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diff --git a/41477.txt b/41477.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c1c7771..0000000 --- a/41477.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,20642 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, by K.H. Vickers - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Humphrey Duke of Gloucester - A Biography - -Author: K.H. Vickers - -Release Date: November 25, 2012 [EBook #41477] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HUMPHREY DUKE OF GLOUCESTER *** - - - - -Produced by Irma A pehar, KD Weeks and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note - -In this verson, italics are rendered using the _underscore_ character. -The sole use of superscript is the abbreviation 'vo', which is simply -left as '8vo'. The 'oe' ligature is rendered as separate characters. - -The page headers on the odd pages of Chapters I to VIII of the original -text provided a running account of the year and topic discussed. These -are retained as highlighted notes such as "14XX] TOPIC" In Chapters IX -and X, there are no dates in these topic notes. - -Please see the Notes at the end of this text for more detailed -discussion on any changes or corrections. - - - - - HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER - - -[Illustration: HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. - _From an Arras Manuscript._] - - - - - HUMPHREY - DUKE OF GLOUCESTER - - A Biography - - BY - - K. H. VICKERS, M.A. - - EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD - LECTURER IN MODERN HISTORY AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, BRISTOL - ORGANISER AND LECTURER IN LONDON HISTORY FOR THE - LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL - - LONDON - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY - LIMITED - 1907 - - - - - Edinburgh: T and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty - - - - - TO - - THOSE KIND FRIENDS WITHOUT WHOSE - - SYMPATHY AND KINDNESS THIS - - BOOK WOULD NEVER HAVE - - BEEN BROUGHT TO - - COMPLETION - - - - -PREFACE - - -The following pages have been written amidst many interruptions and -completed amidst great difficulties. The excuse for their existence is -to be found in the total absence of any adequate biography of their -subject, and the attraction (to the author at any rate) of a varied and -interesting career. My indebtedness to those who have made a study of -the fifteenth century is acknowledged in the bibliography, but my -obligations extend much further. My thanks are due to many librarians -who have given me every facility to inspect manuscripts in their care, -but to Mr. Falconer Madan of the Bodleian Library at Oxford I am under -no ordinary debt of obligation. His consistent kindness and interest has -made many paths smooth that would otherwise have been rough. I am -indebted to Lord Leicester for his kindness in allowing me to examine a -manuscript life of the Duke which forms part of his Library, and to Mr. -Yates Thompson for a similar permission with regard to the Duke's -Psalter. Still more do I desire to thank Dean Kitchin for his courtesy -and kindness in sending me a transcript of a letter in a Durham -manuscript, whilst Professor Oman has given me the great encouragement -of his sympathy and advice. To Dr. Morris of Bedford I owe assistance on -some points of difficulty, and Sir Alfred Scott-Gatty, Garter, was kind -enough to answer several questions with regard to the Duke's armorial -bearings. To my mother, who has spent many weary hours in copying my -manuscript; to my sister, who is largely responsible for the index; and -to my friend, Mr. H. W. Ward of Frenchay, whose assistance, both -clerical and critical, has been freely given, the mere record of my -gratitude is not sufficient. - -Mr. E. Alfred Jones has kindly allowed me to reproduce the photograph of -a cup which once belonged to Duke Humphrey, and which forms part of the -collection he has made for his book on _The Old Plate of the Cambridge -Colleges_, whilst the possessor of the manuscript copy of Beccaria's -dedication to Duke Humphrey, prefaced to his translation of Boccaccio, -was good enough, through the kind instrumentality of Mr. Strickland -Gibson of the Bodleian Library, to allow me to photograph this unique -document. - K. H. V. - FRENCHAY, _August 1907_. - - - - -CONTENTS - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTION, xvii - - CHAPTER I - - EARLY LIFE - - Birth of Humphrey: his parents--The change of - dynasty--The Order of the Bath--Plot to kill Henry - IV. and his sons--Humphrey made a Knight of the - Garter--Visit to Abbey of Bardney--Accession of - Henry V.--Humphrey created Earl of Pembroke and - Duke of Gloucester--Negotiations between England - and France--Preparations for war--The Southampton - Conspiracy: its warning--Gloucester's retinue in - the 1415 campaign--The siege of Harfleur--March - from Harfleur to Agincourt--The battle of - Agincourt--The King's return to England, 1-32 - - - CHAPTER II - - THE WAR IN FRANCE - - Various phases of Gloucester's career--The Emperor - Sigismund's visit to England: reception by - Gloucester--The Treaty of Canterbury--Gloucester - hostage at St. Omer for the safety of the Duke of - Burgundy visiting Henry V. at Calais--Gloucester - and Sigismund: a contrast in characters--Renewal of - the war--The siege of Caen--Gloucester's military - qualities--The sieges of AlenASec.on and - Falaise--Gloucester despatched to subdue the - CA'tentin--The CA'tentin expedition--The siege of - Cherbourg--Gloucester joins Henry V. at the siege - of Rouen--Gloucester's negotiations for a - wife--Further military undertakings: the capture of - Ivry--Gloucester returns to England, 33-80 - - CHAPTER III - - THE EVOLUTION OF GLOUCESTER'S POLICY - - Gloucester Regent of England: terms of his - commission--State of the country at this time; the - rise of the Middle Classes and their support of - Gloucester--The King of Scotland and - Gloucester--The Treaty of Troyes proclaimed in - England--Influence of this treaty on Gloucester's - policy--Restlessness of Parliament--The return of - Henry V. to England--Coronation of Queen - Catharine--The misfortunes of Jacqueline of - Hainault: her arrival in England and meeting with - Gloucester--Henry V.'s policy with regard to - Jacqueline--Third French campaign--The siege of - Dreux--Gloucester's second Regency of - England--Death of Henry V.: his wishes for the - government of his kingdoms--Claimants for the - Protectorate: Henry Beaufort, Bedford, and - Gloucester: their qualifications--Opposition to - Gloucester's claims: his removal from the - Regency--Appointment to the Protectorate: the - limitations placed on Gloucester's power and their - effect--Alliance between Gloucester and Bedford and - its significance--Dissensions in the Regency - Council--Execution of Sir John Mortimer and death - of the Earl of March, 81-124 - - CHAPTER IV - - GLOUCESTER AND HAINAULT - - Jacqueline's treatment in England--Her marriage to - Gloucester--Visit of Gloucester and Jacqueline to - St. Albans--Burgundy objects to Gloucester's - pretensions to govern Hainault--Attempted - arbitration between Gloucester and - Burgundy--Gloucester's claim--His departure with - Jacqueline for Hainault--Renewed attempts at - arbitration--March from Calais to - Hainault--Reception in Hainault: attitude of - Mons--The Estates of Hainault accept Gloucester as - Regent--Complaints of the behaviour of the English - soldiers--Papal procrastination in deciding - Jacqueline's divorce appeal--Burgundy prepares for - armed interference--Siege of - Braine-le-Comte--Gloucester's - inactivity--Correspondence of Gloucester and - Burgundy who agree to a duel--Increased hostility - to Gloucester in Hainault--Gloucester returns to - England--The motive and wisdom of his Hainault - policy, 125-161 - - CHAPTER V - - THE PROTECTORATE - - Gloucester's reception in England: attitude of the - Council--Jacqueline loses ground in Hainault--The - duel between Gloucester and Burgundy - forbidden--Gloucester loses interest in Hainault - affairs: failure of an expedition to relieve - Jacqueline--The quarrel between Gloucester and - Beaufort: Beaufort summons Bedford to - England--Gloucester's position before and after - Bedford's return--Council of St. Albans--Parliament - of Leicester: Gloucester's attack on Beaufort: the - decision of the Lords--The Council asserts its - rights: its communication to Gloucester--Results of - Bedford's intervention--Gloucester suppresses - lawlessness--Jacqueline seeks assistance: money - voted by the Council for her relief--Abandonment of - the contemplated expedition--Public feeling hostile - to Gloucester--The Pope refuses the - divorce--Gloucester marries Eleanor - Cobham--Disturbances in the Midlands--Beaufort - attacked for accepting the Cardinalate--Coronation - of Henry VI., 162-215 - - CHAPTER VI - - GLOUCESTER AS FIRST COUNCILLOR - - The end of the Protectorate--The Forty Shilling - Franchise--Gloucester made Regent--Henry VI. goes - to France--Parliament of 1431--The rising of 'Jack - Sharpe': its significance--Gloucester seeks more - power: intrigues against Beaufort--Increase of the - Regent's salary--Results of the - Regency--Ministerial changes--Beaufort returns to - the attack: brings forward grievances against the - Government--Lord Cromwell and - Gloucester--Gloucester goes to Calais to negotiate - peace--Bedford comes to England--More ministerial - changes--Bedford petitioned to remain in England: - the conditions on which he agrees to do - so--Gloucester propounds a scheme for carrying on - the war--Quarrel of Gloucester and Bedford--Death - of Bedford--Defection of Burgundy from the English - alliance--Gloucester appointed Lieutenant of - Calais: he relieves it when besieged by - Burgundy--Gloucester's raid into Flanders, 216-254 - - CHAPTER VII - - DISGRACE AND DEATH - - Gloucester's waning interest in political life: his - appearance as a patron of letters--Negotiations for - peace with France: Gloucester's opposition; his - manifesto against Beaufort and Cardinal Kemp: his - manifesto against the release of the Duke of - Orleans, and the King's reply--Gloucester's - declining importance--Trial and imprisonment of the - Duchess of Gloucester for sorcery and - treason--Consequent loss of influence to - Gloucester--The marriage of Henry VI. to Margaret - of Anjou--Gloucester's war policy--Triumph of the - Beaufort faction--The Parliament of Bury--Arrest - and death of Gloucester, 255-294 - - CHAPTER VIII - - SOME ASPECTS OF GLOUCESTER'S CAREER - - The nature of Gloucester's death: growing conviction - that he was murdered--The trial of his servants for - treason--The effect of his death on English - politics--His policy in Hainault--The nature of his - rule in England: charges of oppression: tribute of - his servants--His war policy--His ecclesiastical - policy: relations with the Papacy--His connection - with St. Albans Abbey--His character, 295-339 - - CHAPTER IX - - THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE IN ENGLAND - - Nature of the Renaissance, and its influence on - Gloucester--State of English - scholarship--Gloucester's qualifications for the - career of a patron of letters: his early - education--his relations with the Italian - Humanists--His friendship with Zano, Bishop of - Bayeux--Connection with Leonardi Bruni: its abrupt - ending--Correspondence with Pier Candido Decembrio: - the translation of Plato's _Republic_: books bought - for Gloucester in Italy--Gloucester and Piero del - Monte--Lapo da Castiglionchio works for - him--Antonio Pasini--Friendship with Alfonso of - Naples--Antonio di Beccaria his secretary in - England--Titus Livius of Ferrara and his Vita - Henrici Quinti--Gloucester's physicians, 340-382 - - CHAPTER X - - THE REVIVAL OF ENGLISH SCHOLARSHIP - - Gloucester and the English Scholars--Abbot - Wheathampsted his literary friend--John Capgrave's - _Commentary on Genesis_--Nicholas Upton and Thomas - Beckington--The English Poets--John Lydgate's - numerous poems and his tribute to Gloucester's - learning--John Russell, George Ashley, and Thomas - de Norton--The English version of the _De Re - Rustica_ of Palladius--Gloucester's patronage of - the University of Oxford--Correspondence with the - University--Gifts of books to Oxford--Arrangements - for their safe keeping--Gloucester's literary - tastes: the books he collected--His literary - position and understanding--Influence of - Gloucester's life on English scholarship, 383-425 - - - - - APPENDICES - - PAGE - - A. BOOKS ONCE BELONGING TO GLOUCESTER STILL EXTANT, 426-438 - - B. THE TOMB OF HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, 439-441 - - C. GLOUCESTER'S WILL, 442-443 - - D. GLOUCESTER'S RESIDENCES, 444-446 - - E. PORTRAITS OF GLOUCESTER, 446-450 - - F. A LEGEND OF GLOUCESTER'S DEATH, 450-452 - - G. GLOUCESTER'S ARMS, BADGES, AND SEALS, 452-455 - - - SOURCES AND AUTHORITIES - - I. PRINTED BOOKS, 456-471 - - II. MANUSCRIPT AUTHORITIES, 471-475 - - INDEX, 477-491 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Portrait of the Duke of Gloucester. From BibliothA"que - de la Ville d'Arras MS., 266, _Frontispiece_ - [See pp. 446-447.] - PAGE - Cup bearing the Arms of the Duke of Gloucester and his - wife Eleanor in enamel, now in the possession of - Christ's College, Cambridge. From a photograph kindly - lent by Mr. E. Alfred Jones, 90 - - The Duke of Gloucester and his wife Eleanor being - received into the Fraternity of St. Albans. Cotton MS., - Nero, D. vii., 206 - [See p. 447.] - - The Siege of Calais (1436). From the _History of the - Life and Acts of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. - Illustrated by Drawings by John Ross of Warwick_. - Cotton MS., Julius, E. iv., Art. 6, 250 - - A page from the Duke of Gloucester's Psalter. Royal MS., - 2, B. i., 322 - [See pp. 432-433, 447-448.] - - The Duke of Gloucester's Autograph and a Label from one - of his Books. Harleian MS., 1705, and Harleian MS., 33, 360 - [See p. 430 and pp. 429-430.] - - Capgrave presenting his _Commentary on Genesis_ to - Gloucester. Oriel College MS., xxxii., 386 - [See pp. 428, 447.] - - Drawing of the Old Divinity Schools, Oxford, dating from - 1566. MS. Bodley, 13, 408 - - A page from the Duke of Gloucester's copy of 'Le Songe - du Vergier,' once part of the Library of Charles V.. - of France. Royal MS., 19, C. iv., 416 - [See p. 432.] - - Several photographs for the above Illustrations have been kindly - lent by Mrs. Maude C. Knight, Richmond, Surrey. - - - - -ERRATA - - P. 27, l. 10, for 'AbbA(C)ville' read 'Abbeville.' - - P. 45, note 6, for 'Stowe' read 'Stow.' - - P. 75, l. 5, for 'Ponte' read 'Pont.' - - P. 92, l. 23, for 'Dowager-Duchess' read 'Dowager-Countess.' - - P. 314, l. 13, for 'Northampton' read 'Northumberland.' - - P. 366, l. 2, for 'Festus Pompeius' read 'Pomponius Festus.' - - P. 378, l. 22, for 'Villari' read 'Villani.' - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -It was Polydore Vergil who first drew attention to the fatality of the -Gloucester title. It was borne by luckless King John, Thomas of -Woodstock earned a violent death, Thomas le Despenser was beheaded, -while in days later than those treated of in this volume, King Richard -III. found that the hand of fate was against him. Humphrey Plantagenet -of the House of Lancaster was no exception to this rule. His life was -violent, his death suspicious, and even after this his misfortunes did -not desert him; for though the tradition of the 'Good Duke' lingers in -some quarters even to the present day, his importance is not recognised -by the historian. His selfishness and his lack of statesmanship have -made him a byword in fifteenth-century history, and his true title to -fame has been forgotten amidst the struggles which prepared the way for -the Wars of the Roses. - -'It is rather remarkable,' wrote Bishop Creighton in 1895, 'that more -attention has not been paid to the progress of Humanism in England, and -especially to the literary fame of the Duke of Gloucester.' It is -certainly strange that this Duke should have found as his literary -executors only two men, both Germans, and they even have not devoted -more than a passing attention to his fame. Whilst there is no little -interest to be found in the story of his public career, the main -importance of his life is centred in his position as a literary patron. -He was unique in the history of his country and age, in taking an -interest in the classical authors of Greece and Rome, who had lain -buried beneath the accumulated dust of the Middle Ages, and to him we -can trace the renaissance of Greek studies in England, and the revival -of LitterA| Humaniores in the University of Oxford. The fifteenth -century, with all its foibles and all its baseness, has been disregarded -by many who prefer an age of heroism or an age of material progress. Yet -the picturesque is not lacking in Duke Humphrey's career, and his -influence is felt even at the present day. In his life we can trace the -spirit of his age, though many of the characters which flit across the -stage are indefinite, and bear few striking qualities. - -This is particularly true of Gloucester himself. Few personal touches -are to be found in the historical writers of the period, and his -character is often elusive, his actions often uncertain. The present -volume aims at tracing the salient events of his career in relation to -the history of his times, and at showing his relationship to -fifteenth-century literary aspirations, both in Italy and in England. A -hero no biographer can make him in spite of his many virtues, but at -least he should be relieved of the universal blame cast upon him. In his -life he was typical of his age, in his death the outward failure of his -career was clearly evident; but as the first English patron of those -scholars who were to revolutionise the mental attitude of the world, he -deserves recognition and remembrance, if not reverence. - - - - -HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER - - - - -CHAPTER I - -EARLY LIFE - - -On the north-east border of the German-speaking races, there existed in -the latter days of the fourteenth century one of those old religious -military orders, which had been founded to carry on war against the -infidel in the Holy Land. Here, where German met Slav, and Christian met -Pagan, the Knights of St. Mary found a new sphere of usefulness, after -the military orders had become discredited, and in their war against the -heathen Lithuanians they attracted many of the adventurous spirits of -Christendom. Thus King John of Bohemia, who fell at CrA(C)cy, had lost his -eyesight fighting in these North German marches, and the adventurous -Henry of Bolingbroke, son and heir of John of Gaunt, spent some of his -energies in helping the Teutonic knights in their wars. It was on one of -these expeditions that at KA¶nigsberg news was brought to the future King -Henry IV. of England that his wife had borne him a son who had been -named Humphrey.[1] It was on November 1, 1390, that the sailor who -carried this news received his reward as the bringer of good tidings, so -the birth was probably in the preceding August or September.[2] - -Humphrey was the fourth son of the union of Henry of Bolingbroke and -Mary Bohun, who was co-heiress to the princely inheritance of the Earls -of Hereford and Essex. This marriage had been one of the romantic -episodes of the time, and had brought John of Gaunt's eldest son -prominently forward during the reign of Richard II. The Bohun -inheritance had cast its glamour over the man who had thus secured a -part thereof, and he never neglected an opportunity of emphasising his -pride in the Bohun connection. Thus he adopted the badge of the Swan, -which was a Bohun cognisance, and in choosing the names of his sons he -only once, in the case of Thomas, selected one which was decidedly not -taken from his wife's family. In the case of his fourth and youngest son -this was especially marked, for Humphrey was a favourite Bohun name.[3] -Of the last six Earls of Hereford, five had borne it, so its youngest -recipient was made at his birth the inheritor of Bohun traditions-- -traditions which spoke of a life which would be active, if not -turbulent, and which amidst some constitutional actions would have many -elements of ambition and self-seeking. The Earls of Hereford had taken a -prominent part in the past history of England, and this last inheritor -of their name, if not of their title, was not to be unknown in the -public life of his country. From his mother's family it may be that with -his name he inherited some part of that restless and unstable character -which was to influence his actions all through his life. - -1399] ACCESSION OF HENRY IV. - -Of the place of young Humphrey's birth we have no record, but much of -his childhood was spent at Eaton Tregoes, a place situated not far from -Ross on the banks of the Wye, and part of the Hereford inheritance.[4] -Here he was left in the care of Sir Hugh Waterton, along with his two -sisters, Blanche and Philippa, when his father was banished by the -capricious Richard II.[5] Here he mourned the death of his -grandfather,[6] and hence, too, in all probability he went to welcome -his father's triumphant return, since he did not accompany his brother -Henry to Ireland in the train of King Richard.[7] - -The change of dynasty naturally had an influence on the life of Henry's -son. Hitherto Humphrey had been a child of little importance, the son of -a leading nobleman, and indeed a member of the blood royal, but this -last was a not uncommon distinction in the days when Edward III.'s -numerous descendants peopled the country. Of late, too, owing to his -father's banishment, he had been kept in seclusion by his faithful -guardian, waiting for happier days, which had now come. By the -parliamentary sanction of Henry of Bolingbroke's claim to the throne, -Humphrey became a prince in the line of succession, and the consequent -honours pertaining to a king's son fell to his lot. Accordingly he was -selected, together with his brothers Thomas and John, to gild the -inauguration of a new order of knighthood. The new Lancastrian dynasty -had not as yet secured a firm hold on the kingdom. John of Gaunt had -never been taken very seriously as a statesman, and his son was but -little known in his native land save for his short period of opposition -to Richard II. Something must be done to give stability to the new royal -house, and to borrow for it some of that outward respectability of -appearance which usually only comes with age. One of the expedients to -this end was the creation of a new order of knighthood, which should do -for the Lancastrians what the Order of the Garter had done for their -predecessors. Many have denied that the Order of the Bath owes its -inception to Henry IV., and it must be allowed that the ceremonial of -bathing on the eve of receiving knighthood dates back to Frankish -times, and by now had become hallowed by the Church and enforced by the -chivalric code which had come to soften the rough corners of Feudalism. -Nevertheless, no earlier mention of a definite Order of the Bath can be -found, and it was with the intention of giving dignity to this new -corporation of knights that the King's three youngest sons headed the -first list of creations.