fatal day. When -it arrives, she follows her husband on his way to cut wood in the -forest. After a time he lies down exhausted. Yama, the god of death, -appears, and taking his soul, departs. As Savitri persistently follows -him, Yama grants her various boons, always excepting the life of her -husband; but yielding at last to her importunities, he restores the -soul to the lifeless body. Satyavat recovers, and lives happily for -many years with his faithful Savitri. - -One of the oldest and most beautiful stories inserted in the -Mahabharata is the Nalopakhyana, or "Episode of Nala." It is one of the -least corrupted of the episodes, its great popularity having prevented -the transforming hand of an editor from introducing Çiva and Vishnu, -or from effacing the simplicity of the manners it depicts--the prince, -for instance, cooks his own food--or from changing the character of -Indra, and other old traits. The poem is pervaded by a high tone of -morality, manifested above all in the heroic devotion and fidelity -of Damayanti, its leading character. It also contains many passages -distinguished by tender pathos. - -The story is told by the wise Brihadaçva to the exiled Yudhishthira, -in order to console him for the loss of the kingdom he has forfeited -at play. Nala, prince of Nishada, chosen from among many competitors -for her hand by Damayanti, princess of Vidarbha, passes several -years of happy married life with her. Then, possessed by the demon -Kali, and indulging in gambling, he loses his kingdom and all his -possessions. Wandering half naked in the forest with Damayanti, he -abandons her in his frenzy. Very pathetic is the scene describing -how he repeatedly returns to the spot where his wife lies asleep on -the ground before he finally deserts her. Equally touching are the -accounts of her terror on awaking to find herself alone in the forest, -and of her lamentations as she roams in search of her husband, and -calls out to him-- - - - Hero, valiant, knowing duty, - To honour faithful, lord of earth, - If thou art within this forest, - Then show thee in thy proper form. - Shall I hear the voice of Nala, - Sweet as the draught of Amrita, - With its deep and gentle accent, - Like rumble of the thunder-cloud, - Saying "Daughter of Vidarbha!" - To me with clear and blessed sound. - Rich, like Vedas murmured flowing, - At once destroying all my grief? - - -There are graphic descriptions of the beauties and terrors of the -tropical forest in which Damayanti wanders. At last she finds her -way back to her father's court at Kundina Many and striking are the -similes with which the poet dwells on the grief and wasted form of -the princess in her separation from her husband. She is - - - Like the young moon's slender crescent - Obscured by black clouds in the sky; - Like the lotus-flower uprooted, - All parched and withered by the sun; - Like the pallid night, when Rahu - Has swallowed up the darkened moon. - - -Nala, meanwhile, transformed into a dwarf, has become charioteer to -the king of Oudh. Damayanti at last hears news leading her to suspect -her husband's whereabouts. She accordingly holds out hopes of her -hand to the king of Oudh, on condition of his driving the distance of -500 miles to Kundina in a single day. Nala, acting as his charioteer, -accomplishes the feat, and is rewarded by the king with the secret of -the highest skill in dicing. Recognised by his wife in spite of his -disguise, he regains his true form. He plays again, and wins back his -lost kingdom. Thus after years of adventure, sorrow, and humiliation -he is at last reunited with Damayanti, with whom he spends the rest -of his days in happiness. - -Though several supernatural and miraculous features like those which -occur in fairy tales are found in the episode of Nala, they are not -sufficient to mar the spirit of true poetry which pervades the story -as a whole. - - - - -THE PURANAS. - -Closely connected with the Mahabharata is a distinct class of eighteen -epic works, didactic in character and sectarian in purpose, going by -the name of Purana. The term purana is already found in the Brahmanas -designating cosmogonic inquiries generally. It is also used in the -Mahabharata somewhat vaguely to express "ancient legendary lore," -implying didactic as well as narrative matter, and pointing to an -old collection of epic stories. One passage of the epic (I. v. 1) -describes purana as containing stories of the gods and genealogies of -the sages. In Book XVIII., as well as in the Harivamça, mention is even -made of eighteen Puranas, which, however, have not been preserved; for -those known to us are all, on the whole, later than the Mahabharata, -and for the most part derive their legends of ancient days from the -great epic itself. Nevertheless they contain much that is old; and it -is not always possible to assume that the passages they have in common -with the Mahabharata and Manu have been borrowed from those works. They -are connected by many threads with the old law-books (smritis) and -the Vedas, representing probably a development of older works of -the same class. In that part of their contents which is peculiar to -them, the Puranas agree so closely, being often verbally identical -for pages, that they must be derived from some older collection as -a common source. Most of them are introduced in exactly the same -way as the Mahabharata, Ugraçravas, the son of Lomaharshana, being -represented as relating their contents to Çaunaka on the occasion -of a sacrifice in the Naimisha forest. The object of most of these -legendary compilations is to recommend the sectarian cult of Vishnu, -though some of them favour the worship of Çiva. - -Besides cosmogony, they deal with mythical descriptions of the earth, -the doctrine of the cosmic ages, the exploits of ancient gods, saints, -and heroes, accounts of the Avatars of Vishnu, the genealogies of the -Solar and Lunar race of kings, and enumerations of the thousand names -of Vishnu or of Çiva. They also contain rules about the worship of -the gods by means of prayers, fastings, votive offerings, festivals, -and pilgrimages. - -The Garuda, as well as the late and unimportant Agni Purana, -practically constitute abstracts of the Mahabharata and the Harivamça. - -The Vayu, which appears to be one of the oldest, coincides in part of -its matter with the Mahabharata, but is more closely connected with -the Harivamça, the passage which deals with the creation of the world -often agreeing verbatim with the corresponding part of the latter poem. - -The relationship of the Matsya Purana to the great epic and its -supplementary book as sources is similarly intimate. It is introduced -with the story of Manu and the Fish (Matsya). The Kurma, besides giving -an account of the various Avatars of Vishnu (of which the tortoise or -kurma is one), of the genealogies of gods and kings, as well as other -matters, contains an extensive account of the world in accordance with -the accepted cosmological notions of the Mahabharata and of the Puranas -in general. The world is here represented as consisting of seven -concentric islands separated by different oceans. The central island, -with Mount Meru in the middle, is Jambu-dvipa, of which Bharata-varsha, -the "kingdom of the Bharatas," or India, is the main division. - -The Markandeya, which expressly recognises the priority of the -Mahabharata, is so called because it is related by the sage Markandeya -to explain difficulties suggested by the epic, such as, How could -Krishna become a man? Its leading feature is narrative and it is the -least sectarian of the Puranas. - -The extensive Padma Purana, which contains a great many stones -agreeing with those of the Mahabharata, is, on the other hand, -strongly Vishnuite in tone. Yet this, as well as the Markandeya, -expressly states the doctrine of the Tri-murti or Trinity, that Brahma, -Vishnu, and Çiva are only one being. This doctrine, already to be -found in the Harivamça, is not so prominent in post-Vedic literature -as is commonly supposed. It is interesting to note that the story -of Rama, as told in the Padma Purana, follows not only the Ramayana -but also Kalidasa's account in the Raghuvamça, with which it often -agrees literally. Again, the story of Çakuntala is related, not in -accordance with the Mahabharata, but with Kalidasa's drama. - -The Brahma-vaivarta Purana is also strongly sectarian in favour of -Vishnu in the form of Krishna. It is to be noted that both here and -in the Padma Purana an important part is played by Krishna's mistress -Radha, who is unknown to the Harivamça, the Vishnu, and even the -Bhagavata Purana. - -The Vishnu Purana, which very often agrees with the Mahabharata in -its subject-matter, corresponds most closely to the Indian definition -of a Purana, as treating of the five topics of primary creation, -secondary creation, genealogies of gods and patriarchs, reigns of -various Manus, and the history of the old dynasties of kings. - -The Bhagavata Purana, which consists of about 18,000 çlokas, derives -its name from being dedicated to the glorification of Bhagavata or -Vishnu. It is later than the Vishnu, which it presupposes, probably -dating from the thirteenth century. It exercises a more powerful -influence in India than any other Purana. The most popular part is -the tenth book, which narrates in detail the history of Krishna, -and has been translated into perhaps every one of the vernacular -languages of India. - -Other Vishnuite Puranas of a late date are the Brahma, the Naradiya, -the Vamana, and the Varaha, the latter two called after the Dwarf -and the Boar incarnations of Vishnu. - -Those which specially favour the cult of Çiva are the Skanda, the Çiva, -the Linga, and the Bhavishya or Bhavishyat Puranas. The latter two -contain little narrative matter, being rather ritual in character. A -Bhavishyat Purana is already mentioned in the Apastamba Dharma Sutra. - -Besides these eighteen Puranas there is also an equal number of -secondary works of the same class called Upa-puranas, in which the -epic matter has become entirely subordinate to the ritual element. - - - - -THE RAMAYANA. - -Though there is, as we shall see, good reason for supposing that -the original part of the Ramayana assumed shape at a time when the -Mahabharata was still in a state of flux, we have deferred describing -it on account of its connection with the subsequent development of -epic poetry in Sanskrit literature. - -In its present form the Ramayana consists of about 24,000 çlokas, -and is divided into seven books. It has been preserved in three -distinct recensions, the West Indian (A), the Bengal (B), and the -Bombay (C). About one-third of the çlokas in each recension occurs -in neither of the other two. The Bombay recension has in most cases -preserved the oldest form of the text; for, as the other two arose -in the centres of classical Sanskrit literature, where the Gauda -and the Vaidarbha styles of composition respectively flourished, the -irregularities of the epic language have been removed in them. The -Ramayana was here treated as a regular kavya or artificial epic, a -fate which the Mahabharata escaped because it early lost its original -character, and came to be regarded as a didactic work. These two later -recensions must not, however, be looked upon as mere revisions of the -Bombay text. The variations of all three are of such a kind that they -can for the most part be accounted for only by the fluctuations of oral -tradition among the professional reciters of the epic, at the time -when the three recensions assumed definite shape in different parts -of the country by being committed to writing. After having been thus -fixed, the fate of each of these recensions was of course similar to -that of any other text. They appear to go back to comparatively early -times. For quotations from the Ramayana occurring in works that belong -to the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. show that a recension allied to -the present C, and probably another allied to the present A, existed at -that period. Moreover, Kshemendra's poetical abstract of the epic, the -Ramayana-kathasara-manjari, which follows the contents of the original -step by step, proves that its author used A, and perhaps B also, in -the middle of the eleventh century. Bhoja, the composer of another -epitome, the Ramayana-champu, probably used C in the same century. - -The careful investigations of Professor Jacobi have shown that the -Ramayana originally consisted of five books only (ii.-vi.). The -seventh is undoubtedly a later addition, for the conclusion of the -sixth was evidently at one time the end of the whole poem. Again, -the first book has several passages which conflict with statements -in the later books. It further contains two tables of contents (in -cantos i. and iii.) which were clearly made at different times; for -one of them takes no notice of the first and last books, and must, -therefore, have been made before these were added. What was obviously -a part of the commencement of the original poem has been separated -from its continuation at the opening of Book II., and now forms the -beginning of the fifth canto of Book I. Some cantos have also been -interpolated in the genuine books. As Professor Jacobi shows, all these -additions to the original body of the epic have been for the most part -so loosely attached that the junctures are easy to recognise. They -are, however, pervaded by the same spirit as the older part. There -is, therefore, no reason for the supposition that they are due to a -Brahman revision intended to transform a poem originally meant for -the warrior caste. They seem rather to owe their origin simply to the -desire of professional rhapsodists to meet the demands of the popular -taste. We are told in the Ramayana itself that the poem was either -recited by professional minstrels or sung to the accompaniment of -a stringed instrument, being handed down orally, in the first place -by Rama's two sons Kuça and Lava. These names are nothing more than -the inventions of popular etymology meant to explain the Sanskrit -word kuçilava, "bard" or "actor." The new parts were incorporated -before the three recensions which have come down to us arose, but -a considerable time must have elapsed between the composition of -the original poem and that of the additions. For the tribal hero of -the former has in the latter been transformed into a national hero, -the moral ideal of the people; and the human hero (like Krishna in the -Mahabharata) of the five genuine books (excepting a few interpolations) -has in the first and last become deified and identified with the god -Vishnu, his divine nature in these additions being always present to -the minds of their authors. Here, too, Valmiki, the composer of the -Ramayana, appears as a contemporary of Rama, and is already regarded -as a seer. A long interval of time must have been necessary for such -transformations as these. - -As to the place of its origin, there is good reason for believing that -the Ramayana arose in Kosala, the country ruled by the race of Ikshvaku -in Ayodhya (Oudh). For we are told in the seventh book (canto 45) -that the hermitage of Valmiki lay on the south bank of the Ganges; the -poet must further have been connected with the royal house of Ayodhya, -as the banished Sita took refuge in his hermitage, where her twin -sons were born, brought up, and later learnt the epic from his lips; -and lastly, the statement is made in the first book (canto 5) that -the Ramayana arose in the family of the Ikshvakus. In Ayodhya, then, -there must have been current among the court bards (suta) a number -of epic tales narrating the fortunes of the Ikshvaku hero Rama. Such -legends, we may assume, Valmiki worked up into a single homogeneous -production, which, as the earliest epic of importance conforming -to the rules of poetics, justly received the name of adi-kavya, or -"first artificial poem," from its author's successors. This work was -then learnt by professional rhapsodists (kuçilava) and recited by -them in public as they wandered about the country. - -The original part of the Ramayana appears to have been completed -at a time when the epic kernel of the Mahabharata had not as yet -assumed definite shape. For while the heroes of the latter are not -mentioned in the Ramayana, the story of Rama is often referred to in -the longer epic. Again, in a passage of Book VII. of the Mahabharata, -which cannot be regarded as a later addition, two lines are quoted as -Valmiki's that occur unaltered in Book VI. of the Ramayana. The poem -of Valmiki must, therefore, have been generally known as an old work -before the Mahabharata assumed a coherent form. In Book III. (cantos -277-291) of the latter epic, moreover, there is a Ramopakhyana or -"Episode of Rama," which seems to be based on the Ramayana as it -contains several verses agreeing more or less with Valmiki's lines, -and its author presupposes on the part of his audience a knowledge -of the Ramayana as represented by the Bombay recension. - -A further question of importance in determining the age of the -Ramayana is its relation to Buddhistic literature. Now, the story -of Rama is found in a somewhat altered form in one of the Pali -Birth-Stories, the Daçaratha Jataka. As this version confines itself -to the first part of Rama's adventures, his sojourn in the forest, -it might at first sight seem to be the older of the two. There is, -however, at least an indication that the second part of the story, -the expedition to Lanka, was also known to the author of the Jataka; -for while Valmiki's poem concludes with the reunion of Rama and Sita, -the Jataka is made to end with the marriage of the couple after the -manner of fairy tales, there being at the same time traces that they -were wedded all along in the original source of the legend. Moreover, -a verse from the old part of the Ramayana (vi. 128) actually occurs -in a Pali form embedded in the prose of this Jataka. - -It might, indeed, be inferred from the greater freedom with which they -handle the çloka metre that the canonical Buddhistic writings are older -than the Ramayana, in which the çloka is of the classical Sanskrit -type. But, as a matter of fact, these Pali works on the whole observe -the laws of the classical çloka, their metrical irregularities being -most probably caused by the recent application of Pali to literary -purposes as well as by the inferior preservation of Pali works. On the -other hand, Buddhistic literature early made use of the Arya metre, -which, though so popular in classical Sanskrit poetry, is not yet to -be found in the Sanskrit epics. - -The only mention of Buddha in the Ramayana occurs in a passage which -is evidently interpolated. Hence the balance of the evidence in -relation to Buddhism seems to favour the pre-Buddhistic origin of -the genuine Ramayana. - -The question whether the Greeks were known to the author of our epic -is, of course, also of chronological moment. An examination of the -poem shows that the Yavanas (Greeks) are only mentioned twice, once -in Book I. and once in a canto of Book IV., which Professor Jacobi -shows to be an interpolation. The only conclusion to be drawn from -this is that the additions to the original poem were made some time -after 300 B.C. Professor Weber's assumption of Greek influence in the -story of the Ramayana seems to lack foundation. For the tale of the -abduction of Sita and the expedition to Lanka for her recovery has -no real correspondence with that of the rape of Helen and the Trojan -war. Nor is there any sufficient reason to suppose that the account -of Rama bending a powerful bow in order to win Sita was borrowed from -the adventures of Ulysses. Stories of similar feats of strength for -a like object are to be found in the poetry of other nations besides -the Greeks, and could easily have arisen independently. - -The political aspect of Eastern India as revealed by the Ramayana sheds -some additional light on the age of the epic. In the first place, no -mention is made of the city of Pataliputra (Patna), which was founded -by King Kalaçoka (under whom the second Buddhist council was held at -Vaiçali about 380 B.C.), and which by the time of Megasthenes (300 -B.C.) had become the capital of India. Yet Rama is in Book I. (canto -35) described as passing the very spot where that city stood, and the -poet makes a point (in cantos 32-33) of referring to the foundation of -a number of cities in Eastern Hindustan, such as Kauçambi, Kanyakubja, -and Kampilya, in order to show how far the fame of the Ramayana spread -beyond the confines of Kosala, the land of its origin. Had Pataliputra -existed at the time, it could not have failed to be mentioned. - -It is further a noteworthy fact that the capital of Kosala is in -the original Ramayana regularly called Ayodhya, while the Buddhists, -Jains, Greeks, and Patanjali always give it the name of Saketa. Now -in the last book of the Ramayana we are told that Rama's son, Lava, -fixed the seat of his government at Çravasti, a city not mentioned at -all in the old part of the epic; and in Buddha's time King Prasenajit -of Kosala is known to have reigned at Çravasti. All this points to the -conclusion that the original Ramayana was composed when the ancient -Ayodhya had not yet been deserted, but was still the chief city of -Kosala, when its new name of Saketa was still unknown, and before -the seat of government was transferred to Çravasti. - -Again, in the old part of Book I., Mithila and Viçala are spoken of -as twin cities under separate rulers, while we know that by Buddha's -time they had coalesced to the famous city of Vaiçali, which was then -ruled by an oligarchy. - -The political conditions described in the Ramayana indicate the -patriarchal rule of kings possessing only a small territory, and never -point to the existence of more complex states; while the references of -the poets of the Mahabharata to the dominions in Eastern India ruled by -a powerful king, Jarasandha, and embracing many lands besides Magadha, -reflect the political conditions of the fourth century B.C. The -cumulative evidence of the above arguments makes it difficult to -avoid the conclusion that the kernel of the Ramayana was composed -before 500 B.C., while the more recent portions were probably not -added till the second century B.C. and later. - -This conclusion does not at first sight seem to be borne out by the -linguistic evidence of the Ramayana, For the epic (arsha) dialect of -the Bombay recension, which is practically the same as that of the -Mahabharata, both betrays a stage of development decidedly later than -that of Panini, and is taken no notice of by that grammarian. But it -is, for all that, not necessarily later in date. For Panini deals only -with the refined Sanskrit of the cultured (çishta), that is to say, -of the Brahmans, which would be more archaic than the popular dialect -of wandering rhapsodists; and he would naturally have ignored the -latter. Now at the time of the Açoka inscriptions, or hardly more -than half a century later than Panini, Prakrit was the language of -the people in the part of India where the Ramayana was composed. It -is, therefore, not at all likely that the Ramayana, which aimed at -popularity, should have been composed as late as the time of Panini, -when it could not have been generally understood. If the language of -the epic is later than Panini, it is difficult to see how it escaped -the dominating influence of his grammar. It is more likely that the -popular Sanskrit of the epics received general currency at a much -earlier date by the composition of a poem like that of Valmiki. A -searching comparative investigation of the classical Kavyas will -probably show that they are linguistically more closely connected -with the old epic poetry, and that they deviate more from the Paninean -standard than is usually supposed. - -In style the Ramayana is already far removed from the naïve -popular epic, in which the story is the chief thing, and not its -form. Valmiki is rich in similes, which he often cumulates; he not -infrequently uses the cognate figure called rupaka or "identification" -(e.g. "foot-lotus") with much skill, and also occasionally employs -other ornaments familiar to the classical poets, besides approximating -to them in the style of his descriptions. The Ramayana, in fact, -represents the dawn of the later artificial poetry (kavya), which -was in all probability the direct continuation and development of the -art handed down by the rhapsodists who recited Valmiki's work. Such -a relationship is distinctly recognised by the authors of the great -classical epics (mahakavis) when they refer to him as the adi-kavi or -"first poet." - -The story of the Ramayana, as narrated in the five genuine books, -consists of two distinct parts. The first describes the events at the -court of King Daçaratha at Ayodhya and their consequences. Here we have -a purely human and natural account of the intrigues of a queen to set -her son upon the throne. There is nothing fantastic in the narrative, -nor has it any mythological background. If the epic ended with the -return of Rama's brother, Bharata, to the capital, after the old king's -death, it might pass for a historical saga. For Ikshvaku, Daçaratha, -and Rama are the names of celebrated and mighty kings, mentioned even -in the Rigveda, though not there connected with one another in any way. - -The character of the second part is entirely different. Based on a -foundation of myths, it is full of the marvellous and fantastic. The -oldest theory as to the significance of the story was that of Lassen, -who held that it was intended to represent allegorically the first -attempt of the Aryans to conquer the South. But Rama is nowhere -described as founding an Aryan realm in the Dekhan, nor is any -such intention on his part indicated anywhere in the epic. Weber -subsequently expressed the same view in a somewhat modified -form. According to him, the Ramayana was meant to account for the -spread of Aryan culture to the South and to Ceylon. But this form of -the allegorical theory also lacks any confirmation from the statements -of the epic itself; for Rama's expedition is nowhere represented -as producing any change or improvement in the civilisation of the -South. The poet knows nothing about the Dekhan beyond the fact that -Brahman hermitages are to be found there. Otherwise it is a region -haunted by the monsters and fabulous beings with which an Indian -imagination would people an unknown land. - -There is much more probability in the opinion of Jacobi, that -the Ramayana contains no allegory at all, but is based on Indian -mythology. The foundation of the second part would thus be a celestial -myth of the Veda transformed into a narrative of earthly adventures -according to a not uncommon development. Sita, can be traced to the -Rigveda, where she appears as the Furrow personified and invoked as a -goddess. In some of the Grihya Sutras she again appears as a genius -of the ploughed field, is praised as a being of great beauty, and -is accounted the wife of Indra or Parjanya, the rain-god. There are -traces of this origin in the Ramayana itself. For Sita is represented -(i. 66) as having emerged from the earth when her father Janaka was -once ploughing, and at last she disappears underground in the arms -of the goddess Earth (vii. 97). Her husband, Rama, would be no other -than Indra, and his conflict with Ravana, chief of the demons, would -represent the Indra-Vritra myth of the Rigveda. This identification -is confirmed by the name of Ravana's son being Indrajit, "Conqueror -of Indra," or Indraçatru, "Foe of Indra," the latter being actually -an epithet of Vritra in the Rigveda. Ravana's most notable feat, the -rape of Sita, has its prototype in the stealing of the cows recovered -by Indra. Hanumat, the chief of the monkeys and Rama's ally in the -recovery of Sita, is the son of the wind-god, with the patronymic -Maruti, and is described as flying hundreds of leagues through the air -to find Sita. Hence in his figure perhaps survives a reminiscence of -Indra's alliance with the Maruts in his conflict with Vritra, and of -the dog Sarama, who, as Indra's messenger, crosses the waters of the -Rasa and tracks the cows. Sarama recurs as the name of a demoness who -consoles Sita in her captivity. The name of Hanumat being Sanskrit, -the character is probably not borrowed from the aborigines. As Hanumat -is at the present day the tutelary deity of village settlements all -over India, Prof. Jacobi's surmise that he must have been connected -with agriculture, and may have been a genius of the monsoon, has -some probability. - -The main story of the Ramayana begins with an account of the city -of Ayodhya under the rule of the mighty King Daçaratha, the sons of -whose three wives, Kauçalya, Kaikeyi, and Sumitra, are Rama, Bharata, -and Lakshmana respectively. Rama is married to Sita, daughter of -Janaka, king of Videha. Daçaratha, feeling the approach of old -age, one day announces in a great assembly that he desires to make -Rama heir-apparent, an announcement received with general rejoicing -because of Rama's great popularity. Kaikeyi, meanwhile, wishing her son -Bharata to succeed, reminds the king that he had once offered her the -choice of two boons, of which she had as yet not availed herself. When -Daçaratha at last promises to fulfil whatever she may desire, Kaikeyi -requests him to appoint Bharata his successor, and to banish Rama -for fourteen years. The king, having in vain implored her to retract, -passes a sleepless night. Next day, when the solemn consecration of -Rama is to take place, Daçaratha sends for his son and informs him -of his fate. Rama receives the news calmly and prepares to obey his -father's command as his highest duty. Sita and Lakshmana resolve on -sharing his fortunes, and accompany him in his exile. The aged king, -overcome with grief at parting from his son, withdraws from Kaikeyi, -and passing the remainder of his days with Rama's mother, Kauçalya, -finally dies lamenting for his banished son. Rama has meanwhile -lived peacefully and happily with Sita and his brother in the wild -forest of Dandaka. On the death of the old king, Bharata, who in the -interval has lived with the parents of his mother, is summoned to the -throne. Refusing the succession with noble indignation, he sets out for -the forest in order to bring Rama back to Ayodhya. Rama, though much -moved by his brother's request, declines to return because he must -fulfil his vow of exile. Taking off his gold-embroidered shoes, he -gives them to Bharata as a sign that he hands over his inheritance to -him. Bharata returning to Ayodhya, places Rama's shoes on the throne, -and keeping the royal umbrella over them, holds council and dispenses -justice by their side. - -Rama now sets about the task of combating the formidable giants -that infest the Dandaka forest and are a terror to the pious hermits -settled there. Having, by the advice of the sage Agastya, procured -the weapons of Indra, he begins a successful conflict, in which he -slays many thousands of demons. Their chief, Ravana, enraged and -determined on revenge, turns one of his followers into a golden -deer, which appears to Sita. While Rama and Lakshmana are engaged, -at her request, in pursuit of it, Ravana in the guise of an ascetic -approaches Sita, carries her off by force, and wounds the vulture -Jatayu, which guards her abode. Rama on his return is seized with -grief and despair; but, as he is burning the remains of the vulture, -a voice from the pyre proclaims to him how he can conquer his foes -and recover his wife. He now proceeds to conclude a solemn alliance -with the chiefs of the monkeys, Hanumat and Sugriva. With the help -of the latter, Rama slays the terrible giant Bali. Hanumat meanwhile -crosses from the mainland to the island of Lanka, the abode of Ravana, -in search of Sita. Here he finds her wandering sadly in a grove and -announces to her that deliverance is at hand. After slaying a number -of demons, he returns and reports his discovery to Rama. A plan of -campaign is now arranged. The monkeys having miraculously built a -bridge from the continent to Lanka with the aid of the god of the sea, -Rama leads his army across, slays Ravana, and wins back Sita. After -she has purified herself from the suspicion of infidelity by the -ordeal of fire, Rama joyfully returns with her to Ayodhya, where he -reigns gloriously in association with his faithful brother Bharata, -and gladdens his subjects with a new golden age. - -Such in bare outline is the main story of the Ramayana. By the addition -of the first and last books Valmiki's epic has in the following way -been transformed into a poem meant to glorify the god Vishnu. Ravana, -having obtained from Brahma the boon of being invulnerable to gods, -demigods, and demons, abuses his immunity in so terrible a manner -that the gods are reduced to despair. Bethinking themselves at last -that Ravana had in his arrogance forgotten to ask that he should not -be wounded by men, they implore Vishnu to allow himself to be born -as a man for the destruction of the demon. Vishnu, consenting, is -born as Rama, and accomplishes the task. At the end of the seventh -book Brahma and the other gods come to Rama, pay homage to him, -and proclaim that he is really Vishnu, "the glorious lord of the -discus." The belief here expressed that Rama is an incarnation of -Vishnu, the highest god, has secured to the hero of our epic the -worship of the Hindus down to the present day. That belief, forming -the fundamental doctrine of the religious system of Ramanuja in the -twelfth and of Ramananda in the fourteenth century, has done much to -counteract the spread of the degrading superstitions and impurities -of Çivaism both in the South and in the North of India. - -The Ramayana contains several interesting episodes, though, of course, -far fewer than the Mahabharata. One of them, a thoroughly Indian -story, full of exaggerations and impossibilities, is the legend, told -in Book I., of the descent of the Ganges. It relates how the sacred -river was brought down from heaven to earth in order to purify the -remains of the 60,000 sons of King Sagara, who were reduced to ashes -by the sage Kapila when his devotions were disturbed by them. - -Another episode (i. 52-65) is that of Viçvamitra, a powerful king, -who comes into conflict with the great sage Vasishtha by endeavouring -to take away his miraculous cow by force. Viçvamitra then engages -in mighty penances, in which he resists the seductions of beautiful -nymphs, and which extend over thousands of years, till he finally -attains Brahmanhood, and is reconciled with his rival, Vasishtha. - -The short episode which relates the origin of the çloka metre is one -of the most attractive and poetical. Valmiki in his forest hermitage -is preparing to describe worthily the fortunes of Rama. While he -is watching a fond pair of birds on the bank of the river, the -male is suddenly shot by a hunter, and falls dead on the ground, -weltering in his blood. Valmiki, deeply touched by the grief of -the bereaved female, involuntarily utters words lamenting the death -of her mate and threatening vengeance on the wicked murderer. But, -strange to tell, his utterance is no ordinary speech and flows in a -melodious stream. As he wanders, lost in thought, towards his hut, -Brahma appears and announces to the poet that he has unconsciously -created the rhythm of the çloka metre. The deity then bids him compose -in this measure the divine poem on the life and deeds of Rama. This -story may have a historical significance, for it indicates with some -probability that the classical form of the çloka was first fixed by -Valmiki, the author of the original part of the Ramayana. - -The epic contains the following verse foretelling its everlasting -fame:-- - - - As long as mountain ranges stand - And rivers flow upon the earth: - So long will this Ramayana - Survive upon the lips of men. - - -This prophecy has been perhaps even more abundantly fulfilled than the -well-known prediction of Horace. No product of Sanskrit literature -has enjoyed a greater popularity in India down to the present day -than the Ramayana. Its story furnishes the subject of many other -Sanskrit poems as well as plays, and still delights, from the lips -of reciters, the hearts of myriads of the Indian people, as at the -great annual Rama festival held at Benares. It has been translated -into many Indian vernaculars. Above all, it inspired the greatest poet -of mediĉval Hindustan, Tulsi Das, to compose in Hindi his version of -the epic entitled Ram Charit Manas, which, with its ideal standard -of virtue and purity, is a kind of bible to a hundred millions of -the people of Northern India. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -KAVYA OR COURT EPIC - -(Circa 200 B.C.-1100 A.D.) - - -The real history of the Kavya, or artificial epic poetry of India, -does not begin till the first half of the seventh century A.D., -with the reign of King Harsha-vardhana of Thaneçar and Kanauj -(606-648), who ruled over the whole of Northern India, and under -whose patronage Bana wrote his historical romance, Harsha-charita, -and other works. The date of no Kavya before this landmark has as yet -been fixed with certainty. One work, however, which is dominated by -the Kavya style, the Brihatsamhita of the astronomer Varahamihira, can -without hesitation be assigned to the middle of the sixth century. But -as to the date of the most famous classical poets, Kalidasa, Subandhu, -Bharavi, Gunadhya, and others, we have no historical authority. The -most definite statement that can be made about them is that their fame -was widely diffused by about 600 A.D., as is attested by the way in -which their names are mentioned in Bana and in an inscription of 634 -A.D. Some of them, moreover, like Gunadhya, to whose work Subandhu -repeatedly alludes, must certainly belong to a much earlier time. The -scanty materials supplied by the poets themselves, which might help to -determine their dates, are difficult to utilise, because the history -of India, both political and social, during the first five centuries -of our era, is still involved in obscurity. - -With regard to the age of court poetry in general, we have -the important literary evidence of the quotations in Patanjali's -Mahabhashya, which show that Kavya flourished in his day, and must have -been developed before the beginning of our era. Several of these quoted -verses are composed in the artificial metres of the classical poetry, -while the heroic anushtubh çlokas agree in matter as well as form, -not with the popular, but with the court epics. - -We further know that Açvaghosha's Buddha-charita, or "Doings of -Buddha," was translated into Chinese between 414 and 421 A.D. This -work not only calls itself a mahakavya, or "great court epic," but -is actually written in the Kavya style. Açvaghosha was, according to -the Buddhist tradition, a contemporary of King Kanishka, and would -thus belong to the first century A.D. In any case, it is evident that -his poem could not have been composed later than between 350 and 400 -A.D. The mere fact, too, that a Buddhist monk thus early conceived -the plan of writing the legend of Buddha according to the rules of the -classical Sanskrit epic shows how popular the Brahmanical artificial -poetry must have become, at any rate by the fourth century A.D., -and probably long before. - -The progress of epigraphic research during the last quarter of a -century has begun to shed considerable light on the history of court -poetry during the dark age embracing the first five centuries of our -era. Mr. Fleet's third volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum -contains no fewer than eighteen inscriptions of importance in this -respect. These are written mostly in verse, but partly also in elevated -prose. They cover a period of two centuries, from about 350 to 550 -A.D. Most of them employ the Gupta era, beginning A.D. 319, and first -used by Chandragupta II., named Vikramaditya, whose inscriptions and -coins range from A.D. 400 to 413. A few of them employ the Malava era, -the earlier name of the Vikrama era, which dates from 57 B.C. Several -of these inscriptions are praçastis or panegyrics on kings. An -examination of them proves that the poetical style prevailing in -the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries did not differ from that -of the classical Kavyas which have been preserved. Samudragupta, -the second of the Gupta line, who belongs to the second half of the -fourth century, was, we learn, himself a poet, as well as a supporter -of poets. Among the latter was at least one, by name Harishena, who in -his panegyric on his royal patron, which consists of some thirty lines -(nine stanzas) of poetry and about an equal number of lines of prose, -shows a mastery of style rivalling that of Kalidasa and Dandin. In -agreement with the rule of all the Sanskrit treatises on poetics, his -prose is full of inordinately long compounds, one of them containing -more than 120 syllables. In his poetry he, like Kalidasa and others, -follows the Vidarbha style, in which the avoidance of long compounds -is a leading characteristic. In this style, which must have been fully -developed by A.D. 300, is also written an inscription by Virasena, -the minister of Chandragupta II., Samudragupta's successor. - -A very important inscription dates from the year 529 of the Malava -(Vikrama) era, or A.D. 473. It consists of a poem of no fewer than -forty-four stanzas (containing 150 metrical lines), composed by a -poet named Vatsabhatti, to commemorate the consecration of a temple -of the sun at Daçapura (now Mandasor). A detailed examination of this -inscription not only leads to the conclusion that in the fifth century -a rich Kavya literature must have existed, but in particular shows that -the poem has several affinities with Kalidasa's writings. The latter -fact renders it probable that Vatsabhatti, a man of inferior poetic -talent, who professes to have produced his work with effort, knew and -utilised the poems of Kalidasa. The reign of Chandragupta Vikramaditya -II., at the beginning of the fifth century A.D., therefore seems in the -meantime the most probable approximate date for India's greatest poet. - -Besides the epigraphic evidence of the Gupta period, we have two -important literary prose inscriptions of considerable length, one -from Girnar and the other from Nasik, both belonging to the second -century A.D. They show that even then there existed a prose Kavya -style which, in general character and in many details, resembled that -of the classical tales and romances. For they not only employ long -and frequent compounds, but also the ornaments of alliteration and -various kinds of simile and metaphor. Their use of poetical figures -is, however, much less frequent and elaborate, occasionally not -going beyond the simplicity of the popular epic. They are altogether -less artificial than the prose parts of Harishena's Kavya, and à -fortiori than the works of Dandin. Subandhu, and Bana. From the Girnar -inscription it appears that its author must have been acquainted with -a theory of poetics, that metrical Kavyas conforming to the rules -of the Vidarbha style were composed in his day, and that poetry of -this kind was cultivated at the courts of princes then as in later -times. It cannot be supposed that Kavya literature was a new invention -of the second century; it must, on the contrary, have passed through -a lengthened development before that time. Thus epigraphy not merely -confirms the evidence of the Mahabhashya that artificial court poetry -originated before the commencement of our era, but shows that that -poetry continued to be cultivated throughout the succeeding centuries. - -These results of the researches of the late Professor Bühler and of -Mr. Fleet render untenable Professor Max Müller's well-known theory -of the renaissance of Sanskrit literature in the sixth century, which -was set forth by that scholar with his usual brilliance in India, -what can it Teach us? and which held the field for several years. - -Professor Max Müller's preliminary assertion that the Indians, -in consequence of the incursions of the Çakas (Scythians) and -other foreigners, ceased from literary activity during the first -two centuries A.D., is refuted by the evidence of the last two -inscriptions mentioned above. Any such interruption of intellectual -life during that period is, even apart from epigraphical testimony, -rendered highly improbable by other considerations. The Scythians, -in the first place, permanently subjugated only about one-fifth of -India; for their dominion, which does not appear to have extended -farther east than Mathura (Muttra), was limited to the Panjab, Sindh, -Gujarat, Rajputana, and the Central Indian Agency. The conquerors, -moreover, rapidly became Hinduised. Most of them already had Indian -names in the second generation. One of them, Ushabhadata (the Sanskrit -Rishabhadatta), described his exploits in an inscription composed -in a mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit. Kanishka himself (78 A.D.), -as well as his successors, was a patron of Buddhism; and national -Indian architecture and sculpture attained a high development at -Mathura under these rulers. When the invaders thus rapidly acquired -the civilisation of the comparatively small portion of India they -conquered, there is no reason to assume the suppression of literary -activity in that part of the country, much less in India as a whole. - -The main thesis of Professor Max Müller is, that in the middle of -the sixth century A.D. the reign of a King Vikramaditya of Ujjain, -with whom tradition connected the names of Kalidasa and other -distinguished authors, was the golden age of Indian court poetry. This -renaissance theory is based on Fergusson's ingenious chronological -hypothesis that a supposed King Vikrama of Ujjain, having expelled -the Scythians from India, in commemoration of his victory founded -the Vikrama era in 544 A.D., dating its commencement back 600 years -to 57 B.C. The epigraphical researches of Mr. Fleet have destroyed -Fergusson's hypothesis. From these researches it results that the -Vikrama era of 57 B.C., far from having been founded in 544 A.D., -had already been in use for more than a century previously under the -name of the Malava era (which came to be called the Vikrama era about -800 A.D.). It further appears that no Çakas (Scythians) could have -been driven out of Western India in the middle of the sixth century, -because that country had already been conquered by the Guptas more -than a hundred years before. Lastly, it turns out that, though other -foreign conquerors, the Hunas, were actually expelled from Western -India in the first half of the sixth century, they were driven out, -not by a Vikramaditya, but by a king named Yaçodharman Vishnuvardhana. - -Thus the great King Vikramaditya vanishes from the historical ground -of the sixth century into the realm of myth. With Vikramaditya an -often-quoted but ill-authenticated verse occurring in a work of the -sixteenth century associates Dhanvantari, Kshapanaka, Amarasimha, -Varahamihira, and Vararuchi as among the "nine gems" of his court. With -the disappearance of Vikrama from the sixth century A.D. this verse -has lost all chronological validity with reference to the date of -the authors it enumerates; it is even inadmissible to conclude from -such legendary testimony that they were contemporaries. Even though -one of them, Varahamihira, actually does belong to the sixth century, -each of them can now only be placed in the sixth century separately -and by other arguments. Apart from the mythical Vikramaditya, there -is now no reason to suppose that court poetry attained a special -development in that century, for Harishena's paneygyric, and some -other epigraphic poems of the Gupta period, show that it flourished -greatly at least two hundred years earlier. - -None of the other arguments by which it has been attempted to place -Kalidasa separately in the sixth century have any cogency. One of -the chief of these is derived from the explanation given by the -fourteenth-century commentator, Mallinatha, of the word dignaga, -"world-elephant," occurring in the 14th stanza of Kalidasa's -Meghaduta. He sees in it a punning allusion to Dignaga, a hated -rival of the poet. This explanation, to begin with, is extremely -dubious in itself. Then it is uncertain whether Mallinatha means the -Buddhist teacher Dignaga. Thirdly, little weight can be attached to -the Buddhistic tradition that Dignaga was a pupil of Vasubandhu, for -this statement is not found till the sixteenth century. Fourthly, the -assertion that Vasubandhu belongs to the sixth century depends chiefly -on the Vikramaditya theory, and is opposed to Chinese evidence, which -indicates that works of Vasubandhu were translated in A.D. 404. Thus -every link in the chain of this argument is very weak. - -The other main argument is that Kalidasa must have lived after -Aryabhata (A.D. 499), because he shows a knowledge of the scientific -astronomy borrowed from the Greeks. But it has been shown by -Dr. Thibaut that an Indian astronomical treatise, undoubtedly written -under Greek influence, the Romaka Siddhanta, is older than Aryabhata, -and cannot be placed later than A.D. 400. It may be added that a -passage of Kalidasa's Raghuvamça (xiv. 40) has been erroneously -adduced in support of the astronomical argument, as implying that -eclipses of the moon are due to the shadow of the earth: it really -refers only to the spots in the moon as caused, in accordance with -the doctrine of the Puranas, by a reflection of the earth. - -Thus there is, in the present state of our knowledge, good reason to -suppose that Kalidasa lived not in the sixth, but in the beginning of -the fifth century A.D. The question of his age, however, is not likely -to be definitely solved till the language, the style, and the poetical -technique of each of his works have been minutely investigated, in -comparison with datable epigraphic documents, as well as with the -rules given by the oldest Sanskrit treatises on poetics. - -As the popular epic poetry of the Mahabharata was the chief source -of the Puranas, so the Ramayana, the earliest artificial epic, was -succeeded, though after a long interval of time, by a number of Kavyas -ranging from the fifth to the twelfth century. While in the old epic -poetry form is subordinated to matter, it is of primary importance in -the Kavyas, the matter becoming more and more merely a means for the -display of tricks of style. The later the author of a Kavya is, the -more he seeks to win the admiration of his audience by the cleverness -of his conceits and the ingenuity of his diction, appealing always -to the head rather than the heart. Even the very best of the Kavyas -were composed in more strict conformity, with fixed rules than the -poetry of any other country. For not only is the language dominated -by the grammatical rules of Panini, but the style is regulated by -the elaborate laws about various forms of alliteration and figures -of speech laid down in the treatises on poetics. - -The two most important Kavyas are Kalidasa's Raghuvamça and -Kumara-sambhava, both distinguished by independence of treatment -as well as considerable poetical beauty. They have several stanzas -in common, many others which offer but slight variations, and a -large number of passages which, though differing in expression, are -strikingly analogous in thought. In both poems, too, the same metre is -employed to describe the same situation. In both poems each canto is, -as a rule, composed in one metre, but changes with the beginning of -the new canto. The prevailing metres are the classical form of the -anushtubh and the upajati, a development of the Vedic trishtubh. - -The Raghuvamça, or "Race of Raghu," which consists of nineteen cantos, -describes the life of Rama together with an account of his forefathers -and successors. The first nine cantos deal with his nearest four -ancestors, beginning with Dilipa and his son Raghu. The story of Rama -occupies the next six (x.-xv.), and agrees pretty closely with that -in the Ramayana of Valmiki, whom Kalidasa here (xv. 41) speaks of as -"the first poet." The following two cantos are concerned with the -three nearest descendants of Rama, while the last two run through -the remainder of twenty-four kings who reigned in Ayodhya as his -descendants, ending rather abruptly with the death of the voluptuous -King Agnivarna. The names of these successors of Rama agree closely -with those in the list given in the Vishnu-purana. - -The narrative in the Raghuvamça moves with some rapidity, not being -too much impeded by long descriptions. It abounds with apt and striking -similes and contains much genuine poetry, while the style, for a Kavya, -is simple, though many passages are undoubtedly too artificial for -the European taste. The following stanza, sung by a bard whose duty it -is to waken the king in the morning (v. 75), may serve as a specimen-- - - - The flow'rs to thee presented droop and fade, - The lamps have lost the wreath of rays they shed, - Thy sweet-voiced parrot, in his cage confined, - Repeats the call we sound to waken thee. - - -More than twenty commentaries on the Raghuvamça are known. The most -famous is the Samjivani of Mallinatha, who explains every word of -the text, and who has the great merit of endeavouring to find out -and preserve the readings of the poet himself. He knew a number -of earlier commentaries, among which he names with approval those -of Dakshinavarta and Natha. The latter no longer exist. Among the -other extant commentaries may be mentioned the Subodhini, composed -by Dinakara Miçra in 1385, and the Çiçuhitaishini, by a Jain named -Charitravardhana, of which Dinakara's work appears to be an epitome. - -The Kumara-sambhava, or the "Birth of the War-god," consists, when -complete, of seventeen cantos. The first seven are entirely devoted -to the courtship and wedding of the god Çiva and of Parvati, daughter -of Himalaya, the parents of the youthful god. This fact in itself -indicates that description is the prevailing characteristic of the -poem. It abounds in that poetical miniature painting in which lies -the chief literary strength of the Indian. Affording the poet free -scope for the indulgence of his rich and original imaginative powers, -it is conspicuous for wealth of illustration. The following rendering -of a stanza in the Viyogini metre (in which lines of ten and eleven -syllables ending iambically alternate) may serve as a specimen. The -poet shows how the duty of a wife following her husband in death is -exemplified even by objects in Nature poetically conceived as spouses-- - - - After the Lord of Night the moonlight goes, - Along with the cloud the lightning is dissolved: - Wives ever follow in their husbands' path; - Even things bereft of sense obey this law. - - -Usually the first seven cantos only are to be found in the printed -editions, owing to the excessively erotic character of the remaining -ten. The poem concludes with an account of the destruction of the -demon Taraka, the object for which the god of war was born. - -More than twenty commentaries on the Kumara-sambhava have been -preserved. Several of them are by the same authors, notably Mallinatha, -as those on the Raghuvamça. - -The subject-matter of the later Kavyas, which is derived from the -two great epics, becomes more and more mixed up with lyric, erotic, -and didactic elements. It is increasingly regarded as a means for the -display of elaborate conceits, till at last nothing remains but bombast -and verbal jugglery. The Bhatti-kavya, written in Valabhi under King -Çridharasena, probably in the seventh century, and ascribed by various -commentators to the poet and grammarian Bhartrihari (died 651 A.D.), -deals in 22 cantos with the story of Rama, but only with the object -of illustrating the forms of Sanskrit grammar. - -The Kiratarjuniya describes, in eighteen cantos, the combat, first -narrated in the Mahabharata, between Çiva, in the guise of a Kirata or -mountaineer, and Arjuna. It cannot have been composed later than the -sixth century, as its author, Bharavi, is mentioned in an inscription -of 634 A.D. The fifteenth canto of this poem contains a number of -stanzas illustrating all kinds of verbal tricks like those described in -Dandin's Kavyadarça. Thus one stanza (14) contains no consonant but n -(excepting a t at the end); [10] while each half-line in a subsequent -one (25), if its syllables be read backwards, is identical with the -other half. [11] - -The Çiçupala-vadha, or "Death of Çiçupala," describes, in twenty -cantos, how that prince, son of a king of Chedi, and cousin of Krishna, -was slain by Vishnu. Having been composed by the poet Magha, it also -goes by the name of Magha-kavya. It probably dates from the ninth, -and must undoubtedly have been composed before the end of the tenth -century. The nineteenth canto is full of metrical puzzles, some of a -highly complex character (e.g. 29). It contains an example of a stanza -(34) which, if read backwards, is identical with the preceding one -read in the ordinary way. At the same time this Kavya is, as a whole, -by no means lacking in poetical beauties and striking thoughts. - -The Naishadhiya (also called Naishadha-charita), in twenty-two cantos, -deals with the story of Nala, king of Nishada, the well-known episode -of the Mahabharata. It was composed by Çriharsha, who belongs to the -latter half of the twelfth century. - -These six artificial epics are recognised as Mahakavyas, or -"Great Poems," and have all been commented on by Mallinatha. The -characteristics of this higher class are set forth by Dandin in his -Kavyadarça, or "Mirror of Poetry" (i. 14-19). Their subjects must -be derived from epic story (itihasa), they should be extensive, and -ought to be embellished with descriptions of cities, seas, mountains, -seasons, sunrise, weddings, battles fought by the hero, and so forth. - -An extensive Mahakavya, in fifty cantos, is the Haravijaya, or -"Victory of Çiva," by a Kashmirian poet named Ratnakara, who belongs -to the ninth century. - -Another late epic, narrating the fortunes of the same hero as the -Naishadhiya, is the Nalodaya, or "Rise of Nala," which describes the -restoration to power of King Nala after he had lost his all. Though -attributed to Kalidasa, it is unmistakably the product of a much -later age. The chief aim of the author is to show off his skill -in the manipulation of the most varied and artificial metres, as -well as all the elaborate tricks of style exhibited in the latest -Kavyas. Rhyme even is introduced, and that, too, not only at the -end of, but within metrical lines. The really epic material is but -scantily treated, narrative making way for long descriptions and -lyrical effusions. Thus the second and longest of the four cantos -of the poem is purely lyrical, describing only the bliss of the -newly-wedded pair, with all kinds of irrelevant additions. - -The culmination of artificiality is attained by the Raghava-pandaviya, -a poem composed by Kaviraja, who perhaps flourished about A.D. 800. It -celebrates simultaneously the actions of Raghava or Rama and of -the Pandava princes. The composition is so arranged that by the -use of ambiguous words and phrases the story of the Ramayana and -the Mahabharata is told at one and the same time. The same words, -according to the sense in which they are understood, narrate the events -of each epic. A tour de force of this kind is doubtless unique in the -literatures of the world. Kaviraja has, however, found imitators in -India itself. - -A Mahakavya which is as yet only known in MS. is the -Navasahasanka-charita, a poem celebrating the doings of Navasahasanka, -otherwise Sindhuraja, a king of Malava, and composed by a poet named -Padmagupta, who lived about 1000 A.D. It consists of eighteen cantos, -containing over 1500 stanzas in nineteen different metres. The poet -refrains from the employment of metrical tricks; but he greatly -impedes the progress of the narrative by introducing interminable -speeches and long-winded descriptions. - -We may mention, in conclusion, that there is also an epic in Prakrit -which is attributed to Kalidasa. This is the Setu-bandha, "Building -of the Bridge," or Ravanavadha, "Death of Ravana," which relates -the story of Rama. It is supposed to have been composed by the poet -to commemorate the building of a bridge of boats across the Vitasta -(Jhelum) by King Pravarasena of Kashmir. - -There are a few prose romances dating from the sixth and seventh -centuries, which being classed as Kavyas by the Sanskrit writers -on poetics, may be mentioned in this place. The abundant use of -immense compounds, which of course makes them very difficult reading, -is an essential characteristic of the style of these works. As to -their matter, they contain but little action, consisting largely of -scenes which are strung together by a meagre thread of narrative, and -are made the occasion of lengthy descriptions full of long strings -of comparisons and often teeming with puns. In spite, however, of -their highly artificial and involved style, many really poetical -thoughts may be found embedded in what to the European taste is an -unattractive setting. - -The Daça-kumara-charita, or "Adventures of the Ten Princes," contains -stories of common life and reflects a corrupt state of society. It is -by Dandin, and probably dates from the sixth century A.D. Vasavadatta, -by Subandhu, relates the popular story of the heroine Vasavadatta, -princess of Ujjayini, and Udayana, king of Vatsa. It was probably -written quite at the beginning of the seventh century. Slightly -later is Bana's Kadambari, a poetical romance narrating the fortunes -of a princess of that name. Another work of a somewhat similar -character by the same author is the Harsha-charita, a romance in -eight chapters, in which Bana attempts to give some account of the -life of King Harshavardhana of Kanauj. There is, however, but little -narrative. Thus in twenty-five pages of the eighth chapter there are -to be found five long descriptions, extending on the average to two -pages, to say nothing of shorter ones. There is, for instance, a long -disquisition, covering four pages, and full of strings of comparisons, -about the miseries of servitude. A servant, "like a painted bow, -is for ever bent in the one act of distending a string of imaginary -virtues, but there is no force in him; like a heap of dust-sweepings -gathered by a broom, he carries off toilet-leavings; like the meal -offered to the Divine Mothers, he is cast out into space even at night; -like a pumping machine, he has left all weight behind him and bends -even for water," and so on. Soon after comes a description, covering -two pages, of the trees in a forest. This is immediately followed by -another page enumerating the various kinds of students thronging the -wood in order to avail themselves of the teaching of a great Buddhist -sage; they even include monkeys busily engaged in ritual ceremonies, -devout parrots expounding a Buddhist dictionary, owls lecturing on -the various births of Buddha, and tigers who have given up eating -flesh under the calming influence of Buddhist teaching. Next comes -a page describing the sage himself. "He was clad in a very soft -red cloth, as if he were the eastern quarter of the sky bathed in -the morning sunshine, teaching the other quarters to assume the red -Buddhist attire, while they were flushed with the pure red glow of -his body like a ruby freshly cut." Soon after comes a long account, -bristling with puns, of a disconsolate princess lying prostrate in the -wood--"lost in the forest and in thought, bent upon death and the root -of a tree, fallen upon calamity and her nurse's bosom, parted from her -husband and happiness, burned with the fierce sunshine and the woes -of widowhood, her mouth closed with silence as well as by her hand, -and held fast by her companions as well as by grief. I saw her with her -kindred and her graces all gone, her ears and her soul left bare, her -ornaments and her aims abandoned, her bracelets and her hopes broken, -her companions and the needle-like grass-spears clinging round her -feet, her eye and her beloved fixed within her bosom, her sighs and -her hair long, her limbs and her merits exhausted, her aged attendants -and her streaming tears falling down at her feet," and so forth. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -LYRIC POETRY - -(Circa 400-1100 A.D.) - - -Sanskrit lyrical poetry has not produced many works of any considerable -length. But among these are included two of the most perfect creations -of Kalidasa, a writer distinguished no less in this field than as -an epic and a dramatic author. His lyrical talent is, indeed, also -sufficiently prominent in his plays. - -Kalidasa's Meghaduta, or "Cloud Messenger," is a lyrical gem which -won the admiration of Goethe. It consists of 115 stanzas composed in -the Mandakranta metre of four lines of seventeen syllables. The theme -is a message which an exile sends by a cloud to his wife dwelling far -away. The idea is applied by Schiller in his Maria Stuart, where the -captive Queen of Scots calls on the clouds as they fly southwards to -greet the land of her youth (act iii. sc. 1). The exile is a Yaksha or -attendant of Kubera, the god of wealth, who for neglect of his duty -has been banished to the groves on the slopes of Ramagiri in Central -India. Emaciated and melancholy, he sees, at the approach of the rainy -season, a dark cloud moving northwards. The sight fills his heart with -yearning, and impels him to address to the cloud a request to convey -a message of hope to his wife in the remote Himalaya. In the first -half of the poem the Yaksha describes with much power and beauty the -various scenes the cloud must traverse on its northward course: Mount -Amrakuta, on whose peak it will rest after quenching with showers the -forest fires; the Narmada, winding at the foot of the Vindhya hills; -the town of Vidiça (Bhilsa), and the stream of the Vetravati (Betwah); -the city of Ujjayini (Ujjain) in the land of Avanti; the sacred region -of Kurukshetra; the Ganges and the mountains from which she sprang, -white with snowfields, till Alaka on Mount Kailasa is finally reached. - -In the second half of the poem the Yaksha first describes the beauties -of this city and his own dwelling there. Going on to paint in glowing -colours the charms of his wife, her surroundings, and her occupations, -he imagines her tossing on her couch, sleepless and emaciated, through -the watches of the night. Then, when her eye rests on the window, the -cloud shall proclaim to her with thunder-sound her husband's message, -that he is still alive and ever longs to behold her:-- - - - In creepers I discern thy form, in eyes of startled hinds thy - glances, - And in the moon thy lovely face, in peacocks' plumes thy shining - tresses; - The sportive frown upon thy brow in flowing waters' tiny ripples: - But never in one place combined can I, alas! behold thy likeness. - - -But courage, he says; our sorrow will end at last--we shall be -re-united-- - - - And then we will our hearts' desire, grown more intense by - separation, - Enjoy in nights all glorious and bright, with full-orbed autumn - moonlight. - - -Then begging the cloud, after delivering his message, to return with -reassuring news, the exile finally dismisses him with the hope that -he may never, even for a moment, be divided from his lightning spouse. - -Besides the expression of emotion, the descriptive element is very -prominent in this fine poem. This is still more true of Kalidasa's -Ritusamhara, or "Cycle of the Seasons." That little work, which -consists of 153 stanzas in six cantos, and is composed in various -metres, is a highly poetical description of the six seasons into which -classical Sanskrit poets usually divide the Indian year. With glowing -descriptions of the beauties of Nature, in which erotic scenes are -interspersed, the poet adroitly interweaves the expression of human -emotions. Perhaps no other work of Kalidasa's manifests so strikingly -the poet's deep sympathy with Nature, his keen powers of observation, -and his skill in depicting an Indian landscape in vivid colours. - -The poem opens with an account of summer. If the glow of the sun is -then too great during the day, the moonlit nights are all the more -delightful to lovers. The moon, beholding the face of beauteous -maidens, is beside itself with jealousy; then, too, it is that the -heart of the wanderer is burnt by the fire of separation. Next follows -a brilliant description of the effects of the heat: the thirst or -lethargy it produces in serpent, lion, elephant, buffalo, boar, -gazelle, peacock, crane, frogs, and fishes; the devastation caused -by the forest fire which devours trees and shrubs, and drives before -it crowds of terror-stricken beasts. - -The close heat is succeeded by the rains, which are announced by -the approach of the dark heavy clouds with their banner of lightning -and drum of thunder. Slowly they move accompanied by chataka birds, -fabled to live exclusively on raindrops, till at length they discharge -their water. The wild streams, like wanton girls, grasp in a trice -the tottering trees upon their banks, as they rush onwards to the -sea. The earth becomes covered with young blades of grass, and the -forests clothe themselves with golden buds-- - - - The mountains fill the soul with yearning thoughts of love, - When rain-charged clouds bend down to kiss the tow'ring rocks, - When all around upon their slopes the streams gush down, - And throngs of peacocks that begin to dance are seen. - - -Next comes the autumn, beauteous as a newly-wedded bride, with face -of full-blown lotuses, with robe of sugarcane and ripening rice, with -the cry of flamingoes representing the tinkling of her anklets. The -graceful creepers vie with the arms of lovely women, and the jasmine, -showing through the crimson açoka blossoms, rivals the dazzling teeth -and red lips of smiling maidens. - -Winter follows, when the rice ripens, while the lotus fades and the -fields in the morning are covered with rime-- - - - Then the Priyangu creeper, reaching ripeness, - Buffeted constantly by chilling breezes, - Grows, O Beloved, ever pale and paler, - Like lonely maiden from her lover parted. - - -This is the time dear to lovers, whose joys the poet describes in -glowing colours. - -In the cold season a fire and the mild rays of the sun are -pleasant. The night does not attract lovers now, for the moonbeams -are cold and the light of the stars is pale. - -The poet dwells longest on the delights of spring, the last of the -six seasons. It is then that maidens, with karnikara flowers on their -ears, with red açoka blossoms and sprays of jasmine in their locks, -go to meet their lovers. Then the hum of intoxicated bees is heard, -and the note of the Indian cuckoo; then the blossoms of the mango-tree -are seen: these are the sharp arrows wherewith the god of the flowery -bow enflames the hearts of maidens to love. - -A lyric poem of a very artificial character, and consisting of only -twenty-two stanzas, is the Ghata-karpara, or "Potsherd," called after -the author's name, which is worked into the last verse. The date of -the poet is unknown. He is mentioned as one of the "nine gems" at -the court of the mythical Vikramaditya in the verse already mentioned. - -The Chaura-panchaçika, or "Fifty Stanzas of the Thief," is a -lyrical poem which contains many beauties. Its author was the -Kashmirian Bilhana, who belongs to the later half of the eleventh -century. According to the romantic tradition, this poet secretly -enjoyed the love of a princess, and when found out was condemned -to death. He thereupon composed fifty stanzas, each beginning with -the words "Even now I remember," in which he describes with glowing -enthusiasm the joys of love he had experienced. Their effect on the -king was so great that he forgave the poet and bestowed on him the -hand of his daughter. - -The main bulk of the lyrical creations of mediĉval India are not -connected poems of considerable length, but consist of that miniature -painting which, as with a few strokes, depicts an amatory situation -or sentiment in a single stanza of four lines. These lyrics are in -many respects cognate to the sententious poetry which the Indians -cultivated with such eminent success. Bearing evidence of great -wealth of observation and depth of feeling, they are often drawn by -a master-hand. Many of them are in matter and form gems of perfect -beauty. Some of their charm is, however, lost in translation owing -to the impossibility of reproducing the elaborate metres employed in -the original. Several Sanskrit poets composed collections of these -miniature lyrics. - -The most eminent of these authors is Bhartrihari, grammarian, -philosopher, and poet in one. Only the literary training of India -could make such a combination possible, and even there it has hardly -a parallel. Bhartrihari lived in the first half of the seventh -century. The Chinese traveller I Tsing, who spent more than twenty -years in India at the end of that century, records that, having -turned Buddhist monk, the poet again became a layman, and fluctuated -altogether seven times between the monastery and the world. Bhartrihari -blamed himself for, but could not overcome, his inconstancy. He wrote -three centuries of detached stanzas. Of the first and last, which are -sententious in character, there will be occasion to say something -later. Only the second, entitled Çringara-çataka, or "Century of -Love," deals with erotic sentiment. Here Bhartrihari, in graceful and -meditative verse, shows himself to be well acquainted both with the -charms of women and with the arts by which they captivate the hearts -of men. Who, he asks in one of these miniature poems, is not filled -with yearning thoughts of love in spring, when the air swoons with -the scent of the mango blossom and is filled with the hum of bees -intoxicated with honey? In another he avers that none can resist the -charms of lotus-eyed maidens, not even learned men, whose utterances -about renouncing love are mere idle words. The poet himself laments -that, when his beloved is away, the brightness goes out of his life-- - - - Beside the lamp, the flaming hearth, - In light of sun or moon and stars, - Without my dear one's lustrous eyes - This world is wholly dark to me. - - -At the same time he warns the unwary against reflecting over-much on -female beauty-- - - - Let not thy thoughts, O Wanderer, - Roam in that forest, woman's form: - For there a robber ever lurks, - Ready to strike--the God of Love. - - -In another stanza the Indian Cupid appears as a fisherman, who, -casting on the ocean of this world a hook called woman, quickly -catches men as fishes eager for the bait of ruddy lips, and bakes -them in the fire of love. - -Strange are the contradictions in which the poet finds himself involved -by loving a maiden-- - - - Remembered she but causes pain; - At sight of her my madness grows; - When touched, she makes my senses reel: - How, pray, can such an one be loved? - - -So towards the end of the Century the poet's heart begins to turn -from the allurements of love. "Cease, maiden," he exclaims, "to cast -thy glances on me: thy trouble is in vain. I am an altered man; youth -has gone by and my thoughts are bent on the forest; my infatuation is -over, and the whole world I now account but as a wisp of straw." Thus -Bhartrihari prepares the way for his third collection, the "Century -of Renunciation." - -A short but charming treasury of detached erotic verses is the -Çringara-tilaka, which tradition attributes to Kalidasa. In its -twenty-three stanzas occur some highly imaginative analogies, worked -out with much originality. In one of them, for instance, the poet -asks how it comes that a maiden, whose features and limbs resemble -various tender flowers, should have a heart of stone. In another he -compares his mistress to a hunter-- - - - This maiden like a huntsman is; - Her brow is like the bow he bends; - Her sidelong glances are his darts; - My heart's the antelope she slays. - - -The most important lyrical work of this kind is the Amaruçataka, -or "Hundred stanzas of Amaru." The author is a master in the art of -painting lovers in all their moods, bliss and dejection, anger and -devotion. He is especially skilful in depicting the various stages of -estrangement and reconciliation. It is remarkable how, with a subject -so limited, in situations and emotions so similar, the poet succeeds -in arresting the attention with surprising turns of thought, and -with subtle touches which are ever new. The love which Amaru as well -as other Indian lyrists portrays is not of the romantic and ideal, -but rather of the sensuous type. Nevertheless his work often shows -delicacy of feeling and refinement of thought. Such, for instance, -is the case when he describes a wife watching in the gloaming for -the return of her absent husband. - -Many lyrical gems are to be found preserved in the Sanskrit treatises -on poetics. One such is a stanza on the red açoka. In this the poet -asks the tree to say whither his mistress has gone; it need not shake -its head in the wind, as if to say it did not know; for how could it -be flowering so brilliantly had it not been touched by the foot of -his beloved? [12] - -In all this lyrical poetry the plant and animal world plays an -important part and is treated with much charm. Of flowers, the lotus -is the most conspicuous. One of these stanzas, for example, describes -the day-lotuses as closing their calyx-eyes in the evening, because -unwilling to see the sun, their spouse and benefactor, sink down bereft -of his rays. Another describes with pathetic beauty the dream of a bee: -"The night will pass, the fair dawn will come, the sun will rise, -the lotuses will laugh;" while a bee thus mused within the calyx, -an elephant, alas! tore up the lotus plant. - -Various birds to which poetical myths are attached are frequently -introduced as furnishing analogies to human life and love. The chataka, -which would rather die of thirst than drink aught but the raindrops -from the cloud, affords an illustration of pride. The chakora, -supposed to imbibe the rays of the moon, affords a parallel to the -lover who with his eyes drinks in the beams of his beloved's face. The -chakravaka, which, fabled to be condemned to nocturnal separation -from his mate, calls to her with plaintive cry during the watches of -the night, serves as an emblem of conjugal fidelity. - -In all this lyric poetry the bright eyes and beauty of Indian girls -find a setting in scenes brilliant with blossoming trees, fragrant -with flowers, gay with the plumage and vocal with the song of birds, -diversified with lotus ponds steeped in tropical sunshine and with -large-eyed gazelles reclining in the shade. Some of its gems are well -worthy of having inspired the genius of Heine to produce such lyrics -as Die Lotosblume and Auf Flügeln des Gesanges. - -A considerable amount of lyrical poetry of the same type has also been -produced in Prakrit, especially in the extensive anthology entitled -Saptaçataka, or "Seven Centuries," of the poet Hala, who probably -lived before A.D. 1000. It contains many beauties, and is altogether a -rich treasury of popular Indian lyrical poetry. It must suffice here -to refer to but one of the stanzas contained in this collection. In -this little poem the moon is described as a white swan sailing on -the pure nocturnal lake of the heavens, studded with starry lotuses. - -The transitional stage between pure lyric and pure drama is represented -by the Gitagovinda, or "Cowherd in Song," a lyrical drama, which, -though dating from the twelfth century, is the earliest literary -specimen of a primitive type of play that still survives in Bengal, -and must have preceded the regular dramas. The poem contains no -dialogue in the proper sense, for its three characters only engage -in a kind of lyrical monologue, of which one of the other two is -supposed to be an auditor, sometimes even no one at all. The subject -of the poem is the love of Krishna for the beautiful cowherdess Radha, -the estrangement of the lovers, and their final reconciliation. It is -taken from that episode of Krishna's life in which he himself was a -herdsman (go-vinda), living on the banks of the Yamuna, and enjoying -to the full the love of the cowherdesses. The only three characters -of the poem are Krishna, Radha, and a confidante of the latter. - -Its author, Jayadeva, was probably a native of Bengal, having been -a contemporary of a Bengal king named Lakshmanasena. It is probable -that he took as his model popular plays representing incidents from -the life of Krishna, as the modern yatras in Bengal still do. The -latter festival plays even now consist chiefly of lyrical stanzas, -partly recited and partly sung, the dialogue being but scanty, and to -a considerable extent left to improvisation. On such a basis Jayadeva -created his highly artificial poem. The great perfection of form he -has here attained, by combining grace of diction with ease in handling -the most difficult metres, has not failed to win the admiration of -all who are capable of reading the original Sanskrit. Making abundant -use of alliteration and the most complex rhymes occurring, as in the -Nalodaya, not only at the end, but in the middle of metrical lines, -[13] the poet has adapted the most varied and melodious measures -to the expression of exuberant erotic emotions, with a skill which -could not be surpassed. It seems impossible to reproduce Jayadeva's -verse adequately in an English garb. The German poet Rückert, has, -however, come as near to the highly artificial beauty of the original, -both in form and matter, as is feasible in any translation. - -It is somewhat strange that a poem which describes the transports of -sensual love with all the exuberance of an Oriental fancy should, -in the present instance, and not for the first time, have received -an allegorical explanation in a mystical religious sense. According -to Indian interpreters, the separation of Krishna and Radha, their -seeking for each other, and their final reconciliation represent the -relation of the supreme deity to the human soul. This may possibly -have been the intention of Jayadeva, though only as a leading idea, -not to be followed out in detail. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE DRAMA - -(Circa 400-1000 A.D.) - - -To the European mind the history of the Indian drama cannot but be -a source of abundant interest; for here we have an important branch -of literature which has had a full and varied national development, -quite independent of Western influence, and which throws much light -on Hindu social customs during the five or six centuries preceding -the Muhammadan conquest. - -The earliest forms of dramatic literature in India are represented by -those hymns of the Rigveda which contain dialogues, such as those of -Sarama and the Panis, Yama and Yami, Pururavas and Urvaçi, the latter, -indeed, being the foundation of a regular play composed much more than -a thousand years later by the greatest dramatist of India. The origin -of the acted drama is, however, wrapt in obscurity. Nevertheless, -the evidence of tradition and of language suffice to direct us with -considerable probability to its source. - -The words for actor (nata) and play (nataka) are derived from the -verb nat, the Prakrit or vernacular form of the Sanskrit nrit, -"to dance." The name is familiar to English ears in the form of -nautch, the Indian dancing of the present day. The latter, indeed, -probably represents the beginnings of the Indian drama. It must at -first have consisted only of rude pantomime, in which the dancing -movements of the body were accompanied by mute mimicking gestures of -hand and face. Songs, doubtless, also early formed an ingredient in -such performances. Thus Bharata, the name of the mythical inventor -of the drama, which in Sanskrit also means "actor," in several of the -vernaculars signifies "singer," as in the Gujarati Bharot. The addition -of dialogue was the last step in the development, which was thus much -the same in India and in Greece. This primitive stage is represented by -the Bengal yatras and the Gitagovinda. These form the transition to the -fully-developed Sanskrit play in which lyrics and dialogue are blended. - -The earliest references to the acted drama are to be found in the -Mahabhashya, which mentions representations of the Kamsavadha, the -"Slaying of Kamsa," and the Balibandha, or "Binding of Bali," episodes -in the history of Krishna. Indian tradition describes Bharata as having -caused to be acted before the gods a play representing the svayamvara -of Lakshmi, wife of Vishnu. Tradition further makes Krishna and his -cowherdesses the starting-point of the samgita, a representation -consisting of a mixture of song, music, and dancing. The Gitagovinda -is concerned with Krishna, and the modern yatras generally represent -scenes from the life of that deity. From all this it seems likely -that the Indian drama was developed in connection with the cult of -Vishnu-Krishna, and that the earliest acted representations were -therefore, like the mysteries of the Christian Middle Ages, a kind -of religious plays, in which scenes from the legend of the god were -enacted mainly with the aid of song and dance, supplemented with -prose dialogue improvised by the performers. - -The drama has had a rich and varied development in India, as is -shown not only by the numerous plays that have been preserved, but -by the native treatises on poetics which contain elaborate rules for -the construction and style of plays. Thus the Sahitya-darpana, or -"Mirror of Rhetoric," divides Sanskrit dramas into two main classes, -a higher (rupaka) and a lower (uparupaka), and distinguishes no fewer -than ten species of the former and eighteen of the latter. - -The characteristic features of the Indian drama which strike the -Western student are the entire absence of tragedy, the interchange -of lyrical stanzas with prose dialogue, and the use of Sanskrit for -some characters and of Prakrit for others. - -The Sanskrit drama is a mixed composition, in which joy is mingled -with sorrow, in which the jester usually plays a prominent part, while -the hero and heroine are often in the depths of despair. But it never -has a sad ending. The emotions of terror, grief, or pity, with which -the audience are inspired, are therefore always tranquillised by the -happy termination of the story. Nor may any deeply tragic incident -take place in the course of the play; for death is never allowed to -be represented on the stage. Indeed nothing considered indecorous, -whether of a serious or comic character, is allowed to be enacted in -the sight or hearing of the spectators, such as the utterance of a -curse, degradation, banishment, national calamity, biting, scratching, -kissing, eating, or sleeping. - -Sanskrit plays are full of lyrical passages describing scenes or -persons presented to view, or containing reflections suggested -by the incidents that occur. They usually consist of four-line -stanzas. Çakuntala contains nearly two hundred such, representing -something like one half of the whole play. These lyrical passages are -composed in a great many different metres. Thus the first thirty-four -stanzas of Çakuntala exhibit no fewer than eleven varieties of -verse. It is not possible, as in the case of the simple Vedic metres, -to imitate in English the almost infinite resources of the complicated -and entirely quantitative classical Sanskrit measures. The spirit -of the lyrical passages is, therefore, probably best reproduced by -using blank verse as the familiar metre of our drama. The prose of -the dialogue in the plays is often very commonplace, serving only as -an introduction to the lofty sentiment of the poetry that follows. - -In accordance with their social position, the various characters in a -Sanskrit play speak different dialects. Sanskrit is employed only by -heroes, kings, Brahmans, and men of high rank; Prakrit by all women -and by men of the lower orders. Distinctions are further made in the -use of Prakrit itself. Thus women of high position employ Maharashtri -in lyrical passages, but otherwise they, as well as children and -the better class of servants, speak Çauraseni. Magadhi is used, -for instance, by attendants in the royal palace, Avanti by rogues -or gamblers, Abhiri by cowherds, Paiçachi by charcoal-burners, -and Apabhramça by the lowest and most despised people as well as -barbarians. - -The Sanskrit dramatists show considerable skill in weaving the -incidents of the plot and in the portrayal of individual character, -but do not show much fertility of invention, commonly borrowing -the story of their plays from history or epic legend. Love is the -subject of most Indian dramas. The hero, usually a king, already -the husband of one or more wives, is smitten at first sight with -the charms of some fair maiden. The heroine, equally susceptible, -at once reciprocates his affection, but concealing her passion, keeps -her lover in agonies of suspense. Harassed by doubts, obstacles, and -delays, both are reduced to a melancholy and emaciated condition. The -somewhat doleful effect produced by their plight is relieved by the -animated doings of the heroine's confidantes, but especially by the -proceedings of the court-jester (vidushaka), the constant companion -of the hero. He excites ridicule by his bodily defects no less than -his clumsy interference with the course of the hero's affairs. His -attempts at wit are, however, not of a high order. It is somewhat -strange that a character occupying the position of a universal, -butt should always be a Brahman. - -While the Indian drama shows some affinities with Greek comedy, it -affords more striking points of resemblance to the productions of the -Elizabethan playwrights, and in particular of Shakespeare. The aim -of the Indian dramatists is not to portray types of character, but -individual persons; nor do they observe the rule of unity of time or -place. They are given to introducing romantic and fabulous elements; -they mix prose with verse; they blend the comic with the serious, and -introduce puns and comic distortions of words. The character of the -vidushaka, too, is a close parallel to the fool in Shakespeare. Common -to both are also several contrivances intended to further the action -of the drama, such as the writing of letters, the introduction of a -play within a play, the restoration of the dead to life, and the use -of intoxication on the stage as a humorous device. Such a series of -coincidences, in a case where influence or borrowing is absolutely out -of the question, is an instructive instance of how similar developments -can arise independently. - -Every Sanskrit play begins with a prologue or introduction, which -regularly opens with a prayer or benediction (nandi) invoking the -national deity in favour of the audience. Then generally follows a -dialogue between the stage-manager and one or two actors, which refers -to the play and its author, seeks to win public favour by paying -a complimentary tribute to the critical acumen of the spectators, -mentions past events and present circumstances elucidating the plot, -and invariably ends by adroitly introducing one of the characters of -the actual play. A Sanskrit drama is divided into scenes and acts. The -former are marked by the entrance of one character and the exit of -another. The stage is never left vacant till the end of the act, -nor does any change of locality take place till then. Before a new -act an interlude (called vishkambha or praveçaka), consisting of a -monologue or dialogue, is often introduced. In this scene allusion -is made to events supposed to have occurred in the interval, and the -audience are prepared for what is about to take place. The whole piece -closes with a prayer for national prosperity, which is addressed to -the favourite deity and is spoken by one of the principal characters. - -The number of acts in a play varies from one to ten; but, while -fluctuating somewhat, is determined by the character of the drama. Thus -the species called natika has four acts and the farcical prahasana -only one. - -The duration of the events is supposed to be identical with the -time occupied in performing them on the stage, or, at most, a day; -and a night is assumed to elapse between each act and that which -follows. Occasionally, however, the interval is much longer. Thus in -Kalidasa's Çakuntala and Urvaçi several years pass between the first -and the last act; while in Bhavabhuti's Uttara-ramacharita no less -than twelve years elapse between the first and the second act. - -Nor is unity of place observed; for the scene may be transferred from -one part of the earth to another, or even to the aërial regions. Change -of locality sometimes occurs even within the same act; as when a -journey is supposed to be performed through the air in a celestial -car. It is somewhat curious that while there are many and minute -stage directions about dress and decorations no less than about the -actions of the players, nothing is said in this way as to change -of scene. As regards the number of characters appearing in a play, -no limit of any kind is imposed. - -There were no special theatres in the Indian Middle Ages, and plays -seem to have been performed in the concert-room (samgita-çala) of royal -palaces. A curtain divided in the middle was a necessary part of the -stage arrangement; it did not, however, separate the audience from -the stage, as in the Roman theatre, but formed the background of the -stage. Behind the curtain was the tiring-room (nepathya), whence the -actors came on the stage. When they were intended to enter hurriedly, -they were directed to do so "with a toss of the curtain." The stage -scenery and decorations were of a very simple order, much being -left to the imagination of the spectator, as in the Shakespearean -drama. Weapons, seats, thrones, and chariots appeared on the stage; -but it is highly improbable that the latter were drawn by the living -animals supposed to be attached to them. Owing to the very frequent -intercourse between the inhabitants of heaven and earth, there may -have been some kind of aërial contrivance to represent celestial -chariots; but owing to the repeated occurrence of the stage direction -"gesticulating" (natayitva) in this connection, it is to be supposed -that the impression of motion and speed was produced on the audience -simply by the gestures of the actors. - -The best productions of the Indian drama are nearly a dozen in number, -and date from a period embracing something like four hundred years, -from about the beginning of the fifth to the end of the eighth century -A.D. These plays are the compositions of the great dramatists Kalidasa -and Bhavabhuti, or have come down under the names of the royal patrons -Çudraka and Çriharsha, to whom their real authors attributed them. - -The greatest of all is Kalidasa, already known to us as the author of -several of the best Kavyas. Three of his plays have been preserved, -Çakuntala, Vikramorvaçi, and Malavikagnimitra. The richness of creative -fancy which he displays in these, and his skill in the expression -of tender feeling, assign him a high place among the dramatists of -the world. The harmony of the poetic sentiment is nowhere disturbed -by anything violent or terrifying. Every passion is softened without -being enfeebled. The ardour of love never goes beyond ĉsthetic bounds; -it never maddens to wild jealousy or hate. The torments of sorrow -are toned down to a profound and touching melancholy. It was here at -last that the Indian genius found the law of moderation in poetry, -which it hardly knew elsewhere, and thus produced works of enduring -beauty. Hence it was that Çakuntala exercised so great a fascination -on the calm intellect of Goethe, who at the same time was so strongly -repelled by the extravagances of Hindu mythological art. - -In comparison with the Greek and the modern drama, Nature occupies -a much more important place in Sanskrit plays. The characters are -surrounded by Nature, with which they are in constant communion. The -mango and other trees, creepers, lotuses, and pale-red trumpet-flowers, -gazelles, flamingoes, bright-hued parrots, and Indian cuckoos, in -the midst of which they move, are often addressed by them and form an -essential part of their lives. Hence the influence of Nature on the -minds of lovers is much dwelt on. Prominent everywhere in classical -Sanskrit poetry, these elements of Nature luxuriate most of all in -the drama. - -The finest of Kalidasa's works are, it cannot be denied, defective -as stage-plays. The very delicacy of the sentiment, combined with -a certain want of action, renders them incapable of producing a -powerful effect on an audience. The best representatives of the -romantic drama of India are Çakuntala and Vikramorvaçi. Dealing -with the love adventures of two famous kings of ancient epic legend, -they represent scenes far removed from reality, in which heaven and -earth are not separated, and men, demigods, nymphs, and saints are -intermingled. Malavikagnimitra, on the other hand, not concerned -with the heroic or divine, is a palace-and-harem drama, a story of -contemporary love and intrigue. - -The plot of Çakuntala is derived from the first book of the -Mahabharata. The hero is Dushyanta, a celebrated king of ancient -days, the heroine, Çakuntala, the daughter of a celestial nymph, -Menaka, and of the sage Viçvamitra; while their son, Bharata, became -the founder of a famous race. The piece consists of seven acts, and -belongs to the class of drama by native writers on poetics styled -nataka, or "the play." In this the plot must be taken from mythology -or history, the characters must be heroic or divine; it should be -written in elaborate style, and full of noble sentiments, with five -acts at least, and not more than ten. - -After the prelude, in which an actress sings a charming lyric on the -beauties of summer-time, King Dushyanta appears pursuing a gazelle in -the sacred grove of the sage Kanva. Here he catches sight of Çakuntala, -who, accompanied by her two maiden friends, is engaged in watering -her favourite trees. Struck by her beauty, he exclaims-- - - - Her lip is ruddy as an opening bud. - Her graceful arms resemble tender shoots: - Attractive as the bloom upon the tree, - The glow of youth is spread on all her limbs. - - -Seizing an opportunity of addressing her, he soon feels that it is -impossible for him to return to his capital-- - - - My limbs move forward, while my heart flies back, - Like silken standard borne against the breeze. - - -In the second act the comic element is introduced with the jester -Mathavya, who is as much disgusted with his master's love-lorn -condition as with his fondness for the chase. In the third act, -the love-sick Çakuntala is discovered lying on a bed of flowers in -an arbour. The king overhears her conversation with her two friends, -shows himself, and offers to wed the heroine. An interlude explains -how a choleric ascetic, named Durvasa, enraged at not being greeted -by Çakuntala with due courtesy, owing to her pre-occupied state, had -pronounced a curse which should cause her to be entirely forgotten -by her lover, who could recognise her only by means of a ring. - -The king having meanwhile married Çakuntala and returned home, -the sage Kanva has resolved to send her to her husband. The way in -which Çakuntala takes leave of the sacred grove in which she has -been brought up, of her flowers, her gazelles, and her friends, -is charmingly described in the fourth act. This is the act which -contains the most obvious beauties; for here the poet displays to the -full the richness of his fancy, his abundant sympathy with Nature, -and a profound knowledge of the human heart. - -A young Brahman pupil thus describes the dawning of the day on which -Çakuntala is to leave the forest hermitage-- - - - On yonder side the moon, the Lord of Plants, - Sinks down behind the western mountain's crest; - On this, the sun preceded by the dawn - Appears: the setting and the rise at once - Of these two orbs the symbols are of man's - Own fluctuating fortunes in the world. - - -Then he continues-- - - - The moon has gone; the lilies on the lake, - Whose beauty lingers in the memory, - No more delight my gaze: they droop and fade; - Deep is their sorrow for their absent lord. - - -The aged hermit of the grove thus expresses his feelings at the -approaching loss of Çakuntala-- - - - My heart is touched with sadness at the thought - "Çakuntala must go to-day"; my throat - Is choked with flow of tears repressed; my sight - Is dimmed with pensiveness; but if the grief - Of an old forest hermit is so great, - How keen must be the pang a father feels - When freshly parted from a cherished child! - - -Then calling on the trees to give her a kindly farewell, he exclaims-- - - - The trees, the kinsmen of her forest home, - Now to Çakuntala give leave to go: - They with the Kokila's melodious cry - Their answer make. - - -Thereupon the following good wishes are uttered by voices in the air-- - - - Thy journey be auspicious; may the breeze, - Gentle and soothing, fan thy cheek; may lakes - All bright with lily cups delight thine eye; - The sunbeams' heat be cooled by shady trees; - The dust beneath thy feet the pollen be - Of lotuses. - - -The fifth act, in which Çakuntala appears before her husband, is deeply -moving. The king fails to recognise her, and, though treating her not -unkindly, refuses to acknowledge her as his wife. As a last resource, -Çakuntala bethinks herself of the ring given her by her husband, -but on discovering that it is lost, abandons hope. She is then borne -off to heaven by celestial agency. - -In the following interlude we see a fisherman dragged along by -constables for having in his possession the royal signet-ring, which he -professes to have found inside a fish. The king, however, causes him -to be set free, rewarding him handsomely for his find. Recollection -of his former love now returns to Dushyanta. While he is indulging in -sorrow at his repudiation of Çakuntala, Matali, Indra's charioteer, -appears on the scene to ask the king's aid in vanquishing the demons. - -In the last act Dushyanta is seen driving in Indra's car to Hemakuta, -the mountain of the Gandharvas. Here he sees a young boy playing with -a lion cub. Taking his hand, without knowing him to be his own son, -he exclaims-- - - - If now the touch of but a stranger's child - Thus sends a thrill of joy through all my limbs, - What transports must he waken in the soul - Of that blest father from whose loins he sprang! - - -Soon after he finds and recognises Çakuntala, with whom he is at -length happily reunited. - -Kalidasa's play has come down to us in two main recensions. The -so-called Devanagari one, shorter and more concise, is probably the -older and better. The more diffuse Bengal recension became known -first through the translation of Sir William Jones. - -Vikramorvaçi, or "Urvaçi won by Valour," is a play in five acts, -belonging to the class called Trotaka, which is described as -representing events partly terrestrial and partly celestial, and as -consisting of five, seven, eight, or nine acts. Its plot is briefly -as follows. King Pururavas, hearing from nymphs that their companion, -Urvaçi, has been carried off by demons, goes to the rescue and brings -her back on his car. He is enraptured by the beauty of the nymph, no -less than she is captivated by her deliverer. Urvaçi being summoned -before the throne of Indra, the lovers are soon obliged to part. - -In the second act Urvaçi appears for a short time to the king as -he disconsolately wanders in the garden. A letter, in which she -had written a confession of her love, is discovered by the queen, -who refuses to be pacified. - -In the third act we learn that Urvaçi had been acting before Indra -in a play representing the betrothal of Lakshmi, and had, when asked -on whom her heart was set, named Pururavas instead of Purushottama -(i.e. Vishnu). She is consequently cursed by her teacher, Bharata, -but is forgiven by Indra, who allows her to be united with Pururavas -till the latter sees his offspring. - -The fourth act is peculiar in being almost entirely lyrical. The -lovers are wandering near Kailasa, the divine mountain, when Urvaçi, -in a fit of jealousy, enters the grove of Kumara, god of war, which is -forbidden to all females. In consequence of Bharata's curse, she is -instantly transformed into a creeper. The king, beside himself with -grief at her loss, seeks her everywhere. He apostrophises various -insects, birds, beasts, and even a mountain peak, to tell him where -she is. At last he thinks he sees her in the mountain stream:-- - - - The rippling wave is like her frown; the row - Of tossing birds her girdle; streaks of foam - Her flutt'ring garment as she speeds along; - The current, her devious and stumbling gait: - 'Tis she turned in her wrath into a stream. - - -Finally, under the influence of a magic stone, which has come into -his possession, he clasps a creeper, which is transformed into Urvaçi -in his arms. - -Between the fourth and fifth acts several years elapse. Then Pururavas, -by accident, discovers his son Ayus, whom Urvaçi had secretly borne, -and had caused to be brought up in a hermitage. Urvaçi must therefore -return to heaven. Indra, however, in return for Pururavas' services -against the demons, makes a new concession, and allows the nymph to -remain with the king for good. - -There are two recensions of this play also, one of them belonging to -Southern India. - -The doubts long entertained, on the ground of its inferiority and -different character, as to whether Malavikagnimitra, or "Malavika and -Agnimitra," is really the work of Kalidasa, who is mentioned in the -prologue as the author, are hardly justified. The piece has been shown -by Weber to agree pretty closely in thought and diction with the two -other plays of the poet; and though certainly not equal to the latter -in poetic merit, it possesses many beauties. The subject is not heroic -or divine, the plot being derived from the ordinary palace life of -Indian princes, and thus supplying a peculiarly good picture of the -social conditions of the times. The hero is a historical king of the -dynasty of the Çungas, who reigned at Vidiça (Bhilsa) in the second -century B.C. The play describes the loves of this king Agnimitra and -of Malavika, one of the attendants of the queen, who jealously keeps -her out of the king's sight on account of her great beauty. The various -endeavours of the king to see and converse with Malavika give rise to -numerous little intrigues. In the course of these Agnimitra nowhere -appears as a despot, but acts with much delicate consideration for -the feelings of his spouses. It finally turns out that Malavika is by -birth a princess, who had only come to be an attendant at Agnimitra's -court through having fallen into the hands of robbers. There being -now no objection to her union with the king, all ends happily. - -While Kalidasa stands highest in poetical refinement, in tenderness, -and depth of feeling, the author of the Mricchakatika, or "Clay Cart," -is pre-eminent among Indian playwrights for the distinctively dramatic -qualities of vigour, life, and action, no less than sharpness of -characterisation, being thus allied in genius to Shakespeare. This -play is also marked by originality and good sense. Attributed to -a king named Çudraka, who is panegyrised in the prologue, it is -probably the work of a poet patronised by him, perhaps Dandin, as -Professor Pischel thinks. In any case, it not improbably belongs -to the sixth century. It is divided into ten acts, and belongs to -the dramatic class called prakarana. The name has little to do with -the play, being derived from an unimportant episode of the sixth -act. The scene is laid in Ujjayini and its neighbourhood. The number -of characters appearing on the stage is very considerable. The chief -among them are Charudatta, a Brahman merchant who has lost all his -property by excessive liberality, and Vasantasena, a rich courtesan -who loves the poor but noble Charudatta, and ultimately becomes his -wife. The third act contains a humorous account of a burglary, in -which stealing is treated as a fine art. In the fourth act there is a -detailed description of the splendours of Vasantasena's palace. Though -containing much exaggeration, it furnishes an interesting picture of -the kind of luxury that prevailed in those days. Altogether this play -abounds in comic situations, besides containing many serious scenes, -some of which even border on the tragic. - -To the first half of the seventh century belong the two dramas -attributed to the famous King Çriharsha or Harshadeva, a patron -of poets, whom we already know as Harshavardhana of Thaneçar and -Kanauj. Ratnavali, or "The Pearl Necklace," reflecting the court and -harem life of the age, has many points of similarity with Kalidasa's -Malavikagnimitra, by which, indeed, its plot was probably suggested. It -is the story of the loves of Udayana, king of Vatsa, and of Sagarika, -an attendant of his queen Vasavadatta. The heroine ultimately turns -out to be Ratnavali, princess of Ceylon, who had found her way to -Udayana's court after suffering shipwreck. The plot is unconnected -with mythology, but is based on an historical or epic tradition, which -recurs in a somewhat different form in Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara. As -concerned with the second marriage of the king, it forms a sequel to -the popular love-story of Vasavadatta. It is impossible to say whether -the poet modified the main outlines of the traditional story, but the -character of the magician who conjures up a vision of the gods and a -conflagration, is his invention, as well as the incidents, which are -of an entirely domestic nature. The real author was doubtless some -poet resident at Çriharsha's court, possibly Bana, who also wrote a -play entitled Parvatiparinaya. - -Altogether, Ratnavali is an agreeable play, with well-drawn characters -and many poetical beauties. Of the latter the following lines, in -which the king describes the pale light in the east heralding the -rise of the moon, may serve as a specimen:-- - - - Our minds intent upon the festival, - We saw not that the twilight passed away: - Behold, the east proclaims the lord of night - Still hidden by the mountain where he rises, - Even as a maiden by her pale face shows - That in her inmost heart a lover dwells. - - -Another play of considerable merit attributed to Çriharsha is -Nagananda. It is a sensational piece with a Buddhistic colouring, the -hero being a Buddhist and Buddha being praised in the introductory -benediction. For this reason its author was probably different from -that of Ratnavali, and may have been Dhavaka, who, like Bana, is -known to have lived at the court of Çriharsha. - -The dramatist Bhavabhuti was a Brahman of the Taittiriya school of the -Yajurveda and belonged, as we learn from his prologues, to Vidarbha -(now Berar) in Southern India. He knew the city of Ujjayini well, -and probably spent at least a part of his life there. His patron was -King Yaçovarman of Kanyakubja (Kanauj), who ruled during the first -half of the eighth century. - -Three plays by this poet, all abounding in poetic beauties, have come -down to us. They contrast in two or three respects with the works of -the earlier dramatists. The absence of the character of the jester is -characteristic of them, the comic and witty element entering into them -only to a slight extent. While other Indian poets dwell on the delicate -and mild beauties of Nature, Bhavabhuti loves to depict her grand and -sublime aspects, doubtless owing to the influence on his mind of the -southern mountains of his native land. He is, moreover, skilful not -only in drawing characters inspired by tender and noble sentiment, -but in giving effective expression to depth and force of passion. - -The best known and most popular of Bhavabhuti's plays is -Malati-madhava, a prakarana in ten acts. The scene is laid in Ujjayini, -and the subject is the love-story of Malati, daughter of a minister -of the country, and Madhava, a young scholar studying in the city, -and son of the minister of another state. Skilfully interwoven with -this main story are the fortunes of Makaranda, a friend of Madhava, -and Madayantika, a sister of the king's favourite. Malati and Madhava -meet and fall in love; but the king has determined that the heroine -shall marry his favourite, whom she detests. This plan is frustrated by -Makaranda, who, personating Malati, goes through the wedding ceremony -with the bridegroom. The lovers, aided in their projects by two amiable -Buddhist nuns, are finally united. The piece is a sort of Indian Romeo -and Juliet with a happy ending, the part played by the nun Kamandaki -being analogous to that of Friar Laurence in Shakespeare's drama. The -contrast produced by scenes of tender love, and the horrible doings -of the priestess of the dread goddess Durga, is certainly effective, -but perhaps too violent. The use made of swoons, from which the -recovery is, however, very rapid, is rather too common in this play. - -The ninth act contains several fine passages describing the scenery -of the Vindhya range. The following is a translation of one of them:-- - - - This mountain with its towering rocks delights - The eye: its peaks grow dark with gathering clouds; - Its groves are thronged with peacocks eloquent - In joy; the trees upon its slopes are bright - With birds that flit about their nests; the caves - Reverberate the growl of bears; the scent - Of incense-trees is wafted, sharp and cool, - From branches broken off by elephants. - - -The other two dramas of Bhavabhuti represent the fortunes of the -same national hero, Rama. The plot of the Mahavira-charita, or "The -Fortunes of the Great Hero," varies but slightly from the story told -in the Ramayana. The play, which is divided into seven acts and is -crowded with characters, concludes with the coronation of Rama. The -last act illustrates well how much is left to the imagination of the -spectator. It represents the journey of Rama in an aërial car from -Ceylon all the way to Ayodhya (Oudh) in Northern India, the scenes -traversed being described by one of the company. - -The Uttara-rama-charita, or "The Later Fortunes of Rama," is a -romantic piece containing many fine passages. Owing to lack of action, -however, it is rather a dramatic poem than a play. The description of -the tender love of Rama and Sita, purified by sorrow, exhibits more -genuine pathos than appears perhaps in any other Indian drama. The -play begins with the banishment of Sita and ends with her restoration, -after twelve years of grievous solitude, to the throne of Ayodhya -amid popular acclamations. Her two sons, born after her banishment and -reared in the wilderness by the sage Valmiki, without any knowledge of -their royal descent, furnish a striking parallel to the two princes -Guiderius and Arviragus who are brought up by the hermit Belarius in -Shakespeare's Cymbeline. The scene in which their meeting with their -father Rama is described reaches a high degree of poetic merit. - -Among the works of other dramatists, Viçakhadatta's Mudra-rakshasa, -or "Rakshasa and the Seal," deserves special mention because of -its unique character. For, unlike all the other dramas hitherto -described, it is a play of political intrigue, composed, moreover, -with much dramatic talent, being full of life, action, and sustained -interest. Nothing more definite can be said as to its date than that -it was probably written not later than about 800 A.D. The action of -the piece takes place in the time of Chandragupta, who, soon after -Alexander's invasion of India, founded a new dynasty at Pataliputra -by deposing the last king of the Nanda line. Rakshasa, the minister -of the latter, refusing to recognise the usurper, endeavours to be -avenged on him for the ruin of his late master. The plot turns on -the efforts of the Brahman Chanakya, the minister of Chandragupta, -to win over the noble Rakshasa to his master's cause. In this he is -ultimately successful. - -Bhatta Narayana's Venisamhara, or "Binding of the braid of hair," -is a play in six acts, deriving its plot from the Mahabharata. Its -action turns on the incident of Draupadi being dragged by the hair of -her head into the assembly by one of the brothers of Duryodhana. Its -age is known from its author having been the grantee of a copperplate -dated 840 A.D. Though not conspicuous for poetic merit, it has long -been a great favourite in India owing to its express partiality for -the cult of Krishna. - -To about 900 A.D. belongs the poet Rajaçekhara, the distinguishing -feature of whose dramas are lightness and grace of diction. Four -of his plays have survived, and are entitled Viddha-çalabhanjika, -Karpura-manjari, Bala-ramayana, and Prachanda-pandava or Bala-bharata. - -The poet Kshemiçvara, who probably lived in the tenth century -A.D. at Kanyakubja under King Mahipala, is the author of a play named -Chandakauçika, or "The Angry Kauçika." - -In the eleventh century Damodara Miçra composed the Hanuman-nataka, -"The Play of Hanumat," also called Maha-nataka, or "The Great -Play." According to tradition, he lived at the court of Bhoja, king of -Malava, who resided at Dhara (now Dhar) and Ujjayini (Ujjain) in the -early part of the eleventh century. It is a piece of little merit, -dealing with the story of Rama in connection with his ally Hanumat, -the monkey chief. It consists of fourteen acts, lacking coherence, -and producing the impression of fragments patched together. - -Krishna miçra's Prabodha-chandrodaya, or "Rise of the Moon of -Knowledge," a play in six acts, dating from about the end of the -eleventh century, deserves special attention as one of the most -remarkable products of Indian literature. Though an allegorical piece -of theologico-philosophical purport, in which practically only abstract -notions and symbolical figures act as persons, it is remarkable for -dramatic life and vigour. It aims at glorifying orthodox Brahmanism -in the Vishnuite sense, just as the allegorical plays of the Spanish -poet Calderon were intended to exalt the Catholic faith. The Indian -poet has succeeded in the difficult task of creating an attractive -play with abstractions like Revelation, Will, Reason, Religion, by -transforming them into living beings of flesh and blood. The evil -King Error appears on the scene as ruler of Benares, surrounded by -his faithful adherents, the Follies and Vices, while Religion and -the noble King Reason, accompanied by all the Virtues, have been -banished. There is, however, a prophecy that Reason will some day -be re-united with Revelation; the fruit of the union will be True -Knowledge, which will destroy the reign of Error. The struggle for -this union and its consummation, followed by the final triumph of -the good party, forms the plot of the piece. - -A large number of Sanskrit plays have been written since the twelfth -century [14] down to modern times, their plots being generally derived -from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Besides these, there are farces -in one or more acts, mostly of a coarse type, in which various vices, -such as hypocrisy, are satirised. These later productions reach a -much lower level of art than the works of the early Indian dramatists. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -FAIRY TALES AND FABLES - -(Circa 400-1100 A.D.) - - -The didactic and sententious note which prevails in classical -Sanskrit literature cannot fail to strike the student. It is, however, -specially pronounced in the fairy tales and fables, where the abundant -introduction of ethical reflections and proverbial philosophy is -characteristic. The apologue with its moral is peculiarly subject to -this method of treatment. - -A distinguishing feature of the Sanskrit collections of fairy tales -and fables, which are to a considerable extent found mixed together, -is the insertion of a number of different stories within the framework -of a single narrative. The characters of the main story in turn relate -various tales to edify one another or to prove the correctness of their -own special views. As within the limits of a minor story a second -one can be similarly introduced and the process further repeated, -the construction of the whole work comes to resemble that of a set -of Chinese boxes. This style of narration was borrowed from India by -the neighbouring Oriental peoples of Persia and Arabia, who employed -it in composing independent works. The most notable instance is, -of course, the Arabian Nights. - -The Panchatantra, so called because it is divided into five books, is, -from the literary point of view, the most important and interesting -work in this branch of Indian literature. It consists for the most part -of fables, which are written in prose with an admixture of illustrative -aphoristic verse. At what time this collection first assumed definite -shape, it is impossible to say. We know, however, that it existed in -the first half of the sixth century A.D., since it was translated by -order of King Khosru Anushirvan (531-79) into Pehlevi, the literary -language of Persia at that time. We may, indeed, assume that it was -known in the fifth century; for a considerable time must have elapsed -before it became so famous that a foreign king desired its translation. - -If not actually a Buddhistic work, the Panchatantra must be derived -from Buddhistic sources. This follows from the fact that a number of -its fables can be traced to Buddhistic writings, and from the internal -evidence of the book itself. Apologues and fables were current among -the Buddhists from the earliest times. They were ascribed to Buddha, -and their sanctity increased by identifying the best character in -any story with Buddha himself in a previous birth. Hence such tales -were called Jatakas, or "Birth Stories." There is evidence that a -collection of stories under that name existed as early as the Council -of Vesali, about 380 B.C.; and in the fifth century A.D. they assumed -the shape they now have in the Pali Sutta-pitaka. Moreover, two -Chinese encylopĉdias, the older of which was completed in 668 A.D., -contain a large number of Indian fables translated into Chinese, -and cite no fewer than 202 Buddhist works as their sources. In its -present form, however, the Panchatantra is the production of Brahmans, -who, though they transformed or omitted such parts as betrayed animus -against Brahmanism, have nevertheless left uneffaced many traces of -the Buddhistic origin of the collection. Though now divided into only -five books, it is shown by the evidence of the oldest translation to -have at one time embraced twelve. What its original name was we cannot -say, but it may not improbably have been called after the two jackals, -Karataka and Damanaka, who play a prominent part in the first book; -for the title of the old Syriac version is Kalilag and Damnag, and -that of the Arabic translation Kalilah and Dimnah. - -Originally the Panchatantra was probably intended to be a manual for -the instruction of the sons of kings in the principles of conduct -(niti), a kind of "Mirror of Princes." For it is introduced with the -story of King Amaraçakti of Mahilaropya, a city of the south, who -wishes to discover a scholar capable of training his three stupid -and idle sons. He at last finds a Brahman who undertakes to teach -the princes in six months enough to make them surpass all others -in knowledge of moral science. This object he duly accomplishes by -composing the Panchatantra and reciting it to the young princes. - -The framework of the first book, entitled "Separation of Friends," is -the story of a bull and a lion, who are introduced to one another in -the forest by two jackals and become fast friends. One of the jackals, -feeling himself neglected, starts an intrigue by telling both the -lion and the bull that each is plotting against the other. As a result -the bull is killed in battle with the lion, and the jackal, as prime -minister of the latter, enjoys the fruits of his machinations. The -main story of the second book, which is called "Acquisition of -Friends," deals with the adventures of a tortoise, a deer, a crow, -and a mouse. It is meant to illustrate the advantages of judicious -friendships. The third book, or "The War of the Crows and the Owls," -points out the danger of friendship concluded between those who are old -enemies. The fourth book, entitled "Loss of what has been Acquired," -illustrates, by the main story of the monkey and the crocodile, how -fools can be made by flattery to part with their possessions. The fifth -book, entitled "Inconsiderate Action," contains a number of stories -connected with the experiences of a barber, who came to grief through -failing to take all the circumstances of the case into consideration. - -The book is pervaded by a quaint humour which transfers, to the animal -kingdom all sorts of human action. Thus animals devote themselves -to the study of the Vedas and to the practice of religious rites; -they engage in disquisitions about gods, saints, and heroes; or -exchange views regarding subtle rules of ethics; but suddenly their -fierce animal nature breaks out. A pious cat, for instance, called -upon to act as umpire in a dispute between a sparrow and a monkey, -inspires such confidence in the litigants, by a long discourse on the -vanity of life and the supreme importance of virtue, that they come -close up in order to hear better the words of wisdom. In an instant he -seizes one of the disputants with his claws, the other with his teeth, -and devours them both. Very humorous is the story of the conceited -musical donkey. Trespassing one moonlight night in a cucumber field, -he feels impelled to sing, and answers the objections of his friend -the jackal by a lecture on the charms of music. He then begins to bray, -arouses the watchmen, and receives a sound drubbing. - -With abundant irony and satire the most various human vices are -exposed, among others the hypocrisy and avarice of Brahmans, the -intriguing character of courtiers, and the faithlessness of women. A -vigorous popular spirit of reaction against Brahman pretensions here -finds expression, and altogether a sound and healthy view of life -prevails, forming a refreshing contrast to the exaggeration found in -many branches of Indian literature. - -The following translation of a short fable from the first book may -serve as a specimen of the style of the Panchatantra. - -"There was in a certain forest region a herd of monkeys. Once in the -winter season, when their bodies were shivering from contact with the -cold wind, and were buffeted with torrents of rain, they could find -no rest. So some of the monkeys, collecting gunja berries, which are -like sparks, stood round blowing in order to obtain a fire. Now a bird -named Needlebeak, seeing this vain endeavour of theirs, exclaimed, -'Ho, you are all great fools; these are not sparks of fire, they are -gunja berries. Why, therefore, this vain endeavour? You will never -protect yourselves against the cold in this way. You had better -look for a spot in the forest which is sheltered from the wind, -or a cave, or a cleft in the mountains. Even now mighty rain clouds -are appearing.' Thereupon an old monkey among them said, 'Ho, what -business of yours is this? Be off. There is a saying-- - - - A man of judgment who desires - His own success should not accost - One constantly disturbed in work - Or gamblers who have lost at play. - - -And another-- - - - Who joins in conversation with - A hunter who has chased in vain, - Or with a fool who has become - Involved in ruin, comes to grief. - - -"The bird, however, without paying any attention to him, continually -said to the monkeys, 'Ho, why this vain endeavour?' So, as he did -not for a moment cease to chatter, one of the monkeys, enraged at -their futile efforts, seized him by the wings and dashed him against -a stone. And so he (de)ceased. - -"Hence I say-- - - - Unbending wood cannot be bent, - A razor cannot cut a stone: - Mark this, O Needlebeak! Try not - To lecture him who will not learn." - - -A similar collection of fables is the celebrated Hitopadeça, or -"Salutary Advice," which, owing to its intrinsic merit, is one of the -best known and most popular works of Sanskrit literature in India, -and which, because of its suitability for teaching purposes, is read -by nearly all beginners of Sanskrit in England. It is based chiefly -on the Panchatantra, in which twenty-five of its forty-three fables -are found. The first three books of the older collection have been, -in the main, drawn upon; for there is but one story, that of the ass -in the tiger's skin, taken from Book IV., and only three from Book -V. The introduction is similar to that of the Panchatantra, but the -father of the ignorant and vicious princes is here called Sudarçana of -Pataliputra (Patna). The Hitopadeça is divided into four books. The -framework and titles of the first two agree with the first two of -the Panchatantra, but in inverted order. The third and fourth books -are called "War" and "Peace" respectively, the main story describing -the conflict and reconciliation of the Geese and the Peacocks. - -The sententious element is here much more prominent than in the -Panchatantra, and the number of verses introduced is often so great as -to seriously impede the progress of the prose narrative. These verses, -however, abound in wise maxims and fine thoughts. The stanzas dealing -with the transitoriness of human life near the end of Book IV. have -a peculiarly pensive beauty of their own. The following two may serve -as specimens:-- - - - As on the mighty ocean's waves - Two floating logs together come, - And, having met, for ever part: - So briefly joined are living things. - - As streams of rivers onward flow, - And never more return again: - So day and night still bear away - The life of every mortal man. - - -It is uncertain who was the author of the Hitopadeça; nor can anything -more definite be said about the date of this compilation than that -it is more than 500 years old, as the earliest known MS. of it was -written in 1373 A.D. - -As both the Panchatantra and the Hitopadeça were originally intended -as manuals for the instruction of kings in domestic and foreign -policy, they belong to the class of literature which the Hindus call -niti-çastra, or "Science of Political Ethics." A purely metrical -treatise, dealing directly with the principles of policy, is the -Niti-sara, or "Essence of Conduct." of Kamandaka, which is one of -the sources of the maxims introduced by the author of the Hitopadeça. - -A collection of pretty and ingenious fairy tales, with a highly -Oriental colouring, is the Vetala-panchavimçati, or "Twenty-five Tales -of the Vetala" (a demon supposed to occupy corpses). The framework of -this collection is briefly as follows. King Vikrama of Ujjayini is -directed by an ascetic (yogin) to take down from a tree and convey -a corpse, without uttering a single word, to a spot in a graveyard -where certain rites for the attainment of high magical powers are to -take place. As the king is carrying the corpse along on his shoulders, -a Vetala, which has entered it, begins to speak and tells him a fairy -tale. On the king inadvertently replying to a question, the corpse at -once disappears and is found hanging on the tree again. The king goes -back to fetch it, and the same process is repeated till the Vetala -has told twenty-five tales. Each of these is so constructed as to -end in a subtle problem, on which the king is asked to express his -opinion. The stories contained in this work are known to many English -readers under the title of Vikram and the Vampire. - -Another collection of fairy tales is the Simhasana-dvatrimçika, or -"Thirty-two Stories of the Lion-seat" (i.e. throne), which also goes -by the name of Vikrama-charita, or "Adventures of Vikrama." Here it -is the throne of King Vikrama that tells the tales. Both this and -the preceding collection are of Buddhistic origin. - -A third work of the same kind is the Çuka-saptati, or "Seventy Stories -of a Parrot." Here a wife, whose husband is travelling abroad, and -who is inclined to run after other men, turns to her husband's clever -parrot for advice. The bird, while seeming to approve of her plans, -warns her of the risks she runs, and makes her promise not to go and -meet any paramour unless she can extricate herself from difficulties -as So-and-so did. Requested to tell the story, he does so, but only -as far as the dilemma, when he asks the woman what course the person -concerned should take. As she cannot guess, the parrot promises to -tell her if she stays at home that night. Seventy days pass in the -same way, till the husband returns. - -These three collections of fairy tales are all written in prose and are -comparatively short. There is, however, another of special importance, -which is composed in verse and is of very considerable length. For -it contains no less than 22,000 çlokas, equal to nearly one-fourth of -the Mahabharata, or to almost twice as much as the Iliad and Odyssey -put together. This is the Katha-sarit-sagara, or "Ocean of Rivers -of Stories." It is divided into 124 chapters, called tarangas, or -"waves," to be in keeping with the title of the work. Independent of -these is another division into eighteen books called lambakas. - -The author was Somadeva, a Kashmirian poet, who composed his work -about 1070 A.D. Though he himself was a Brahman, his work contains -not only many traces of the Buddhistic character of his sources, -but even direct allusions to Buddhist Birth Stories. He states the -real basis of his work to have been the Brihat-katha, or "Great -Narration," which Bana mentions, by the poet Gunadhya, who is quoted -by Dandin. This original must, in the opinion of Bühler, go back to -the first or second century A.D. - -A somewhat earlier recast of this work was made about A.D. 1037 by a -contemporary of Somadeva's named Kshemendra Vyasadasa. It is entitled -Brihat-katha-manjari, and is only about one-third as long as the -Katha-sarit-sagara. Kshemendra and Somadeva worked independently -of each other, and both state that the original from which they -translated was written in the paiçachi bhasha or "Goblin language," -a term applied to a number of Low Prakrit dialects spoken by the most -ignorant and degraded classes. The Katha-sarit-sagara also contains -(Tarangas 60-64) a recast of the first three books of the Panchatantra, -which books, it is interesting to find, had the same form in Somadeva's -time as when they were translated into Pehlevi (about 570 A.D.). - -Somadeva's work contains many most entertaining stories; for instance, -that of the king who, through ignorance of the phonetic rules of -Sanskrit grammar, misunderstood a remark made by his wife, and overcome -with shame, determined to become a good Sanskrit scholar or die in -the attempt. One of the most famous tales it contains is that of King -Çibi, who offered up his life to save a pigeon from a hawk. It is a -Jataka, and is often represented on Buddhist sculptures; for example, -on the tope of Amaravati, which dates from about the beginning of -our era. It also occurs in a Chinese as well as a Muhammadan form. - - - - -ETHICAL POETRY. - -The proneness of the Indian mind to reflection not only produced -important results in religion, philosophy, and science; it also -found a more abundant expression in poetry than the literature of -any other nation can boast. Scattered throughout the most various -departments of Sanskrit literature are innumerable apophthegms in -which wise and noble, striking and original thoughts often appear -in a highly finished and poetical garb. These are plentiful in the -law-books; in the epic and the drama they are frequently on the lips -of heroes, sages, and gods; and in fables are constantly uttered by -tigers, jackals, cats, and other animals. Above all, the Mahabharata, -which, to the pious Hindu, constitutes a moral encyclopĉdia, is an -inexhaustible mine of proverbial philosophy. It is, however, natural -that ethical maxims should be introduced in greatest abundance into -works which, like the Panchatantra and Hitopadeça, were intended to -be handbooks of practical moral philosophy. - -Owing to the universality of this mode of expression in Sanskrit -literature, there are but few works consisting exclusively of -poetical aphorisms. The most important are the two collections by -the highly-gifted Bhartrihari, entitled respectively Nitiçataka, -or "Century of Conduct," and Vairagya-çataka, or "Century -of Renunciation." Others