[8] On the Eve of the Translation of St. Edward -the knighthoods were conferred,[9] and when the Mayor and citizens of -London came to escort the King to Westminster, preparatory to his -coronation on the morrow, the new knights were assigned a place of -honour in the procession, riding before the King in long green coats, -with the sleeves cut straight and the hoods trimmed with ermine.[10] The -Feast day itself witnessed the coronation of Humphrey's father as King -Henry IV.[11] Though only nine years old the young prince had received -that inauguration into the ranks of men which the dignity of knighthood -conferred, and to emphasise this fact certain landed possessions were -given to him by the King. On December 2 were bestowed upon him the -manors of Cookham and Bray, near Maidenhead in Berkshire, to which were -added the manors of Middleton and Merden in Kent, all given to him for -himself and the heirs of his body.[12] Within these manors and hundreds -he received all royal as well as proprietory rights,[13] and some days -later he was relieved of all fees and fines payable on the receipt of -letters-patent and writs.[14] About the same time provision was made for -him in the shape of 'coursers, trotters, and palfreys' provided for his -use.[15] - -1400] PLOT AGAINST THE NEW DYNASTY - -Joy and sorrow, triumph and danger, were to succeed one another in -striking contrast all through Humphrey's life, and he was quickly to -learn that it was no untainted privilege to be numbered among kings' -sons. He had just received his first initiation into the pomps and -glories of royal state; he had taken part in one of those triumphal -processions which were the delight of his later years; he had begun to -realise, boy though he was, the pleasant side of high rank and popular -homage; almost immediately he was to learn that there was another side -to the picture, and to experience the first of those frequent attacks -from which the Lancastrian dynasty was never entirely free. After the -coronation festivities were over, he had been taken down to Windsor -together with his brothers and sister, and there his father kept the -Feast of Christmas, surrounded by his family. But all the time a plot -was brewing, and plans were being made for taking the King unawares at a -'momynge,' and destroying both him and his four sons. Warned in time, -Henry hastened to avert the blow. Humphrey and his brothers were taken -in the dead of the night of January 4 to London, and there safely housed -in the Tower, while their father sallied forth to subdue the rebels. -When the conspirators arrived at Windsor they found their quarry had -escaped. Their plans were not sufficiently organised to enable them to -meet this contingency; an attempt to raise the country in the name of -Richard II. failed; they scattered and fled, only to meet their death, -some at the hands of the mob, and others on the scaffold.[16] Humphrey -was too young to realise the import of this unsuccessful plot; indeed, -its lack of success would render it insignificant were it not the -precursor of many similar attempts. It speaks of the strong undercurrent -of opposition to the Lancastrian dynasty, which never ceased to flow -even during the seeming popularity of Henry V.; it shows tendencies -which Humphrey himself would have to face in later life, and which the -lack of statesmanship which was to characterise him and so many of his -house was not calculated to stem. For the present the failure of the -conspiracy only helped to increase his worldly possessions, and he must -have delighted in the tapestry hangings and other spoils taken from the -condemned traitor, the Earl of Huntingdon, which were his share of the -goods forfeited by the conspirators.[17] His property steadily increased -from other sources also, and from time to time we find him the recipient -of some castle or manor at the King's hands.[18] - -We hear very little of the events in the life of the boy, but we get an -occasional glimpse of him. Thus he was present at the marriage of his -father to his second wife, Joan of Navarre, widow of the Duke of -Brittany, at Winchester in the early part of 1403, and he welcomed his -future step-mother with a tablet of gold as a wedding present.[19] The -scene soon changed from marriage celebrations to war, and Humphrey now -had his first experience of a battle. The rising of Sir Edmund Mortimer -with the Welsh and Harry Hotspur of the House of Percy called the King -to the north in July, and we are told that his youngest son took part in -the famous battle of Shrewsbury.[20] As the boy was but twelve years old -it is unlikely that he took any active share in the battle, though his -elder brother was grievously wounded;[21] but he was introduced to the -perils which beset the House of Lancaster, even amongst those whom they -had counted as friends, and to the methods of warfare he was later to -practise himself. - -1403] HUMPHREY RECEIVES THE GARTER - -The battle of Shrewsbury was an indirect means of conferring yet another -honour on Humphrey. It is probable that he had been elected a Knight of -the Garter early in the reign, at the same time as his eldest brother, -the Prince of Wales, but at that time there was no vacancy for him to -fill.[22] There are no extant records of elections earlier than the -reign of Henry V., in whose first year we find robes provided for -Thomas, John, and Humphrey.[23] These princes, however, were undoubtedly -Knights of the Garter at an earlier date than this, and it is recorded -in the Windsor tables that John succeeded to the stall of the Duke of -York, who died on August 1, 1402.[24] If the three younger sons of Henry -were elected together, and waited to obtain their stalls in order of -age, the first vacancy after John's enrolment would come in 1403, when -Humphrey probably succeeded to the stall of Edmund, Earl of Stafford, or -to that of Hotspur himself, who both fell in the battle of -Shrewsbury.[25] In any case, it is very doubtful that Humphrey had to -wait till a later date than this to be finally received into the Order -of the Garter. - -Humphrey had now passed from the state of childhood; two years later we -find him with an establishment of his own at Hadleigh Castle, in -Essex;[26] and again in the following year his position in the line of -succession was definitely arranged.[27] Nevertheless we only catch an -occasional glimpse of him. In 1406 he accompanied his father as escort -to his sister Philippa to Lynn on her way to join her future husband, -the King of Denmark.[28] From Lynn father and son went on a visit to the -Abbey of Bardney, in Lincolnshire, where they arrived on August 21. They -were met at the gates by the Abbot and monks, before whom the King -knelt, and then, rising, proceeded to the High Altar; there the Abbot -delivered a speech of welcome, and Henry, having kissed the relics, -proceeded through the choir and the cloisters to the Abbot's room, where -he was to spend the night. Early in the morning the King heard Mass, -and, accompanied by his sons Thomas and Humphrey and the attendant lords -and clergy, joined a solemn procession round the Abbey. The day ended -with feasting, and on the morrow the King spent much time in the library -amidst the valuable books which the monks had collected or written -themselves. Here, if anywhere, he was accompanied by that youngest son -who was later to be known as the great patron of learning.[29] The early -training of Humphrey, we must remember, was more that of the scholar -than of the soldier or politician. - -Having lost both his mother and his father's mother when he was not four -years old, Humphrey had no near relation to whom to look for guidance; -his father was far too deeply concerned in matters of state. He had been -handed over from his earliest years to the tender mercies of one -Katharine Puncherdon, who ministered to his bodily wants,[30] while a -certain priest, by name Thomas Bothwell, was appointed his tutor.[31] Of -his further education we know but little, though it is very probable -that he studied both rhetoric and _res naturales_ at Balliol College, -Oxford.[32] - -1413] ACCESSION OF HENRY V. - -During the reign of Henry IV. Humphrey took no definite part in public -life; however, we find record of one official appearance when, with his -brothers, he agreed to observe the treaty made in 1412 between the King -of England and the Dukes of Berri, Orleans, and Bourbon.[33] At the time -of his father's death he was present at Westminster, and accompanied the -body in its journey down the river to Gravesend, and thence overland to -Canterbury. After the funeral he returned with his brother, now King -Henry V., to London.[34] At the very beginning of the new reign he was -made Chamberlain of England,[35] an office which entailed his presence -at court 'at the five principall festes of the yeare to take suche -lyvery and servyse after the estate he is of,'[36] and added yet further -to his already extensive possessions lands situated in South Wales,[37] -together with an annuity of five hundred marks for himself and the heirs -male of his body, till such time as an equivalent in land was given -him.[38] Personal danger there was, too, even as there had been when -Henry IV. ascended the throne; an abortive rising of the Lollards -threatened for a moment the lives of the King and his brothers.[39] - -The accession of Henry V. increased his youngest brother's dignity, for -besides bringing him a step nearer to the throne, it placed him more on -an equality of age and standing with those in whose hands the government -of the country rested. It may be, too, that the death of his father -changed his future life materially, for his entire absence from all -political functions, and his inactivity, whilst his brothers, little -older than himself, had taken an active part in the management of public -affairs, suggest the impression that he was not destined for a political -career. Moreover, for the first year of his brother's reign, Humphrey de -Lancaster, as he had hitherto been styled,[40] does not appear at all -prominently in public life, and it was not till he was twenty-three -years old--for those times a somewhat advanced age--that he took his -place definitely among the great men of the kingdom. On May 16, 1414, -letters-patent were issued creating him Earl of Pembroke and Duke of -Gloucester, at the same time that his brother John was made Earl of -Kendal and Duke of Bedford. Though only raised to the peerage at this -time, John had already taken his share in the duties of government, and -before this had represented the King in several important offices of -trust. The peerage thus conferred on Humphrey was for life only, and was -accompanied by a modest allowance of AL60 to be paid out of the proceeds -of the county of Pembroke; of this AL40 was for the maintenance of his -dignity as Duke, and the remaining AL20 in respect of his Earldom.[41] At -once the new duke passed from insignificance to prominence. He had had -no education in the duties and responsibilities of high rank and -executive power, but by a stroke of the pen he became one of the chief -men of the kingdom, and by reason of his royal blood took precedence in -the peerage and in the kingdom of the holders of titles of longer -standing.[42] - -1414] HENRY V.'s FRENCH POLICY - -Humphrey was not slow to enter upon the duties of his new rank, and on -the very day of his elevation to the peerage he took his seat in the -Parliament then sitting at Leicester.[43] Here he witnessed the -enactment of severe measures for the repression of the Lollards,[44] in -pursuance of a policy which he himself was later to carry out: heresy, -it must be remembered, was under the Lancastrians a political danger, -for Henry IV. had usurped the throne as the champion of the Church. It -may be, too, that the newly created duke took part in a debate which -dealt with matters of more pressing interest. It has been said that the -negotiations which were proceeding with France were discussed at this -time, but the Rolls of Parliament bear no record of this; be this as it -may, the question of English relations with France had appeared on the -horizon to herald that second phase of the Hundred Years' War, which, -beginning in all its glory with the first appearance of Humphrey of -Gloucester in public life, was to end with its full complement of -disgrace and disaster almost simultaneously with his life. - -To Henry at Leicester had come ambassadors from France--two rival -embassies in the interest of the two rival factions in that country. -With an insane king at the head of affairs, France was distraught by the -struggle of Burgundian and Armagnac for the control of the government. -The origin of this bitter strife dated some years back to the murder of -the Duke of Orleans in the streets of Paris at the instigation of the -Duke of Burgundy, in revenge, it is said, for the seduction of his wife -by the murdered man.[45] This personal hatred had rapidly developed into -a political struggle, and it had continued with varying successes till -at the present time Burgundy had been driven from Paris and declared to -be a rebel and an enemy to the kingdom. Thus the Armagnac faction, as -the party of the Orleanists was now called, was for the time supreme, -and it may naturally be supposed that Henry V., if he wished to take -advantage of these internal dissensions in the French kingdom, would -hope to secure more favourable terms from the exiled party, than from -those who held the supremacy. Thus at Leicester the envoys from the Duke -of Burgundy received a warmer welcome than their rivals, and agreed to -sign a defensive and offensive treaty with the English King, whereby -their master promised to help Henry in any attack he might make on -Armagnac territory.[46] The terms of this treaty, however, were not -revealed, and Burgundy denied the existence of any hostile alliance when -he came to a temporary agreement with the Armagnac faction at the Treaty -of Arras in February 1415.[47] The King of England, too, did not cease -to intrigue with both parties, for he was not slow to realise the -advantage which these dissensions gave him. He had meddled in French -politics before he came to the throne, not always to his father's -satisfaction, and now in the spirit of the old crusaders he meant to -take advantage of the sins of France, while at the same time he -fulfilled a divine commission to punish the transgressors. In him France -was to find her true redeemer, the healer of her internal wounds, and to -this end he continued his intrigues with both parties, offering to marry -both Catherine of France and Catherine of Burgundy as a means to -establish his purely illusory claim to the French throne.[48] - -1414] GLOUCESTER'S FOREIGN POLICY - -Meanwhile, in England, men's minds were turning to war. The martial -glories of Edward III.'s reign were not entirely forgotten, and the -trade interests of the kingdom were not inclined to oppose a policy -which might tend to stop the depredations of French privateers. The -Church, if not absolutely encouraging the war, as has been asserted by -later writers, did nothing to oppose it; dissentients there were, of -course, but for the King's councillors the only question was, with the -help of which party should Henry enter France. The King himself, with -Bedford and the Beauforts, looked to Burgundy as the most likely ally, -whilst Clarence, supported by Gloucester and the Duke of York, favoured -an Armagnac alliance.[49] This divided opinion was a renewal of the -disagreements which had arisen in the court of Henry IV. The younger -Henry had always inclined to the Burgundian alliance which his father -had opposed, and which now was no more favoured by his two brothers. In -the career of Humphrey it is interesting to note that on the first -occasion on which he definitely asserted his opinion he found himself in -opposition to the policy of the Beauforts, who were to be his bitterest -enemies through life, and in alliance with the House of York, the only -family which supported him in the later years of humiliation. Above all, -we must not ignore the fact that he here showed his distrust of -Burgundian methods and Burgundian policy, and that he now opposed an -alliance with a house whose strongest enmity he was to incur at a later -date; that, on the other hand, he advised an Armagnac alliance which was -to form an essential part of his policy in the days when this King -Henry's son was seeking to strengthen himself by a French marriage. -Nothing could give a more accurate forecast of his future life and -policy than the line which Humphrey took on this question, and it helps -to give a strange consistency to his career; to borrow something akin to -prophecy from the darkness of the unknown future. - -It is probable that, in spite of his embassies and overtures, Henry -never expected to come to terms with either party; at any rate his -demands from the French King were too preposterous to be taken seriously -as an overture of peace,[50] and at home he never ceased to prepare for -war on a large scale. Ships were secured from Holland and Zealand; money -and munitions of war were collected for the great undertaking; -indentures were entered into with the chief men of the kingdom to serve -abroad with the King, and amongst these we find the names of the Dukes -of Clarence, Gloucester, and York.[51] With these preparations the time -wore on, Humphrey taking his share of the work. In April he appears as a -member of the King's Privy Council for the first time,[52] and in the -previous March he was employed to bring home to the city fathers the -immense advantages of English aggrandisement on the Continent. -Accompanied by the Dukes of Bedford and York, the Archbishop of -Canterbury and the Bishop of Winchester, he went to the Mayor and -Aldermen of the City of London, and, showing great deference to these -civic magnates, joined his associates in persuading them to support the -war with a substantial gift of money.[53] Thus early in his career he -was brought into close contact with the Londoners, who were to prove his -best and most faithful friends. - -Though preparations for war had gone so far, negotiations with France -were still pending. The Dauphin, who had taken the place of his demented -father, after exasperating the English with his present of tennis balls -in the previous year,[54] had taken no steps to meet the danger which -threatened his country, and it was only at the instance of the Duke of -Berri, whom he had recently called to his councils, that an embassy was -despatched to meet Henry at Winchester on June 30.[55] The King was -holding his court in the bishop's palace, and there, with his three -brothers standing on his right and Chancellor Beaufort on his left, he -received the ambassadors with all pomp and ceremony. Both this and the -next day were occupied with formal receptions, wherein Gloucester was -specially prominent, for he alone of all the temporal peers was allotted -a special seat at the official banquet, being placed on the King's right -hand. When business began in earnest the Archbishop of Bourges and the -Bishop of Lisieux--'_vir verbosus et arrogans_,' says Walsingham--were -spokesmen for the French, whilst Beaufort spoke for the King of England. -The negotiations lasted till July 6, and were marked by a somewhat more -conciliatory attitude on the English side, but from the first they were -doomed to failure, for neither party meant to give way,[56] and at -length Henry broke up the meeting and dismissed the envoys with every -courteous attention.[57] - -1415] THE SOUTHAMPTON CONSPIRACY - -War had now become a mere matter of days. After a brief visit to London, -Henry went down to Southampton, whither probably Gloucester had gone -direct from the negotiations at Winchester, and the last preparations -for the expedition against France were being completed, when the young -Earl of March waited on the King, and laid before him the details of a -conspiracy against the House of Lancaster.[58] The Earl of Cambridge--a -worthless brother of the Duke of York--Henry Lord Scrope, and Sir Thomas -Grey of Heton were the authors of the plot, and their plan was to -proclaim an impostor who pretended to be Richard II., and was then in -Scotland, or in default of him the Earl of March himself.[59] At the -time of the discovery the scheme had not been fully developed, as it was -not intended that the matter should come to a head till Henry was safely -employed in France; indeed the only reason that definite action had -been taken, in so far as the Earl of March had been approached, was to -prevent the latter from accompanying the army.[60] There were, however, -traces that the conspiracy was spreading, and rumours were afloat that -the Lollards were going to seize the opportunity of internal -disturbances to strike a blow for their religion.[61] The King was not -slow to act on the information given him. On July 21 he issued a -commission to inquire into the matter, and on August 2 a jury was -empanelled, which indicted the three conspirators for plotting against -the King and his three brothers, the Dukes of Clarence, Bedford, and -Gloucester.[62] Cambridge and Grey confessed their guilt, and threw -themselves on the King's mercy, but Scrope denied any traitorous intent. -Grey as a commoner was executed at once, but the two lords were reserved -for the trial of their peers. Clarence was commissioned to summon a jury -of peers for this purpose, and among those who were called to take part -in the trial were the Duke of York--the brother of one of the -accused--and Gloucester--one of those against whom the conspiracy was -aimed.[63] The accused were condemned to death, and executed the same -day outside the North Gate of Southampton,[64] but the whole procedure -was so irregular that it was considered necessary to legalise it in the -next Parliament.[65] - -1415] THE FRENCH WAR - -The danger was past, but there was a lesson and a warning to be gathered -from the plot, though it passed unheeded. Humphrey, now on the threshold -of his public career, was brought face to face with an event which might -have taught him much, but which he failed to understand. This first -Yorkist conspiracy stood in the way, as did the prophets of old, and -foretold destruction and disaster to dynasty and kingdom if this -iniquitous and foolish French war were really undertaken. It showed that -there was a party in England which was opposed to the Lancastrian House, -and it pointed unmistakably to the time when civil war would drive out -the reigning dynasty. That Henry could have foreseen all the results of -his mistaken policy is impossible, but no ruler with the slightest claim -to be considered a statesman would have set up the false idea of foreign -conquest as an antidote to dissensions at home. This policy was no -remedy; it postponed the struggle only to enhance its bitterness and to -aggravate its disastrous results. Henry was blind to the signs which had -appeared on the political horizon to herald the coming storm, but this -very inability to gauge the significance of events has made him the idol -of successive generations of his countrymen, who care not for his policy -and its results, but appreciate only the dramatic setting of his life. -It was just this dramatic quality of the French wars which appealed to -Henry's youngest brother. In an age when the artistic side of life was -totally ignored by Englishmen, he was beginning to breathe the -atmosphere of new ideas, which rendered him susceptible to the charm of -large conceptions and dramatic episodes. He was at once attracted by the -brilliant aspect of this French policy with its splendid dreams of -territorial aggrandisement. But while Henry adopted the French war as a -policy, Humphrey saw in it not so much a policy as an idea, an idea -which he worshipped to the day of his death. Thus in estimating -Gloucester's later actions we must remember whence they took their -origin, and we must not forget his training in the policy of his eldest -brother. Both were blind to the folly of attacking France, but while the -King was to die before the results of his actions appeared, Humphrey was -to live on till the fields were ripe for harvest, and to die only on -the eve of that day when the harvest was gathered in. Thus from the -Southampton conspiracy he might have learnt the dangers which the French -war would foster, he might have learnt the lesson that a united aim and -common action were necessary for the prosperity of the House of -Lancaster, but he was deaf to the teaching of the incident. To -understand Gloucester's life-history, therefore, we must carefully -consider the early years of his active life, the training he received in -the wars of Henry V., and the attractiveness to a man of his temperament -of the false ideals taught him by his famous brother. - -1415] GLOUCESTER'S RETINUE - -The discovery of the Southampton plot only delayed Henry so long as was -necessary to punish the offenders, and on August 7 he left the castle of -Porchester, where he had been staying, and embarked on board his ship -_The Trinity_. His preparations were now complete, and by Sunday the -11th, all the vessels he had called together for the transhipment of the -army had arrived, to the number of at least fifteen hundred sail.[66] -Never before had so large or so strong a fleet ridden in Southampton -Water,[67] and yet they were barely sufficient for the men they had to -carry, for the army consisted of some two thousand men-at-arms and six -thousand mounted and unmounted archers, though the accounts of the -numbers vary considerably.[68] We can only approximately estimate the -proportion which Gloucester's retinue bore to the whole; his indenture -has not survived, but we have evidence from other sources. When making -his indentures, or contracts for service, with the leading noblemen of -the kingdom, Henry had paid them in advance for the first quarter, and -had deposited jewels with them for the second quarter.[69] To his -youngest brother there were pledged two purses of gold 'garnished with -jewels' valued at AL2000 each,[70] and from this one authority calculates -that he was intended to serve with a hundred and twenty-nine lances and -six hundred archers.[71] However, in the unpublished collections for -Rymer's _Foedera_ the retinue is estimated at two hundred men-at-arms -and six hundred horse archers,[72] which seems to be more proportionate -to the money paid to Humphrey. If we take the wages of a man-at-arms to -be one shilling a day and that of an archer sixpence, the sum-total with -allowances for higher payments to bannerets and knights, and to the Duke -himself, comes to something approaching AL3000. The surplus of AL1000 -might be accounted for by the fact that in some cases wages might be on -a higher scale; indeed by 1437 a horse archer was often in receipt of -eightpence a day.[73] Moreover, it may be that in view of the fact that -the army was not to be permitted to plunder the country through which it -might pass, a wider margin than usual was allowed to those who -contracted for men. Edward III. in his wars had liberally compensated -for losses in the campaign, even to the length of paying for horses lost -in action, and it may be that Henry V. made allowance for this in his -contracts. There seems therefore to be ample evidence that the indenture -of jewels speaks to a retinue which numbered approximately two hundred -lances and six hundred archers, thus preserving the ratio between the -two kinds of soldiers usual at the time, though later in the French wars -the lances became a still smaller percentage of the sum-total of -fighting men. Conflicting evidence to this is found in a muster of -Humphrey's men held at Mikilmarch near Romsey on July 16, where only six -hundred and sixty-eight names appear on the register,[74] but as on that -day several captains had only one or two men serving under them, and -two had none at all, it is very probable that their numbers were not the -same as when they sailed almost a month later. Still further reason for -accepting the larger number as accurate is given by the record we have -of Gloucester's retinue at Agincourt. Here he was at the head of a -hundred and forty-two lances and four hundred and six archers,[75] and -this alone would refute the estimate of a hundred and twenty-nine lances -and six hundred archers. Moreover, it is recorded that at Harfleur he -lost two hundred and thirty-six men,[76] though some of these were -_valets_ and _garASec.ons_ who did not rank as combatants, but were the -grooms of the men-at-arms and the attendants of the baggage horses. -According to these figures his original retinue must have numbered about -seven hundred and fifty men, and so we may reckon that he sailed from -Southampton with close on eight hundred fighting men, that is roughly -the two hundred lances and six hundred archers of the Rymer collections. - -It was on Tuesday, August 13, that the ships bearing the English army -entered the mouth of the Seine and cast anchor near the 'Chef de Caux,' -about three miles from the town of Harfleur.[77] Caux was a little -fortress strengthened by nature and the arts of war,[78] and besides -this outpost Harfleur had a protection against the advancing English in -a series of dikes and earthworks thrown diagonally across the line of -approach.[79] Scouts, however, reported that these lines were totally -unguarded, whether from lack of men or from the Constable d'Albret's -contempt of the enemy.[80] With the danger attending a landing of his -troops thus removed, Henry disembarked on the vigil of the Assumption -together with his two brothers, falling on his knees as he reached the -dry land and praying to God to uphold his cause. His men were encamped -on some rising ground, and edicts for the government of the army were -issued, chief amongst which were strong prohibitions against the -molestation of non-combatants and clergy, and against the spoliation of -churches.[81] - -1415] BEGINNING OF THE CAMPAIGN - -Humphrey had now fairly embarked on his first campaign. Ignorant of war, -and unused even to military methods and the life of the field, we shall -not meet with him very frequently in the operations of this year. He was -learning the lessons not only of war, but of all public life and -deportment, for as the youngest son of Henry IV. he had been kept in -greater seclusion than his brothers. Clarence, though only three years -his senior, had had experience in the management of men and in the -conduct of affairs as lieutenant of the King both in Ireland and in -Aquitaine, but Humphrey was new to all this, and the campaign is useful -to us, not so much as the scene of his activity, but as the school in -which he learnt the soldier's trade. It was a hard school too, for the -English needed stout hearts; they were embarking on an expedition which -might take them far from their base, and this, too, at a time of year -when military operations would be made difficult by the wintry weather. - -For four days Henry remained inactive, resting his troops and bringing -up the heavy guns and siege apparatus from the ships. Then, having kept -the feast of the Assumption in due form, he advanced towards Harfleur on -August 17.[82] The Duke of Clarence commanded the van, while Michael de -la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, led the rear;[83] Gloucester was presumably -with the King and the main body of the army. Though a small town, -Harfleur was well fortified, and had been recently provisioned. It stood -a little back from the estuary of the Seine, with the river Lazarde -running through its midst, and possessed good strong walls with three -gates, one on the western side, where the English army first appeared, -and two on the east.[84] The English were at first unable to blockade -the town entirely, as they could not at once reach the eastern side, -owing to the damming of the river, which had consequently spread into a -large lake round the northern wall. The delay caused by this inundation -enabled the Sire de Gaucourt to enter Harfleur with reinforcements, and -so to prevent any further help from reaching the garrison Clarence was -despatched on the night of August 18 with orders to march round the -floods, and invest the eastern side of the town. On the way he met and -defeated still further reinforcements and munitions of war on their way -to Harfleur, and by the next day he had entirely shut in that part of -the walls for which he was responsible.[85] On the sea side the English -ships came to the mouth of the harbour, which was strongly protected by -two towers on either side of the entrance, and by a chain drawn across -from tower to tower. However, all attempts made by the garrison to drive -off these ships were fruitless, while the floods to the north were -patrolled by English boats,[86] so that by these means all communication -with the city by water was cut off, and, with the King's division -enclosing the western walls, the blockade was complete. - -1415] SIEGE OF HARFLEUR - -It was with the King's division that Gloucester had his station, and to -him the care of the siege on this side was committed, with the Duke of -York and the Earl Marshal near him.[87] His chief duty was the -bombardment of the town, from which it would seem that he had already -shown his readiness to espouse new ideas, and that his later fame as a -patron of scholars was preceded by a study of the art of war and of the -new engines which now made siege work so much more possible than -formerly. At any rate, in the hand-to-hand fighting of the old style, -which took place when the besieged sallied forth from the town, we find -other captains in command, though we read that where the fighting was -heaviest, there did the King station his youngest brother.[88] -Humphrey's chief work was to organise and direct the attack on his side -of the town, and it may seem strange that one, who had had no experience -of war in the past, should be given so important a post. The explanation -of the trust thus placed in Gloucester may be twofold. He had had no -opportunity hitherto of showing his capabilities, and the King may have -wished to try his metal at this early stage of the campaign, to know how -far he could trust him. It is also just possible that he had a more -complete grasp of the theory of military operations, and in especial of -the use of cannon, than the untrained nobles of the English army, and -that it was therefore as a student more than as a soldier that he won -his first laurels in the field. - -We hear a good deal of the siege engines which Humphrey made use of at -the siege of Harfleur. They were of heavier metal and threw larger -missiles than any guns hitherto seen in an English army, and they -bombarded the barbicans before the gate and the walls to such good -effect, that it was only the valiant pertinacity of the besieged that -prevented an almost immediate surrender.[89] Moreover, the gunners -worked in relays, so that the cannonade was kept up incessantly -throughout the day, and were protected by shelters so constructed that -they could be lowered for the purpose of taking aim and then raised -again,[90] new methods possibly due to the ingenuity of Gloucester. On -the east, Clarence carried on operations by means of mines, and the King -directed similar operations on his side, but these had to be begun in -the open under the fire of the besieged, and were met by countermines -from the town, which defeated their object.[91] Throughout his excellent -account of the siege, the author of the _Gesta Henrici Quinti_ tries the -merits of the tactics employed on the English side by the maxims of one -'Magister A†gidius.'[92] This 'Master Giles' must have been A†gidius -Romanus who wrote _De Regimine Principum_, a work very popular at the -time, though it dated from a period before cannon were used. It was -probably from this book that Gloucester obtained some of his knowledge -of military matters, for when in later life he presented his books to -the University of Oxford, a copy of this treatise was found amongst the -volumes which comprised the gift,[93] and he at the same time retained a -French copy of the work in his private library.[94] - -1415] FALL OF HARFLEUR - -For a month the siege was strenuously carried on, the defence being as -determined as the attack. The breaches in the walls were filled up with -faggots and tubs of earth, clay was spread in the streets to prevent the -splintering of the missiles that fell there,[95] and on one occasion an -English bastion was captured and fired.[96] But time began to tell on -the brave little garrison, and they sent an urgent appeal for help to -Paris. No relief came, and the English were gradually drawing nearer to -the town, till on September 16 part of the outworks was captured.[97] On -the next day Henry summoned Harfleur to surrender, even as he had done -at the beginning of the siege, but though negotiations were opened they -came to nothing, and the English prepared for a great assault on the -morrow. Meanwhile, Gloucester's cannon were kept busily at work, so that -the besieged might have no rest. The assault, however, was never made, -for during the night the French determined to acknowledge defeat, and in -the morning De Gaucourt agreed to surrender the town if not relieved -before the next Sunday, September 22. At the same time, with the -permission of the English, another appeal for relief was sent to -Paris,[98] but again it was disregarded, to the everlasting shame of the -French Government says even an Armagnac chronicler.[99] There was -therefore no sign of the approach of a relieving force, when, on the -appointed Sunday, Henry entered his first conquest on French soil.[100] - -Thus fell what Waurin calls 'the chief port of Normandy and the best -base the English could have for their military operations,'[101] but the -pomp and grandeur with which Henry made his entry into the town, did not -serve to conceal the way the siege had thinned the rank of besiegers as -well as besieged. The warm days of August and September, together with -the stagnant water which lay around the town, had done their worst, and, -if we can believe a French chronicler, the food of the English had not -been of the best, as the sea had tainted their provisions.[102] At all -events fever and dysentery had raged in the camp, and among those who -had died were Richard Courtenay, Bishop of Norwich, and the Earl of -Suffolk.[103] Moreover, the Duke of Clarence was too ill for further -campaigning, and he was accompanied by a large number of the soldiers -when he went back to England, leaving the heavier siege guns at Calais -on his way.[104] The army was still further thinned by the loss of the -contingent assigned to the Earl of Dorset, who was made Captain of -Harfleur.[105] The captive town was treated with justice, if not with -leniency. Thirty of the principal citizens were held to ransom, whilst -the minor citizens were given the option of taking the oath of -allegiance or of departing with their goods.[106] The captain and his -principal followers were allowed at large on condition of surrendering -on November 11 at Calais.[107] - -Henry spent a fortnight at Harfleur, making arrangements for the -security of the town, and awaiting an answer to a bombastic and wholly -superfluous challenge to personal combat which he had sent to the -Dauphin.[108] On October 8 he set out to march from Harfleur to -Calais,[109] with some 900 men-at-arms and 5000 archers.[110] Of this -number Gloucester's share must have been the 142 lancers and 406 -archers, which we find in his retinue at Agincourt.[111] With this small -army it was very rash to challenge the forces of France, and a council -of war had asserted it in no measured terms, but Henry felt that in -honour he could not recede, and, putting his trust in God and in his -righteous cause--as we are told--he set forth to invite a pitched battle -with the enemy.[112] - -1415] MARCH TO AGINCOURT - -The story of this memorable march has been so often told that it is -unnecessary to give a detailed account of it here, more especially as -Gloucester took no part in the management of the army; not once does his -name appear in the pages of any chronicler till the day of Agincourt. -His post till then was with the main body under the King himself, while -Sir John Cornwall led the van, and the Duke of York with the Earl of -Oxford commanded the rear.[113] Passing FA(C)camp and Arques, the English -army met with some slight resistance at Eu,[114] but without delaying -there went on towards Abbeville, where Henry had intended to cross the -Somme. News, however, came through a Gascon prisoner that the bridges -over the river were broken down, and that the ford of Blanche-Taque was -guarded by the French, so there was no alternative but to march inland -and to seek for a passage higher up the Somme.[115] The French -chroniclers declare that this report was untrue, and one complains -bitterly of the mistake, which ultimately procured the defeat of France -in a battle that, had it not been for the Gascon's story, would never -have been fought.[116] The English army, therefore, having turned to the -right, left Amiens on the left, and passed by Boves and Corbie to the -neighbourhood of Nesle, preparing all the time for French resistance, -and the archers in particular providing themselves with those sharp -stakes, which were to stand them in such good stead in the day of -battle.[117] Meanwhile, the eight days' food that the soldiers had -brought with them from Harfleur was exhausted, and besides present -shortage of provender they anticipated worse things when they reached a -district harried by the French cavalry.[118] Near Nesle, however, a ford -was found, and though a marsh flanked him on one side and the river on -the other, Henry got his men along the two narrow causeways which led to -the crossing and across the Somme itself without interference from the -enemy, who probably thought that their opponents were as numerous as the -French chroniclers afterwards declared them to have been.[119] The Somme -was crossed on the 19th, and disregarding a challenge from the Armagnac -chiefs, Henry continued steadily on his way to Calais by way of Peronne, -where he fell in with the tracks of the French army, and learnt for the -first time the large numbers he would have to fight.[120] Nothing -daunted, he encouraged the flagging spirits of his men, and on Thursday, -October 24, he lay at Maisoncelles with his army encamped around -him.[121] The French lay within earshot, and both armies endured the -full force of the rain and storm of a wild night, but while revel and -rejoicing prevailed among the French soldiers, the English knew that on -the morrow they would have to meet the alternative of victory or -annihilation, and the King's command to be silent and watchful was -rigidly obeyed.[122] - -1415] BATTLE OF AGINCOURT - -The day of Crispin and Crispinian broke bright and clear to find the -English army already preparing for the battle, which was now inevitable, -since the French lay across the road which led to Calais. About a mile -divided the two armies, which were both on slightly elevated ground. -Both sides were at a disadvantage from one point of view, for while the -French were numerous and confined within a narrow strip of open ground -between two stretches of woodland, the English were few and had a large -front to cover; consequently the former were drawn up in three lines and -huddled together, while the latter, stretched across in one thin line, -brought their full force into action at the same time.[123] The French -were disorganised, and their leaders quarrelled not only as to the -advantage of offering battle, but also as to their respective positions -in the fight.[124] Ultimately those in favour of action prevailed, and -the Constable d'Albret took command of the first division of dismounted -cross-bowmen and archers, these last, however, being put behind the -first line and thus rendered useless. Next came the Dukes of Bar and -AlenASec.on leading the second division, and behind them again were the -Counts of Marle, Dammartin, and Fauquenberg. Cavalry were posted on -either flank.[125] The Duke of Burgundy was unrepresented in the army, -as he had forbidden his vassals to serve under any one but himself, and -we are told that his son Philip never ceased to bewail this enforced -absence from the battle.[126] - -On the English side the archers were drawn up in wedges pointing towards -the enemy, with the men-at-arms in line between them. On the right was -the van under the command of the Duke of York, Lord Camoys with the -rearguard held the left, while the King commanded the centre, where, -among others, Gloucester led a squadron of his own.[127] All the -English, noble as well as humble, fought on foot, and though the chief -men were fully armed as was the King, the archers were almost entirely -without protective armour.[128] Beyond a few soldiers with the baggage, -all Henry's men were concentrated in the one fighting line,[129] for -there is not sufficient evidence to prove the existence of the ambushed -archers on the wings described by some writers.[130] The English -advanced to within half a mile of the enemy, and there halted, while -heralds were sent forward to offer terms of peace, but the refusal of -Henry to renounce his claim to the French throne proved an insuperable -obstacle to any pacification.[131] It was thus ten o'clock before the -King gave the final order to attack, and with a shout the archers -advanced again, this time to within bowshot, and opened fire. The French -cavalry failed in their attempt to ride them down, thanks to the stakes -planted between them and their opponents, and they fled back to spread -confusion in the first line.[132] This division, splitting into three -parts, advanced before d'Albret gave the word, but after a brief -moment's success, only to be shattered by the concentrated fire of the -English archers. Seizing the advantage thus given him, Henry ordered his -men to charge, and they, discarding the protection of their palisade, -rushed out, the men-at-arms with their lances, the archers with axes and -other promiscuous weapons. With the cry of 'Saint George and merry -England,' they pierced the first line of the enemy, and engaged the -second in hand-to-hand combat.[133] The French could not withstand this -rush, and hampered by their close array, broke and fled. - -In the forefront of this charge was Humphrey at the head of his men, -exposing himself to every danger and fighting like a lion.