are the Çanti-çataka, or "Century of -Tranquillity," by a Kashmirian poet named Çilhana; the Moha-mudgara, -or "Hammer of Folly," a short poem commending the relinquishment of -worldly desires, and wrongly attributed to Çankaracharya; and the -Chanakya-çataka, the "Centuries of Chanakya," the reputed author of -which was famous in India as a master of diplomacy, and is the leading -character in the political drama Mudra-rakshasa. The Niti-manjari, or -"Cluster of Blossoms of Conduct," which has not yet been published, -is a collection of a peculiar kind. The moral maxims which it contains -are illustrated by stories, and these are taken exclusively from the -Rigveda. It consists of about 200 çlokas, and was composed by an author -named Dya Dviveda who accompanied his work with a commentary. In the -latter he quotes largely from the Brihċddevata, Sayana on the Rigveda, -and other authors. - -There are also some modern anthologies of Sanskrit gnomic poetry. One -of these is Çridharadasa's Sadukti-karnamrita, or "Ear-nectar of -Good Maxims," containing quotations from 446 poets, mostly of Bengal, -and compiled in 1205 A.D. The Çarngadhara-paddhati, or "Anthology of -Çarngadhara," dating from the fourteenth century, comprises about 6000 -stanzas culled from 264 authors. The Subhashitavali, or "Series of -Fine Sayings," compiled by Vallabhadeva, contains some 3500 stanzas -taken from about 350 poets. All that is best in Sanskrit sententious -poetry has been collected by Dr. Böhtlingk, the Nestor of Indianists, -in his Indische Sprüche. This work contains the text, critically edited -and accompanied by a prose German translation, of nearly 8000 stanzas, -which are culled from the whole field of classical Sanskrit literature -and arranged according to the alphabetical order of the initial word. - -Though composed in Pali, the Dhammapada may perhaps be mentioned -here. It is a collection of aphorisms representing the most beautiful, -profound, and poetical thoughts in Buddhist literature. - -The keynote prevailing in all this poetry is the doctrine of the vanity -of human life, which was developed before the rise of Buddhism in the -sixth century B.C., and has dominated Indian thought ever since. There -is no true happiness, we are here taught, but in the abandonment of -desire and retirement from the world. The poet sees the luxuriant -beauties of nature spread before his eyes, and feels their charm; -but he turns from them sad and disappointed to seek mental calm and -lasting happiness in the solitude of the forest. Hence the picture -of a pious anchorite living in contemplation is often painted with -enthusiasm. Free from all desires, he is as happy as a king, when the -earth is his couch, his arms his pillow, the sky his tent, the moon -his lamp, when renunciation is his spouse, and the cardinal points -are the maidens that fan him with winds. No Indian poet inculcates -renunciation more forcibly than Bhartrihari; the humorous and ironical -touches which he occasionally introduces are doubtless due to the -character of this remarkable man, who wavered between the spiritual -and the worldly life throughout his career. - -Renunciation is not, however, the only goal to which the transitoriness -of worldly goods leads the gnomic poets of India. The necessity of -pursuing virtue is the practical lesson which they also draw from -the vanity of mundane existence, and which finds expression in many -noble admonitions:-- - - - Transient indeed is human life, - Like the moon's disc in waters seen: - Knowing how true this is, a man - Should ever practise what is good (Hit. iv. 133). - - -It is often said that when a man dies and leaves all his loved ones -behind, his good works alone can accompany him on his journey to his -next life. Nor should sin ever be committed in this life when there -is none to see, for it is always witnessed by the "old hermit dwelling -in the heart," as the conscience is picturesquely called. - -That spirit of universal tolerance and love of mankind which enabled -Buddhism to overstep the bounds not only of caste but of nationality, -and thus to become the earliest world-religion, breathes throughout -this poetry. Even the Mahabharata, though a work of the Brahmans, -contains such liberal sentiments as this:-- - - - Men of high rank win no esteem - If lacking in good qualities; - A Çudra even deserves respect - Who knows and does his duty well (xiii. 2610). - - -The following stanza shows how cosmopolitan Bhartrihari was in his -views:-- - - - "This man's our own, a stranger that": - Thus narrow-minded people think. - However, noble-minded men - Regard the whole world as their kin. - - -But these poets go even beyond the limits of humanity and inculcate -sympathy with the joys and sorrows of all creatures:-- - - - To harm no living thing in deed, - In thought or word, to exercise - Benevolence and charity: - Virtue's eternal law is this (Mahabh. xii. 5997). - - -Gentleness and forbearance towards good and bad alike are thus -recommended in the Hitopadeça:-- - - - Even to beings destitute - Of virtue good men pity show: - The moon does not her light withdraw - Even from the pariah's abode (i. 63). - - -The Panchatantra, again, dissuades thus from thoughts of revenge:-- - - - Devise no ill at any time - To injure those that do thee harm: - They of themselves will some day fall, - Like trees that grow on river banks. - - -The good qualities of the virtuous are often described and contrasted -with the characteristics of evil-doers. This, for instance, is how -Bhartrihari illustrates the humility of the benevolent:-- - - - The trees bend downward with the burden of their fruit, - The clouds bow low, heavy with waters they will shed: - The noble hold not high their heads through pride of wealth; - Thus those behave who are on others' good intent (i. 71). - - -Many fine thoughts about true friendship and the value of intercourse -with good men are found here, often exemplified in a truly poetical -spirit. This, for instance, is from the Panchatantra:-- - - - Who is not made a better man - By contact with a noble friend? - A water-drop on lotus-leaves - Assumes the splendour of a pearl (iii. 61). - - -It is perhaps natural that poetry with a strong pessimistic -colouring should contain many bitter sayings about women and their -character. Here is an example of how they are often described:-- - - - The love of women but a moment lasts. - Like colours of the dawn or evening red; - Their aims are crooked like a river's course; - Inconstant are they as the lightning flash; - Like serpents, they deserve no confidence (Kathas. xxxvii. 143). - - -At the same time there are several passages in which female character -is represented in a more favourable light, and others sing the praise -of faithful wives. - -Here, too, we meet with many pithy sayings about the misery of poverty -and the degradation of servitude; while the power of money to invest -the worthless man with the appearance of every talent and virtue is -described with bitter irony and scathing sarcasm. - -As might be expected, true knowledge receives frequent and high -appreciation in Sanskrit ethical poetry. It is compared with a -rich treasure which cannot be divided among relations, which no -thief can steal, and which is never diminished by being imparted to -others. Contempt, on the other hand, is poured on pedantry and spurious -learning. Those who have read many books, without understanding their -sense, are likened to an ass laden with sandal wood, who feels only -the weight, but knows nothing of the value of his burden. - -As the belief in transmigration has cast its shadow over Indian thought -from pre-Buddhistic times, it is only natural that the conception -of fate should be prominent in Sanskrit moral poetry. Here, indeed, -we often read that no one can escape from the operation of destiny, -but at the same time we find constant admonitions not to let this -fact paralyse human effort. For, as is shown in the Hitopadeça and -elsewhere, fate is nothing else than the result of action done in a -former birth. Hence every man can by right conduct shape his future -fate, just as a potter can mould a lump of clay into whatever form -he desires. Human action is thus a necessary complement to fate; -the latter cannot proceed without the former any more than a cart, -as the Hitopadeça expresses it, can move with only one wheel. This -doctrine is inculcated with many apt illustrations. Thus in one -stanza of the Hitopadeça it is pointed out that "antelopes do not -enter into the mouth of the sleeping lion"; in another the question -is asked, "Who without work could obtain oil from sesamum seeds?" Or, -as the Mahabharata once puts it, fate without human action cannot be -fulfilled, just as seed sown outside the field bears no fruit. - -For those who are suffering from the assaults of adverse fate there -are many exhortations to firmness and constancy. The following is a -stanza of this kind from the Panchatantra:-- - - - In fortune and calamity - The great ever remain the same: - The sun is at its rising red, - Red also when about to set. - - -Collected in the ethico-didactic works which have been described in -this chapter, and scattered throughout the rest of the literature, -the notions held by the Brahmans in the sphere of moral philosophy -have never received a methodical treatment, as in the Pali literature -of Buddhism. In the orthodox systems of Hindu philosophy, to which -we now turn, they find no place. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -PHILOSOPHY - - -The beginnings of Indian philosophy, which are to be found in the -latest hymns of the Rigveda and in the Atharvaveda, are concerned with -speculations on the origin of the world and on the eternal principle -by which it is created and maintained. The Yajurveda further contains -fantastic cosmogonic legends describing how the Creator produces all -things by means of the omnipotent sacrifice. With these Vedic ideas -are intimately connected, and indeed largely identical, those of the -earlier Upanishads. This philosophy is essentially pantheistic and -idealistic. By the side of it grew up an atheistic and empirical school -of thought, which in the sixth century B.C. furnished the foundation -of the two great unorthodox religious systems of Buddhism and Jainism. - -The Upanishad philosophy is in a chaotic condition, but -the speculations of this and of other schools of thought were -gradually reduced to order and systematised in manuals from about -the first century of our era onwards. Altogether nine systems may -be distinguished, some of which must in their origin go back to the -beginning of the sixth century B.C. at least. Of the six systems which -are accounted orthodox no less than four were originally atheistic, -and one remained so throughout. The strangeness of this fact disappears -when we reflect that the only conditions of orthodoxy in India were -the recognition of the class privileges of the Brahman caste and -a nominal acknowledgment of the infallibility of the Veda, neither -full agreement with Vedic doctrines nor the confession of a belief in -the existence of God being required. With these two limitations the -utmost freedom of thought prevailed in Brahmanism. Hence the boldest -philosophical speculation and conformity with the popular religion -went hand and hand, to a degree which has never been equalled in any -other country. Of the orthodox systems, by far the most important -are the pantheistic Vedanta, which, as continuing the doctrines of -the Upanishads, has been the dominant philosophy of Brahmanism since -the end of the Vedic period, and the atheistic Sankhya, which, for -the first time in the history of the world, asserted the complete -independence of the human mind and attempted to solve its problems -solely by the aid of reason. - -On the Sankhya were based the two heterodox religious systems of -Buddhism and Jainism, which denied the authority of the Veda, and -opposed the Brahman caste system and ceremonial. Still more heterodox -was the Materialist philosophy of Charvaka, which went further and -denied even the fundamental doctrines common to all other schools of -Indian thought, orthodox and unorthodox, the belief in transmigration -dependent on retribution, and the belief in salvation or release -from transmigration. - -The theory that every individual passes after death into a series -of new existences in heavens or hells, or in the bodies of men and -animals, or in plants on earth, where it is rewarded or punished for -all deeds committed in a former life, was already so firmly established -in the sixth century B.C., that Buddha received it without question -into his religious system; and it has dominated the belief of the -Indian people from those early times down to the present day. There -is, perhaps, no more remarkable fact in the history of the human mind -than that this strange doctrine, never philosophically demonstrated, -should have been regarded as self-evident for 2500 years by every -philosophical school or religious sect in India, excepting only the -Materialists. By the acceptance of this doctrine the Vedic optimism, -which looked forward to a life of eternal happiness in heaven, was -transformed into the gloomy prospect of an interminable series of -miserable existences leading from one death to another. The transition -to the developed view of the Upanishads is to be found in the Çatapatha -Brahmana (above, p. 223). - -How is the origin of the momentous doctrine which produced this change -to be accounted for? The Rigveda contains no traces of it beyond a -couple of passages in the last book which speak of the soul of a dead -man as going to the waters or plants. It seems hardly likely that -so far-reaching a theory should have been developed from the stray -fancies of one or two later Vedic poets. It seems more probable that -the Aryan settlers received the first impulse in this direction from -the aboriginal inhabitants of India. As is well known, there is among -half-savage tribes a wide-spread belief that the soul after death -passes into the trunks of trees and the bodies of animals. Thus the -Sonthals of India are said even at the present day to hold that the -souls of the good enter into fruit-bearing trees. But among such -races the notion of transmigration does not go beyond a belief -in the continuance of human existence in animals and trees. If, -therefore, the Aryan Indians borrowed the idea from the aborigines, -they certainly deserve the credit of having elaborated out of it -the theory of an unbroken chain of existences, intimately connected -with the moral principle of requïtal. The immovable hold it acquired -on Indian thought is doubtless due to the satisfactory explanation -it offered of the misfortune or prosperity which is often clearly -caused by no action done in this life. Indeed, the Indian doctrine of -transmigration, fantastic though it may appear to us, has the twofold -merit of satisfying the requirement of justice in the moral government -of the world, and at the same time inculcating a valuable ethical -principle which makes every man the architect of his own fate. For, -as every bad deed done in this existence must be expiated, so every -good deed will be rewarded in the next existence. From the enjoyment -of the fruits of actions already done there is no escape; for, in the -words of the Mahabharata, "as among a thousand cows a calf finds its -mother, so the deed previously done follows after the doer." - -The cycle of existences (samsara) is regarded as having no beginning, -for as every event of the present life is the result of an action done -in a past one, the same must hold true of each preceding existence -ad infinitum. The subsequent effectiveness of guilt and of merit, -commonly called adrishta or "the unseen," but often also simply karma, -"deed or work," is believed to regulate not only the life of the -individual, but the origin and development of everything in the world; -for whatever takes place cannot but affect some creature, and must -therefore, by the law of retribution, be due to some previous act of -that creature. In other words, the operations of nature are also the -results of the good or bad deeds of living beings. There is thus no -room for independent divine rule by the side of the power of karma, -which governs everything with iron necessity. Hence, even the systems -which acknowledge a God can only assign to him the function of guiding -the world and the life of creatures in strict accordance with the law -of retribution, which even he cannot break. The periodic destruction -and renewal of the universe, an application of the theory on a grand -scale, forms part of the doctrine of samsara or cycle of existence. - -Common to all the systems of philosophy, and as old as that of -transmigration, is the doctrine of salvation, which puts an end -to transmigration. All action is brought about by desire, which, -in its turn is based on avidya, a sort of "ignorance," that -mistakes the true nature of things, and is the ultimate source -of transmigration. Originally having only the negative sense of -non-knowledge (a-vidya), the word here came to have the positive -sense of "false knowledge." Such ignorance is dispelled by saving -knowledge, which, according to every philosophical school of India, -consists in some special form of cognition. This universal knowledge, -which is not the result of merit, but breaks into life independently, -destroys, the subsequent effect of works which would otherwise bear -fruit in future existences, and thus puts an end to transmigration. It -cannot, however, influence those works the fruit of which has already -begun to ripen. Hence, the present life continues from the moment of -enlightenment till definite salvation at death, just as the potter's -wheel goes on revolving for a time after the completion of the pot. But -no merit or demerit results from acts done after enlightenment (or -"conversion" as we should say), because all desire for the objects -of the world is at an end. - -The popular beliefs about heavens and hells, gods, demi-gods, and -demons, were retained in Buddhism and Jainism, as well as in the -orthodox systems. But these higher and more fortunate beings were -considered to be also subject to the law of transmigration, and, -unless they obtained saving knowledge, to be on a lower level than -the man who had obtained such knowledge. - -The monistic theory of the early Upanishads, which identified -the individual soul with Brahma, aroused the opposition of the -rationalistic founder of the Sankhya system, Kapila, who, according -to Buddhist legends, was pre-Buddhistic, and whose doctrines Buddha -followed and elaborated. His teaching is entirely dualistic, admitting -only two things, both without beginning and end, but essentially -different, matter on the one hand, and an infinite plurality of -individual souls on the other. An account of the nature and the mutual -relation of these two, forms the main content of the system. Kapila -was, indeed, the first who drew a sharp line of demarcation between -the two domains of matter and soul. The saving knowledge which -delivers from the misery of transmigration consists, according to the -Sankhya system, in recognising the absolute distinction between soul -and matter. - -The existence of a supreme god who creates and rules the universe is -denied, and would be irreconcilable with the system. For according -to its doctrine the unconscious matter of Nature originally contains -within itself the power of evolution (in the interest of souls, -which are entirely passive during the process), while karma alone -determines the course of that evolution. The adherents of the system -defend their atheism by maintaining that the origin of misery presents -an insoluble problem to the theist, for a god who has created and -rules the world could not possibly escape from the reproach of cruelty -and partiality. Much stress is laid by this school in general on the -absence of any cogent proof for the existence of God. - -The world is maintained to be real, and that from all eternity; for -the existent can only be produced from the existent. The reality of -an object is regarded as resulting simply from perception, always -supposing the senses of the perceiver to be sound. The world is -described as developing according to certain laws out of primitive -matter (prakriti or pradhana). The genuine philosophic spirit of -its method of rising from the known elements of experience to the -unknown by logical demonstration till the ultimate cause is reached, -must give this system a special interest in the eyes of evolutionists -whose views are founded on the results of modern physical science. - -The evolution and diversity of the world are explained by primĉval -matter, although uniform and indivisible, consisting of three different -substances called gunas or constituents (originally "strands" of a -rope). By the combination of these in varying proportions the diverse -material products were supposed to have arisen. The constituent, -called sattva, distinguished by the qualities of luminousness and -lightness in the object, and by virtue, benevolence, and other pleasing -attributes in the subject, is associated with the feeling of joy; -rajas, distinguished by activity and various hurtful qualities, is -associated with pain; and tamas, distinguished by heaviness, rigidity, -and darkness on the one hand, and fear, unconsciousness, and so forth, -on the other, is associated with apathy. At the end of a cosmic period -all things are supposed to be dissolved into primitive matter, the -alternations of evolution, existence, and dissolution having neither -beginning nor end. - -The psychology of the Sankhya system is specially important. Peculiarly -interesting is its doctrine that all mental operations, such as -perception, thinking, willing, are not performed by the soul, but are -merely mechanical processes of the internal organs, that is to say, -of matter. The soul itself possesses no attributes or qualities, -and can only be described negatively. There being no qualitative -difference between souls, the principle of personality and identity -is supplied by the subtile or internal body, which, chiefly formed of -the inner organs and the senses, surrounds and is made conscious by the -soul. This internal body, being the vehicle of merit and demerit, which -are the basis of transmigration, accompanies the soul on its wanderings -from one gross body to another, whether the latter be that of a god, -a man, an animal, or a tree. Conscious life is bondage to pain, in -which pleasure is included by this peculiarly pessimistic system. When -salvation, which is the absolute cessation of pain, is obtained, -the internal body is dissolved into its material elements, and the -soul, becoming finally isolated, continues to exist individually, -but in absolute unconsciousness. - -The name of the system, which only begins to be mentioned in the -later Upanishads, and more frequently in the Mahabharata, is derived -from samkhya, "number." There is, however, some doubt as to whether -it originally meant "enumeration," from the twenty-five tattvas or -principles which it sets forth, or "inferential or discriminative" -doctrine, from the method which it pursues. - -Kapila, the founder of the system, whose teaching is presupposed -by Buddhism, and whom Buddhistic legend connects with Kapila-vastu, -the birthplace of Buddha, must have lived before the middle of the -sixth century. No work of his, if he ever committed his system to -writing, has been preserved. Indeed, the very existence of such a -person as Kapila has been doubted, in spite of the unanimity with -which Indian tradition designates a man of this name as the founder -of the system. The second leading authority of the Sankhya philosophy -was Panchaçikha, who may have lived about the beginning of our era. The -oldest systematic manual which has been preserved is the Sankhya-karika -of Içvara-krishna. As it was translated into Chinese between 557 and -583 A.D., it cannot belong to a later century than the fifth, and -may be still older. This work deals very concisely and methodically -with the doctrines of the Sankhya in sixty-nine stanzas (composed in -the complicated Arya metre), to which three others were subsequently -added. It appears to have superseded the Sutras of Panchaçikha, who -is mentioned in it as the chief disseminator of the system. There are -two excellent commentaries on the Sankhya-karika, the one composed -about 700 A.D. by Gaudapada, and the other soon after 1100 A.D. by -Vachaspati Miçra. - -The Sankhya Sutras, long regarded as the oldest manual of the -system, and attributed to Kapila, were probably not composed till -about 1400 A.D. The author of this work, which also goes by the -name of Sankhya-pravachana, endeavours in vain to show that there -is no difference between the doctrines of the Sankhya and of the -Upanishads. He is also much influenced by the ideas of the Yoga as well -as the Vedanta system. In the oldest commentary on this work, that of -Aniruddha, composed about 1500 A.D., the objectiveness of the treatment -is particularly useful. Much more detailed, but far less objective, is -the commentary of Vijnana-bhikshu, entitled Sankhya-pravachana-bhashya, -and written in the second half of the sixteenth century. The author's -point of view being theistic, he effaces the characteristic features -of the different systems in the endeavour to show that all the six -orthodox systems contain the absolute truth in their main doctrines. - -From the beginning of our era down to recent times the Sankhya -doctrines have exercised considerable influence on the religious -and philosophical life of India, though to a much less extent than -the Vedanta. Some of its individual teachings, such as that of the -three gunas, have become the common property of the whole of Sanskrit -literature. At the time of the great Vedantist, Çankara (800 A.D.), -the Sankhya system was held in high honour. The law book of Manu -followed this doctrine, though with an admixture of the theistic -notions of the Mimamsa and Vedanta systems as well as of popular -mythology. The Mahabharata, especially Book XII., is full of Sankhya -doctrines; indeed almost every detail of the teachings of this system -is to be found somewhere in the great epic. Its numerous deviations -from the regular Sankhya text-books are only secondary, as Professor -Garbe thinks, even though the Mahabharata is our oldest actual source -for the system. Nearly half the Puranas follow the cosmogony of the -Sankhya, and even those which are Vedantic are largely influenced -by its doctrines. The purity of the Sankhya notions are, however, -everywhere in the Puranas obscured by Vedanta doctrines, especially -that of cosmical illusion. A peculiarity of the Puranic Sankhya is the -conception of Spirit or Purusha as the male, and Matter or Prakriti -as the female, principle in creation. - -On the Sankhya system are based the two philosophical religions of -Buddhism and Jainism in all their main outlines. Their fundamental -doctrine is that life is nothing but suffering. The cause of suffering -is the desire, based on ignorance, to live and enjoy the world. The aim -of both is to redeem mankind from the misery of mundane existence by -the annihilation of desire, with the aid of renunciation of the world -and the practice of unbounded kindness towards all creatures. These -two pessimistic religions are so extremely similar that the Jainas, or -adherents of Jina, were long looked upon as a Buddhist sect. Research -has, however, led to the discovery that the founders of both systems -were contemporaries, the most eminent of the many teachers who in the -sixth century opposed the Brahman ceremonial and caste pretensions -in Northern Central India. Both religions, while acknowledging the -lower and ephemeral gods of Brahmanism, deny, like the Sankhya, -the existence of an eternal supreme Deity. As they developed, they -diverged in various respects from the system to which they owed -their philosophical notions. Hence it came about that Sankhya writers -stoutly opposed some of their teachings, particularly the Buddhist -denial of soul, the doctrine that all things have only a momentary -existence, and that salvation is an annihilation of self. Here, -however, it should be noted that Buddha himself refused to decide the -question whether nirvana is complete extinction or an unending state -of unconscious bliss. The latter view was doubtless a concession to -the Vedantic conception of Brahma, in which the individual soul is -merged on attaining salvation. - -The importance of these systems lies not in their metaphysical -speculations, which occupy but a subordinate position, but in their -high development of moral principles, which are almost entirely -neglected in the orthodox systems of Indian philosophy. The fate of -the two religions has been strangely different. Jainism has survived -as an insignificant sect in India alone; Buddhism has long since -vanished from the land of its birth, but has become a world religion -counting more adherents than any other faith. - -The Sankhya philosophy, with the addition of a peculiar form of mental -asceticism as the most effective means of acquiring saving knowledge, -appears to have assumed definite shape in a manual at an earlier period -than any of the other orthodox systems. This is the Yoga philosophy -founded by Patanjali and expounded in the Yoga Sutras. The priority -of this text-book is rendered highly probable by the fact that it is -the only philosophical Sutra work which contains no polemics against -the others. There seems, moreover, to be no sufficient ground to doubt -the correctness of the native tradition identifying the founder of the -Yoga system with the grammarian Patanjali. The Yoga Sutras therefore -probably date from the second century B.C. This work also goes by -the name of Sankhya-pravachana, the same as that given to the later -Sankhya Sutras, a sufficiently clear proof of its close connection -with Kapila's philosophy. In the Mahabharata the two systems are -actually spoken of as one and the same. - -In order to make his system more acceptable, Patanjali introduced into -it the doctrine of a personal god, but in so loose a way as not to -affect the system as a whole. Indeed, the parts of the Sutras dealing -with the person of God are not only unconnected with the other parts of -the treatise, but even contradict the foundations of the system. For -the final aim of man is here represented as the absolute isolation -(kaivalya) of the soul from matter, just as in the Sankhya system, -and not union with or absorption in God. Nor are the individual souls -here derived from the "special soul" or God, but are like the latter -without a beginning. - -The really distinctive part of the system is the establishment of the -views prevailing in Patanjali's time with regard to asceticism and the -mysterious powers to be acquired by its practice. Yoga, or "yoking" -the mind, means mental concentration on a particular object. The -belief that fasting and other penances produce supernatural powers -goes back to remote prehistoric times, and still prevails among savage -races. Bodily asceticism of this kind is known to the Vedas under the -name of tapas. From this, with the advance of intellectual life in -India, was developed the practice of mental asceticism called yoga, -which must have been known and practised several centuries before -Patanjali's time. For recent investigations have shown that Buddhism -started not only from the theoretical Sankhya but from the practical -Yoga doctrine; and the condition of ecstatic abstraction was from -the beginning held in high esteem among the Buddhists. Patanjali only -elaborated the doctrine, describing at length the means of attaining -concentration and carrying it to the highest pitch. In his system the -methodical practice of Yoga acquired a special importance; for, in -addition to conferring supernatural powers, it here becomes the chief -means of salvation. His Sutras consist of four chapters dealing with -deep meditation (samadhi), the means for obtaining it (sadhana), the -miraculous powers (vibhuti) it confers, and the isolation (kaivalya) -of the redeemed soul. The oldest and best commentary on this work is -that of Vyasa, dating from the seventh century A.D. - -Many of the later Upanishads are largely concerned with the Yoga -doctrine. The lawbook of Manu in Book VI. refers to various details -of Yoga practice. Indeed, it seems likely, owing to the theistic -point of view of that work, that its Sankhya notions were derived -from the Yoga system. The Mahabharata treats of Yoga in considerable -detail, especially in Book XII. It is particularly prominent in -the Bhagavadgita, which is even designated a yoga-çastra. Belief -in the efficacy of Yoga still prevails in India, and its practice -survives. But its adherents, the Yogis, are at the present day often -nothing more than conjurers and jugglers. - -The exercises of mental concentration are in the later commentaries -distinguished by the name of raja-yoga or "chief Yoga." The external -expedients are called kriya-yoga, or "practical Yoga." The more -intense form of the latter, in later works called hatha-yoga, or -"forcible Yoga," and dealing for the most part with suppression of -the breath, is very often contrasted with raja-yoga. - -Among the eight branches of Yoga practice the sitting posture (asana), -as not only conducive to concentration, but of therapeutic value, -is considered important. In describing its various forms later -writers positively revelled, eighty-four being frequently stated to -be their normal number. In the hatha-yoga there are also a number of -other postures and contortions of the limbs designated mudra. The -best-known mudra, called khechari, consists in turning the tongue -back towards the throat and keeping the gaze fixed on a point between -the eyebrows. Such practices, in conjunction with the suppression of -breath, were capable of producing a condition of trance. There is at -least the one well-authenticated case of a Yogi named Haridas who in -the thirties wandered about in Rajputana and Lahore, allowing himself -to be buried for money when in the cataleptic