[134] - - 'The Duke of Glowcestre also that tyde, - Manfully with his mayne, - Wonder he wroght ther wondere wyde.'[135] - -1415] VALOUR OF GLOUCESTER - -But his courage, bordering on rashness,[136] took him too far in advance -of his men, and when AlenASec.on, having rallied some of the second -division, together with those of the third division who had not fled -without striking a blow, broke into the English ranks and caught him -unawares, Gloucester fell severely wounded 'in the hammes,' and lay -helpless on his back with his feet towards the enemy. His men would have -left him for dead, had not the King rushed forward with reinforcements, -and standing between his brother's legs, kept the enemy at bay till the -wounded duke had been removed to a place of safety.[137] - -By the time that this was accomplished the day was won. The last effort -of the French, which had almost proved fatal to Humphrey, had been -checked, and AlenASec.on himself lay dead upon the field. Beyond a scare -caused by the belief that some of the flying enemy who sacked the -English baggage in the rear were reinforcements sent from Paris--a -mistake which caused the cold-blooded murder of many French prisoners of -war--the day was thereafter devoid of incident.[138] - -The English had fought valiantly, and though their King had set them a -great example, it is Gloucester whom several chroniclers pick out for -special praise. Henry's chaplain, to whom we owe much of our knowledge -of the campaign, thanks God fervently for his escape,[139] whilst others -speak of his deeds of valour and Lydgate writes: - - 'The Duke of Gloucestre that is so nay - That day full worthyly he wroughte, - On every syde he made good way, - The Frenshemen faste to grounde he brought,'[140] - -and his somewhat fervid biographer of a later date quaintly assures us -that though 'he lost much blood and his spiritts spent with toils and -labour, yett was not his manly courage at all abated, nor his strong -stomach at all quelled.'[141] This was the only pitched battle in which -Humphrey ever took part, and he acquitted himself valiantly therein. His -impetuous temperament had come near to costing him his life, and it is -well that we have this definite and indisputable evidence of his -courage, for in one episode of his later life he came near to incurring -the accusation of cowardice; indeed, were it not for this and other -evidences of his personal valour in war, we should be entirely misled as -to the true meaning of his failure when in command of his own army in -his own quarrel. - -The English losses were but few, though even hardened soldiers were -appalled at the heaps of French dead lying on the field, including the -Constable d'Albret, the Admiral Dampierre, and the Dukes of AlenASec.on, -Bar, and Brabant, the last being Burgundy's brother who had only reached -the battle when the day was lost.[142] On the English side the Duke of -York and the Earl of Suffolk--son of the man who died before -Harfleur--were the only notable victims.[143] Early next morning the -army moved off, bearing Gloucester with them, and three days later the -King entered Calais. On November 16 he sailed for England, but -Gloucester was left behind to recover from his wound, so that he did not -take part in Henry's reception at Dover, or in his triumphal entry into -London when the city turned out in force to welcome its conquering -King.[144] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] Prutz, p. lxx. - - [2] See Bolingbroke's _Chamberlain's Accounts_, Prutz, 99; - _Expeditions of Derby_, 107. _William of Worcester_, ii. 443, - gives the date of Humphrey's birth as 1390. Holkham MS., p. - 7, ventures on the entirely imaginary date of June 3, 1393. - - [3] See Doyle, ii. 317, and under the title 'Hereford.' - - [4] _Duchy of Lancaster Accounts_ (_Various_), Bundle i. No. 6. - - [5] _Duchy of Lancaster Accounts_ (_Various_), Bundle iv. No. 1. - - [6] _Ibid._ - - [7] Elmham, _Vita_, 5. - - [8] See Anstis, _Order of the Bath_ (Observations Introductory). - - [9] _Liberatio Pannorum in Magna Garderoba_, printed in Anstis, - _Order of the Bath_, 22. Cf. Fabyan, 565; Holinshed, iii. 3. - - [10] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 45. Cf. Froissart's _Chronicle_, - Book iv. C. 16. - - [11] Gregory, 102; Fabyan, 565. - - [12] _Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV._, Part iv. m. 7; Add. MS. 15,664, f. - 15. - - [13] _Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV._, Part viii. m. 1. - - [14] _Ibid._, Part v. m. 24. - - [15] _Lord Treasurer's Remembrancers_, Roll xi. m. 12, printed in - Wylie, iv. 219. - - [16] _Chron. Henry IV._, 7, 8; _Annales Henrici Quarti_, 323-330; - _Lond. Chron._, 86; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 243-245; - Higden, f. 150vo; _Chronique des Pays Bas_, 316-325. - - [17] _Rot. Pat., 2 Henry IV._, Part ii. m. 22. - - [18] See _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 245-249, 251, 256; _Rot. Parl._, iii. - 670. - - [19] _Queen's Remem. Ward. Acct._, printed in Wylie, iv. 205; Devon, - _Issue Roll_, 294. - - [20] Waurin, ii. 61. - - [21] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 258; Gregory, 103; Elmham, - _Vita_, 7. - - [22] Beltz, p. clv. Humphrey's name occurs as a creation of Henry - IV. in the list in Ashmole, _Order of the Garter_, 506. - - [23] Anstis, _Order of the Garter_, i. 14. - - [24] Beltz, p. clv. - - [25] _Ibid._ - - [26] Rymer, IV. i. 76. - - [27] _Ibid._, IV. i. 106; cf. _Chron. Henry IV._, 49. - - [28] Capgrave, _Chron. of Eng._, 292; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. - 274; _Chron. Henry IV._, 49. - - [29] Leland, _Collectanea_, vi. 300, 301. - - [30] _Duc. Lanc. Accounts (Various)_, Bundle iv. No. 1. - - [31] _Ibid._; _Receiver Gen. Rec._, 1 _Henry IV._ Holkham MS., p. 7, - says that Humphrey was 'instructed in the fundamentals of - good literature' by Sir Lewis Clifford, but there is no known - authority for this statement. - - [32] Bale (1559 edition), 583. He does not mention it in his 1548 - edition, which seems to imply that he was using some newly - acquired authority, though of course implicit confidence - cannot be placed in the statement. Leland, _Commentarii_, - 422, follows Bale's later statements. - - [33] Rymer, iv. ii. 14, 15. - - [34] Waurin, ii. 162. - - [35] May 7, 1413. _Rot. Pat._, 1 _Henry V._, Part iii. m. 44. - - [36] Such at least were the duties of the Chamberlain under Edward - IV.; _Ordinances of the Household_, 29. - - [37] _Rot. Pat._, 1 _Henry V._, Part v. m. 8. - - [38] _Ibid._, Part iv. m. 4. - - [39] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 297. - - [40] _Rot. Pat._, 6 _Henry IV._, Part i. m. 25. - - [41] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 17, 443. - - [42] _Ibid._, iv. 270. - - [43] _Ibid._, iv. 17. - - [44] _Ibid._, iv. 24. - - [45] Basin, i. 5, 6; St. RA(C)my also hints this. - - [46] The original MS. of this treaty is preserved at Dijon. See De - Beaucourt, i. 132, 133. - - [47] Des Ursins, 502. - - [48] Rymer, IV. i. 77, 79, 80; Des Ursins, 500. - - [49] Des Ursins, 500. - - [50] See St. RA(C)my, 586. - - [51] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 305; St. RA(C)my, 387, 388; St. - Denys, v. 499. - - [52] _Ordinances_, ii. 153. - - [53] _Memorials of London_, 604, 605, document printed from the City - of London Letter Book, i. f. cl. London lent Henry 10,000 - marks, Rymer, IV. ii. 141. - - [54] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 114; Lydgate's poem - printed in _Lond. Chron._, Appendix, p. 216. - - [55] Monstrelet, 361, 362; St. Denys, v. 501. - - [56] An earlier embassy to France had reported that the French were - behaving treacherously (Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 301), - whilst these French envoys reported on their return that - Henry had never meant to come to terms (St. Denys, v. - 531-533). Such distrust of each other's intentions made an - agreement impossible. - - [57] Monstrelet, 363; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 305; St. Denys, - v. 513-525; St. RA(C)my, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37. - - [58] Holkham MS., p. 13, ascribes the discovery of the conspiracy to - the 'prudence and careful circumspection' of Gloucester. - - [59] Edmund, Earl of March, was the grandson of Philippa, daughter - of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., and so - had a claim to the throne of England as a descendant of that - King by an elder line than Henry V., who claimed through John - of Gaunt, the younger brother of Lionel, Duke of Clarence. - - [60] St. RA(C)my. 389. - - [61] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 306, 307. - - [62] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 65; Stowe, 346, 347. - - [63] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 66. Probably the Duke of York was made to - serve in order to minimise the dynastic aspect of the plot. - - [64] _Eng. Chron._, 40. See also Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. - 305-307; Redmayne, 41. Certain hitherto unused matter with - regard to this conspiracy is to be found in the Deputy - Keeper's Forty-third Report, 579-594. - - [65] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 64. - - [66] _Gesta_, 13; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Walsingham, _Hist. - Angl._, ii. 307. Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 2, says - there were only three hundred and twenty sail. - - [67] Elmham, _Vita_, 35. - - [68] For discussion of probable number of army, see Ramsay, i. 200, - and Kingsford, 137, note. - - [69] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320. - - [70] _Ordinances_, iii. 9. - - [71] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 21, 22. - - [72] Printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 373. - - [73] _Ordinances_, v. 26. - - [74] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 21, 22. - - [75] Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 333-336. - - [76] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 22. - - [77] _Gesta_, 13; Elmham, _Vita_, 36, 37. - - [78] Elmham, _Vita_, 40. - - [79] _Gesta_, 15; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389. - - [80] So at least says St. Denys, v. 535. - - [81] Elmham, _Vita_, 37-39; _Gesta_, 15; Livius, 8; Walsingham, - _Hist. Angl._, ii. 307; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389. - - [82] _Gesta_, 15, 19; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Elmham, _Vita_, 38, - 39; St. Denys, v. 537; Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX. - - [83] Livius, 8. - - [84] _Gesta_, 16, 17. - - [85] Elmham, _Vita_, 38-41; _Gesta_, 20; Livius, 9; Hardyng's - _Journal_, 389. - - [86] Elmham, _Vita_, 42; Livius, 10. - - [87] Elmham, _Vita_, 42. Livius, 9, says that Gloucester was given - control over the whole siege. He is followed by Stow, 348. - This, however, is very improbable. - - [88] Elmham, _Vita_, 42. - - [89] Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Elmham, _Vita_, 43. - - [90] St. Denys, v. 537; _Gesta_, 21. - - [91] _Gesta_, 22, 24, 25; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Livius, 10; - Waurin, ii 184. - - [92] _Gesta_, 26. - - [93] _Epist. Acad._, 237. For a short account of A†gidius de Columna - (Romanus), who lived from 1296 to 1316, see W. Cave, - _Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria_ (Oxford, - 1743), ii. 340. - - [94] Cambridge University Library MS., Ee. 2. 17. - - [95] _Gesta_, 23, 24. - - [96] _Ibid._, 27. - - [97] _Ibid._, 28. - - [98] _Gesta_, 29-32; Elmham, _Vita_, 46, 47; Hardyng's _Journal_, - 390; Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX. - - [99] St. Denys, v. 542. - - [100] St. RA(C)my, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the harbour - held out for two more days; Waurin, ii. 187. - - [101] 'Le souverain port de toute Northmandie, et le plus - prouffitable pour leur guerre mener en ce quartier'; Waurin, - ii. 184. - - [102] Monstrelet, 367. Elmham, _Vita_, 44, denies the scarcity of - provisions. - - [103] _Gesta_, 26, 27, 31. - - [104] Waurin, ii. 187; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 309. The Earls - of March and Arundel and the Earl Marshal also returned home. - - [105] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX.; Livius, 11. - - [106] Livius, 10. - - [107] _Gesta_, 34; St. RA(C)my, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de Gaucourt - printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, App. VI. p. 25. - - [108] Rymer, IV. ii. 147. - - [109] _Gesta_, 36, which, however, gives October 7 in another place. - Hardyng gives October 1, but he is a week too early all - through. Waurin, ii. 188, says the English stopped a - fortnight at Harfleur. - - [110] So _Gesta_, 36; Hardyng's _Journal_, 390; but Waurin, ii. 188, - gives 2000 lances and 14,000 archers, an absurd estimate. - _See_ Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 78, where it is concluded that - Henry had between six and nine thousand men. - - [111] Roll of men at Agincourt printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, - 336. - - [112] _Gesta_, 36; Livius, 11, 12. - - [113] Waurin, ii. 188. - - [114] _Gesta_, 37; Elmham, _Vita_, 52: Livius, 13. - - [115] _Gesta_, 39; Hardyng's _Journal_, 390; Waurin, ii. 191; - Monstrelet, 371. - - [116] St. RA(C)my, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191. - - [117] _Gesta_, 42. Stow, 349, attributes these stakes to the - forethought of the Duke of York. - - [118] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 310. - - [119] _Gesta_, 43, 44; St. RA(C)my, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; Monstrelet, - 371. - - [120] Livius, 14; Elmham, _Vita_, 54, 55; Waurin, ii. 195; _Gesta_, - 45. - - [121] Monstrelet, 373; St. RA(C)my, 396; Elmham, _Vita_, 58, 59. - - [122] _Gesta_, 47; Livius, 16; St. RA(C)my, 396. - - [123] St. RA(C)my, 397, 399. - - [124] Des Ursins, 518. - - [125] Waurin, ii. 211; St. RA(C)my, 399; _Gesta_, 49. - - [126] Monstrelet, 369; St. RA(C)my, 395. For the letters which passed - between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France at this - time, see Des Ursins, 510-518. - - [127] _Gesta_, 50; St. RA(C)my, 397; Redmayne, 43. - - [128] St. RA(C)my. 400. - - [129] _Gesta_, 50; Basin, i. 20. - - [130] St. RA(C)my, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520. - - [131] Des Ursins, 518. - - [132] _Gesta_, 52; St. RA(C)my, 400. - - [133] _Gesta_, 53; St. RA(C)my, 400. - - [134] Livius, 20; _Gesta_, 59. - - [135] _Polit. Songs_, ii. 125. This poem is also printed in - Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 281. - - [136] _Dux incautius_, Livius, 20. _Indiscreet hardiness_, Holkham - MS., p. 14. - - [137] Livius, 20; Elmham, _Vita_, 67; _Gesta_, 59; Redmayne, 47. Cf. - Stow, 350; Holkham MS., p. 15. - - 'Hic frater Regis Humfredus nobilis est Dux Inguine percursus; - defluit ense cruor Huic ad humum presso Rex succurrendo - superstans Fratris defensor hoc in agone fuit.' - - Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 121. - - - [138] _Gesta_, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, _Vita_, 68; St. RA(C)my, 401. - - [139] _Gesta_, 59. - - [140] Poem printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 323, and also at the - end of _Lond. Chron._ - - [141] Holkham MS., p. 15. - - [142] _Gesta_, 58; Basin, i. 23. - - [143] _Gesta_, 58; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 313. - - [144] St. RA(C)my, 402; _Lond. Chron._, 102; _Gesta_, 59; Elmham, - _Vita_, 71. There is a long account of the entry into London - in the _Gesta_, 61-68, and in Lydgate's poem printed in - _Lond. Chron._, 231-233. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE WAR IN FRANCE - - -With the battle of Agincourt the days of Humphrey's apprenticeship end, -and we find him fairly embarked on his public career. That career -assumes a threefold aspect, but at the same time there are certain -definite threads of temperament and character which run through all the -web of his life. We shall find him first busy in the French wars as the -capable and trusted lieutenant of his royal brother; later for a brief -space he will be found aping the ambitions of his grandfather, striving -for recognition as prince of an European state; finally, the third and -most lasting phase of his career will find him amidst the unlovely -strife of party politics. Soldier, Pretender, Politician, in all these -rA'les Humphrey stands forth as a distinct personality. Not that he has -the great gifts of concentration and consistency, not that he is one of -those happy men who have a gospel to preach and know it; he was of all -men lacking in determination, and if his policy does not waver, his -carrying out thereof is fitful and uncertain. His interests were those -of the moment, his policy was mapped out on no organised plan, but the -same spirit inspires his every action. Ambition and instability were -manifest throughout his life, and though he had always before him the -same clear object--self-aggrandisement--there was no consistency in the -methods he used to secure his end. Thus we shall find him at one moment -a patriotic Englishman, at another nothing less than the subverter of -the nation's welfare, but before him there was always the same selfish -object which was to destroy his power of usefulness, and make him a -patriot only when his own interests and those of the nation were -identical. In the first stage of his career this influence of his -character is not so clearly apparent, but even here we can trace what -eventually became so plain. Till the death of Henry V. he was dominated -by the overpowering personality of his brother, and it was only when he -strove to stand alone that the glaring weakness of his character became -evident. It is then with care and diligence that we must examine -Gloucester's military career under the guidance of his brother, if we -are to find the connecting-link between his earlier and later actions. - -Humphrey's wound was not so long in healing as might have been -expected,[145] and he was soon back in England. Henceforward he was one -of the King's trusty warriors, and the war indeed was to monopolise most -of his time for the next few years, though for the present there was a -cessation. In the meantime he received the reward of his services. Part -of the forfeited estates of the late Earl of Cambridge, executed at -Southampton, the adjoining manors of Bristol and Barton, were given to -him for himself and his heirs male, while he added the castle and -lordship of Llanstephan to his already extensive possessions in South -Wales.[146] Moreover, the death of the Earl of Arundel in October had -rendered vacant the post of Constable of Dover and Warden of the Cinque -Ports, an office which the King conferred on his youngest brother within -four days of his return to London.[147] Evidently the appointment had -been made before the letters-patent were signed, since we find reference -to Gloucester as Constable and Warden in a petition of the Parliament -before Henry's return.[148] Towards the end of the year Humphrey was -created Lord of the Isle of Wight and of Carisbrooke,[149] and in -January he became Warden and Chief-Justice in Eyre of the Royal Forests, -Parks, and Warrens south of the Trent.[150] Henry was evidently well -pleased with his brother's conduct in the recent campaign, and had -therefore increased his importance and placed him in a position of -greater trust. The Isle of Wight and the Cinque Ports were an important -charge, in view of the French war now in progress. - -1416] THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND - -A lull in the French war gave Gloucester a period of rest before -continuing the martial career on which he had now entered. While -Burgundy intrigued against Armagnac influence in France, the chief -figure in the political horizon of the two warring nations was Sigismund -of Luxemburg, King of the Romans and Emperor elect. Sigismund had become -Margrave of Brandenburg at the death of his father, the Emperor Charles -IV., and King of Hungary on the death of Lewis the Great by reason of -his marriage with Mary, the daughter of that monarch. As his brother -Wenzel's weakness had induced the electors to choose another Emperor, -Sigismund, who had been selected for this honour, though nominally only -King of the Romans at this time, bore the burden of the imperial duties, -and was generally recognised as Holy Roman Emperor. He had conceived a -great and far-reaching policy, which included the unification of -Christendom in one fraternal bond of love, and a crusade against the -Turk, who was threatening the Eastern borders of Western Europe. To -this end he had secured the deposition of Pope John XXIII. as a step -towards removing the scandal of two claimants to papal honours, and he -now had turned his attention to the reconciliation of France and -England, as part of his larger policy of Christian unity. To this end he -had left the Council of Constance to visit these two countries, and to -try the effects of his personal mediation.[151] Graciously received at -Paris, he had nevertheless soon found that the gospel of peace was there -preached to deaf ears, and driven thence by the hostility of the mob -which had risen against him, he set his face towards England, reaching -Calais at the end of April, and Dover on the 30th of that month.[152] - -As soon as the contemplated visit of the Emperor had become known in -England, preparations had been made for his reception. Early in April -Gloucester, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, had been commissioned to send -ships to Calais to bring over the imperial visitor,[153] and careful -arrangements were made for the journey between Dover and London, with a -special prohibition against charging the visitors for anything they -required,[154] a most welcome provision for the penurious Sigismund, -who, far more than his contemporary Frederick of Austria, deserved the -nickname 'mit den leeren Taschen.' Gloucester, accompanied by the Earl -of Salisbury and Lords Harrington and Furnival--the latter more -recognisable under his later title of John Talbot, Earl of -Shrewsbury--went down to meet Sigismund at Dover, where the castle was -made ready for his reception.[155] This was the Duke's first official -visit to the Cinque Ports, and the occasion was celebrated by a solemn -reception at the Shepway, and a present of AL100 from the towns under his -command.[156] - -1416] SIGISMUND IN ENGLAND - -On the arrival of the Emperor at Dover, so says a sixteenth-century -chronicler, Humphrey was the chief actor in a picturesque ceremony. -Riding into the water with drawn sword before Sigismund had disembarked, -he demanded whether he came merely on a friendly visit, or in his -imperial capacity to claim suzerainty over the country; and it was not -till a denial of all imperial rights over King Henry had been given that -the visitor was allowed to land.[157] Though no contemporary writer -mentions this event, there is a strong presumption of truth in the -story. There are traces of the legend earlier than Holinshed,[158] and -it seems very likely that some precaution should be taken, in view of -Sigismund's well-known claims to the allegiance of all Europe. Only a -short time before he had exasperated French national feeling by -knighting a plaintiff before the Parlement de Paris to secure his right -to plead, and it was universally suspected--with considerable justice -too--that imperial aggrandisement, as much as his desire for peace, had -prompted Sigismund's European tour.[159] Finally, the fact that the -Emperor spent a whole day on board his ship at Dover before disembarking -helps to strengthen the probability that some kind of negotiation took -place, and that Holinshed's story is true, and based on some authority -which we have now unfortunately lost. - -The landing was accomplished on the evening of May 1, and next day -Gloucester escorted his charge as far as Canterbury, where the -Archbishop welcomed the visitor. The following day, being Sunday, was -spent in the Cathedral city, and on Tuesday the cavalcade moved on, -being met at Rochester by Bedford, and at Dartford by Clarence. The -King himself, with an escort of 5000 gentlemen, and accompanied by the -Mayor and Aldermen of London in 'rede gownes,' received Sigismund at -Blackheath, and with great pomp and circumstance the four Lancastrian -brothers brought their guest through the city to Westminster.[160] - -Henry had adjourned Parliament till Sigismund's arrival, hoping to have -its help in the ratification of a peace with France, which the French -Embassy that came over in the train of the Emperor seemed to -promise.[161] It is probable, therefore, that Sigismund was present at -the reopening of the session; but no business of importance was -undertaken, and when Gloucester with other of the lords had given his -guarantee for the repayment of a loan, the meeting was dissolved.[162] -On Rogation Sunday, May 24, the feast of St. George, which had been -postponed till the arrival of the Emperor, was celebrated, and Sigismund -was admitted to the Order of the Garter, attending High Mass in St. -George's Chapel, and the subsequent banquet in honour of the -occasion.[163] Gloucester was amongst those who received robes of the -order on this occasion, and with him we find William, Count of Holland, -the father of the lady he was afterwards to marry.[164] Count William -had been summoned by the Emperor to assist in the peace negotiations by -reason of his relations with the French court, the Dauphin being his -son-in-law; but his stay in England was cut short by the refusal of -Sigismund to grant the investiture of his inheritance to his only child, -Jacqueline, a refusal which induced him to withdraw in a rage.[165] - -1416] SIGISMUND RETURNS HOME - -In spite of the splendour of the feastings at Windsor,[166] the object -of the imperial visit was not forgotten, but though Henry was ready to -come to terms, the Armagnac faction at Paris opposed all efforts towards -peace. A French attack on Harfleur and the Isle of Wight[167] threw -Sigismund into the arms of the English, and on August 15 a treaty of -alliance between King and Emperor was signed at Canterbury.[168] -Meantime Bedford had been despatched to relieve Harfleur, in which he -was entirely successful,[169] and he returned on September 4 to find -that Henry, accompanied by Gloucester, had crossed to Calais, whither -Sigismund had preceded them, carrying with him the maledictions of the -London citizens for his failure to procure peace,[170] but himself -leaving behind him a nattering record of the pleasant time he had had in -England.[171] His mission had failed in its object, but writers of both -nations agree that the fault lay not with the English but with the -French.[172] - -The journey of Henry and Gloucester to Calais was taken with the -definite object of cementing an alliance with John the Fearless of -Burgundy, and of drawing the vassal duke nearer to his imperial -overlord. Ostensibly the matter of chief importance was a meeting with -the envoys from the King of France, but as might be expected from their -recent behaviour, the French asked ridiculously high terms, and the only -result of the conference was a truce between the two countries till -February 2, 1417.[173] - -1416] GLOUCESTER AND COUNT OF CHAROLAIS - -The way was thus cleared for negotiations with Burgundy, but the duke -showed himself very doubtful of the good faith of the English, and -demanded elaborate safeguards for his person if he came to Calais. This -difficulty was removed, and on October 1 a safe conduct was given him -for himself and 800 men, only half of whom were to come further than the -gates of the city; Gloucester was to meet him at Gravelines, and remain -with the Count of Charolais as hostage for his safety till his -return.[174] Accordingly on October 3 the French ambassadors were -dismissed by Henry, for one of the most prominent of them, the -Archbishop of Rheims, was very obnoxious to Burgundy, and Humphrey -prepared a 'reasonable escort' of some 800 men, who were to accompany -him to the Burgundian court. At two o'clock on the morning of October 5 -trumpets sounded in the English quarters, and the little band made ready -to accompany the duke to Gravelines, all unarmed. About four o'clock -they left the city, and followed by a crowd anxious to witness the -meeting of the two dukes, they reached the banks of the river Aa between -six and seven, just as the tide was at its lowest. Lord Camoys and Sir -Robert Waterton were then sent over to secure a signed and sealed -security for the safety of the English prince, and when this had been -given the Burgundian troops came out and faced the English across the -river. The retainers of both parties passed over first, and then the -principals, with a touch of that mediA|val ceremonial which -characterised the men of the new age, rode into the water from the -opposite sides, and shaking hands in mid-stream, passed on, Burgundy to -be met by the Earl of Warwick and escorted to Calais, Gloucester to be -received with every courtesy by the Count of Charolais, Burgundy's -eldest son and heir, with whom he went to St. Omer.[175] - -For nine days these two men, whom fate was to bring into bitter -hostility before many years had passed, lived together, and when the -conference at Calais came to an end, it was with warm thanks for -courteous entertainment that Gloucester took his leave.[176] -Nevertheless a jarring note had been struck during this visit, for we -read that on one occasion, when the Count came to visit his guest, -Gloucester treated him with scant courtesy, ignoring his presence save -for a formal salutation, and continuing his conversation with his -friends.[177] This event is recorded by a man who knew the history of -the Burgundian States from internal observation, and who recorded facts -with a justice unusual amongst many of his contemporaries, and we need -not be slow to credit the story, when we remember Humphrey's naturally -imperious disposition. That he disliked his commission is at least -probable in the light of his past opposition to a Burgundian alliance, -and we may well find here the seeds of that strong personal hostility -which embittered the later disagreements of the two dukes. To believe -this account does not necessitate the discrediting of the story that -Gloucester gave formal thanks couched in extravagant terms for his -treatment at St. Omer, as this would be only part of the ritual of -courtesy which still dominated the relations of the great men of the -time. On October 13 Burgundy and Gloucester once more appeared at -Gravelines, and having observed the same procedure as on the first -occasion, they returned to their respective quarters.[178] - -No definite alliance had been made between Henry and Burgundy, but the -first step had been taken towards that policy, which in the hands of -that young Count, whom Gloucester had now met for the first time, was to -bring such loss and disaster to France. The Emperor's visit to England -had borne no useful fruit. While the complications of his policy and his -perpetual penury prevented any advantage to England from the Treaty of -Canterbury, at Constance his position was only still more complicated -than before by the support of his new English friends, and the honour of -being enrolled a member of the Order of the Garter could not hide the -failure of his policy. To Gloucester fell the duty of escorting -Sigismund on the first stage of his homeward journey, and for this -purpose he was provided with four large English ships. The Emperor and -his men, however, hugged the coast in small boats, and left Humphrey to -ride the high seas and protect them from harm, as they feared an attack -from the French in revenge for the Treaty of Canterbury. Gloucester -accompanied Sigismund as far as Dordrecht, and there the two princes -parted with mutual compliments, and presents from the slightly -replenished imperial treasury.[179] They were never to meet again. - -1416] GLOUCESTER AND SIGISMUND - -Sigismund and Gloucester have much in common. Both loved pomp and -display, and had equally enjoyed the high festival which had marked the -reception of the Emperor in England; both scandalised a none too -particular age by the laxness of their morals; both were possessed of -that charm of personality which so often accompanies a lack of moral -stamina; both basked in the smiles of the bourgeois class. In their -future life, too, both were to find themselves opposed to a faction -which prated of constitutionalism, and schemed but for its own -aggrandisement. But deep down in the roots of their mental attitude we -see a great dissimilarity. Sigismund lived in a world of ideas conceived -in the spirit of mediA|valism; he looked to the past to correct the -future. On the other hand, Gloucester had drunk deep of the new ideas, -which had begun to influence men's minds; he had grasped that spirit of -nationalism, which was to sweep away the traditional forces of -mediA|valism, and give birth to the nations of Europe; he had experience -of a campaign, in which the tactics and the weapons of a new era had -been used; he was beginning to perceive the true significance of the -rising importance of the middle classes. With all his selfishness and -with all his instability of character, he had got the right idea, and -the failure of his life, and the impolicy of many of his actions, will -be found due, not to any misconception of his age, not to any inability -to follow the trend of human thought, but to grave defects of character. -Like Sigismund, he had great abilities, but unlike Sigismund, he could -not follow the course he had mapped out for himself. His policy has a -consistency we might not expect to find, but he was not a man whose -active life in any way represented his ideals. - - * * * * * - -On October 16 Henry returned to England. He realised that peace was not -possible so long as he maintained the justice of his claims on France, -and that for the end he had in view the war must be prosecuted with the -utmost vigour. Peace was desirable, but the only means of procuring it -was to continue the war with redoubled energy; and such was the burden -of the Chancellor's speech when Parliament opened on October 19.[180] - -Seeing no means of evading the demand, Parliament resigned itself to -granting two subsidies for the carrying on of the war; so that by the -beginning of the new year preparations were in full swing. Privy seals -were issued to the nobility and gentry in order to ascertain the -probable numbers of those who were willing to take part in the campaign, -and in February the necessary indentures were prepared.[181] Orders for -the strengthening of the navy were also issued, and it was hoped that -the expedition would sail by May 1.[182] Gloucester was busy probably -with his own preparations. Doubtless he was anxious to guarantee himself -against possible loss, for he, along with many others, had not obtained -full payment for the last campaign. He had returned the jewels which had -been pledged to him for his second quarter's pay, but the officials of -the Exchequer had refused to pay him for the forty-eight days of that -period which he had spent in England after his return. They argued that -this time was not spent in the service of the King, and ignored his plea -that he had been ready to remain in France and had had to pay his men -for the full period.[183] However, he prepared his retinue, which seems -to have consisted of 90 lances and 266 archers under the command of -Reginald Cobham and William Beauchamp,[184] and by July he had arrived -with the other units of the army at Southampton, the earlier date in May -having been found impracticable in view of all that had to be done. By -July 23 the preparations were complete. Bedford was appointed Regent, -the King went on board his ship at Southampton, and the sails -embroidered with the arms of England and France were hoisted for the -voyage.[185] - -1417] RENEWAL OF THE FRENCH WAR - -The dangers of the crossing had been removed by the utter defeat which -the Earl of Huntingdon had inflicted on the Genoese fleet, completing -the work of Bedford earlier in the year. So by August 1 Henry had landed -at Touques in Normandy, accompanied by his two brothers, Clarence and -Gloucester, seven Earls, and fourteen Barons.[186] The army at Henry's -disposal was probably the largest, certainly the best equipped, that any -English king had ever mustered, and its numbers may be roughly estimated -at some 10,000 men.[187] No resistance was offered to the disembarkation -of the troops, for Henry had kept his own counsel as to his -destination,[188] but there seems to be no doubt that a knowledge of his -intended arrival would have brought no troops against him, for it is -hard, says Basin, to describe the absolute terror which the very name of -the English inspired.[189] - -No time was lost after landing. Clarence was appointed Constable of the -army,[190] and the castle of Touques, which lay on the estuary of the -Seine exactly opposite Harfleur, was invested by Gloucester as -'chieftaine of the King's avant guard.' A 'marvueilously defensible' -fortress this, but reduced by Gloucester's 'gunns and other engines' by -August 9,[191] for the town was assaulted so continuously, that it was -compelled to surrender to escape a worse fate. From this successful -siege Gloucester went to join a council of war summoned by Henry, at -which it was decided to begin the campaign with an attack on Caen.[192] -So, after challenging the Dauphin to single combat, as he had done in -his earlier campaign, and reissuing his ordinances for the good -government of the army, Henry marched on that town.[193] - -Winter weather was now approaching, and Henry looked to Caen, a -residential town with large suburbs, to provide suitable quarters for -the ensuing months. So leaving Honfleur behind him--too hard a nut to -crack just then[194]--and accompanied by Humphrey, who probably still -commanded the van, he took a devious route to his destination. He -thereby avoided the passage of certain little rivers, which would have -been troublesome for so large a force. Leaving Touques on August 13, the -army marched by slow stages through Fontenes and Estouteville to Caen, -which was reached on August 13.[195] On their arrival, Clarence, who had -been sent on in advance, was found to be in possession, of the Abbey of -St. Stephen, situated on a hill just outside the walls, well fortified, -and commanding the southern defences of the town.[196] It was in order -to secure this position, and to save the suburbs of the town from being -burnt, that Clarence had followed a shorter route along the coast-line, -for Henry wanted shelter for his men. - -1417] THE SIEGE OF CAEN - -Caen stands on the left bank of the river Orne, which washes its -south-east wall, while a tributary, the Odon, flowing through the town, -joins the main stream just outside.[197] The castle and the strongest -sides of the defences were approached from the south, where the Abbey of -St. Stephen, which Clarence had occupied before Henry's arrival, -commanded the town, if not the castle itself. This Abbey had been -founded by William the Conqueror, who was buried there; and it was to a -sister foundation of Queen Matilda's, the Abbey of Holy Trinity, to the -north-east of the town, that Clarence was sent when Henry superseded -him at St. Stephen's.[198] Between these two points, on the south-west, -the Earl Marshal was given his post, and further north again were Lord -Talbot and Sir Gilbert Umfraville; Lords Neville and Willoughby -continued the ring of the besiegers up to the Abbey of the Holy Trinity. -On the opposite side of the town to the south-east were the Earls of -Huntingdon and Warwick and Sir John Grey, the father of Gloucester's -future son-in-law.[199] The Norman Chronicle tells us that Gloucester -was stationed at Vaucelles.[200] He seems to have had no regular post in -the blockading of the town, but to have been given the command of the -siege-engines,[201] which Henry landed from the fleet that had coasted -from Touques. - -In the course of the siege Gloucester and his guns did royal work. They -kept up an incessant fire, and although the French returned it with -interest, the large guns 'beat down both walls and towers, and slew much -people in their houses and eke in the streets,'[202] but no firing on -the churches of the town was allowed.[203] Besides the bombardment, -numerous mines were driven under the town, but they were counter-mined -by the defenders, and many a fierce fight was fought underground. In the -direction of the siege Henry was most energetic, bestowing his chief -interest on the side where Gloucester was engaged with the heavy -cannon.[204] By September 3 the besiegers were ready for the grand -assault, and Henry summoned the town to surrender, but met with a -refusal. A council of war was called, and orders issued to each captain -to keep his counsel, but to be ready for the assault on the morrow; the -men were to be drawn up in three divisions, each to act in support of -the others. Next day the assault was begun on all sides. Clarence, who -was opposed by the weakest side of the defence, and had previously -undermined the wall, fought his way into the town and across the bridge -that spanned the Odon, and took those who were resisting the King's -attack in the rear. In spite of a false alarm that a relieving force was -approaching, the English pressed their advantage home, and after a sharp -fight the town was finally captured, though the castle held out for some -days longer.[205] - -The soldiery were given a free hand with the proviso that churches, -women, and unarmed priests were to be respected. Thus in the hour of -victory Henry did not forget that he claimed to be a king subduing -rebellious subjects, and at the same time the willing agent of the anger -of God. - -1417] GLOUCESTER'S MILITARY QUALITIES - -We do not know what part Gloucester took in the actual assault, but his -important work had been done during the fortnight which had prepared the -way for the storming of the town. He was no longer the raw soldier of -two years ago. He had gained experience of siege operations at Harfleur, -he had taken part in a pitched battle at Agincourt, and he had been -intrusted with the short, sharp siege of the castle of Touques. No great -experience in sum, but he seems to have used it well, for he had played -no unimportant part in the fall of Caen. He seems indeed to have enjoyed -a natural military gift, and we have now still more reason to believe -that it was more as an artilleryman than in any other capacity that he -was particularly prominent. The suggestion of this given at the siege of -Harfleur is confirmed by the fact that he was immediately appointed to -the command of the guns in this second campaign; his genius was not that -of the mediA|val soldiers. New forces had come to change the world and to -help on the evolution of the race. In later life Humphrey was to shine -forth as the patron of the new learning which was the most important of -these forces; in his earlier life he showed that he was ready to accept -new military methods and to use his great mental qualities in the -practical as well as the theoretical sides of human activity. In later -days men praised him for this wonderful combination of the pursuits of -the student and the man of action, but it was not an extraordinary -phenomenon that this should be so. The restless activity which was the -motive-power of his life led him to throw himself enthusiastically into -the projects of the moment, even if he had not the determination to -persevere in his undertakings, and to win fame by the successful -prosecution of his aims. Unsustained impetuosity was the chief -characteristic of Humphrey's life, and if in military matters his nature -might sometimes betray him into taking too great risks, he combined with -this quality that absolute carelessness of personal danger which we have -seen him display at Agincourt, and for which he was conspicuous at a -later stage of these French wars. It was this quality, so essential in -warfare when a commander led his men into action, that endeared him to -his men, and helped to create his military fame among his -contemporaries. So successfully had he fought before Caen, that Henry -immediately despatched him on an independent expedition, as a further -test of his capacity. - -With a detachment from the royal army Gloucester set out for Bayeux, -where he found the town well fortified but demoralised, and his attack -met with such success that by September 16 the garrison was ready to -treat. Having no power to grant terms, he allowed four of the citizens -to seek the King at Caen, where permission was given to eight others to -attempt to procure forces for the relief of the town.[206] The chances -of relief, however, were very small, since Burgundy was threatening -Paris from the bridge of St. Cloud, but if such a force came it would -serve Henry's purpose very well, as it would have to fight a pitched -battle with his army before it could reach Bayeux. However, the chances -of the garrison were so minute that on September 19 Gloucester was -authorised to treat for the surrender of the town, which yielded on the -23rd.[207] According to instructions the town was very generously -treated. Gloucester promised them good and just government and every -liberty that they had enjoyed under the rule of Charles VI., and for -their defence he repaired the fortifications.[208] Probably some days -were spent here in settling the affairs of the town, and in receiving -the submission of the whole country-side, which hastened to acknowledge -the supremacy of the English arms. - -Leaving Bayeux Humphrey led his men eastwards, and passing by Caen -reduced the country round Lisieux. This town and the castle of 'Newby' -surrendered without resistance, and numerous other fortified places gave -in their allegiance to the English King.[209] Having settled the country -and left small garrisons in the towns, with Sir John Kirkby in command -at Lisieux,[210] Gloucester rejoined his brother, who having left Caen -on October 1, had sat down before AlenASec.on on the 15th of that -month.