condition. The burial -of the Master of Ballantrae by the Indian Secundra Dass in Stevenson's -novel was doubtless suggested by an account of this ascetic. - -In contrast with the two older and intimately connected dualistic -schools of the Sankhya and Yoga, there arose about the beginning of -our era the only two, even of the six orthodox systems of philosophy, -which were theistic from the outset. One of them, being based on -the Vedas and the Brahmanas, is concerned with the practical side -of Vedic religion; while the other, alone among the philosophical -systems, represents a methodical development of the fundamental -non-dualistic speculations of the Upanishads. The former, which has -only been accounted a philosophical system at all because of its -close connection with the latter, is the Purva-mimamsa or "First -Inquiry," also called Karma-mimamsa or "Inquiry concerning Works," -but usually simply Mimamsa. Founded by Jaimini, and set forth in the -Karma-mimamsa Sutras, this system discusses the sacred ceremonies and -the rewards resulting from their performance. Holding the Veda to be -uncreated and existent from all eternity, it lays special stress on the -proposition that articulate sounds are eternal, and on the consequent -doctrine that the connection of a word with its sense is not due to -convention, but is by nature inherent in the word itself. Owing to -its lack of philosophical interest, this system has not as yet much -occupied the attention of European scholars. - -The oldest commentary in existence on the Mimamsa Sutras is the -bhashya of Çabara Svamin, which in its turn was commented on about 700 -A.D. by the great Mimamsist Kumarila in his Tantra-varttika and in his -Çloka-varttika, the latter a metrical paraphrase of Çabara's exposition -of the first aphorism of Patanjali. Among the later commentaries on the -Mimamsa Sutras the most important is the Jaiminiya-nyaya-mala-vistara -of Madhava (fourteenth century). - -Far more deserving of attention is the theoretical system of the -Uttara-Mimamsa, or "Second Inquiry." For it not only systematises -the doctrines of the Upanishads--therefore usually termed Vedanta, -or "End of the Veda"--but also represents the philosophical views of -the Indian thinkers of to-day. In the words of Professor Deussen, -its relation to the earlier Upanishads resembles that of Christian -dogmatics to the New Testament. Its fundamental doctrine, expressed -in the famous formula tat tvam asi, "thou art that," is the identity -of the individual soul with God (brahma). Hence it is also called -the Brahma- or Çariraka-mimamsa, "Inquiry concerning Brahma or the -embodied soul." The eternal and infinite Brahma not being made up of -parts or liable to change, the individual soul, it is here laid down, -cannot be a part or emanation of it, but is the whole indivisible -Brahma. As there is no other existence but Brahma, the Vedanta -is styled the advaita-vada, or "doctrine of non-duality," being, -in other words, an idealistic monism. The evidence of experience, -which shows a multiplicity of phenomena, and the statements of the -Veda, which teach a multiplicity of souls, are brushed aside as the -phantasms of a dream which are only true till waking takes place. - -The ultimate cause of all such false impressions is avidya or innate -ignorance, which this, like the other systems, simply postulates, but -does not in any way seek to account for. It is this ignorance which -prevents the soul from recognising that the empirical world is mere -maya or illusion. Thus to the Vedantist the universe is like a mirage, -which the soul under the influence of desire (trishna or "thirst") -fancies it perceives, just as the panting hart sees before it sheets -of water in the fata morgana (picturesquely called mriga-trishna or -"deer-thirst" in Sanskrit). The illusion vanishes as if by magic, -when the scales fall from the eyes, on the acquisition of true -knowledge. Then the semblance of any distinction between the soul -and God disappears, and salvation (moksha), the chief end of man, -is attained. - -Saving knowledge cannot of course be acquired by worldly experience, -but is revealed in the theoretical part (jnana-kanda) of the Vedas, -that is to say, in the Upanishads. By this correct knowledge the -illusion of the multiplicity of phenomena is dispelled, just as the -illusion of a snake when there is only a rope. Two forms of knowledge -are, however, distinguished in the Vedanta, a higher (para) and a lower -(apara). The former is concerned with the higher and impersonal Brahma -(neuter), which is without form or attributes, while the latter deals -with the lower and personal Brahma (masculine), who is the soul of -the universe, the Lord (içvara) who has created the world and grants -salvation. The contradiction resulting from one and the same thing -having form and no form, attributes and no attributes, is solved by -the explanation that the lower Brahma has no reality, but is merely -an illusory form of the higher and only Brahma, produced by ignorance. - -The doctrines of the Vedanta are laid down in the Brahma-sutras of -Badarayana. This text-book, the meaning of which is not intelligible -without the aid of a commentary, was expounded in his bhashya by -the famous Vedantist philosopher Çankara, whose name is intimately -connected with the revival of Brahmanism. He was born in 788 A.D., -became an ascetic in 820, and probably lived to an advanced age. There -is every likelihood that his expositions agree in all essentials with -the meaning of the Brahma-sutras, The full elaboration of the doctrine -of Maya, or cosmic illusion, is, however, due to him. An excellent -epitome of the teachings of the Vedanta, as set forth by Çankara, -is the Vedanta-sara of Sadananda Yogindra. Its author departs from -Çankara's views only in a few particulars, which show an admixture -of Sankhya doctrine. - -Among the many commentaries on the Brahma-sutras subsequent to -Çankara, the most important is that of Ramanuja, who lived in the -earlier half of the twelfth century. This writer gives expression to -the views of the Pancharatras or Bhagavatas, an old Vishnuite sect, -whose doctrine, closely allied to Christian ideas, is expounded in -the Bhagavadgita and the Bhagavata-purana, as well as in the special -text-books of the sect. The tenets of the Bhagavatas, as set forth -by Ramanuja, diverge considerably from those of the Brahma-sutras -on which he is commenting. For, according to him, individual souls -are not identical with God; they suffer from innate unbelief, not -ignorance, while belief or the love of God (bhakti), not knowledge, -is the means of salvation or union with God. - -The last two orthodox systems of philosophy, the Vaiçeshika and the -Nyaya, form a closely-connected pair, since a strict classification -of ideas, as well as the explanation of the origin of the world from -atoms, is common to both. Much the older of the two is the Vaiçeshika, -which is already assailed in the Brahma-sutras. It is there described -as undeserving of attention, because it had no adherents. This was -certainly not the case in later times, when this system became very -popular. It received its name from the category of "particularity" -(viçesha) on which great stress is laid in its theory of atoms. The -memory of its founder is only preserved in his nickname Kanada (also -Kanabhuj or Kana-bhaksha), which means "atom-eater." - -The main importance of the system lies in the logical categories -which it set up and under which it classed all phenomena. The six -which it originally set up are substance, quality, motion, generality, -particularity, and inherence. They are rigorously defined and further -subdivided. The most interesting is that of inherence or inseparable -connection (samavaya), which, being clearly distinguished from that -of accident or separable connection (samyoga), is described as the -relation between a thing and its properties, the whole and its parts, -genus and species, motion and the object in motion. Later was added a -seventh, that of non-existence (abhava), which, by affording special -facilities for the display of subtlety, has had a momentous influence -on Indian logic. This category was further subdivided into prior and -posterior non-existence (which we should respectively call future and -past existence), mutual non-existence (as between a jar and cloth), -and absolute non-existence (as fire in water). - -Though largely concerned with these categories, the Vaiçeshika system -aimed at attaining a comprehensive philosophic view in connection -with them. Thus while dealing with the category of "substance," -it develops its theory of the origin of the world from atoms. The -consideration of the category of "quality" similarly leads to its -treatment of psychology, which is remarkable and has analogies with -that of the Sankhya. Soul is here regarded as without beginning -or end, and all-pervading, subject to the limitations of neither -time nor space. Intimately connected with soul is "mind" (manas), -the internal organ of thought, which alone enables the soul to know -not only external objects but its own qualities. As this organ is, in -contrast with soul, an atom, it can only comprehend a single object -at any given moment. This is the explanation why the soul cannot be -conscious of all objects simultaneously. - -The Nyaya system is only a development and complement of that of -Kanada, its metaphysics and psychology being the same. Its specific -character consists in its being a very detailed and acute exposition of -formal logic. As such it has remained the foundation of philosophical -studies in India down to the present day. Besides dealing fully with -the means of knowledge, which it states to be perception, inference, -analogy, and trustworthy evidence, it treats exhaustively of syllogisms -and fallacies. It is interesting to note that the Indian mind here -independently arrived at an exposition of the syllogism as the form of -deductive reasoning. The text-book of this system is the Nyaya-sutra of -Gotama. The importance here attached to logic appears from the very -first aphorism, which enumerates sixteen logical notions with the -remark that salvation depends on a correct knowledge of their nature. - -Neither the Vaiçeshika nor the Nyaya-sutras originally accepted the -existence of God; and though both schools later became theistic, -they never went so far as to assume a creator of matter. Their -theology is first found developed in Udayanacharya's Kusumanjali, -which was written about 1200 A.D., and in works which deal with the -two systems conjointly. Here God is regarded as a "special" soul, which -differs from all other individual eternal souls by exemption from all -qualities connected with transmigration, and by the possession of the -power and knowledge qualifying him to be a regulator of the universe. - -Of the eclectic movement combining Sankhya, Yoga, and Vedanta -doctrines, the oldest literary representative is the Çvetaçvatara -Upanishad. More famous is the Bhagavadgita in which the Supreme -Being incarnate as Krishna expounds to Arjuna his doctrines in this -sense. The burden of his teaching is that the zealous performance -of his duty is a man's most important task, to whatever caste he may -belong. The beauty and the power of the language in which this doctrine -is inculcated, is unsurpassed in any other work of Indian literature. - -By the side of the orthodox systems and the two non-Brahmanical -religions, flourished the lokayata ("directed to the world of sense"), -or materialistic school, usually called that of the Charvakas from the -name of the founder of the doctrine. It was regarded as peculiarly -heretical, for it not only rejected the authority of the Vedas and -Brahmanic ceremonial, but denied the doctrines of transmigration and -salvation accepted by all other systems. Materialistic teachings -may be traced even before the time of Buddha, and they have had -many secret followers in India down to the present day. The system, -however, seems never to have had more than one text-book, the lost -Sutras of Brihaspati, its mythical founder. Our knowledge of it is -derived partly from the polemics of other schools, but especially from -the Sarvadarçana-samgraha, or "Compendium of all the Philosophical -Systems," composed in the fourteenth century by the well-known -Vedantist Madhavacharya, brother of Sayana. The strong scepticism -of the Charvakas showed itself in the rejection of all the means -of knowledge accepted by other schools, excepting perception. To -them matter was the only reality. Soul they regarded as nothing -but the body with the attribute of intelligence. They held it to -be created when the body is formed by the combination of elements, -just as the power of intoxication arises from the mixture of certain -ingredients. Hence with the annihilation of the body the soul also is -annihilated. Not transmigration, they affirm, but the true nature of -things, is the cause from which phenomena proceed. The existence of -all that transcends the senses they deny, sometimes with an admixture -of irony. Thus the highest being, they say, is the king of the land, -whose existence is proved by the perception of the whole world; -hell is earthly pain produced by earthly causes; and salvation is the -dissolution of the body. Even in the attribution of their text-book to -Brihaspati, the name of the preceptor of the gods, a touch of irony -is to be detected. The religion of the Brahmans receives a severe -handling. The Vedas, say the Charvakas, are only the incoherent -rhapsodies of knaves, and are tainted with the three blemishes of -falsehood, self-contradiction, and tautology; Vedic teachers are -impostors, whose doctrines are mutually destructive; and the ritual of -the Brahmans is useful only as a means of livelihood. "If," they ask, -"an animal sacrificed reaches heaven, why does the sacrificer not -rather offer his own father?" - -On the moral side the system is pure hedonism. For the only end of -man is here stated to be sensual pleasure, which is to be enjoyed -by neglecting as far as possible the pains connected with it, -just as a man who desires fish takes the scales and bones into the -bargain. "While life remains, let a man live happily, let him feed on -ghee even though he run into debt; when once the body becomes ashes, -how can it ever return again?" - -The author of the Sarvadarçana-samgraha, placing himself with -remarkable mental detachment in the position of an adherent in each -case, describes altogether sixteen systems. The six which have not been -sketched above, besides being of little importance, are not purely -philosophic. Five of these are sectarian, one Vishnuite and four -Çivite, all of them being strongly tinctured with Sankhya and Vedanta -doctrines. The sixth, the system of Panini, is classed by Madhava -among the philosophies, simply because the Indian grammarians accepted -the Mimamsa dogma of the eternity of sound, and philosophically -developed the Yoga theory of the sphuta, or the imperceptible and -eternal element inherent in every word as the vehicle of its sense. - - - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -SANSKRIT LITERATURE AND THE WEST - - -Want of space makes it impossible for me to give even the briefest -account of the numerous and, in many cases, important legal and -scientific works written in Sanskrit. But I cannot conclude this -survey of Sanskrit literature as an embodiment of Indian culture -without sketching rapidly the influence which it has received from and -exercised upon the nations of the West. An adequate treatment of this -highly interesting theme could only be presented in a special volume. - -The oldest trace of contact between the Indians and the peoples of -the West is to be found in the history of Indian writing, which, -as we have already seen (p. 16) was derived from a Semitic source, -probably as early as 800 B.C. - -The Aryans having conquered Hindustan in prehistoric times, -began themselves to fall under foreign domination from an early -period. The extreme north-west became subject to Persian sway from -about 500 to 331 B.C. under the Achĉmenid dynasty. Cyrus the First -made tributary the Indian tribes of the Gandharas and Açvakas. The -old Persian inscriptions of Behistun and Persepolis show that his -successor, Darius Hystaspis, ruled over not only the Gandharians, -but also the people of the Indus. Herodotus also states that this -monarch had subjected the "Northern Indians." At the command of the -same Darius, a Greek named Skylax is said to have travelled in India, -and to have navigated the Indus in 509 B.C. From his account various -Greek writers, among them Herodotus, derived their information about -India. In the army which Xerxes led against Greece in 480 B.C. there -were divisions of Gandharians and Indians, whose dress and equipment -are described by Herodotus. That historian also makes the statement -that the satrapy of India furnished the heaviest tribute in the Persian -empire, adding that the gold with which it was paid was brought from -a desert in the east, where it was dug up by ants larger than foxes. - -At the beginning of the fourth century B.C., the Greek physician -Ktesias, who resided at the court of Artaxerxes II., learnt much from -the Persians about India, and was personally acquainted with wise -Indians. Little useful information can, however, be derived from -the account of India which he wrote after his return in 398 B.C., -as it has been very imperfectly preserved, and his reputation for -veracity did not stand high among his countrymen. - -The destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander the Great led to a -new invasion of India, which fixes the first absolutely certain date -in Indian history. In 327 B.C. Alexander passed over the Hindu Kush -with an army of 120,000 infantry and 30,000 cavalry. After taking -the town of Pushkalavati (the Greek Peukelaotis) at the confluence -of the Kabul and Indus, and subduing the Açvakas (variously called -Assakanoi, Aspasioi, Hippasioi, by Greek writers) on the north and -the Gandharas on the south of the Kabul River, he crossed the Indus -early in 326. At Takshaçila (Greek Taxiles), between the Indus and -the Jhelum (Hydaspes), the Greeks for the first time saw Brahman -Yogis, or "the wise men of the Indians," as they called them, and -were astonished at their asceticism and strange doctrines. - -Between the Jhelum and the Chenab (Akesines) lay the kingdom of -the Pauravas or Pauras, whose prince, called Porus by the Greeks -from the name of his people, led out an army of 50,000 infantry, -4000 cavalry, 200 elephants, and 400 chariots to check the advance -of the invader. Then on the banks of the Jhelum was fought the -great historic battle, in which Alexander, after a severe struggle, -finally won the day by superior numbers and force of genius. He -continued his victorious march eastwards till he reached the Sutlej -(Greek Zadadres). But here his further progress towards the Ganges -was arrested by the opposition of his Macedonians, intimidated by -the accounts they heard of the great power of the king of the Prasioi -(Sanskrit Prachyas, or "Easterns"). Hence, after appointing satraps -of the Panjab and of Sindh, he sailed down to the mouths of the Indus -and returned to Persia by Gedrosia. Of the writings of those who -accompanied Alexander, nothing has been preserved except statements -from them in later authors. - -After Alexander's death the assassination of the old king Porus -by Eudemus, the satrap of the Panjab, led to a rebellion in which -the Indians cast off the Greek yoke under the leadership of a young -adventurer named Chandragupta (the Sandrakottos or Sandrokyptos of -the Greeks). Having gained possession of the Indus territory in 317, -and dethroned the king of Pataliputra in 315 B.C., he became master -of the whole Ganges Valley as well. The Maurya dynasty, which he -thus founded, lasted for 137 years (315-178 B.C.). His empire was the -largest hitherto known in India, as it embraced the whole territory -between the Himalaya and the Vindhya from the mouths of the Ganges -to the Indus, including Gujarat. - -Seleucus, who had founded a kingdom in Media and Persia, feeling -himself unable to vanquish Chandragupta, sent a Greek named Megasthenes -to reside at his court at Pataliputra. This ambassador thus lived -for several years in the heart of India between 311 and 302 B.C., -and wrote a work entitled Ta Indika, which is particularly valuable -as the earliest direct record of his visit by a foreigner who knew -the country himself. Megasthenes furnishes particulars about the -strength of Chandragupta's army and the administration of the state. He -mentions forest ascetics (Hylobioi), and distinguishes Brachmanes and -Sarmanai as two classes of philosophers, meaning, doubtless, Brahmans -and Buddhists (çramanas). He tells us that the Indians worshipped -the rain-bringing Zeus (Indra) as well as the Ganges, which must, -therefore, have already been a sacred river. By his description of -the god Dionysus, whom they worshipped in the mountains, Çiva must -be intended, and by Herakles, adored in the plains, especially among -the Çurasenas on the Yamuna and in the city of Methora, no other can -be meant than Vishnu and his incarnation Krishna, the chief city of -whose tribe of Yadavas was Mathura (Muttra). These statements seem to -justify the conclusion that Çiva and Vishnu were already prominent as -highest gods, the former in the mountains, the latter in the Ganges -Valley. Krishna would also seem to have been regarded as an Avatar of -Vishnu, though it is to be noted that Krishna is not yet mentioned -in the old Buddhist Sutras. We also learn from Megasthenes that the -doctrine of the four ages of the world (yugas) was fully developed -in India by his time. - -Chandragupta's grandson, the famous Açoka, not only maintained his -national Indian empire, but extended it in every direction. Having -adopted Buddhism as the state religion, he did much to spread its -doctrines, especially to Ceylon, which since then has remained the -most faithful guardian of Buddhist tradition. - -After Açoka's death the Grĉco-Bactrian princes began about 200 -B.C. to conquer Western India, and ruled there for about eighty -years. Euthydemos extended his dominions to the Jhelum. His son -Demetrios (early in the second century B.C.) appears to have held sway -over the Lower Indus, Malava, Gujarat, and probably also Kashmir. He -is called "King of the Indians," and was the first to introduce -a bilingual coinage by adding an Indian inscription in Kharoshthi -characters on the reverse to the Greek on the obverse. Eukratides -(190-160 B.C.), who rebelled against Demetrios, subjected the Panjab -as far east as the Beäs. After the reign of Heliokles (160-120 B.C.), -the Greek princes in India ceased to be connected with Bactria. The -most prominent among these Grĉco-Indians was Menander (c. 150 B.C.), -who, under the name of Milinda, is well known in Buddhist writings. The -last vestige of Greek domination in India disappeared about 20 B.C., -having lasted nearly two centuries. It is a remarkable fact that no -Greek monumental inscriptions have ever been found in India. - -With the beginning of the Grĉco-Indian period also commenced the -incursions of the Scythic tribes, who are called Indo-Scythians by -the Greeks, and by the Indians Çakas, the Persian designation of -Scythians in general. Of these so-called Scythians the Jats of the -Panjab are supposed to be the descendants. The rule of these Çaka -kings, the earliest of whom is Maues or Moa (c. 120 B.C.), endured -down to 178 A.D., or about three centuries. Their memory is preserved -in India by the Çaka era, which is still in use, and dates from 78 -A.D., the inaugural year of Kanishka, the only famous king of this -race. His dominions, which included Kanyakubja (Kanauj) on the Ganges, -extended beyond the confines of India to parts of Central Asia. A -zealous adherent of Buddhism, he made Gandhara and Kashmir the chief -seat of that religion, and held the fourth Buddhist council in the -latter country. - -About 20 B.C. the Çakas were followed into India by the Kushanas, -who were one of the five tribes of the Yueh-chi from Central Asia, -and who subsequently conquered the whole of Northern India. - -After having been again united into a single empire almost as great as -that of Chandragupta under the national dynasty of the Guptas, from 319 -to 480 A.D., Northern India, partly owing to the attacks of the Hunas, -was split up into several kingdoms, some under the later Guptas, till -606 A.D., when Harshavardhana of Kanauj gained paramount power over -the whole of Northern India. During his reign the poet Bana flourished, -and the celebrated Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Thsang visited India. - -With the Muhammadan conquest about 1000 A.D. the country again fell -under a foreign yoke. As after Alexander's invasion, we have the good -fortune to possess in Alberuni's India (c. 1030 A.D.) the valuable -work of a cultivated foreigner, giving a detailed account of the -civilisation of India at this new era in its history. - -This repeated contact of the Indians with foreign invaders from -the West naturally led to mutual influences in various branches -of literature. - -With regard to the Epics, we find the statement of the Greek -rhetorician Dio Chrysostomos (50-117 A.D.) that the Indians sang -in their own language the poetry of Homer, the sorrows of Priam, -the laments of Andromache and Hecuba, the valour of Achilles and -Hector. The similarity of some of the leading characters of the -Mahabharata, to which the Greek writer evidently alludes, caused him -to suppose that the Indian epic was a translation of the Iliad. There -is, however, no connection of any kind between the two poems. Nor -does Professor Weber's assumption of Greek influence on the Ramayana -appear to have any sufficient basis (p. 307). - -The view has been held that the worship of Krishna, who, as we have -seen, plays an important part in the Mahabharata, arose under the -influence of Christianity, with which it certainly has some rather -striking points of resemblance. This theory is, however, rendered -improbable, at least as far as the origin of the cult of Krishna is -concerned, by the conclusions at which we have arrived regarding the -age of the Mahabharata (pp. 286-287), as well as by the statements of -Megasthenes, which indicate that Krishna was deified and worshipped -some centuries before the beginning of our era. We know, moreover, -from the Mahabhashya that the story of Krishna was the subject of -dramatic representations in the second or, at latest, the first -century before the birth of Christ. - -It is an interesting question whether the Indian drama has any genetic -connection with that of Greece. It must be admitted that opportunities -for such a connection may have existed during the first three -centuries preceding our era. On his expedition to India, Alexander -was accompanied by numerous artists, among whom there may have been -actors. Seleucus gave his daughter in marriage to Chandragupta, and -both that ruler and Ptolemy II. maintained relations with the court of -Pataliputra by means of ambassadors. Greek dynasties ruled in Western -India for nearly two centuries. Alexandria was connected by a lively -commerce with the town called by the Greeks Barygaza (now Broach), at -the mouth of the Narmada (Nerbudda) in Gujarat; with the latter town -was united by a trade route the city of Ujjayini (Greek Ozene), which -in consequence reached a high pitch of prosperity. Philostratus (second -century A.D.), not it is true a very trustworthy authority, states -in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana, who visited India about 50 A.D., -that Greek literature was held in high esteem by the Brahmans. Indian -inscriptions mention Yavana or Greek girls sent to India as tribute, -and Sanskrit authors, especially Kalidasa, describe Indian princes -as waited on by them. Professor Weber has even conjectured that the -Indian god of love, Kama, bears a dolphin (makara) in his banner, -like the Greek Eros, through the influence of Greek courtesans. - -The existence of such conditions has induced Professor Weber to -believe that the representations of Greek plays, which must have -taken place at the courts of Greek princes in Bactria, in the Panjab, -and in Gujarat, suggested the drama to the Indians as a subject for -imitation. This theory is supported by the fact that the curtain of -the Indian stage is called yavanika or the "Greek partition." Weber -at the same time admits that there is no internal connection between -the Indian and the Greek drama. - -Professor Windisch, however, went further, and maintained such -internal connection. It was, indeed, impossible for him to point out -any affinity to the Greek tragedy, but he thought he could trace in -the Mricchakatika the influence of the new Attic comedy, which reached -its zenith with Menander about 300 B.C. The points in which that play -resembles this later Greek comedy are fewer and slighter in other -Sanskrit dramas, and can easily be explained as independently developed -in India. The improbability of the theory is emphasised by the still -greater affinity of the Indian drama to that of Shakespeare. It is -doubtful whether Greek plays were ever actually performed in India; at -any rate, no references to such performances have been preserved. The -earliest Sanskrit plays extant are, moreover, separated from the Greek -period by at least four hundred years. The Indian drama has had a -thoroughly national development, and even its origin, though obscure, -easily admits of an indigenous explanation. The name of the curtain, -yavanika, may, indeed, be a reminiscence of Greek plays actually seen -in India; but it is uncertain whether the Greek theatre had a curtain -at all; in any case, it did not form the background of the stage. - -It is a fact worth noting, that the beginning of one of the most famous -of modern European dramas has been modelled on that of a celebrated -Sanskrit play. The prelude of Çakuntala suggested to Goethe the plan -of the prologue on the stage in Faust, where the stage-manager, the -merryandrew, and the poet converse regarding the play about to be -performed (cf. p. 351). Forster's German translation of Kalidasa's -masterpiece appeared in 1791, and the profound impression it produced -on Goethe is proved by the well-known epigram he composed on Çakuntala -in the same year. The impression was a lasting one; for the theatre -prologue of Faust was not written till 1797, and as late as 1830 the -poet thought of adapting the Indian play for the Weimar stage. - -If in epic and dramatic poetry hardly any definite influences can be -traced between India and the West, how different is the case in the -domain of fables and fairy tales! The story of the migration of these -from India certainly forms the most romantic chapter in the literary -history of the world. - -We know that in the sixth century A.D. there existed in India a -Buddhist collection of fables, in which animals play the part -of human beings (cf. p. 369). By the command of the Sassanian -king, Khosru Anushirvan (531-579), this work was translated by a -Persian physician named Barzoi into Pehlevi. Both this version and -the unmodified original have been lost, but two early and notable -translations from the Pehlevi have been preserved. The Syriac one was -made about 570 A.D., and called Kalilag and Damnag. A manuscript of -it was found by chance in 1870, and, becoming known to scholars by -a wonderful chapter of lucky accidents, was published in 1876. The -Arabic translation from the Pehlevi, entitled Kalilah and Dimnah, -or "Fables of Pilpay," was made in the eighth century by a Persian -convert to Islam, who died about 760 A.D. In this translation a -wicked king is represented to be reclaimed to virtue by a Brahman -philosopher named Bidbah, a word which has been satisfactorily traced -through Pehlevi to the Sanskrit vidyapati, "master of sciences," -"chief scholar." From this bidbah is derived the modern Bidpai or -Pilpay, which is thus not a proper name at all. - -This Arabic version is of great importance, as the source of other -versions which exercised very great influence in shaping the literature -of the Middle Ages in Europe. These versions of it were the later -Syriac (c. 1000 A.D.), the Greek (1180), the Persian (c. 1130), recast -later (c. 1494) under the title of Anvar-i-Suhaili, or "Lights of -Canopus," the old Spanish (1251), and the Hebrew one made about 1250. - -The fourth stratum of translation is represented by John of Capua's -rendering of the Hebrew version into Latin (c. 1270), entitled -Directorium Humanĉ Vitĉ which was printed about 1480. - -From John of Capua's work was made, at the instance of Duke Eberhardt -of Würtemberg, the famous German version, Das Buch der Byspel der -alten Wysen, or "Book of Apologues of the Ancient Sages," first -printed about 1481. The fact that four dated editions appeared -at Ulm between 1483 and 1485, and thirteen more down to 1592, is -a sufficiently eloquent proof of the importance of this work as a -means of instruction and amusement during the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries. The Directorium was also the source of the Italian version, -printed at Venice in 1552, from which came the English translation of -Sir Thomas North (1570). The latter was thus separated from the Indian -original by five intervening translations and a thousand years of time. - -It is interesting to note the changes which tales undergo in the -course of such wanderings. In the second edition of his Fables -(1678), La Fontaine acknowledges his indebtedness for a large part -of his work to the Indian sage Pilpay. A well-known story in the -French writer is that of the milkmaid, who, while carrying a pail -of milk on her head to market, and building all kinds of castles in -the air with the future proceeds of the sale of the milk, suddenly -gives a jump of joy at the prospect of her approaching fortune, and -thereby shatters the pail to pieces on the ground. This is only a -transformation of a story still preserved in the Panchatantra. Here -it is a Brahman who, having filled an alms-bowl