[211] All through this expedition Gloucester was never out of -touch with the main body of the army, but was entirely under the control -of the King. Except at the short siege of Bayeux, he had met with -practically no resistance. So great indeed was the severity of Henry to -those who withstood him, that when his brother reached Lisieux, he found -but one old man and one old woman in possession of the town, and so many -took advantage of the English King's proclamation at Caen promising his -protection to all who swore allegiance to him,[212] that this little -excursion partook more of the nature of a pacific procession than of a -warlike campaign. - -1417] THE SIEGE OF ALENA‡ON - -AlenASec.on, before which Gloucester now found himself, was a position of -considerable strength, fortified by stout walls, numerous towers, and a -castle which nature and the skill of man had made almost impregnable; -added to this during the first few days of the siege the garrison -entertained hopes of relief, and their resistance was proportionately -determined. Gloucester was stationed at the hottest place of the attack, -just opposite the castle, and had to take his share in repelling the -frequent sorties of the garrison.[213] However, when the fallacy of -their hopes of relief became evident, and the reports of the universal -surrenders to the English on all sides reached them, the besieged began -to tire; they agreed to surrender on honourable terms, and on October 24 -Henry entered the city.[214] Immediately various captains were sent out, -carrying their successes into the heart of Maine and Perche; Bellesme -and Fresnoy surrendered, and the whole country up to and including La -Marche acknowledged the English supremacy.[215] - -Gloucester did not take part in these expeditions, but stayed with the -King, who spent some time in AlenASec.on. Negotiations were pending with the -French court, which had returned a conciliatory answer to the challenge -from Caen, whilst the Duke of Brittany, frightened by the success of the -English troops, proceeded to AlenASec.on and there on November 16 signed a -truce, which was to last till the following Michaelmas, on behalf of -himself and of the young titular King of Sicily, whose possessions in -Maine and Anjou were threatened.[216] It was a niece of this Lewis who -in later years was to marry Henry's yet unborn son, and who was to prove -the bitterest of Humphrey's many enemies. - -Towards the end of November Henry moved from AlenASec.on; Gloucester -accompanied him, leaving Sir Roland Lyntall in his place as lieutenant -of the town, for of this last conquest the King had made him -captain.[217] - -1417] THE SIEGE OF FALAISE - -On December 1 the English army appeared before Falaise, which had been -left untouched on the way to AlenASec.on, as Henry had thought it too well -fortified to be attacked before the surrounding country was secured. -Certainly Falaise was no easy nut to crack. Beside excellent -fortifications a deep natural moat surrounded the town, into which -flowed numerous streams from the mountains, thus forming a natural lake -which prevented a near approach; high upon a rock, just outside but -connected with the walls, stood the castle in a position which was -considered quite impregnable[218]--that same castle which to-day with -its added Talbot tower is one of the most interesting mediA|val relics in -northern France. The Earl of Salisbury had preceded the King to Falaise -lest the garrison, warned by the French ambassadors returning from -AlenASec.on, should evacuate the town before the arrival of the English; so -at least runs one theory,[219] though a more probable object was to -prevent the garrison from laying in stores, which would enable them to -prolong the siege.[220] The siege proper began on Henry's arrival, and -he took up his position opposite the gate on the Caen road on the north -side of the town;[221] Clarence was placed opposite the castle; -Gloucester held the west side of the town--an honourable position, says -one chronicler.[222] - -The garrison of Falaise was not of the unheroic type that the English -had met so far in this campaign, due probably to the fact that the -French were commanded by such a leader as they had not hitherto found. -Led by the captain, the Sire Olivier de Manny, numerous attacks were -made on the besiegers, and Henry came to realise the hardness of the -task before him. With wise prudence for the safety and comfort of his -men he built wooden huts for their shelter from the severities of the -winter, now at its height, and this little town was protected by a -strong rampart, a ditch and a palisade. In addition to all this, a -regular market was established in the midst of the camp, so that the -soldiers were never in want of food; wise precautions which did not pass -unnoticed by Humphrey, who later adopted them all when besieging -Cherbourg. - -The bombardment of the town had never ceased since the siege began, and -counter attacks on the part of the besieged were frequent and fierce, so -that many lives were lost on either side, but at length the pertinacity -of the English attack began to tell, and a strong party in the town -clamoured for surrender. To this suggestion their captain offered a -determined opposition, and when at length, on December 20, the town -agreed to surrender if not relieved,[223] he with his men retired into -the castle and defied the English, even after January 2, when the town -had passed into their hands.[224] - -The attention of the besiegers was now concentrated on the castle, and -the command devolved on Clarence, since the King had left the army after -the terms of surrender had been signed.[225] On the side where it was -unapproachable guns were kept firing continually, whilst on the town -side the moat was filled up, and sappers were employed to undermine the -wall. From the castle burning straw was thrown into the moat, and -boiling pitch was poured on the heads of the men who were working at the -mines, but in spite of these tactics the English gained ground, and -Olivier was compelled to sign terms of surrender on February 1. On the -16th the King, who had returned from Bayeux, took possession of the -castle.[226] With a lack of appreciation of a brave foe, born of his -theory that he was rightful King of France, Henry treated Olivier -harshly, and kept him in prison till he had paid for the restoration of -the castle he had defended so bravely.[227] - -Henry had now established his power over a long strip of territory, -extending from Bayeux and Touques on the north to Bellesme and Le Mans -on the south, no inconsiderable achievement for seven months' work. At -the outset his avowed intention had been to conquer Normandy,[228] and -to accomplish this he must now move eastwards and secure Rouen--the key -to the whole duchy. But before bringing his full strength to bear at -this point, a more secure hold upon those districts which lay behind -him, and a more open approach to the city itself, were desirable. He -determined therefore to divide his army, and to send different -detachments to secure these ends before the final advance eastwards. -Moreover, much had to be done for the good administration of those -districts already conquered, and the approaching season of Lent -suggested to him that both secular and religious advantages might be -obtained, if he himself refrained from any active participation in the -war for the present.[229] Arrangements therefore were made in accordance -with these intentions before the King left Falaise. To Clarence was -confided the task of opening up the approach to Rouen; Warwick was sent -to capture Domfront, and to secure the south-eastern corner of the -duchy; Gloucester was to reduce the CA'tentin to obedience.[230] - -1418] THE CA"TENTIN EXPEDITION - -All this had been planned by the King while the castle of Falaise was -still untaken, for he signed Gloucester's commission on February 16, the -very day on which he entered into possession of that fortress. By virtue -of this commission Humphrey was given power to take all towns and -fortified places in the Duchy of Normandy, to receive into the King's -peace all those who should submit to him, and to restore their lands and -possessions to them under his own seal.[231] At the same time he was -empowered to issue ordinances for the good government of his detachment, -and to punish any who should transgress them,[232] also the right to -levy tribute in the CA'tentin was confined to himself and his -representatives.[233] Meanwhile preparations for the three expeditions -were being hurried on, orders for the mustering of the men of the -respective commanders were issued,[234] and Gloucester, acting on a writ -issued for that purpose, appointed John Asheton to organise the muster -of his division.[235] This muster has not survived, so that we have no -definite information as to the number under his command, but they -probably did not exceed 1500 men.[236] Amongst his followers were Lord -Grey of Codnor, John Lord Clifford, and Sir Walter Hungerford, the -steward of the King's household.[237] - -Humphrey was sent on this expedition with full powers. He was entitled -by virtue of his various commissions to exercise almost royal authority -in the districts under his command, even to the granting of pardons, and -all commissions granted to others were to lapse when they came in -contact with his sphere of power.[238] The trust thus reposed in him was -deserved. Through this campaign we have caught but fleeting glimpses of -him, but these incidental notices generally find him either in command -of a detachment, as at Touques or Bayeux, or stationed at some -particularly important part of a siege, as at Caen. Nevertheless there -are indications that Henry felt less confident of his brother when he -was compelled to rely entirely on his own resources, for when he -determined to establish himself in such a position that he might bring -help to the various detachments he had sent out, should this prove to be -necessary, he chose the town of Bayeux for this purpose.[239] This town -was far nearer to the scene of Gloucester's activity than to the -districts in which Clarence and Warwick were operating, and yet -Cherbourg was the only place in the CA'tentin that was likely to give -serious opposition. However, by April Henry was satisfied of his -brother's reliability, and returned to Caen. His suspicions, -nevertheless, were well founded, for Gloucester's inability for -sustained action made it probable that he could not for long rely on -his own resources. But in a case such as this, where he could look to a -higher authority not far away, full scope was given to his genuine -military ability. - -Gloucester lost no time in making his preparations, for he probably left -Falaise on the same day as his commission was signed. Crossing the river -Orne, he worked up the bank of a small tributary stream named the -Noireau, and gained his first success in the capture of the little town -of CondA(C)-sur-Noireau.[240] Marching still further west he reached Vire, -a place of considerable strength, situated on the river of that name. A -short siege convinced the town that they could have no hope of relief, -and it capitulated on February 21. Sir John Robsart and William -Beauchamp acted as commissioners for Gloucester in arranging terms, and -they agreed with the captain of Vire that the castle and town should be -surrendered whenever the Duke should demand it, and that an English -garrison should be put therein. The captain, soldiers, and inhabitants -yielded themselves up to the mercy of the English King. During the -interval between this agreement and the day of surrender the captain and -garrison promised to keep their provisions, artillery, and other -muniments of war intact, neither deporting nor destroying them, and all -English prisoners and the supporters of Henry's cause were to be -delivered up forthwith. During this same interval no one was to enter or -leave the city without Gloucester's consent. With regard to the -inhabitants, all who should take the oath of allegiance to Henry were to -have safety of life and limb, with permission to reside in the town, -and keep their furniture and other possessions contained therein; -property outside the walls was also to be preserved to them unless it -had been granted away before the date of the agreement. On the other -hand, those of the inhabitants who should refuse to take the oath of -allegiance to Henry were to be allowed to depart unharmed, so long as -they had left by the time of Vespers on the day that the English -occupied the town, but their personal possessions, furniture, and other -belongings were to be collected into one house, their arms into another -within the castle, and these, with their horses, were all to be -forfeited to the conquerors. Provision was made to prevent those who -remained in the town from sheltering the goods of those who went away, -on the pretence that they were their own, under a penalty of forfeiture -of all possessions. Eight knights and four squires were to be hostages -in English hands for the performance of the treaty, and no hostilities -were to take place before the surrender was accomplished.[241] - -When he had taken possession of the town, Gloucester turned due north -and marched along the right bank of the river Vire to St. Lo, passing by -Thorigny, which surrendered without resistance, having no mind to stand -a siege at the hands of the victorious English.[242] St. Lo was less -timorous, but it did not hold out long after Gloucester had established -his troops in its extensive suburbs, and on March 12 it followed the -example of Vire and on the same conditions.[243] Meanwhile, a detachment -acting to the left of the main body under Sir John Robsart, had secured -Hambie two days earlier,[244] and after this division had rejoined him -at St. Lo,[245] Gloucester continued his march down the river Vire, and -across it to Carentan, which surrendered on the 10th on slightly better -terms than the other towns. The garrison was allowed to depart with -horses and arms except the artillery, and 'de sa gentilesse' Humphrey -allowed the ladies of the town to take their personal property with -them.[246] On the same day Le Hommet, to the south of Carentan, -surrendered to Charles de Beaumont, Marshal of Navarre, who had led part -of the English troops down the other side of the river Vire.[247] - -Gloucester had now swept up both sides of the country, and had reached -that narrow neck of land which ends in the Cap de la Hogue. Here he -concentrated his forces, and marched along the river Douve as far as St. -Sauveur le Vicomte, which surrendered on March 25.[248] Here, in -accordance with instructions from Bayeux, he issued a proclamation -pardoning all rebels--so Henry called them--who should swear fealty to -the King before April next.[249] Meanwhile the Earl of Huntingdon had -been sent to the south-east of Normandy, and on March 16 he had secured -Gloucester's rear by the capture of Coutances. His expedition was -independent of the commander in the CA'tentin, but the likelihood of -their joining forces seems to be recognised by the terms of Huntingdon's -Commission.[250] However, no such union took place, as before long the -latter was hurrying eastward to take part in the siege of Rouen.[251] - -Still marching northward from St. Sauveur le Vicomte, Gloucester took -NA(C)hou,[252] Bricquebec, and Valognes, thus having reduced the whole -district with the exception of the town of Cherbourg.[253] In all, it -was estimated, he had taken thirty-two castles in six weeks, with very -little trouble and hardly any loss of life.[254] One of the hardest -sieges of the war, however, was still before him, A later chronicler -tells us that at this stage he went to interview his brother at -Bayeux,[255] but the dates do not allow of this, for St. Sauveur le -Vicomte was captured on Good Friday, and a few days later Gloucester in -person laid siege to Cherbourg.[256] - -1418] SIEGE OF CHERBOURG - -It was here that the French had determined to make a stand. Men and -provisions had been collected from the country round, and the extensive -suburbs burnt to remove any possible shelter they might offer to the -besiegers.[257] Indeed, it had been no cheering report that Gloucester's -scouts had brought back after reconnoitring the town. They reported that -the situation of the place was one of great strength. The sea flowed up -to the walls on the north, and on the other side the river Divette wound -round a large part of the town, thus making all access a matter of great -difficulty; where nature had neglected to complete her work, a deep moat -drained part of the water of the river round the otherwise unprotected -wall; the fortifications were of great strength, for the walls had been -recently improved, guns had been mounted on the numerous towers round -the city, the castle with sixteen strong towers and a double wall was -almost impregnable, and all round the town outside the walls there was -a thick stone rampart crowned by castellated forts furnished with -artillery. Indeed, the garrison felt quite able to resist any attack and -to meet any mischance that should occur.[258] Though perhaps it was not -the strongest place in all Normandy, as the French chroniclers tell -us,[259] yet it was undoubtedly a formidable fortress, and had an -abundance of provisions to withstand a prolonged siege.[260] - -Nothing daunted by the reports of the scouts, Gloucester advanced -towards Cherbourg with the full determination of becoming master of the -town, and having driven back the French outposts he began preparations -for the siege in the latter days of March.[261] He had come up to the -town from the east, and at the outset found his difficulties increased -by the destruction of the bridge over the river.[262] To increase his -discomfiture still more the stream had overflowed its banks, which added -to the natural obstacles which he had to face, and as he was unable to -get his men across to the other side of the town, he sent a strong -detachment into the country to prevent any reinforcements reaching the -garrison. But his troubles were not to cease here. A large unbroken -stretch of level ground surrounded the town, with not even a clump of -trees to give shelter to an attacking force, nor any rising ground on -which to plant the siege-engines.[263] It was indeed no easy task which -lay before the English commander. - -With fervid and characteristic energy Gloucester set himself to overcome -the obstacles in the way. A bridge was quickly built across the river, -and a detachment of his forces was drafted off to complete the blockade -of the town on the other side, while a special guard was detailed to -protect the bridge night and day, thus preventing all egress from or -ingress into the town, and keeping a connecting-link between the -necessarily divided forces of the besiegers, while it gave a certain -quality of continuity to the attack. Not forgetting the openness of the -sea-approach Gloucester procured from England a fleet which, using the -islands of Jersey and Guernsey as a base, prevented any help from -reaching the besieged by water.[264] The siege had now begun in earnest -but by no means on equal terms, for while the French were safely -ensconced behind particularly strong walls the English had no shelter, -as they were prevented from pitching tents by the severity of the -sandstorms which had followed on the subsidence of the floods. Besides -this the besieged swept the exposed plain with their cannon, so that -there could be no question of attacking the town with any success till -some kind of cover was found for the men working the guns. Nay, more, -Gloucester's forces stood in imminent danger of extinction as they lay -before the town, for the French guns were good and the French gunners -better trained than in the previous sieges of the war.[265] Some -distance behind the besiegers lay some wooded country, and Gloucester -sent thither every third man of his forces with axes to cut down trees -and brushwood, with a strong reminder to keep out of sight of the enemy. -On a dark night logs and bundles of faggots were packed on carts, -brought to the English lines, and with feverish haste thrown up as the -groundwork of a bastion. The men worked with a will, and by daylight a -rampart of some considerable strength had been built. The morning showed -the French what had been the night work of their assailants, and though -surprised at the rapidity with which the English had worked, they were -nothing daunted, and immediately trained their guns on this obstruction. -Then ensued a fierce contest. The besieged brought the whole weight of -their artillery to bear on the unfinished bastion, while, now under -partial cover, the besiegers worked with might and main to preserve -their night's work, and to strengthen it so that no future attack on it -could be successful. Both sides put all their strength into an encounter -which they realised was the crucial event of the siege, for if the -English failed, all chance of continuing the attack was at an end. -Finding their cannonade not sufficiently destructive, the French began -to use an engine which threw red-hot balls and burning materials, and a -large part of the bastion was soon in flames. With unremitting energy -the English extinguished the flames with water, and, still under the -heavy fire of the besieged, brought up more timber and reconstructed the -demolished portions of their protecting rampart. In the end the victory -lay with the besiegers, and the English soldiers could work securely -behind the shelter that had cost them so dear.[266] - -Gloucester had seen enough both of the strength of the town and the -valour of the besieged to realise that there could be no question of a -speedy surrender, so copying the tactics of his brother, he built strong -huts for his men, and made his camp appear almost like a little town, -fortified by a ditch and mound, so that no sortie of the enemy could -take him by surprise. He also cared for the comfort of his soldiers by -establishing a market within the camp, thus ensuring a constant supply -of provisions.[267] At the same time he must have realised that, after -the loss of life entailed by recent events, he had not sufficient men -for carrying on so important a siege, and though we have no direct -evidence that he sent for reinforcements, yet the presumption is strong -that he did so, when we find that early in June the King sent the Earl -of March, and probably with him the Earl of Suffolk, to bring some -fresh levies that had just arrived from England to the assistance of -his brother.[268] For this purpose March was made Lieutenant and -Warden-General of the marches of the Duchy of Normandy, while -Gloucester, to secure his seniority, was made Lieutenant and -Captain-General of the same marches, and a strong injunction was issued -to the Warden that he was not to interfere with his superior so long as -they both remained in that district.[269] - -1418] SIEGE OF CHERBOURG - -Meanwhile the English commander before Cherbourg had not been idle. -Owing to the heavy fire of the enemy a frontal attack on the town was -impossible; he therefore devised a plan whereby he might get his troops -nearer to the walls, and yet keep them under cover. While his men worked -gradually nearer to the enemy under the protection of the usual wooden -shelters, he carried out trenching operations on another side of the -defences. Long ditches were cut leading from the camp to the walls of -the town in an oblique direction, so that as the lines advanced the -soldiers were continually sheltered by the sides of their excavation, -and the earth which they threw up. By these means the fire of the -besieged was rendered nugatory, and the besiegers crept nearer and -nearer to the town.[270] The reinforcements had now arrived, and -Gloucester probably found himself at the head of something over 2000 -men.[271] With this force he considered himself strong enough to make a -direct assault. He had tried to drain the water from around the walls, -and to this end had cut channels to direct the river from its usual -course. This plan, however, was spoilt by the breaking of the sluices -which were to keep the stream back, and the difficulty of crossing the -moat was as great as ever. With unabated determination Gloucester -ordered an assault, while some of the soldiers were told off to bring up -material to fill in the ditch, and to make it, if possible, level with -the wall. The heavy ordnance of the besieged stood them in good stead, -and the English were so disorganised by the storm of cannon balls, that -they retired, and the half-finished sluices were threatened by complete -destruction when the enemy sallied forth from the town. Sir Lewis -Robsart, a young, untried knight, who had lately come up with the -reinforcements, saved the situation, and though wounded managed to -resist the attacks of the enemy, till a rally of the English brought up -more men in a wedge formation, and secured the outworks which they had -almost lost.[272] - -After the failure of this vigorous attempt the besiegers fell back again -on their former tactics of drawing their lines gradually nearer to the -walls and strengthening their new rampart, which they brought right up -to the edge of the moat. The cannon were now within very short range, -and when the English dragged up some of their wooden huts to protect -their engines, they were promptly destroyed by the fire from the town. -Indeed, so near was the English rampart to the wall that with long hooks -the French removed the hurdles which were meant to protect the -siege-engines. At the same time Gloucester was making every effort to -perfect his sluices, and the river-water was being gradually drawn out -of the moat. But the resourcefulness of the besieged enabled them to -pump in fresh water as fast as it was taken out, without in any way -relaxing the severity of the bombardment. - -As time wore on, the determination of the defenders began to slacken, -and at the end of five months' siege they offered to treat. But as -Gloucester demanded an unconditional surrender, for which the townsmen -were not prepared, operations were resumed. Disregarding a second -attempt at negotiations, the Duke pressed the attack even more fiercely -than before, and for the third time overtures were made.[273] This time -the result was an agreement, signed on August 23, whereby the captain, -Jean Piquet, agreed to surrender unconditionally on September 29, if not -previously relieved.[274] The French chroniclers accuse Piquet of -interested motives in this agreement, saying that he sold the town for a -sum of money and a safe-conduct,[275] an accusation which seems hardly -substantiated in the light of the past history of the siege. - -Though hostilities had now ceased pending the surrender, the townsmen -had by no means given up hope of escaping capture, and Gloucester -anxiously expected to be obliged to fight a relieving force. With this -prospect in view he sent off news of the situation to the King, and -proceeded to strengthen his position. The market was brought up from its -exposed position in the rear, and placed nearer the town, the rampart -was continued round the whole camp with a ditch dug in front of it, and -long sharpened stakes driven into its sides, all with a view to -resisting possible French reinforcements. At the same time he did not -forget the town, which, under these circumstances, would be behind him, -and to provide against attack in this quarter he built several strong -little forts, in which a small garrison would be able to resist a -considerable attacking force.[276] In taking these precautions he worked -on the system learned in the army of Henry V., though such expedients as -the stakes in the rampart and the forts to hold the town in check were -additions to the usual plan. The appointed day of surrender drew near, -and still no relief came. Just before the expiration of the truce, -however, the townsmen saw with joy that a force was approaching the -city. Their joy, however, was premature, for they shortly found that it -was a band of two thousand men sent over from the western cities of -England in ready response to a message from Henry at Rouen. With this -additional force all danger to the English passed away, and in due -course the town and castle of Cherbourg were handed over to Gloucester -on St. Michael's Day.[277] - -The town was treated leniently. Gloucester permitted the garrison to -march out under arms, those of the townsmen who wished it being allowed -to accompany them, but such as remained behind being entirely at the -disposition of the English. All property was respected with the -exception that the contents of the Governor's house were distributed -amongst the troops, together with a certain sum raised from the -citizens. Gloucester's biographer goes on to say quaintly, that the -citizens found themselves better off than before, 'quickly understanding -in a short time the different constitutions of the English, and French -governments.'[278] The men of Cherbourg must have had unusually keen -perceptions. Still, care was taken for the good government of the city. -Lord Grey of Codnor was made governor, and all the other towns were -provided with captains.[279] Little as the English conquests have -affected northern France, there still remains a memento of Gloucester at -Cherbourg, where to this day 'Humphrey Street' recalls the long siege -and ultimate capture of the town. - -The siege of Cherbourg had proved to be one of the most interesting -episodes in the military operations of Henry's second campaign. On the -one hand, the decidedly superior metal of the French guns foreshadowed -the transference of the best arm from the English to the French side in -this war; on the other, the whole siege served to illustrate the -peculiar military genius of the Duke of Gloucester. His conduct of the -operations betrayed a great knowledge of the theory of siege warfare, -while it showed that he had not served under his brother in vain. Again -and again we find traces of Henry's tactics adapted with great skill to -the needs of the present case by some slight elaboration. Without any of -the endowments of character which made the elder brother a great -general, the younger had, if possible, more of the qualities of a -soldier. A greater grasp of the situation is shown in the operations of -the siege of Cherbourg than in the case of any of Henry's sieges, more -adaptability to the needs of the moment. Gloucester took his risks and -justified them by success. No mere book-learned warcraft would have -dared the wedge formation on the day when the English were so hard -pressed, but the success of the movement justified its use. Gloucester -was an able man and a brave soldier, but he could never have become even -a passable commander. Within circumscribed limits he had no equal; there -was no captain in the English army who could have surpassed him before -Cherbourg, but under no circumstances could he have taken the position -which his great brother holds in military history. The natural bent of -his mind was inclined to the interests of the moment, and he could never -have planned out a campaign, or nursed his men up to a supreme effort, -as did Henry on the march to Agincourt. Courage, military skill, and the -power to appreciate any situation which confronted him he had in plenty, -but in him determination was swallowed up in rashness, and ability fled -before constitutional unsteadiness. As a leader of a forlorn hope, or in -the performance of a definite piece of work, he was pre-eminent, but his -natural characteristics removed any chance of his being in any sense a -general. In his military life, even as later in his stormy political -career, he displayed great ingenuity and cleverness, but here, as ever, -he lacked that vivifying touch of determination which alone could have -moulded the incidents of his life into one concentrated policy. At -Cherbourg his defects had had but slight chance of display, and it was -with increased fame, and with the reputation of a successful commander, -that towards the end of October he arrived at Rouen. - - * * * * * - -While Gloucester had been besieging Cherbourg, and reducing the -CA'tentin, the King had not been idle. He had spent three months at -Bayeux and Caen in creating the machinery for the administration of the -duchy, which hitherto had been under military law. At the same time he -sent to England for reinforcements, and on their arrival in May he -marched eastwards, joining Clarence and Exeter, who had been opening the -way to Rouen; the former having completed his work by the capture of the -Abbey of Bec Hellouin, the latter having taken Evreux. Taking Louviers -and Pont de l'Arche, Henry arrived at Rouen by easy stages on July -29.[280] Rouen had lately turned Burgundian,[281] but this did not -entail any inclination to become unpatriotic. Indeed at this moment -Burgundy himself was playing the patriotic game, for he had returned to -power. The oppression of the Armagnacs, who governed Paris in the name -of the Dauphin, together with their unreasonable refusal of terms of -agreement with Burgundy, had so enraged the Parisians that a mob -revolution in favour of Burgundy and Queen Isabella, who had come to -terms with one another in 1417, was made easy. In June Bernard, Count of -Armagnac, and many of his adherents were murdered by the populace. -Tanneguy du ChActel and the Dauphin escaped from the city with -difficulty, and Burgundy was acclaimed with shouts of welcome as he -entered Paris.[282] In this position his answer to a pursuivant sent by -Henry was a declaration of war.[283] - -1418] SIEGE OF ROUEN - -The siege of Rouen was more than three months old when Gloucester -arrived in November, fresh from the capture of Cherbourg.[284] The abbey -and fortress of St. Katharine just outside the town, which had been a -great source of inconvenience to the besiegers, keeping open, as it did, -communication between the town and the outside world, had capitulated on -August 22, and on September 7 Caudebec, which guarded the river -approach, surrendered to Warwick,[285] so that now Rouen was shut in on -every side. The blockade was strictly kept. Gloucester found the King -safely housed in the Carthusian Monastery of Notre-Dame-de-la-Rose, on -the east side of the town, about a mile distant from the Porte St. -Hilaire, the custody of which was committed to Sir William Porter. -Further south, at the Porte Martinville, lay Warwick, with his troops -reaching down to the Seine, and behind him the newly acquired fort of -St. Katharine. Across the Seine, on the south, Salisbury and Huntingdon -guarded 'La Barbacane.' On the west, Clarence lay at the ruined abbey of -St. Gervais, guarding the Porte Cauchoise and the walls as far as the -river. The Earl Marshal lay opposite the castle on the north-west, with -Talbot and Sir John Cornwall joining up his men and those of Clarence. -Exeter lay at the Porte Beauvassine on the north, while the Lords -Willoughby, Ross, and Fitz Hugh completed the circle of the besiegers to -the Porte St. Hilaire.[286] Gloucester himself, on his arrival, was -given command of the forces which lay at the Porte St. Hilaire,[287] and -he justified his selection for a post of danger and importance by that -reckless bravery for which he was already well known. He lay nearer to -the enemy than any of the besiegers by '40 rode and more in spas,' and -supervised his men with great ability, exposing himself to the fire from -the town, and repelling the frequent sorties made on his side.[288] -Indeed the fighting seems to have been heaviest at the Porte St. -Hilaire, for Gloucester casualties were more numerous than in any other -part of the army.[289] - -Henry's arrangements for the safety of his army could not have been more -carefully or more wisely made. His men were securely entrenched against -the daily attacks of the town, whilst he himself, caring neither for fog -nor wintry weather, frequently visited the outposts at night. With great -care a bridge had been built across the river, thus affording easy and -safe communication with Salisbury and Huntingdon. The capture of -Caudebec had opened the river, and provisions came pouring in from -London;[290] also some of the ships were dragged overland for three -miles so as to get above the town bridge, which blocked the way. By this -means the French boats were driven to take refuge within the port of -Rouen, and while the town lost all hope of a replenished supply of -provisions, the English had food in abundance, communication being kept -up with England by a fleet lent by Henry's kinsman, King John of -Portugal.[291] No assault was made on the town. Henry was far too wise -to attempt to take so strong a fortress by any means but starvation, for -Rouen had splendid walls, numerous towers, and plenty of guns, with a -garrison, so say the French chroniclers, of four thousand soldiers and -sixteen thousand armed citizens, and the most courageous and -enterprising leader the English had yet met in the person of Guy le -Bouteiller.[292] - -The English therefore confined themselves to resisting the almost hourly -sorties of the besieged, and to harassing the country with the light -troops which had been brought from Ireland.[293] As November passed into -December the besieged began to feel a shortage of provisions, and they -turned out the non-combatants from the city. It could hardly be expected -that Henry would let these pass, and they were driven back to the walls, -though the English soldiers gave them food to save them from utter -starvation.[294] At the same time, however, the garrison was cheered by -the news that an old priest had managed to pass the English lines, and -to return with a promise of help from Burgundy. This news also reached -Henry, who fortified his camp behind as well as before, in case he had -to meet a relieving force;[295] yet this was but a measure of -precaution, for he well knew that Burgundy was not strong enough to -leave Paris open to the Armagnacs whilst he campaigned in Normandy. - -Towards Christmas the garrison were in sore straits; - - 'They etete doggys, they ete cattys, - They ete mysse, horse and rattys,' - -we are told by our rhyming Chronicler,[296] and they could not bury -their dead, so fast did men die. Another appeal to Burgundy resulted in -a promise of relief immediately after Christmas,[297] and on Christmas -Day Henry called a truce, and provided food for French as well as -English.[298] But the long-promised relief never came, and at length on -New Year's Eve the town asked for a parley. This was granted, but even -in their distress, with their wretched countrymen lying dead and dying -in the ditch hard by, the defenders would not accept Henry's terms. For -three days they discussed the matter in tents set up in Gloucester's -trenches and guarded by his men,[299] and when they returned to the -city despair seized the townsmen. Some tell us that in heroic -desperation they determined to throw down the walls, burn the city, and -fight their way out,[300] others say that a meeting of the citizens -compelled the leaders to reopen negotiations.[301] At any rate, they -went to the Porte St. Hilaire and asked to speak with Gloucester, but -failing to make him hear, and meeting with the same fate on the side -where Clarence lay, they at last succeeded in drawing the attention of -the Earl of Warwick, who undertook to communicate their wish to reopen -negotiations to the King.[302] This ended in terms of surrender being -signed on January 13.[303] If not relieved, Rouen was to surrender in -six days, pay an indemnity of 345,000 crowns of gold, and yield up three -men who were named. The garrison was allowed to march out unarmed and on -foot.[304] On the 19th of January Henry entered Rouen with great pomp, -and the Duchy of Normandy was finally won by the capitulation of its -capital.[305] - -1419] MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS - -After the conquest of Rouen the English captains were sent with small -detachments to clear the country. Salisbury to the north secured -Montivilliers, Honfleur, FA(C)camp, Dieppe, and Eu; Clarence went up the -Seine valley taking Vernon and Nantes, and many other smaller towns in -the immediate neighbourhood submitted.[306] Gloucester stayed with his -royal brother at Rouen, as he had been made captain of the city,[307] -and there steps were taken to further organise the administration of -Normandy, and to relieve distress in the town itself. At the same time -negotiations were being carried on with both French factions. Throughout -the recent siege ambassadors had been passing between the various -parties, and at one time the Dauphin offered terms,[308] at another the -French King, under the influence of Burgundy, sent a portrait of his -daughter Catherine, whose name had appeared in most of the -negotiations.[309] Conferences at AlenASec.on with Armagnac, or at Pont de -l'Arche with Burgundian emissaries, were alike fruitless. Still Henry -persevered. Arrangements were made at Rouen for a personal meeting with -the Dauphin at Evreux on March 8,[310] but when Henry reached the -trysting-place he found that the Dauphin had not kept his word.[311] -Nothing daunted, he despatched Warwick on March 28 to arrange an -interview with the Burgundian faction for May 15, and Clarence, with -Gloucester, took an oath to observe any conditions that might be -arranged.[312] But Henry's diplomacy stretched farther than this. -Bedford was given permission to seek a wife among the daughters of -Frederick of Nuremberg, or among the daughters of the Duke of Lorraine, -or indeed among any of the kindred of the Emperor Sigismund.[313] -Gloucester, on the other hand, had a more restricted field for marriage -negotiations opened for him. He was given permission on April 1 to treat -for the hand of Blanche of Sicily, daughter and heiress of Charles III. -of Navarre. Acting on this commission, Gloucester appointed his -chamberlains, William Beauchamp and John Stokes 'Dr. of Laws,' to care -for his interests in that quarter, but his hopes of a wife at that time -were to be short-lived.[314] On April 20 Charles de Beaumont, who -represented Henry at the court of Navarre, and had recently served under -Gloucester in the CA'tentin, informed him that negotiations were pending -for the marriage of Blanche to Don John of Arragon, asserting that -Henry's delays in stating definitely what lands in Guienne he would give -Gloucester on his wedding had so annoyed Charles, that it was unlikely -that the English marriage would ever come off.[315] In these suspicions -Beaumont was fully justified. We hear no more of Gloucester as a -prospective suitor for the hand of Blanche, and soon after she was -married to his rival, Don John, who ultimately became John II. of -Arragon. - -1419] CAPTURE OF IVRY - -Gloucester had more active work on hand than this somewhat nebulous -marriage scheme. He left Evreux early in April, accompanied by the Earl -Marshal, John de Mowbray, having been commissioned to take Ivry, which -he invested in the customary manner.[316] The town held out with more -determination than had been expected, and to save Gloucester's troops -from starvation the King had to despatch orders to the bailiff of Evreux -to send all sellers of provisions in his bailiwick to Ivry, to hold a -market there twice a week so long as Gloucester remained before the -town.[317] The town was not of great strength, and was taken by assault -in a few days, but the castle was not only well fortified, but situated -so as to be hard to attack. With the usual English tactics Gloucester -sat down before the impregnable, knowing that famine would do better -work than his guns. Once more it was proved that it was not the -cowardice of the French garrisons, but the lethargy and rivalries of the -French Princes which gave Normandy to the English King. The first panic -after Henry's landing at Touques once over, the French had held their -position stubbornly, but the English were unhampered in their -preparations for sieges and unharassed in the country while they -attacked the towns. Thus fortresses which might have replenished their -provisions had the attention of the besiegers been divided, were -compelled by lack of food and other stores to surrender. Harfleur had -proved it, Rouen had proved it, and now in due course the castle of Ivry -was compelled to come to terms on May 10, and three days later -Gloucester entered the fortress and received the oath of fealty from all -in the town.[318] - -Having settled matters at Ivry, Gloucester marched towards Mantes, where -he joined his brother, probably late in May.[319] Henry was preparing, -with growing confidence in an amicable adjustment of his claims, to meet -Charles VI. and Burgundy at a conference, wherein the French had -consented to take the Treaty of Bretigny as a basis of their -discussion.[320] The conference was to be held in a meadow near Meulan, -where a little stream, called the Viviers, emptied itself into the -Seine. Thus guarded on two sides, the rest was surrounded by a bank and -a ditch, and had a pavilion in the centre for the shelter of the two -parties. Thither on May 30 came Burgundy with Queen Isabel and her -daughter Catherine.[321] Charles VI. was too unwell to be present. From -Mantes came Henry, accompanied by his two brothers Clarence and -Gloucester, Archbishop Chichele, the two Beauforts, Henry Beaufort of -Winchester and the Duke of Exeter, and two thousand five hundred -well-appointed soldiers. Nothing beyond ceremonial greetings took place -on the first day of the conference, which seem to have been chiefly -meant for the introduction of Henry to Catherine, for at later meetings -the much-treated-of Princess did not appear.[322] At the next meeting on -June 1 Clarence, Gloucester, Chichele, Beaufort, and Exeter were -officially appointed to treat for peace with France, and for the King's -marriage.[323] Negotiations dragged on, Henry demanding the cession of -full sovereignty of the English possessions in France which were assured -by the Treaty of Bretigny, the French demanding a renunciation by the -English King of his title to the French throne. At the end of a month -they were no nearer a settlement than at the beginning, and distrust of -each other was becoming evident. Eventually high words passed between -Henry and Burgundy, and negotiations were broken off.[324] Even then, -Henry does not seem to have lost all hope of an arrangement of these -difficulties, for on July 5 we find Chichele and Warwick commissioned to -undertake an embassy to the Burgundian party.[325] - -1419] MINOR MILITARY OPERATIONS - -Nevertheless, Henry knew that his best argument was force, and as soon -as the truce expired on July 31, he sent forward a detachment from -Mantes, which surprised and took Pontoise.[326] Henry, with Gloucester -and the main body of the army, stayed some little time longer at -Mantes,[327] and then followed to Pontoise, where Clarence rejoined him, -after having reconnoitred right up to the gates of Paris.