with the remnants of -some rice-pap he has begged, hangs it up on a nail in the wall above -his bed. He dreams of the money he will procure by selling the rice -when a famine breaks out. Then he will gradually acquire cattle, buy -a fine house, and marry a beautiful girl with a rich dowry. One day -when he calls to his wife to take away his son who is playing about, -and she does not hear, he will rise up to give her a kick. As this -thought passes through his mind, his foot shatters the alms-bowl, -the contents of which are spilt all over him. - -Another Panchatantra story recurring in La Fontaine is that of the -too avaricious jackal. Finding the dead bodies of a boar and a hunter, -besides the bow of the latter, he resolves on devouring the bowstring -first. As soon as he begins to gnaw, the bow starts asunder, pierces -his head, and kills him. In La Fontaine the jackal has become a wolf, -and the latter is killed by the arrow shot off as he touches the bow. - -Nothing, perhaps, in the history of the migration of Indian tales is -more remarkable than the story of Barlaam and Josaphat. At the court of -Khalif Almansur (753-774), under whom Kalilah and Dimnah was translated -into Arabic, there lived a Christian known as John of Damascus, -who wrote in Greek the story of Barlaam and Josaphat as a manual of -Christian theology. This became one of the most popular books of the -Middle Ages, being translated into many Oriental as well as European -languages. It is enlivened by a number of fables and parables, most of -which have been traced to Indian sources. The very hero of the story, -Prince Josaphat, has an Indian origin, being, in fact, no other than -Buddha. The name has been shown to be a corruption of Bodhisattva, -a well-known designation of the Indian reformer. Josaphat rose to the -rank of a saint both in the Greek and the Roman Church, his day in the -former being August 26, in the latter November 27. That the founder of -an atheistic Oriental religion should have developed into a Christian -saint is one of the most astounding facts in religious history. - -Though Europe was thus undoubtedly indebted to India for its mediĉval -literature of fairy tales and fables, the Indian claim to priority -of origin in ancient times is somewhat dubious. A certain number of -apologues found in the collections of Ĉsop and Babrius are distinctly -related to Indian fables. The Indian claim is supported by the argument -that the relation of the jackal to the lion is a natural one in the -Indian fable, while the connection of the fox and the lion in Greece -has no basis in fact. On the other side it has been urged that animals -and birds which are peculiar to India play but a minor part in Indian -fables, while there exists a Greek representation of the Ĉsopian fable -of the fox and the raven, dating from the sixth century B.C. Weber and -Benfey both conclude that the Indians borrowed a few fables from the -Greeks, admitting at the same time that the Indians had independent -fables of their own before. Rudimentary fables are found even in -the Chhandogya Upanishad, and the transmigration theory would have -favoured the development of this form of tale; indeed Buddha himself -in the old Jataka stories appears in the form of various animals. - -Contemporaneously with the fable literature, the most intellectual game -the world has known began its westward migration from India. Chess -in Sanskrit is called chatur-anga, or the "four-limbed army," -because it represents a kriegspiel, in which two armies, consisting -of infantry, cavalry, chariots, and elephants, each led by a king -and his councillor, are opposed. The earliest direct mention of -the game in Sanskrit literature is found in the works of Bana, and -the Kavyalamkara of Rudrata, a Kashmirian poet of the ninth century, -contains a metrical puzzle illustrating the moves of the chariot, the -elephant, and the horse. Introduced into Persia in the sixth century, -chess was brought by the Arabs to Europe, where it was generally known -by 1100 A.D. It has left its mark on mediĉval poetry, on the idioms -of European languages (e.g. "check," from the Persian shah, "king"), -on the science of arithmetic in the calculation of progressions with -the chessboard, and even in heraldry, where the "rook" often figures -in coats of arms. Beside the fable literature of India, this Indian -game served to while away the tedious life of myriads during the -Middle Ages in Europe. - -Turning to Philosophical Literature, we find that the early Greek and -Indian philosophers have many points in common. Some of the leading -doctrines of the Eleatics, that God and the universe are one, that -everything existing in multiplicity has no reality, that thinking -and being are identical, are all to be found in the philosophy of -the Upanishads and the Vedanta system, which is its outcome. Again, -the doctrine of Empedocles, that nothing can arise which has not -existed before, and that nothing existing can be annihilated, has -its exact parallel in the characteristic doctrine of the Sankhya -system about the eternity and indestructibility of matter. According -to Greek tradition, Thales, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Democritus, and -others undertook journeys to Oriental countries in order to study -philosophy. Hence there is at least the historical possibility of -the Greeks having been influenced by Indian thought through Persia. - -Whatever may be the truth in the cases just mentioned, the dependence -of Pythagoras on Indian philosophy and science certainly seems to -have a high degree of probability. Almost all the doctrines ascribed -to him, religious, philosophical, mathematical, were known in India -in the sixth century B.C. The coincidences are so numerous that their -cumulative force becomes considerable. The transmigration theory, the -assumption of five elements, the Pythagorean theorem in geometry, the -prohibition as to eating beans, the religio-philosophical character -of the Pythagorean fraternity, and the mystical speculations of -the Pythagorean school, all have their close parallels in ancient -India. The doctrine of metempsychosis in the case of Pythagoras appears -without any connection or explanatory background, and was regarded -by the Greeks as of foreign origin. He could not have derived it -from Egypt, as it was not known to the ancient Egyptians. In spite, -however, of the later tradition, it seems impossible that Pythagoras -should have made his way to India at so early a date, but he could -quite well have met Indians in Persia. - -Coming to later centuries, we find indications that the Neo-Platonist -philosophy may have been influenced by the Sankhya system, which -flourished in the first centuries of our era, and could easily have -become known at Alexandria owing to the lively intercourse between -that city and India at the time. From this source Plotinus (204-269 -A.D.), chief of the Neo-Platonists, may have derived his doctrine -that soul is free from suffering, which belongs only to matter, -his identification of soul with light, and his illustrative use -of the mirror, in which the reflections of objects appear, for the -purpose of explaining the phenomena of consciousness. The influence -of the Yoga system on Plotinus is suggested by his requirement that -man should renounce the world of sense and strive after truth by -contemplation. Connection with Sankhya ideas is still more likely in -the case of Plotinus's most eminent pupil, Porphyry (232-304 A.D.), -who lays particular stress on the difference between soul and matter, -on the omnipresence of soul when freed from the bonds of matter, and -on the doctrine that the world has no beginning. It is also noteworthy -that he rejects sacrifice and prohibits the killing of animals. - -The influence of Indian philosophy on Christian Gnosticism in the -second and third centuries seems at any rate undoubted. The Gnostic -doctrine of the opposition between soul and matter, of the personal -existence of intellect, will, and so forth, the identification of soul -and light, are derived from the Sankhya system. The division, peculiar -to several Gnostics, of men into the three classes of pneumatikoi, -psychikoi, and hylikoi, is also based on the Sankhya doctrine of the -three gunas. Again, Bardesanes, a Gnostic of the Syrian school, who -obtained information about India from Indian philosophers, assumed -the existence of a subtle ethereal body which is identical with the -linga-çarira of the Sankhya system. Finally, the many heavens of -the Gnostics are evidently derived from the fantastic cosmogony of -later Buddhism. - -With regard to the present century, the influence of Indian thought -on the pessimistic philosophy of Schopenhauer and Von Hartmann is -well known. How great an impression the Upanishads produced on the -former, even in a second-hand Latin translation, may be inferred from -his writing that they were his consolation in life and would be so -in death. - -In Science, too, the debt of Europe to India has been -considerable. There is, in the first place, the great fact that the -Indians invented the numerical figures used all over the world. The -influence which the decimal system of reckoning dependent on those -figures has had not only on mathematics, but on the progress of -civilisation in general, can hardly be over-estimated. During -the eighth and ninth centuries the Indians became the teachers in -arithmetic and algebra of the Arabs, and through them of the nations -of the West. Thus, though we call the latter science by an Arabic name, -it is a gift we owe to India. - -In Geometry the points of contact between the Çulva Sutras and the -work of the Greeks are so considerable, that, according to Cantor, -the historian of mathematics, borrowing must have taken place on one -side or the other. In the opinion of that authority, the Çulva Sutras -were influenced by the Alexandrian geometry of Hero (215 B.C.), which, -he thinks, came to India after 100 B.C. The Çulva Sutras are, however, -probably far earlier than that date, for they form an integral portion -of the Çrauta Sutras, and their geometry is a part of the Brahmanical -theology, having taken its rise in India from practical motives as much -as the science of grammar. The prose parts of the Yajurvedas and the -Brahmanas constantly speak of the arrangement of the sacrificial ground -and the construction of altars according to very strict rules, the -slightest deviation from which might cause the greatest disaster. It -is not likely that the exclusive Brahmans should have been willing to -borrow anything closely connected with their religion from foreigners. - -Of Astronomy the ancient Indians had but slight independent -knowledge. It is probable that they derived their early acquaintance -with the twenty-eight divisions of the moon's orbit from the Chaldeans -through their commercial relations with the Phoenicians. Indian -astronomy did not really begin to flourish till it was affected by that -of Greece; it is indeed the one science in which undoubtedly strong -Greek influence can be proved. The debt which the native astronomers -always acknowledge they owe to the Yavanas is sufficiently obvious -from the numerous Greek terms in Indian astronomical writings. Thus, -in Varaha Mihira's Hora-çastra the signs of the zodiac are enumerated -either by Sanskrit names translated from the Greek or by the original -Greek names, as Ara for Ares, Heli for Helios, Jyau for Zeus. Many -technical terms were directly borrowed from Greek works, as kendra -for kentron, jamitra for diametron. Some of the very names of the -oldest astronomical treatises of the Indians indicate their Western -origin. Thus the Romaka-siddhanta means the "Roman manual." The title -of Varaha Mihira's Hora-çastra contains the Greek word hora. - -In a few respects, however, the Indians independently advanced -astronomical science further than the Greeks themselves, and at a later -period they in their turn influenced the West even in astronomy. For -in the eighth and ninth centuries they became the teachers of the -Arabs in this science also. The siddhantas (Arabic Sind Hind), the -writings of Aryabhata (called Arjehir), and the Ahargana (Arkand), -attributed to Brahmagupta, were translated or adapted by the Arabs, -and Khalifs of Bagdad repeatedly summoned Indian astronomers to their -court to supervise this work. Through the Arabs, Indian astronomy -then migrated to Europe, which in this case only received back in a -roundabout way what it had given long before. Thus the Sanskrit word -uchcha, "apex of a planet's orbit," was borrowed in the form of aux -(gen. aug-is) in Latin translations of Arabic astronomers. - -After Bhaskara (twelfth century), Hindu astronomy, ceasing to make -further progress, became once more merged in the astrology from which -it had sprung. It was now the turn of the Arabs, and, by a strange -inversion of things, an Arabic writer of the ninth century who had -written on Indian astronomy and arithmetic, in this period became an -object of study to the Hindus. The old Greek terms remained, but new -Arabic ones were added as the necessity for them arose. - -The question as to whether Indian Medical Science in its earlier -period was affected by that of the Greeks cannot yet be answered with -certainty, the two systems not having hitherto been compared with -sufficient care. Recently, however, some close parallels have been -discovered between the works of Hippocrates and Charaka (according -to a Chinese authority, the official physician of King Kanishka), -which render Greek influence before the beginning of our era likely. - -On the other hand, the effect of Hindu medical science upon the Arabs -after about 700 A.D. was considerable, for the Khalifs of Bagdad caused -several books on the subject to be translated. The works of Charaka -and Suçruta (probably not later than the fourth century A.D.) were -rendered into Arabic at the close of the eighth century, and are -quoted as authorities by the celebrated Arabic physician Al-Razi, -who died in 932 A.D. Arabic medicine in its turn became the chief -authority, down to the seventeenth century, of European physicians. By -the latter Indian medical authors must have been thought highly of, -for Charaka is repeatedly mentioned in the Latin translations of the -Arab writers Avicenna (Ibn Sina), Rhazes (Al-Razi), and Serapion (Ibn -Sarafyun). In modern days European surgery has borrowed the operation -of rhinoplasty, or the formation of artificial noses, from India, -where Englishmen became acquainted with the art in the last century. - -We have already seen that the discovery of the Sanskrit language -and literature led, in the present century, to the foundation -of the two new sciences of Comparative Mythology and Comparative -Philology. Through the latter it has even affected the practical -school-teaching of the classical languages in Europe. The interest in -Buddhism has already produced an immense literature in Europe. Some -of the finest lyrics of Heine, and works like Sir Edwin Arnold's -Light of Asia, to mention only a few instances, have drawn their -inspiration from Sanskrit poetry. The intellectual debt of Europe to -Sanskrit literature has thus been undeniably great; it may perhaps -become greater still in the years that are to come. - - - - - - -APPENDIX ON TECHNICAL LITERATURE - - -LAW. - -On Sanskrit legal literature in general, consult the very valuable -work of Jolly, Recht und Sitte, in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, 1896 -(complete bibliography). There are several secondary Dharma Sutras of -the post-Vedic period. The most important of these is the Vaishnava -Dharma Çastra or Vishnu Smriti (closely connected with the Kathaka -Grihya Sutra), not earlier than 200 A.D. in its final redaction (ed. by -Jolly, Calcutta, 1881, trans. by him in the Sacred Books of the East, -Oxford, 1880). The regular post-Vedic lawbooks are metrical (mostly -in çlokas). They are much wider in scope than the Dharma Sutras, which -are limited to matters connected with religion. The most important and -earliest of the metrical Smritis is the Manava Dharma Çastra, or Code -of Manu, not improbably based on a Manava Dharma Sutra. It is closely -connected with the Mahabharata, of which three books alone (iii., -xii., xvi.) contain as many as 260 of its 2684 çlokas. It probably -assumed its present shape not much later than 200 A.D. It was ed. by -Jolly, London, 1887; trans. by Bühler, with valuable introd., in the -Sacred Books, Oxford, 1886; also trans. by Burnell (ed. by Hopkins), -London, 1884; text ed., with seven comm., by Mandlik, Bombay, 1886; -text, with Kulluka's comm., Bombay, 1888, better than Nirn. Sag. Pr., -ed. 1887. Next comes the Yajnavalkya Dharma Çastra, which is much -more concise (1009 çlokas). It was probably based on a Dharma Sutra -of the White Yajurveda; its third section resembles the Paraskara -Grihya Sutra, but it is unmistakably connected with the Manava Grihya -Sutra of the Black Yajurveda. Its approximate date seems to be about -350 A.D. Its author probably belonged to Mithila, capital of Videha -(Tirhut). Yajnavalkya, ed. and trans, by Stenzler, Berlin, 1849; -with comm. Mitakshara, 3rd ed., Bombay, 1892. The Narada Smriti is -the first to limit dharma to law in the strict sense. It contains -more than 12,000 çlokas, and appears to have been founded chiefly on -Manu. Bana mentions a Naradiya Dharma Çastra, and Narada was annotated -by one of the earliest legal commentators in the eighth century. His -date is probably about 500 A.D. Narada, ed. by Jolly, Calcutta, 1885, -trans. by him in Sacred Books, vol. xxxiii. 1889. A late lawbook is the -Paraçara Smriti (anterior to 1300 A.D.), ed. in Bombay Sansk. Series, -1893; trans. Bibl. Ind., 1887. The second stage of post-Vedic legal -literature is formed by the commentaries. The oldest one preserved -is that of Medhatithi on Manu; he dates from about 900 A.D. The most -famous comm. on Manu is that of Kulluka-bhatta, composed at Benares -in the fifteenth century, but it is nothing more than a plagiarism -of Govindaraja, a commentator of the twelfth century. The most -celebrated comm. on Yajnavalkya is the Mitakshara of Vijnaneçvara, -composed about 1100 A.D. It early attained to the position of a -standard work, not only in the Dekhan, but even in Benares and a -great part of Northern India. In the present century it acquired the -greatest importance in the practice of the Anglo-Indian law-courts -through Colebrooke's translation of the section which it contains on -the law of inheritance. From about 1000 A.D. onwards, an innumerable -multitude of legal compendia, called Dharma-nibandhas, was produced -in India. The most imposing of them is the voluminous work in five -parts entitled Chaturvarga-chintamani, composed by Hemadri about -1300 A.D. It hardly treats of law at all, but is a perfect mine of -interesting quotations from the Smritis and the Puranas; it has been -edited in the Bibl. Ind. The Dharmaratna of Jimutavahana (probably -fifteenth century) may here be mentioned, because part of it is the -famous treatise on the law of inheritance entitled Dayabhaga, which is -the chief work of the Bengal School on the subject, and was translated -by Colebrooke. It should be noted that the Indian Smritis are not on -the same footing as the lawbooks of other nations, but are works of -private individuals; they were also written by Brahmans for Brahmans, -whose caste pretensions they consequently exaggerate. It is therefore -important to check their statements by outside evidence. - - - - -HISTORY. - -No work of a directly historical character is met with in -Sanskrit literature till after the Muhammadan conquest. This is -the Rajatarangini, or "River of Kings," a chronicle of the kings of -Kashmir, begun by its author, Kalhana, in 1148 A.D. It contains nearly -8000 çlokas. The early part of the work is legendary in character. The -poet does not become historical till he approaches his own times. This -work (ed. M. A. Stein, Bombay, 1892; trans, by Y. C. Datta, Calc., -1898) is of considerable value for the archĉology and chronology -of Kashmir. - - - - -GRAMMAR. - -On the native grammatical literature see especially Wackernagel, -Altindische Grammatik, vol. i. p. lix. sqq. The oldest grammar -preserved is that of Panini, who, however, mentions no fewer than -sixty-four predecessors. He belonged to the extreme north-west of -India, and probably flourished about 300 B.C. His work consists of -nearly 4000 sutras divided into eight chapters; text with German -trans., ed. by Böhtlingk, Leipsic, 1887. Panini had before him a list -of irregularly formed words, which survives, in a somewhat modified -form, as the Unadi Sutra (ed. by Aufrecht, with Ujjvaladatta's comm., -Bonn, 1859). There are also two appendixes to which Panini refers: -one is the Dhatupatha, "List of Verbal Roots," containing some -2000 roots, of which only about 800 have been found in Sanskrit -literature, and from which about fifty Vedic verbs are omitted; -the second is the Ganapatha, or "List of Word-Groups," to which -certain rules apply. These ganas were metrically arranged in the -Ganaratna-mahodadhi, composed by Vardhamana in 1140 A.D. (ed. by -Eggeling, London, 1879). Among the earliest attempts to explain -Panini was the formulation of rules of interpretation or paribhashas; -a collection of these was made in the last century by Nagojibhatta in -his Paribhashenduçekhara (ed. by Kielhorn, Bombay Sansk. Ser., 1868 and -1871). Next we have the Varttikas or "Notes" of Katyayana (probably -third century B.C.) on 1245 of Panini's rules, and, somewhat later, -numerous grammatical Karikas or comments in metrical form: all this -critical work was collected by Patanjali in his Mahabhashya or "Great -Commentary," with supplementary comments of his own (ed. Kielhorn, 3 -vols., Bombay). He deals with 1713 rules of Panini. He probably lived -in the later half of the second century B.C., and in any case not later -than the beginning of our era. The Mahabhashya was commented on in -the seventh century by Bhartrihari in his Vakyapadiya (ed. in Benares -Sansk. Ser.), which is concerned with the philosophy of grammar, and -by Kaiyata (probably thirteenth century). About 650 A.D. was composed -the first complete comm. on Panini, the Kaçika Vritti or "Benares -Commentary," by Jayaditya and Vamana (2nd ed. Benares, 1898). In the -fifteenth century Ramachandra, in his Prakriya-kaumudi, or "Moonlight -of Method," endeavoured to make Panini's grammar easier by a more -practical arrangement of its matter. Bhattoji's Siddhanta-kaumudi -(seventeenth century) has a similar aim (ed. Nirnaya Sagara Press, -Bombay, 1894); an abridgment of this work, the Laghu-kaumudi, by -Varadaraja (ed. Ballantyne, with English trans., 4th ed., Benares, -1891), is commonly used as an introduction to the native system of -grammar. Among non-Paninean grammarians may be mentioned Chandra -(about 600 A.D.), the pseudo-Çakatayana (later than the Kaçika), and, -the most important, Hemachandra (12th cent.), author of a Prakrit -grammar (ed. and trans. by Pischel, two vols., Halle, 1877-80), and -of the Unadigana Sutra (ed. Kirste, Vienna, 1895). The Katantra of -Çarvavarman (ed. Eggeling, Bibl. Ind.) seems to have been the most -influential of the later grammars. Vararuchi's Prakrita-prakaça is a -Prakrit grammar (ed. by Cowell, 2nd ed., 1868). The Mugdhabodha (13th -cent.) of Vopadeva is the Sanskrit grammar chiefly used in Bengal. The -Phit Sutra (later than Patanjali) gives rules for the accentuation of -nouns (ed. Kielhorn, 1866); Hemachandra's Linganuçasana is a treatise -on gender (ed. Franke, Göttingen, 1886). Among European grammars -that of Whitney was the first to attempt a historical treatment -of the Vedic and Sanskrit language. The first grammar treating -Sanskrit from the comparative point of view is the excellent work -of Wackernagel, of which, however, only the first part (phonology) -has yet appeared. The present writer's abridgment (London, 1886) -of Max Müller's Sanskrit Grammar is a practical work for the use of -beginners of Classical Sanskrit. - - - - -LEXICOGRAPHY. - -Zachariĉ in Die indischen Wörterbücher (in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, -1897) deals with the subject as a whole (complete bibliography). The -Sanskrit dictionaries or koças are collections of rare words -or significations for the use of poets. They are all versified; -alphabetical order is entirely absent in the synonymous and only -incipient in the homonymous class. The Amarakoça (ed. with Maheçvara's -comm., Bombay), occupies the same dominant position in lexicography -as Panini in grammar, not improbably composed about 500 A.D. A -supplement to it is the Trikanda-çesha by Purushottamadeva (perhaps -as late as 1300 A.D.). Çaçvata's Anekartha-samuchchaya (ed. Zachariĉ, -1882) is possibly older than Amara. Halayudha's Abhidhanaratnamala -dates from about 950 A.D. (ed. Aufrecht, London, 1861). About a -century later is Yadavaprakaça's Vaijayanti (ed. Oppert, Madras, -1893). The Viçvaprakaça of Maheçvara Kavi dates from 1111 A.D. The -Mankha-koça (ed. Zachariĉ, Bombay, 1897) was composed in Kashmir about -1150 A.D. Hemachandra (1088-1172 A.D.) composed four dictionaries: -Abhidhana-chintamani, synonyms (ed. Böhtlingk and Rieu, St. Petersburg, -1847); Anekartha-samgraha, homonyms (ed. Zachariĉ, Vienna, 1893); -Deçinamamala, a Prakrit dictionary (ed. Pischel, Bombay, 1880); -and Nighantu-çesha, a botanical glossary, which forms a supplement -to his synonymous koça. - - - - -POETICS. - -Cf. Sylvain Lévi, Théâtre Indien, pp. 1-21; Regnaud, La Rhétorique -Sanskrite, Paris, 1884; Jacob, Notes on Alamkara Literature, in Journal -of the Roy. As. Soc., 1897, 1898. The oldest and most important work -on poetics is the Natya Çastra of Bharata, which probably goes back -to the sixth century A.D. (ed. in Kavyamala, No. 42, Bombay, 1894; -ed. by Grosset, Lyons, 1897). Dandin's Kavyadarça (end of sixth -century) contains about 650 çlokas (ed. with trans. by Böhtlingk, -Leipsic, 1890). Vamana's Kavyalamkaravritti, probably eighth century -(ed. Cappeller, Jena, 1875). Çringara-tilaka, or "Ornament of Erotics," -by Rudrabhata (ninth century), ed. by Pischel, Kiel, 1886 (cf. Journal -of German Or. Soc., 1888, p. 296 ff., 425 ff.; Vienna Or. Journal, -ii. p. 151 ff.). Rudrata Çatananda's Kavyalamkara (ed. in Kavyamala) -belongs to the ninth century. Dhanamjaya's Daçarupa, on the ten -kinds of drama, belongs to the tenth century (ed. Hall, 1865; -with comm. Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1897). The Kavyaprakaça -by Mammata and Alata dates from about 1100 (ed. in the Pandit, -1897). The Sahityadarpana was composed in Eastern Bengal about 1450 -A.D., by Viçvanatha Kaviraja (ed. J. Vidyasagara, Calcutta, 1895; -trans. by Ballantyne in Bibl. Ind.). - - - - -MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY. - -The only work dealing with this subject as a whole is Thibaut's -Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, in Bühler-Kielhorn's -Encyclopĉdia, 1899 (full bibliography). See also Cantor, Geschichte -der Mathematik, pp. 505-562, Leipsic, 1880. Mathematics are dealt with -in special chapters of the works of the early Indian astronomers. In -algebra they attained an eminence far exceeding anything ever achieved -by the Greeks. The earliest works of scientific Indian astronomy -(after about 300 A.D.) were four treatises called Siddhantas; only one, -the Suryasiddhanta (ed. and trans. by Whitney, Journ. Am. Or. Soc., -vol. vi.), has survived. The doctrines of such early works were reduced -to a more concise and practical form by Aryabhata, born, as he tells -us himself, at Pataliputra in 476 A.D. He maintained the rotation -of the earth round its axis (a doctrine not unknown to the Greeks), -and explained the cause of eclipses of the sun and moon. Mathematics -are treated in the third section of his work, the Aryabhatiya -(ed. with comm. by Kern, Leyden, 1874; math. section trans. by Rodet, -Journal Asiatique, 1879). Varaha Mihira, born near Ujjain, began his -calculations about 505 A.D., and, according to one of his commentators, -died in 587 A.D. He composed four works, written for the most part in -the Arya metre; three are astrological: the Brihat-samhita (ed. Kern, -Bibl. Ind., 1864, 1865, trans. in Journ. As. Soc., vol. iv.; new -ed. with comm. of Bhattotpala by S. Dvivedi, Benares, 1895-97), -the Brihaj-jataka (or Hora-çastra, trans. by C. Jyer, Madras, 1885), -and the Laghu-jataka (partly trans. by Weber, Ind. Stud., vol. ii., -and by Jacobi, 1872). His Pancha-siddhantika (ed. and for the most -part trans. by Thibaut and S. Dvivedi, Benares, 1889), based on five -siddhantas, is a karana or practical astronomical treatise. Another -distinguished astronomer was Brahmagupta, who, born in 598 A.D., wrote, -besides a karana, his Brahma Sphuta-siddhanta when thirty years old -(chaps. xii. and xviii. are mathematical). The last eminent Indian -astronomer was Bhaskaracharya, born in 1114 A.D. His Siddhanta-çiromani -has enjoyed more authority in India than any other astronomical work -except the Surya-siddhanta. - - - - -MEDICINE. - -Indian medical science must have begun to develop before the beginning -of our era, for one of its chief authorities, Charaka, was, according -to the Chinese translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka, the official -physician of King Kanishka in the first century A.D. His work, the -Charaka-samhita, has been edited several times: by J. Vidyasagara, -2nd ed., Calcutta, 1896, by Gupta, Calcutta, 1897, with comm. by -C. Dutta, Calcutta, 1892-1893; trans. by A. C. Kaviratna, Calcutta, -1897. Suçruta, the next great authority, seems to have lived not -later than the fourth century A.D., as the Bower MS. (probably -fifth century A.D.) contains passages not only parallel to, -but verbally agreeing with, passages in the works of Charaka and -Suçruta. (The Suçruta-samhita, ed. by J. Vidyasagara, Calcutta, 3rd -ed., 1889; A. C. Kaviratna, Calcutta, 1888-95; trans. by Dutta, 1883, -Chattopadhyaya, 1891, Hoernle, 1897, Calcutta.) The next best known -medical writer is Vagbhata, author of the Ashtanga-hridaya (ed., -with comm. of Arunadatta, by A. M. Kunte, Bombay, Nir. Sag. Press, -1891). Cf. also articles by Haas in vols. xxx., xxxi., and by A. Müller -in xxxiv. of Jour. of Germ. Or. Soc.; P. Cordier, Études sur la -Médecine Hindoue, Paris, 1894; Vagbhata et l'Astangahridaya-samhita, -Besançon, 1896; Liétard, Le Médecin Charaka, &c., in Bull. de l'Ac. de -Médecine, May 11, 1897. - - - - -ARTS. - -On Indian music see Raja Sir Sourindro Mohun Tagore, Hindu Music -from various Authors, Calcutta, 1875; Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, -vol. i. pp. 41-80; Day, The Music and Musical Instruments of Southern -India and the Deccan, Edinburgh, 1891; Çarngadeva's Samgitaratnakara, -ed. Telang, Anand. Sansk. Ser., 1897; Somanatha's Ragavibodha, -ed. with comm. by P. G. Gharpure (parts i.-v.), Poona, 1895. - -On painting and sculpture see E. Moor, The Hindu Pantheon, London, -1810; Burgess, Notes on the Bauddha Rock Temples of Ajanta, Bombay, -1879; Griffiths Paintings of the Buddhist Cave Temples of Ajanta, -2 vols., London, 1896-97; Burgess, The Gandhara Sculptures (with -100 plates), London, 1895; Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship -(illustrations of mythology and art in India in the first and -fourth centuries after Christ), London, 1868; Cunningham's Reports, -i. and iii. (Reliefs from Buddha Gaya); Grünwedel, Buddhistiche -Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893; Kern, Manual of Buddhism, in Bühler's -Encyclopĉdia, pp. 91-96, Strasburg, 1896; H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, -London, 1841. - -On Indian architecture see Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern -Architecture, London, 1876; The Rock-Cut Temples of India, 1864; -Cunningham, The Bhilsa Topes, or Buddhist Monuments of Central India, -London, 1854; Reports of the Archĉological Survey of India, Calcutta, -since 1871; Mahabodhi, or the great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi -tree at Buddha Gaya, London, 1892; Burgess, Archĉological Survey of -Western India and of Southern India; Daniell, Antiquities of India, -London, 1800; Hindu Excavations in the Mountain of Ellora, London, -1816; R. Mitra, The Antiquities of Orissa, Calcutta, 1875. - -On Technical Arts see Journal of Indian Art and Industry (London, -begun in 1884). - - - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES - - -CHAPTER I. - -On the history of Sanskrit studies see especially Benfey, Geschichte -der Sprachwissenschaft, Munich, 1869. A very valuable work for -Sanskrit Bibliography is the annual Orientalische Bibliographie, -Berlin (begun in 1888). Page 1: Some inaccurate information about -the religious ideas of the Brahmans may be found in Purchas, His -Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions observed in -all Ages, 2nd ed., London, 1614; and Lord, A Discoverie of the Sect of -the Banians [Hindus], London, 1630. Abraham Roger, Open Deure, 1631 -(contains trans. of two centuries of Bhartrihari). Page 2, Dugald -Stewart, Philosophy of the Human Mind, part 2, chap. i. sect. 6 -(conjectures concerning the origin of Sanskrit). C. W. Wall, D.D., -An Essay on the Nature, Age, and Origin of the Sanskrit Writing -and Language, Dublin, 1838. Halhed, A Code of Gentoo [Hindu] Law, -or Ordinations of the Pandits, from a Persian translation, made -from the original written in the Shanscrit language, 1776. Page 4: -F. Schlegel, Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit der Inder, Heidelberg, -1808. Bopp, Conjugationssystem, Frankfort, 1816. Colebrooke, -On the Vedas, in Asiatic Researches, Calcutta, 1805. P. 5: Roth, -Zur Literatur und Geschichte des Veda, Stuttgart, 1846. Böhtlingk -and Roth's Sanskrit-German Dictionary, 7 vols., St. Petersburg, -1852-75. Bühler's Encyclopĉdia of Indo-Aryan Research, Strasburg (the -parts, some German, some English, began to appear in 1896). Page 6: See -especially Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum (Leipsic, 1891; Supplement, -1896), which gives a list of Sanskrit MSS. in the alphabetical order -of works and authors. Adalbert Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 1849; 2nd -ed., Gütersloh, 1886. Page 11: A valuable book on Indian chronology -(based on epigraphic and numismatic sources) is Duff's The Chronology -of India, London, 1899. On the date of Buddha's death, cf. Oldenberg, -Buddha, Berlin, 3rd ed., 1897. Page 13: Fa Hian, trans. by Legge, -Oxford, 1886; Hiouen Thsang, trans. by Beal, Si-yu-ki, London, -1884; I Tsing, trans. by Takakusu, Oxford, 1896. Führer, Monograph -on Buddha Sakyamuni's Birthplace, Arch. Surv. of India, vol. xxvi., -Allahabad, 1897; Alberuni's India, trans. into English by Sachau, -London, 1885. Page 14: Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. i., 1877, -vol. iii., 1888, Calcutta. Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta, from 1888. - -Important Oriental journals are: Indian Antiquary, Bombay; Zeitschrift -der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Leipsic; Journal of -the Royal Asiatic Society, London (with a Bengal branch at Calcutta -and another at Bombay); Journal Asiatique, Paris; Vienna Oriental -Journal, Vienna; Journal of the American Oriental Society, New Haven, -Conn. On the origin of Indian writing (pp. 14-20), see Bühler, Indische -Palĉographie, Strasburg, 1896, and On the Origin of the Indian Brahma -Alphabet, Strasburg, 1898. Page 18: The oldest known Sanskrit MSS., -now in the Bodleian Library, has been reproduced in facsimile by -Dr. R. Hoernle, The Bower Manuscript, Calcutta, 1897. The Pali -Kharoshthi MS. is a Prakrit recension of the Dhammapada, found near -Khotan; see Senart, Journal Asiatique, 1898, pp. 193-304. Page 27: -The account here given of the Prakrit dialects is based mainly on a -monograph of Dr. G. A. Grierson (who is now engaged on a linguistic -survey of India), The Geographical Distribution and Mutual Affinities -of the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. On Pali literature, see Rhys Davids, -Buddhism, its History and Literature, London, 1896. On Prakrit -literature, see Grierson, The Mediĉval Vernacular Literature of -Hindustan, trans. of 7th Oriental Congress, Vienna, 1888, and The -Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan, Calcutta, 1889. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -On the text and metres of the Rigveda see especially Oldenberg, -Die Hymnen des Rigveda, vol. i., Prolegomena, Berlin, 1888; on the -accent, Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, vol. i. pp. 281-300 -(full bibliography), Göttingen, 1896; on the Rigveda in general, -Kaegi, The Rigveda, English translation by Arrowsmith, Boston, -1886. Editions: Samhita text, ed. Max Müller, London, 1873; Pada -text, 1877; Samhita text (in Roman characters), ed. Aufrecht, Bonn, -1877 (2nd ed.); Samhita and Pada text with Sayana's commentary, -2nd ed., 4 vols., by Max Müller, London, 1890-92. Selections in -Lanman's Sanskrit Reader (full notes and vocabulary); Peterson's -Hymns from the Rigveda (Bombay Sanskrit Series); A. Bergaigne and -V. Henry's Manuel pour étudier le Sanskrit Védique, Paris, 1890; -Windisch, Zwölf Hymnen des Rigveda, Leipzig, 1883; Hillebrandt, -Vedachrestomathie, Berlin, 1885; Böhtlingk, Sanskrit-Chrestomathie, -3rd ed., Leipsic, 1897. Translations: R. H. T. Griffith, The Rigveda -metrically translated into English, 2 vols., Benares, 1896-97; -Max Müller, Vedic Hymns (to the Maruts, Rudra, Vayu, Vata; prose), -in Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxii., Oxford, 1891; Oldenberg, -Vedic Hymns (to Agni in Books i.-v.: prose), ibid., vol. xlvi., -1897; A. Ludwig (German prose), 6 vols., Prag, 1876-88 (introduction, -commentary, index). Lexicography: Grassmann, Wörterbuch zum Rigveda, -Leipsic, 1873; the Vedic portion of Böhtlingk and Roth's Lexicon and -of Böhtlingk's smaller St. Petersburg Dictionary (Leipsic, 1879-89); -Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1899; -Macdonell, Sanskrit-English Dictionary (for selected hymns), London, -1893. Grammar: Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, 3rd ed., Leipzig, 1896; -Wackernagel, op. cit., vol. i. (phonology); Delbrück, Altindische -Syntax (vol. v. of Syntaktische Forschungen), Halle, 1888; Speijer, -Vedische und Sanskrit Syntax in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, Strasburg, 1896. - - - - -CHAPTERS IV. AND V. - -Consult especially Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, in Bühler's -Encyclopĉdia, vol. iii. part 1 (complete bibliography), 1897; also -Kaegi, op. cit.; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. v., 3rd ed., -London, 1884; Barth, The Religions of India, English trans., London, -1882; Hopkins, The Religions of India, Boston, 1895; Oldenberg, Die -Religion des Veda, Berlin, 1894; Bergaigne, La Religion Védique, 3 -vols., Paris, 1878-83; Pischel and Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2 vols., -Stuttgart, 1889-92; Deussen, Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie, -vol. i. part 1: Philosophie des Veda, Leipsic, 1894. On method of -interpretation (pp. 59-64), cf. Muir, The Interpretation of the Veda, -in the Journal of the Roy. As. Soc., 1866. Page 68: On the modification -of the threefold division of the universe among the Greeks, cf. Kaegi, -op. cit., note 118. P. 128: On dice in India and the Vibhidaka tree, -cf. Roth in Gurupujakaumudi, pp. 1-4, Leipsic, 1896. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -Consult especially Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Berlin, 1879. On the -home of the Rigvedic Aryans (p. 145) cf. Hopkins, The Panjab and the -Rig-Veda, Journal of the Am. Or. Soc., 1898, p. 19 ff. On the Hamsa -(p. 150) cf. Lanman, The Milk-drinking Hansas of Sanskrit Poetry, -ibid., p. 151 ff. On the Vedic tribes (pp. 153-157), cf. Excursus I. in -Oldenberg's Buddha, Berlin, 1897. On the origin of the castes (p. 160) -cf. Oldenberg, Journal of the Germ. Or. Soc., 1897, pp. 267-290; -R. Fick, Die Sociale Gliederung im nordöstlichen Indien zu Buddha's -Zeit, Kiel, 1897. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -Samaveda: text with German trans. and glossary, ed. by Benfey, -Leipsic, 1848; by Satyavrata Samaçrami, Calcutta, 1873 (Bibl. Ind.), -trans. by Griffith, Benares, 1893. Yajurveda: 1. Vajasaneyi Samhita, -ed. Weber, with the comm. of Mahidhara, London, Berlin, 1852; -trans. by Griffith, Benares, 1899; 2. Taittiriya Samhita, ed. (in -Roman characters) Weber, Berlin, 1871-72 (vols. xi.-xii. of Indische -Studien); also edited with the comm. of Madhava in the Bibl. Ind.; -3. Maitrayani Samhita, ed. (with introduction) by L. v. Schroeder, -Leipsic, 1881-86; 4. Kathaka Samhita, ed. in preparation by the -same scholar. Atharvaveda: text ed. Roth and Whitney, Berlin, 1856 -(index verborum in the Journal of the Am. Or. Soc., vol. xii.); -trans. into English verse by Griffith, 2 vols., Benares, 1897, -and (with the omission of less important hymns) by Bloomfield into -English prose, with copious notes, vol. xlii. of the Sacred Books -of the East. Subject-matter: Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda in Bühler's -Encyclopĉdia, Strasburg, 1899. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -Aitareya Brahmana, ed. Aufrecht, Bonn, 1879 (best edition); ed. and -trans. by Haug, 2 vols., Bombay, 1863; Kaushitaki or Çankhayana -Brahmana, ed. Lindner, Jena, 1887; Aitareya Aranyaka, ed. R. Mitra, -Calcutta, 1876 (Bibl. Ind.); Kaushitaki Aranyaka, unedited; Tandya -Mahabrahmana or Panchavimça Brahmana, ed. A. Vedantavagiça, Calcutta, -1869-74 (Bibl. Ind.); Shadvimça Brahmana, ed. J. Vidyasagara, 1881; -ed. with trans. by Klemm, Gütersloh, 1894; Samavidhana Brahmana, -ed. Burnell, London, 1873, trans. by Konow, Halle, 1893; Vamça -Brahmana, ed. Weber, Indische Studien, vol. iv. pp. 371 ff., and by -Burnell, Mangalore, 1873. Burnell also edited the Devatadhyaya Br., -1873, the Arsheya Br., 1876, Samhita Upanishad Br., 1877; Mantra -Br., ed. S. Samaçrami, Calc., 1890; Jaiminiya or Talavakara Br., -ed. in part by Burnell, 1878, and by Oertel, with trans. and notes, -in the Journal of the Am. Or. Soc., vol. xvi. pp. 79-260; Taittiriya -Br., ed. R. Mitra, 1855-70 (Bibl. Ind.), N. Godabole, Anand. Ser., -1898; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ed. H. N. Apte, Anand. Ser., Poona, 1898; -Çatapatha Br., ed. Weber, Berlin, London, 1859; trans. by Eggeling in -Sacred Books, 5 vols.; Gopatha Br., ed. R. Mitra and H. Vidyabhushana, -1872 (Bibl. Ind.), fully described in Bloomfield's Atharvaveda, -pp. 101-124, in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, 1899. The most important work on -the Upanishads in general is Deussen, Die Philosophie der Upanishads, -Leipsic, 1899; trans. of several Upanishads by Max Müller, Sacred -Books, vols. i. and xv.; Deussen, Sechzig Upanishad's (trans. with -valuable introductions), Leipsic, 1897; a very useful book is Jacob, -A Concordance to the Principal Upanishads and Bhagavadgita (Bombay -Sanskrit Series), 1891. P. 226: Thirty-two Upanishads, ed. with -comm. in Anandaçrama Series, Poona, 1895; Aitareya Upanishad, -ed. Roer, 1850 (Bibl. Ind.), also ed. in Anandaçrama Series, 1889; -Kaushitaki Brahmana Upanishad, ed. Cowell, Calc., 1861 (Bibl. Ind.); -Chhandogya Up., ed. with trans. by Böhtlingk, Leipsic, 1889; -also in Anand. Ser., 1890. P. 229: Kena or Talavakara, ed. Roer, -Calc., 1850; also in Anand. Ser., 1889; Maitri Up., ed. Cowell, -1870 (Bibl. Ind.); Çvetaçvatara, ed. Roer, 1850, Anand. Ser. 1890; -Kathaka Up., ed. Roer, 1850, ed. with comm. by Apte, Poona, 1889, -by Jacob, 1891; Taittiriya Up., ed. Roer, 1850, Anand. Ser., 1889; -Brihadaranyaka Up., ed. and trans. by Böhtlingk, Leipzig, 1889, also -ed. in Anand. Ser., 1891; Iça Up., ed. in Anand. Ser., 1888; Mundaka -Up., ed. Roer, 1850, Apte, Anand. Ser., 1889, Jacob, 1891; Praçna Up., -Anand. Ser., 1889, Jacob, 1891; Mandukya Up., Anand. Ser., 1890, Jacob, -1891; ed. with Eng. trans. and notes, Bombay, 1895; Mahanarayana Up., -ed. by Jacob, with comm., Bombay Sansk. Ser., 1888; Nrisimhatapaniya -Up., Anand. Ser., 1895. P. 242: The parallelism of Çankara and Plato -is rather overstated; for Plato, on the one hand, did not get rid of -Duality, and, on the other, only said that Becoming is not true Being. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -On the sutras in general consult Hillebrandt, Ritual-Litteratur, -in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, 1897; Açvalayana Çrauta Sutra, -ed. R. Vidyaaratna, Calc., 1864-74 (Bibl. Ind.); Çankhayana Çrauta, -ed. Hillebrandt, 1885-99 (Bibl. Ind.); Latyayana Çrauta, ed. A. Vagiça, -Calc., 1870-72 (Bibl. Ind.); Maçaka and Drahyayana Çrauta, unedited; -Katyayana Çrauta, ed. Weber, London, Berlin, 1855; Apastamba Çrauta, -in part ed. by Hillebrandt, Calc., 1882-97 (Bibl. Ind.); Vaitana Sutra, -ed. Garbe, London, 1878; trans. by Garbe, Strasburg, 1878. Açvalayana -Grihya Sutra, ed. with trans. by Stenzler, Leipsic, 1864-65; ed. with -comm. and notes, Bombay, 1895; trans. in Sacred Books, vol. xxix.; -Çankhayana Grihya, ed. and trans. into German by Oldenberg, Indische -Studien, vol. xv.; Eng. trans. in Sacred Books, vol. xxix.; Gobhila -Grihya, ed. with comm. by Ch. Tarkalamkara, Calc., 1880 (Bibl. Ind.); -ed. by Knauer, Dorpat, 1884; trans. by Knauer, Dorpat, 1887; trans. in -Sacred Books, vol. xxx.; Paraskara Grihya, ed. and trans. by Stenzler, -Leipsic, 1876; trans. in Sacred Books, vol. xxix.; Apastamba Grihya, -ed. Winternitz, Vienna, 1887; trans. in Sacred Books, vol. xxx.; -Hiranyakeçi Grihya, ed. Kirste, Vienna, 1889; trans. Sacred Books, -vol. xxx.; Mantrapatha, ed. Winternitz, Oxford, 1897; Manava Grihya, -ed. Knauer, Leipsic, 1897; Kauçika Sutra, ed. Bloomfield, New Haven, -1890; Pitrimedha Sutras of Baudhayana, Hiranyakeçin, Gautama, -ed. Caland, Leipsic, 1896. Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ed. Bühler, -Bombay Sansk. Ser., two parts, 1892 and 1894; Baudhayana Dh. S., -ed. Hultzsch, Leipsic, 1884; Gautama Dharma Çastra, ed. Stenzler, -London, 1876; Vasishtha Dharma Çastra, ed. Führer, Bombay, 1883; -Hiranyakeçi Dharma Sutra, unedited; Vaikhanasa Dharma Sutra, described -by Bloch, Vienna, 1896; Apastamba, Gautama, Vasishtha, Baudhayana, -trans. by Bühler, Sacred Books, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1897. Rigveda -Pratiçakhya, ed. with German trans, by Max Müller, Leipsic, 1856-69; -ed. with Uvata's comm., Benares, 1894; Riktantravyakarana (Sama Pr.), -ed., trans. Burnell, Mangalore, 1879; Taittiriya Prat., ed. Whitney, -Journ. of the Am. Or. Soc., vol. ix., 1871; Vajasaneyi Prat., ed. with -comm. of Uvata, Benares Sansk. Series, 1888; Atharvaveda Prat., -ed. Whitney, Journal Am. Or. Soc., vols. vii. and x. The Çulva Sutra -of Baudhayana, ed. and trans. by Thibaut, in the Pandit, vol. ix.; -cf. his article on the Çulvasutras in the Jour. of As. Soc. Bengal, -vol. xliv., Calc. 1875. Six Vedangas, Sanskrit text, Bombay, 1892; -Yaska's Nirukta, ed. R. Roth, Göttingen, 1852; ed. with comm. by -S. Samaçrami (Bibl. Ind.); Sarvanukramani, ed. Macdonell, Oxford, -1886 (together with Anuvakanukramani and Shadguruçishya's comm.); -Arshanukramani, Chhandonukramani, Brihaddevata, ed. R. Mitra, 1892 -(Bibl. Ind.); Pingala's Chhandah Sutra, ed. in Bibl. Ind., 1874; -in Weber's Indische Studien, vol. viii. (which is important as -treating of Sanskrit metres in general); Nidana Sutra, partly edited, -ibid.; Sarvanukrama Sutras of White Yajurveda, ed. by Weber in his -ed. of that Veda; ed. with comm., Benares Sansk. Ser., 1893-94; -Charanavyuha, ed. Weber, Ind. Stud., vol. iii. On Madhava see Klemm -in Gurupujakaumudi, Leipsic, 1896. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -On the Mahabharata in general, consult especially Holtzmann, -Das Mahabharata, 4 vols., Kiel, 1892-95; Bühler, Indian Studies, -No. II., Trans. of Imp. Vienna Academy, 1892; cf. also Jacobi -in Göttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, vol. viii. 659 ff.; Winternitz, -Journal of the Roy. As. Soc., 1897, p. 713 ff.; Indian Antiquary, -vol. xxvii. Editions: 5 vols., Bombay, 1888, Calc. 1894; -trans. into Eng. prose at the expense of Pratapa Chandra Ray, -Calc., 1896; literal trans. into Eng. by M. N. Dutt, 5 vols., -Calc., 1896. Episode of Savitri, ed. Kellner, with introd. and -notes, Leipsic, 1888; Nala, text in Bühler's Third Book of Sanskrit, -Bombay, 1877; text, notes, vocabulary, Kellner, 1885; text, trans., -vocab., Monier-Williams, Oxford, 1876. On the Puranas in general, -consult introd. of H. H. Wilson's trans. of the Vishnu P., 5 vols., -ed. Fitzedward Hall, 1864-70; Holtzmann, op. cit., vol. iv. pp. 29-58; -Garuda P., ed. Bombay, 1888; ed. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1891; Agni, -ed. R. Mitra, Bibl. Ind., 1870-79, J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1882; Vayu, -ed. R. Mitra, Bibl. Ind., 1888; Bombay, 1895; Matsya, Bombay, 1895; -Kurma, Bibl. Ind., 1890; Markandeya, ed. Bibl. Ind., 1855-62; trans. by -Pargiter, Bibl. Ind., 1888-99, by C. C. Mukharji, Calc., 1894; Padma, -ed. V. N. Mandlik, 4 vols., Anand. Ser., 1894; Vishnu, ed. with comm., -Bombay, 1887; five parts, Calc., 1888; prose trans. by M. N. Dutt., -Calc., 1894; Wilson, op. cit.; Bhagavata, ed. with three comm., 3 -vols., Bombay, 1887; 2 vols., Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1894; -ed. and trans. by Burnouf, 4 vols., Paris, 1840-47, 1884; Brahma, -ed. Anand. Ser., 1895; Varaha, Bibl. Ind., 1887-93. On the Ramayana -in general, consult Jacobi, Das Ramayana Bonn, 1893; also Journal -of the Germ. Or Soc., vol. xlviii. p. 407 ff., vol. li. p. 605 ff.; -Ludwig, Ueber das Ramayana, Prag, 1894; Baumgartner, Das Ramayana, -Freiburg i B., 1894; Bombay recension, ed. Gorresio, Turin, 1843-67; -with three comm., 3 vols., Bombay, 1895; Bengal recension, Calc., -1859-60; trans. by Griffith into Eng. verse, Benares, 1895; into -Eng. prose, M. N. Dutt, Calc., 1894. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -On the age of Kavya poetry consult especially Bühler, Die indischen -Inschriften und das Alter der indischen Kunstpoesie, in Trans. of -the Imp. Vienna Academy, Vienna, 1890; Fleet, Corpus Inscr. Ind., -vol. iii., Calcutta, 1888. On the Vikrama era see Kielhorn, Göttinger -Nachrichten, 1891, pp. 179-182, and on the Malava era, Ind. Ant., -xix. p. 316; on the chronology of Kalidasa, Huth, Die Zeit des -Kalidasa, Berlin, 1890. Buddha-charita, ed. Cowell, Oxford, 1893; -trans. by Cowell, Sacred Books, vol. xlix. Raghuvamça, ed. Stenzler, -with Latin trans., London, 1832; ed. with Mallinatha's comm., -by S. P. Pandit, Bombay Sansk. Ser.; text with Eng. trans. by -Jvalaprasad, Bombay, 1895; ed. K. P. Parab, with Mallinatha, -Nirnaya Sagara Pr., Bombay, 1892; i.-vii., with Eng. trans., -notes, comm. of Mallinatha, and extracts from comm. of Bhatta -Hemadri, Charitravardhana, Vallabha, by G. R. Nangargika, Poona, -1896. Kumara-sambhava, ed. with Latin trans. by Stenzler, London, -1838; cantos i.-vi., ed. with Eng. trans. and comm. of Mallinatha, -by S. G. Despande, Poona, 1887; second part, with full comm., ed. by -J. Vidyasagara, 4th ed., Calc., 1887; ed. with comm. of Mallinatha -(i.-vii.) and of Sitaram (viii.-xvii.), 3rd ed., Nirnaya Sagara -Press, Bombay, 1893; ed. with three commentaries, Bombay, 1898; -trans. by Griffith, London, 1879. Bhattikavya, ed. Calc., 1628; -cantos i.-v., with comm. of Jayamangala, English trans., notes, -glossary, by M. R. Kale, Bombay, 1897; with comm. of Mallinatha and -notes by K. P. Trivedi, Bombay Sansk. Ser., 2 vols., 1898; German -trans. of xviii.-xxii., by Schütz, Bielefeld, 1837. Kiratarjuniya, -ed. by J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1875; with Mallinatha's comm., Nirnaya -Sagara Press, Bombay, 1885; cantos i.-ii., trans. by Schütz, Bielefeld, -1843. Çiçupalavadha, ed. with Mallinatha's comm., by Vidyasagara, -1884; also at Benares, 1883; German trans. by Schütz, cantos i.-ix., -Bielefeld, 1843. Naishadhiya-charita, ed. with comm. of Narayana, -by Pandit Sivadatta, Bombay, 1894. Nalodaya, ed. Vidyasagara, Calc., -1873; German trans. by Shack, in Stimmen vom Ganges, 2nd ed., 1877; -Raghavapandaviya, ed. with comm. in the Kavyamala, No. 62. Dhanamjaya's -Raghavapandaviya, quoted in Ganaratnamahodadhi, A.D. 1140, is an -imitation of Kaviraja's work: cf. Zachariĉ in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, -pp. 27-28. For a modern Sanskrit drama constructed on a similar -principle see Scherman's Orientalische Bibliographie, vol. ix., -1896, p. 258, No. 4605. Haravijaya, ed. in Kavyamala, 1890; see -Bühler, Detailed Report, p. 43, Bombay, 1877. Navasahasankacharita, -ed. Bombay Sansk. Series, 1895; see Bühler and Zachariĉ in Trans. of -Vienna Acad., 1888. Setubandha (in the Maharashtri dialect), ed. with -trans. by S. Goldschmidt, 1884; ed. in Kavyamala, No. 47, Bombay, -1895. Vasavadatta, ed. with introd. by Fitzedward Hall, Bibl. Ind., -1859; ed. with comm. by J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1874. Kadambari, -ed. P. Peterson, Bomb. Sansk. Ser., 1889; ed. with comm. in Nirnaya -Sagara Press, Bombay, 1896; with comm. and notes by M. R. Kale, -Poona, 1896; trans., with occasional omissions, by C. M. Ridding, -Royal As. Soc, London, 1896. Harshacharita, ed. by J. Vidyasagara, -Calc., 1883; ed. with comm., Jammu, 1879; Bombay, 1892; trans. by -Cowell and Thomas, Roy. As. Soc. London, 1897. Daçakumara-charita, -Part i., ed. Bühler, Bomb. Sansk. Ser., 2nd ed., 1888; Part ii., -P. Peterson, ibid., 1891; ed. P. Banerji, Calc., 1888. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -Meghaduta, ed. with vocab. by Stenzler, Breslau, 1874; with comm. of -Mallinatha, Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1894; ed. by K. B. Pathak, -Poona, 1894. Eng. verse trans, by Wilson, 3rd ed., London, 1867; by -T. Clark, London, 1882; into German by Max Müller, Königsberg, 1847, -by Schütz, Bielefield, 1859, Fritze, Chemnitz, 1879. Ritusamhara, -ed. with Latin and German trans. by P. v. Bohlen, Leipsic, 1840; with -notes and Eng. trans. by Sitaram Ayyar, Bombay, 1897. Ghatakarpara, -ed. Brockhaus, 1841, trans. into German by Höfer (in Indische Gedichte, -vol. ii.). Chaurapanchaçika, ed. and trans. into German by Solf, Kiel, -1886; trans. by Edwin Arnold, London, 1896. Bhartrihari's Centuries, -ed. with comm., Bombay, 1884, trans. into Eng. verse by Tawney, -Calc., 1877; Çringara-çataka, ed. Calc. 1888. Çringaratilaka, -ed. Gildemeister, Bonn, 1841. Amaruçataka, ed. R. Simon, Kiel, -1893. Saptaçataka of Hala, ed. with prose German trans. by Weber, -Leipsic, 1881 (in Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, -vol. viii., No. 4). Mayura's Surya-çataka, or Hundred Stanzas in praise -of the Sun, ed. in Kavyamala, 1889. Gitagovinda, ed. J. Vidyasagara, -Calc., 1882; Bombay, Nir. Sag. Pr., 1899; trans. into German by -Rückert, vol. i. of Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, -Leipsic. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -On the Sanskrit drama in general, consult especially H. H. Wilson, -Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, 2 vols., 3rd ed., -London, 1871; Sylvain Lévi, Le Théâtre Indien, Paris, 1890. Çakuntala, -Bengal recension, ed. by Pischel, Kiel, 1877; Devanagari recension, -Monier-Williams, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1876; M. R. Kale, Bombay, 1898; -trans. by Monier-Williams, 6th ed., London, 1894; into German by -Rückert, Leipsic, 1876; Fritze, 1876; Lobedanz, 7th ed., Leipsic, -1884; there are also a South Indian and a Kashmir recension -(cf. Bühler, Report, p. lxxxv). Vikramorvaçi, ed. S. P. Pandit, -Bombay, 1879; Vaidya, 1895; South Indian recension, ed. Pischel, -1875; trans. Wilson, op. cit.; Cowell, Hertford, 1851; Fritze, -Leipsic, 1880. Malavikagnimitra, ed. Bollensen, Leipsic, 1879; -S. P. Pandit, Bombay, 1869, S. S. Ayyar, Poona, 1896; trans. by -Tawney, 2nd ed., Calc., 1891; into German by Weber, Berlin, 1856; -Fritze, Leipsic, 1881. Mricchakatika, ed. Stenzler, Bonn, 1847; -J. Vidyasagara, 2nd ed., Calc., 1891; trans. by Wilson, op. cit.; -into German by Böhtlingk, St. Petersburg, 1877; by Fritze, Chemnitz, -1879. Ratnavali, ed. Cappeller, in Bohtlingk's Sanskrit-Chrestomathie, -1897; with comm. Nir. Sag. Pr., Bombay, 1895; trans. by Wilson, -op. cit.; into German by Fritze, Chemnitz, 1878. Nagananda, -ed. J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1873; ed. Poona, 1893; trans. by Palmer -Boyd, with preface by Cowell, London, 1872. Bana's Parvatiparinaya, -ed. with trans. by T. R. R. Aiyar, Kumbakonam, 1898; Germ. by Glaser, -Trieste, 1886. Malatimadhava, ed. R. G. Bhandarkar, Bombay, 1876; -trans. by Wilson, op. cit.; by Fritze, Leipsic, 1884. Mahavira-charita, -ed. Trithen, London, 1848; K. P. Parab, Bombay, 1892; trans. by -J. Pickford, London, 1871. Uttararamacharita, ed. with comm. and -trans., Nagpur, 1895; ed. with comm. by Aiyar and Parab, Nirnaya Sagara -Press, 1899; trans. by Wilson, op. cit. Mudrarakshasa, ed. Telang, -Bombay, 1893; trans. by Wilson, op. cit.; into German by Fritze, -Leipsic, 1887. Venisamhara, ed. K. P. Parab, Nirnaya Sagara Press, -Bombay, 1898; N. B. Godabale, Poona, 1895; Grill, Leipsic, 1871; -trans. into English by S. M. Tagore, Calc., 1880. Viddhaçalabhanjika, -ed. J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1883. Karpuramanjari, ed. in vol. vii. of -The Pandit, Benares. Balaramayana, ed. Govinda Deva Çastri, Benares, -1869; J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1884. Prachandapandava, ed. Cappeller, -Strasburg, 1885. (On Rajaçekhara, cf. Kielhorn, Epigr. Ind., part -iv. 1889; Fleet in Ind. Antiq., vol. xvi. pp. 175-178; Jacobi in Vienna -Or. Journal, vol. ii. pp. 212-216). Chandakauçika, ed. J. Vidyasagara, -Calcutta, 1884; trans. by Fritze (Kauçika's Zorn). Prabodhachandrodaya, -ed. Nir. Sag. Pr., Bombay, 1898; trans. into German by Goldstücker, -with preface by Rosenkranz, Königsberg, 1842; also trans. by Hirzel, -Zürich, 1846; Taylor, Bombay, 1886. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -Panchatantra, ed. Kosegarten, Bonn, 1848; by Kielhorn and Bühler -in Bomb. Sansk. Ser.; these two editions represent two considerably -divergent recensions; trans. with very valuable introd. by Benfey, -2 vols., Leipsic, 1859; English trans., Trichinopoli, 1887; -German by Fritze, Leipsic, 1884. The abstract of the Panchatantra -in Kshemendra's Brihatkathamanjari, introd., text, trans., notes, -by Mankowski, Leipsic, 1892. Hitopadeça, ed. F. Johnson, London, -1884; P. Peterson in Bomb. Sansk. Ser. Kamandakiya Nitisara, -ed. with trans. and notes, Madras, 1895; text ed. by R. Mitra, -Bibl. Ind. Calc., 1884. Çivadasa's Vetalapanchavimçatika, ed. H. Uhle -(in Abhandlungen der deutschen morgenl. Gesell. vol. viii., No. 1), -Leipsic, 1881. Sir R. F. Burton, Vikram and the Vampire, new ed., -London, 1893. Simhasana-dvatrimçika, ed. (Dwatringshat puttalika), -J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1881. Çukasaptati, ed. R. Schmidt, Leipsic, -1893 (Abh. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenlandes), Munich, 1898; trans., Kiel, -1894; Stuttgart, 1898. Kathasaritsagara, ed. trans. by Brockhaus, -Leipsic (Books i.-v.) 1839, (vi.-xviii.) 1862-66; ed. Bomb., -1889; trans. by Tawney in Bibl. Ind., 1880-87. Brihatkathamanjari, -chaps. i.-viii., ed. and trans. by Sylvain Lévi in Journal Asiatique, -1886. Jataka-mala, ed. Kern, Boston, 1891; trans. by Speijer in Sacred -Books of the Buddhists, vol. i., London, 1895. Kathakoça, trans. by -C. H. Tawney from Sanskrit MSS., Royal As. Soc., London, 1895. Pali -Jatakas, ed. by Fausböll, London, (completed) 1897; three vols. of -trans. under supervision of Cowell have appeared, I. by Chalmers, -Cambridge, 1895; II. by Rouse, 1895; III. by Francis and Neil, -1897. Warren, Buddhism in Translations, Harvard, 1896. Bhartrihari's -Niti and Vairagya Çatakas, ed. and trans., Bombay, 1898 (on Bhartrihari -and Kumarila see Pathak in Journ. of Bombay Branch of Roy. As. Soc., -xviii. pp. 213-238). Mohamudgara, trans. by U. K. Banerjï, Bhawanipur, -Bengal, 1892. Chanakya Çatakas, ed. Klatt, 1873. On the Nitimanjari -cf. Kielhorn, Göttinger Nachrichten, 1891, pp. 182-186; A. B. Keith, -Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1900. Çarngadhara-paddhati, ed. Peterson, -Bombay, 1888. Subhashitavali, ed. Peterson and Durgaprasada, -Bombay, 1886. Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche, 2nd edition, 2 vols., -St. Petersburg, 1870-73; index by Blau, Leipsic, 1893. Dhammapada, -trans. by Max Müller in Sacred Books of the East, vol. x., 2nd revised -edition, Oxford, 1898. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -On Indian philosophy in general see Garbe's useful little book, -Philosophy of Ancient India, Chicago, 1897; F. Max Müller, Six Systems -of Indian Philosophy, London, 1899. Garbe, Sankhya Philosophie, -Leipsic, 1894; Sankhya und Yoga in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, -Strasburg, 1896 (complete bibliography); Sankhya-karika, text -with comm. of Gaudapada, ed. and trans. by Colebrooke and Wilson, -Oxford, 1837, reprinted Bombay, 1887; ed. in Benares Sansk. Ser., -1883; trans. Ballantyne (Bibl. Ind.); Sankhyapravachana-bhashya, -ed. by Garbe, Harvard, 1895, trans. into German, Leipsic, 1889; -Aniruddha's comm. on Sankhya Sutras, trans. by Garbe, Bibl. Ind., -Calc., 1888-92; Sankhya-tattva-kaumudi, ed. with Eng. trans., Bombay, -1896, trans. by Garbe, Munich, 1892; Çankara's Rajayogabhashya, -trans. Madras, 1896; Svatmarama's Hathayogapradipa, trans. by -Walther, Munich, 1893; Hathayoga Gheranda Sanhita, trans. Bombay, -1895. On fragments of Panchaçikha cf. Garbe in Festgruss an Roth, -p. 74 ff., Stuttgart, 1893; Jacobi on Sankhya-Yoga as foundation -of Buddhism, Journ. of Germ. Or. Soc., 1898, pp. 1-15; Oldenberg, -Buddha, 3rd ed. Mimamsa-darçana, ed. with comm. of Çabara Svamin -(Bibl. Ind.), Calc., 1887; Tantravarttika, ed. Benares, 1890; -Çlokavarttika, fasc. i., ii., ed. with comm., Benares, 1898; -Jaiminiya-nyaya-mala-vistara, ed. in Anand. Ser. 1892. Arthasamgraha, -as introd. to Mimamsa, ed. and trans. by Thibaut, Benares, -1882. Most important book on Vedanta: Deussen, System des -Vedanta, Leipsic, 1883; Deussen, Die Sutra's des Vedanta, text -with trans. of Sutras and complete comm. of Çankara, Leipsic, -1887. Brahma Sutras, with Çankara's comm., ed. in Anand. Ser., -1890-91; Vedanta Sutras, trans. by Thibaut in Sacred Books, -vol. xxxiv., Oxford, 1890, and xxxviii., 1896. Panchadaçi, ed. with -Eng. trans., Bombay, 1895. On date of Çankara cf. Fleet in Ind. Ant., -xvi. 41-42. Vedanta-siddhanta-muktavali, ed. with Eng. trans. by Venis, -Benares, 1890. Vedantasara, ed. Jacob, with comm. and notes, Bombay, -1894, trans. 3rd ed., London, 1892. Bhagavadgita with Çankara's -comm., Anand. Ser., 1897, trans. in Sacred Books, vol. viii., -2nd ed., Oxford, 1898; by Davies, 3rd ed., 1894. Nyaya Sutras in -Vizianagram Sansk. Ser., vol. ix., Benares, 1896. Nyayakandali of -Çridhara, ibid., vol. iv., 1895. Nyaya-kusumanjali (Bibl. Ind.), Calc., -1895. Vaiçeshika-darçana, ed. with comm., Calc., 1887. Saptapadarthi, -ed. with comm., Benares, 1893; text with Latin trans. by Winter, -Leipsic, 1893. Tarkasamgraha, ed. J. Vidyasagara, Calc., 1897; ed. with -comm., Bombay Sansk. Ser., 1897; text and trans. by Ballantyne, -Allahabad, 1850. Sarvadarçana-samgraha, ed. by T. Tarkavachaspati, -Calc., 1872; trans. by Cowell and Gough, 2nd ed., London, 1894. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -M'Crindle, Ancient India as Described by Classical Authors, 5 -vols., especially vol. v., Invasion of India by Alexander, London, -1896. Weber, Die Griechen in Indien, in Transactions (Sitzungsberichte) -of the Roy. Prussian Acad., Berlin, 1890. Sylvain Lévi, Quid de Grĉcis -veterum Indorum monumenta tradiderint, Paris, 1890; also La Grèce et -l'Inde (in Revue des Etudes Grecques), Paris, 1891. Goblet d'Alviella, -Ce que l'Inde doit à la Grèce, Paris, 1897; also Les Grecs dans -l'Inde, and Des Influences Classiques dans la Culture Scientifique -et Littéraire de l'Inde, in vols. xxxiii., xxxiv. (1897) of Bulletin -de l'Académie Royale de Belgique. L. de la Vallée Poussin, La Grèce -et l'Inde, in Musée Belge, vol. ii. pp. 126-152. Vincent A. Smith, -Grĉco-Roman Influence on the Civilisation of Ancient India in Journal -of As. Soc. of Bengal, 1889-92. O. Franke, Beziehungen der Inder zum -Westen, Journ. of Germ. Or. Soc., 1893, pp. 595-609. M. A. Stein in -Indian Antiquary, vol. xvii. p. 89. On foreign elements in Indian art -see Cunningham, Archĉological Survey of India, vol. v. pp. 185 ff.; -Grünwedel, Buddhistische Kunst, Berlin, 1893; E. Curtius, Griechische -Kunst in Indien, pp. 235-243 in vol. ii. of Gesammelte Abhandlungen, -Berlin, 1894; W. Simpson, The Classical Influence in the Architecture -of the Indus Region and Afghanistan, in the Journal of the Royal -Institution of British Architects, vol. i. (1894), pp. 93-115. P. 413: -On the Çakas and Kushanas, see Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 7 and 16, -in Bühler's Encyclopĉdia, Strasburg, 1898. On the relation of Indian -to Greek fables, cf. Weber in Indische Studien, vol. iii. p. 327 -ff. Through the medium of Indian fables and fairy tales, which were -so popular in the Middle Ages, the magic mirror and ointment, the -seven-league boots, the invisible cap, and the purse of Fortunatus -(cf. Burnell, Samavidhana Brahmana, preface, p. xxxv), found their -way into Western literature. For possible Greek influence on Indian -drama, cf. Windisch, in Trans. of the Fifth Oriental Congress, part -ii., Berlin, 1882. On chess in Sanskrit literature, cf. Macdonell, -Origin and Early History of Chess, in Journ. Roy. As. Soc., 1898. On -Indian influence on Greek philosophy, cf. Garbe in Sankhya und Yoga, -p. 4. L. von Schroeder, Buddhismus und Christenthum, Reval, 2nd ed., -1898. P. 422-23: It seems quite possible to account for the ideas -of the Neo-Platonists from purely Hellenic sources, without assuming -Indian influence. On the relation of Çakuntala to Schiller (Alpenjäger) -and Goethe (Faust), cf. Sauer, in Korrespondenzblatt für die Gelehrten -und Realschulen Württembergs, vol. xl. pp. 297-304; W. von Biedermann, -Goetheforschungen, Frankfurt a/M., 1879, pp. 54 ff. (Çakuntala and -Faust). On Sanskrit literature and modern poets (Heine, Matthew -Arnold), cf. Max Müller, Coincidences, in the Fortnightly Review, -New Series, vol. lxiv. (July 1898), pp. 157-162. - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] vii. 59, 12; x. 20, 1; 121, 10; 190, 1-3. - -[2] The other three systems are: (1) that of the Maitrayani and -Kathaka Samhitas (two recensions of the Black Yajurveda), which mark -the acute with a vertical stroke above; (2) that of the Çatapatha -Brahmana, which marks the acute with a horizontal stroke below; and -(3) that of the Samaveda, which indicates the three accents with the -numerals 1, 2, 3, to distinguish three degrees of pitch, the acute -(1) here being the highest. - -[3] In verse 10, which is a late addition; see p. 51, footnote. - -[4] A reference to dropsy, with which Varuna is thought to afflict -sinners. - -[5] The sun is probably meant. - -[6] The component parts of this name are in Sanskrit pancha, five, -and ap, water. - -[7] From the Sanskrit dakshina, south, literally "right," because -the Indians faced the rising sun when naming the cardinal points. - -[8] German, vieh; Latin, pecus, from which pecunia, "money." - -[9] The word "frolic" alludes to the assembly-house (sabha) being a -place of social entertainment, especially of gambling. - -[10] Na nonanunno nunnono nana nananana nanu - Nunno 'nunno nanunneno nanena nunnanunnanut. - -[11] Devakanini kavade, &c. - -[12] Referring to the poetical belief that the açoka only blossoms -when struck by the foot of a beautiful girl. - -[13] E.g. amala-kamala-dala-lochana bhava-mochana. - -[14] It is interesting to note that two Sanskrit plays, composed in -the twelfth century, and not as yet known in manuscript form, have been -partially preserved in inscriptions found at Ajmere (see Kielhorn, in -Appendix to Epigraphia Indica, vol. v. p. 20, No. 134. Calcutta, 1899). - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Sanskrit Literature, by -Arthur A. MacDonell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE *** - -***** This file should be named 41563-8.txt or 41563-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/5/6/41563/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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