[328] Hence the -whole army moved on August 18, and taking Vancouvilliers on the way, sat -down before Gisors on the 31st, which, after a short but sharp siege, -surrendered--the town on September 17, the castle six days later.[329] -From Gisors Henry went to Mantes, whence he supervised the siege of -Meulan, in which Gloucester took part. This town was so situated that -the Seine guarded it on one side, and marshes on the other. However, by -the use of rafts and floating castles, the English managed to clear the -river of the stakes which the French had planted in its bed, and so to -press the town, that it surrendered on October 31.[330] Henry had kept -up daily communication with the besiegers, and now he came to Meulan, -and on November 6 despatched Gloucester to secure the Seine valley -further up towards Paris. Poissy was captured on the 13th, and three -days later St. Germain succumbed after no serious resistance. On the -same day the neighbouring castle of Montjoye voluntarily submitted.[331] - -By the middle of the month Gloucester was back with the King at Mantes, -and accompanied him to Rouen, for it had been decided to send him home -to replace his brother Bedford as Regent of England.[332] It seems -impossible to discover any real reason for this exchange of posts -between Bedford and Gloucester, unless the King wanted the help of the -brother who had had experience in statecraft in the organisation of his -newly acquired Duchy, and thought that Gloucester could be more easily -spared than Clarence to go to England. At any rate, on November 21, -orders were issued at Rouen for the impressment of forty sailors to -convey Gloucester to England, and it is probable that he crossed the -Channel within a few days of this provision.[333] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [145] _Gesta_, 59. - - [146] _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 265. Llanstephan had belonged to Henry Gwyn, - killed on the French side at Agincourt. - - [147] November 27, 1415. The actual patent of appointment is not - given, but it is referred to in a later entry. _Rot. Pat., 4 - Henry V._, m. 22. - - [148] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 91. Bedford is mentioned as Lieutenant of - England in the same document, and this definitely shows that - it was of a date anterior to the King's return. - - [149] December 28, _Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V._, Part ii. m. 16. In the - reign of Henry VI. Gloucester alludes to having the reversion - of Carisbrooke and the Isle of Wight, then in the hands of - the Dowager-Duchess of York (Ancient Petitions, File 85, No. - 4220), so no absolute grant of this was made at this time. - - [150] Jan. 27, _Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V._, Part ii. m. 12. - - [151] See Aschbach, _passim_. - - [152] Elmham, _Vita_, 74; _Gesta_, 76. - - [153] Rymer, iv. ii. 157. - - [154] _Ibid._, iv. ii. 157. - - [155] _Ordinances_, ii. 195, 196. - - [156] MSS. of Corporation of New Romney, Hist. MSS., Rep. v. 539. - - [157] Holinshed, iii. 85. Aschbach, ii. 162, accepts the story. - Windeck, Sigismund's secretary, who might have described the - incident in his _Life_ of the Emperor, did not come over at - the same time as his master, but followed a few days later. - See cap. 59. - - [158] Redmayne, 49, gives a variation of the story, placing the - incident at Calais, and Warwick as the actor; but as - Sigismund arrived there by land, this is manifestly - impossible. Hall also gives it in yet another version. - - [159] Windeck, cap. 59; Des Ursins, 529, 530. - - [160] _Lond. Chron._, 103; Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 118; - _Gesta_, 75, 76; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 133; Livius, 23; - Cotton MS., Cleopatra, c. iv. f. 28vo, gives May 4 as the day - of arrival at Dover. - - [161] _Gesta_, 76. - - [162] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 95, 96. - - [163] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 118; Elmham, _Liber - Metricus_, 134. - - [164] Rymer, iv. ii. 135; Elmham, _Vita_, 87; Capgrave, _De - Illustribus Henricis_, 118. - - [165] Caro, _Bundniss von Canterbury_, 57; Aschbach, ii. 164. - - [166] A detailed account of the banquet in celebration of - Sigismund's enrolment in the Order of the Garter is given in - _Lond. Chron._, 159. - - [167] Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 134. - - [168] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. i. 688; _Cal. of French - Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 583. - - [169] The King at first intended to lead this expedition. _Memorials - of London_, 628; Elmham, _Vita_, 78, 79; Capgrave, _De - Illustribus Henricis_, 120; Livius, 25; Harleian MS., 2256, - f. 180; Rymer, iv. ii. 168. Des Ursins, 532, says that - Gloucester accompanied Bedford. - - [170] Windeck, cap. 60. - - [171] Sigismund and his followers distributed copies of the - following verses among the citizens of Calais, as a tribute - to their royal reception in England: - - 'Vale et gaude gloriosa cum triumpho! O tu felix Anglia et - benedicta! Quia quasi angelica natura gloriosa, Laude Jhesum - adorans, es jure dicta. Hanc tibi do laudem quam recte jure - mereris.' - - _Gesta_, 93; Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 120; Elmham, - _Liber Metricus_, 141. - - [172] Elmham, _Vita_, 77; Des Ursins, 532. Cf. Rymer, iv. ii. 17. - - [173] Rymer, IV. ii. 178; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 142. - - [174] Rymer, IV. ii. 176; _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 584. - - [175] _Gesta_, 100, 101; Gregory, 114; Capgrave, _De Illustrious - Henricis_, 120; Waurin, ii. 236; St. RA(C)my, 410; Monstrelet, - 393. - - [176] Waurin, ii. 236, 237; St. RA(C)my, 410. - - [177] Monstrelet, 394, followed by Holinshed, iii. 87. - - [178] Monstrelet, 394; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 146. - - [179] Windeck, cap. 66; Capgrave, _Chron._, 315; Otterbourne, 278; - Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 317. - - [180] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 94. - - [181] The Sheriff was to have the indentures ready by February 14, - 1417; Rymer, IV. ii. 192. - - [182] _Ordinances_, ii. 230, 231. - - [183] _Ibid._, iii. 9; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320. - - [184] Muster Rolls of the Army, preserved in the Chapter-House at - Westminster, printed in _Gesta_, 265. Livius, 31, gives 100 - lances and 300 archers. Stowe, 353, follows Livius. 100 - spears and 300 archers in Holkham MS., p. 15. Holinshed, iii. - 89, gives 470 lances and 1410 archers. - - [185] _Gesta_, 111; Elmham, _Vita_, 96. Harleian MS., 2256, f. 181, - gives Portsmouth as the place of starting. - - [186] Livius, 33; _Gesta_, 111; Monstrelet, 406. - - [187] Livius, 31, 32, gives a list of the retinues which amounts to - 9066 men, though he ends by saying 16,000. _Gesta_, 190, - gives 16,400. See Ramsay, i. chap, xvii., Appendix, pp. - 250-252. - - [188] Elmham, _Vita_, 97. - - [189] Basin, i. 26. See also Waurin, ii. 242; St. RA(C)my, 429; Livius, - 34. - - [190] _Rot. Norm._, 316, 317. - - [191] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, p. 219, No. CCCXXXVII.; Livius, 34; - _Gesta_, 111, 112; Stow, 353, followed by Holkham MS., p. 15. - - [192] Elmham, _Vita_, 101. - - [193] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 321, 322; Elmham, _Vita_, 99, - 100. - - [194] St. Denys says it was besieged unsuccessfully, but there could - have been no time for this. Cf. Elmham, _Vita_, 98. - - [195] Livius, 35; _Gesta_, 113; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322. - - [196] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322-324; Livius, 35. - - [197] Livius, 36. - - [198] _Gesta_, 113; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 323. - - [199] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322. - - [200] _Chronique de Normandie_, 228. - - [201] Elmham, _Vita_, 104; Livius, 36. - - [202] Cotton MS., Claudius. A. VIII. f. 6. - - [203] Elmham, _Vita_, 105. - - [204] Livius, 37. - - [205] Livius, 38, 39; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 324; Elmham, - _Vita_, 107-111; _Gesta_, 114. See also Waurin, ii. 244; - Monstrelet, 426; St. RA(C)my, 429 and 422. On September 5 the - castle agreed to surrender, if not relieved before the 19th. - Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, pp. 220, 221, Nos. CCCXXXIX., CCCXL. - - [206] _Rot. Norm._, 164; Carte, i. 247. - - [207] _Rot. Norm._, 167; Rymer, IV. iii. 16; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, - Rep. 41, App. 1. 746. - - [208] Elmham, _Vita_, 116; Livius, 40, 41. - - [209] Redmayne, 51; Elmham, _Vita_, 116; Livius, 42; _Gesta_, 115. - - [210] Redmayne, 51. - - [211] Livius, 43, 44; _Gesta_, 116. - - [212] Elmham, _Vita_, 117, 118; Livius, 42; _Gesta_, 116. - - [213] Livius, 44; Elmham, _Vita_, 122. Elmham says that Clarence was - posted opposite the castle. Stow, 356, says that Gloucester - besieged the castle, while the King besieged the town. - Holkham MS., p. 16, follows Stow. - - [214] Livius, 44; Elmham, _Vita_, 122, 123; _Rot. Norm._, 187. - - [215] Livius, 45: Elmham, _Vita_, 123, 124; _Gesta_, 117. - - [216] Rymer, IV. iii. 23, 24; _Gesta_, 117; Elmham, _Vita_, 124, - 125. - - [217] List of the captains of castles conquered in 1417; Appendix to - _Gesta_, 275. Holkham MS., p. 16. - - [218] Livius, 46. - - [219] Elmham, _Vita_, 128. He calls the leader of this expedition - the Duke of York, at the time a boy of only six years old. - - [220] Livius, 46. - - [221] Ramsay, i. 250, calls this the south side of the town. It is - hardly credible that the gate on the road to Caen would be on - the south side when that town lies north of Falaise. - - [222] _Gesta_, 118; Elmham, _Vita_, 128; Livius, 46. - - [223] _Rot. Norm._, 312; Gregory, 121. - - [224] _Rot. Norm._, 312; Elmham, _Vita_, 129-132; Livius, 46, 47; - _Gesta_, 118. - - [225] Otterbourne, 279, says that Henry spent Christmas at Bayeux in - _5 Henry V._, that is, 1417, though in another place he calls - it 1418. Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, also calls it 1418, but - his computations of years are always a little hazy, and he - seems to begin the new year at Christmas. Both authors - mention that it was at this time that Falaise surrendered, - which makes the date 1417. - - [226] _Rot. Norm._, 308. Livius, 49, gives the date of the delivery - of the castle as February 6. - - [227] Elmham, _Vita_, 133-138; Livius, 49; _Gesta_, 118. - - [228] Waurin, ii. 242. - - [229] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 248; Walsingham, _Ipodigma - NeustriA|_, 486; Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; - _Chronique de Normandie_, 182; Gregory, 121. - - [230] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 328; Walsingham, _Ipodigma - NeustriA|_, 486; Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; - _Chronique de Normandie_, 182; Gregory, 121. - - [231] _Rot. Norm._, 248; Rymer, IV. iii. 362. - - [232] Carte, i. 276. - - [233] _Ibid._, 273. - - [234] _Ibid._, 273. - - [235] _Ibid._, 274, 276. - - [236] See p. 64, note 271, for an estimate of his forces in this - expedition. Elmham, _Vita_, 141, calls it a strong force. - - [237] Gregory, 121. He includes the Earl of March in the list, who, - however, did not join the expedition till later, as he was at - present in England. - - [238] See Commission to the Earl of Huntingdon of March 17, _Rot. - Norm._, 381. - - [239] Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 143. - - [240] _Gesta_, 120; Elmham, _Vita_, 141. Both these authorities call - this place 'Cawdey,' and are followed therein by Holkham MS., - p. 16. The editor of the _Gesta_ thinks this is a clerical - error for Hambie. This town, however, was captured after - Vire, and it is hardly likely that both these contemporaries - would have made the same clerical error. Elmham may have - copied from the _Gesta_, but as he was personally acquainted - with Humphrey, and gives by far the fullest account of this - expedition, it is probable that he wrote on good authority, - if not from personal experience. - - [241] _Rot. Norm._, 289-292. - - [242] Elmham, _Vita_, 141; _Gesta_, 120; Livius, 50. - - [243] _Rot. Norm._, 298-300. - - [244] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746 - - [245] Robsart was at St. Lo before the day of surrender. Rymer, IV. - iii. 41. - - [246] _Rot. Norm._, 300-303; Rymer, IV. iii. 41. - - [247] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. - 40. - - [248] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. - 44. - - [249] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 708. - - [250] _Rot. Norm._, 381; Elmham, _Vita_, 144. - - [251] _Paston Letters_, i. 10. - - [252] This place is called 'Noo' in _Gesta_, 120, and is taken by - the editor of that chronicle to be Pont Douve, now called - Pont d'Ouilly. In Elmham, _Vita_, 142, and Livius, 50, it is - called 'Nehoo.' Pont Douve was captured by Gloucester (Rymer, - IV. iii. 44; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746), - but it is not the same place as this, which is obviously - NA(C)hou, a place situated four kilometers from St. Sauveur le - Vicomte. I cannot locate Pont Douve, but should gather from - the date of surrender that it was near Carentan on the Douve, - for it fell on March 17, the day after Carentan. This is the - date given in the _Norman Rolls_ and in the text of the - _Foedera_, though in the margin Rymer calls it March 27 and - is followed by Hardy in his syllabus of the _Foedera_, - without any reason being assigned. - - [253] For whole campaign see Elmham, _Vita_, 141, 142; Livius, 50; - _Gesta_, 120, 121. - - [254] Gregory, 121, who, however, gives the number of castles as - twenty-four. The higher estimate is to be found in a record - of the _Parlimentary Rolls_ in the year 1428. _Rot. Parl._, - IV. 320. - - [255] Stow, 356. - - [256] Walsingham, _Ipodigma NeustriA|_, 486; Gregory, 120. - - [257] Livius, 51; Elmham, _Vita_, 148. - - [258] Elmham, _Vita_, 148, 149; Livius, 52. - - [259] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426. - - [260] Even at the end of the siege there was abundance of corn and - wine in the city. Elmham, _Vita_, 163. - - [261] Walsingham, _Ipodigma NeustriA|_, 486; Gregory, 120. - - [262] Elmham, _Vita_, 148; Livius, 52. - - [263] Elmham, _Vita_, 150; Holkham MS., p. 17. - - [264] Elmham, _Vita_, 151; Livius, 52. - - [265] _Ibid._ - - [266] Elmham, _Vita_, 152, 153; Livius, 53. - - [267] Elmham, _Vita_, 153; Livius, 53. - - [268] They had been brought over to France by the Earl of March, - Harleian MS., 2256, f. 182vo. - - [269] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 693; Carte, i. 265. - - [270] Elmham, _Vita_, 153; Livius, 54. - - [271] When Gloucester reached the King before Rouen at the end of - this campaign, he had 3000 men under his command (_Chron. - Norm._, 241). However, he had then been reinforced by - another force of some 2000 men sent over from England (see - p. 67 below). Whether these last reinforcements followed him - to Rouen, or whether, when their work was done, they - returned to England, we cannot tell, but they were certainly - over and above the numbers he commanded at this present - time. If they became a definite part of his following and - took part in the rest of this year's campaign, as seems most - probable, they would help to fill the gaps in Humphrey's - ranks caused later by casualties before Harfleur, which must - have been severe, and by the garrison left to hold that - town. Perhaps with these deductions they might have - increased his force by some thousand men or more, which - would compel us to conclude that before the siege of - Cherbourg Humphrey had at his disposal some 2000 men. This - is confirmed by taking a list of men serving under the Duke - in the CA'tentin. It is compiled from the statements of the - chroniclers and from the official records which give the - names of those who acted for Gloucester in the matter of - signing terms with the various towns. The retinues are taken - from the muster-roll of Henry's army printed in the Appendix - to the _Gesta_ (pp. 265-272). The list, of course, cannot be - taken as exhaustive, as many who are not mentioned may have - taken part in the campaign. - - Lances. Archers. - - Gloucester's own retinue captained by--Reginald Cobham, 45 - 114 William Beauchamp, 45 152 The Earl of March, 93 302 The - Earl of Suffolk, 31 90 Lord Grey of Codnor, 51 174 Sir - Walter Hungerford, 91 276 John, Lord Clifford, 50 150 Sir - Gerard Ufflete, 20 67 John de Robsart, 1 3 - - Total:--427 Lances and 1328 Archers. - - This list includes the names of captains who appear before - Cherbourg as well as earlier in the campaign. Charles de - Beaumont, Marshal of Navarre, was also with Gloucester, and - probably had a contingent under his command. The total number - of 1755 men approximates to our 2000 estimate, whilst at the - same time allowance can be made for possible contingents - which, though in the field, are not mentioned. _Chron. - Norm._, 230, tells us that at the beginning of the campaign - Talbot was sent into the CA'tentin with 500 or 600 men, and - Gloucester went to open up the road to Rouen. This may be a - mere mistake of names, and so Humphrey may have only had a - small force, little in excess of his own retinue, when he - started out on his expedition, though this is not likely, if - the men who served under him brought their whole contingents. - - [272] Elmham, _Vita_, 154, 155; Livius, 54. - - [273] Elmham, _Vita_, 155-158; Livius, 54. - - [274] Rymer, iv. iii. 64; _Cal. of Norm. Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. - 746. - - [275] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426. - - [276] Elmham, _Vita_, 159; Livius, 55. - - [277] Elmham, _Vita_, 160, 161, 162; Livius, 55, 56. - - [278] Holkham MS., p. 17. - - [279] List of captains printed in Appendix to _Gesta_, 276. - - [280] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 329; John Page, 6; Elmham, - _Vita_, 179; _Gesta_, 123. - - [281] Des Ursins, 539, 545. - - [282] _Ibid._, 540-542. - - [283] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 222. - - [284] _Chronique de Normandie_, 230, says that Gloucester arrived on - St. Catharine's Day (November 25), but his men were 'arrayed' - at Rouen on November 6; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. - I. 718. Cf. Livius, 64. - - [285] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746. - - [286] _Paston Letters_, 10; _Gesta_, 123, 124; Elmham, _Vita_, 180, - 181; Livius, 61 John Page, 6-8; _Chronique de Normandie_, - 238; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 185, 185vo. - - [287] Elmham, _Vita_, 191; Livius, 64. _Chronique de Normandie_, - 241, says that Gloucester brought with him some three - thousand men. - - [288] John Page, 11; Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 8vo; - Harleian MS., 2256, f. 186. - - [289] John Page, 16. - - [290] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 224, 225. - - [291] Elmham, _Vita_, 182; Livius, 62. - - [292] Waurin, ii. 247; St. RA(C)my, 431. - - [293] Waurin, ii. 249. - - [294] John Page, 20; Waurin, ii. 253; Elmham, _Vita_, 192; St. RA(C)my, - 432. St. RA(C)my says that Henry fired on these people, and both - he and Waurin say that they were ultimately taken back into - the town. - - [295] John Page, 16. - - [296] John Page, 18. - - [297] Waurin, ii. 257; St RA(C)my. 433. - - [298] John Page, 21. - - [299] John Page, 33. - - [300] Waurin, ii. 261. - - [301] Elmham, _Vita_, 199. - - [302] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 189. - - [303] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746. - - [304] Waurin, ii. 262. Livius, 68, says 300,000 crowns, which is - equal to 150,000 English nobles. - - [305] Des Ursins, 545. - - [306] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Elmham, _Vita_, - 205, 206. - - [307] Monstrelet, 450. - - [308] Elmham, _Vita_, 191. - - [309] Waurin, ii. 252. - - [310] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 739. - - [311] Rymer, iv. III. 130; Elmham, _Vita_, 209, 210. - - [312] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 762; Rymer, IV. iii. - 102-104. - - [313] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 610. - - [314] Rymer, IV, iii. 102. William Beauchamp was the leader of a - company in Gloucester's retinue. Stokes was much employed by - the King in negotiations at this time, and is possibly the - John Stoke who in 1440 became Abbot of St. Albans. - - [315] Rymer, IV. iii. 112. - - [316] There is considerable uncertainty as to when Gloucester went - to besiege Ivry. Elmham (_Vita_, 210) says that Gloucester - was sent from Vernon, but at this time Elmham was absent with - Warwick (Vita, 215), and so may well have made a mistake. The - _Chronique de Normandie_, 244, says that the siege was begun - by Gloucester in March, on the Friday after the Feast of our - Lady (March 25), and lasted forty days. Ivry surrendered on - May 10, therefore this would mean that Gloucester began the - siege on April 1, marching thither from Evreux, where the - King was on that day. It is inconceivable that Gloucester - would go to Vernon and then back to Ivry, which would be to - make two sides of a triangle. See also Livius, 32, who puts - the expedition immediately after the fall of Rouen. The fact - that Gloucester promised to observe the treaty signed at - Vernon April 7, does not prove that he was there. Clarence - did the same, and he had gone to Mantes long before. - - [317] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 314. - - [318] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii. - 52. In Rymer, though the document expressly says May 10, - 1419, it is put under May 5, 1418; Elmham, _Vita_, 211; - Livius, 72; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 776; - Carte, i. 303. - - [319] The _Chronique de Normandie_, 244, says that after taking Ivry - Gloucester overran the county of Chartres with a large force. - No other authority mentions this, and it seems unlikely that - Gloucester would have taken the offensive in Chartres, in - view of the truce which he had sworn to observe. The truce - excluded the Duchy of Normandy, so that his operations before - Ivry did not infringe it. See Rymer, IV. iii. 102-104. - Holinshed, iii. 107, follows the _Chronique de Normandie_. - - [320] See Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII._, vol. i. pp. 296, - 297. - - [321] Elmham, _Vita_, 219. - - [322] Waurin, ii. 268, 269; Elmham, _Vita_, 222. Elmham takes a long - time to describe in his usual florid style the maiden modesty - with which Catherine received Henry's kiss. - - [323] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 783; Rymer, IV. iii. - 119. - - [324] Elmham, _Vita_, 219-226; _Chronique de Normandie_, 246; - Waurin, ii. 268-270; Monstrelet, 453, 454. - - [325] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 789. - - [326] Waurin, ii. 276; Elmham, _Vita_, 227-231; St. RA(C)my, 438. - - [327] He was still at Mantes on August 5, when he wrote to tell the - Londoners of the capture of Pontoise. Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, p. - 227, No. CCCLIII. - - [328] Elmham, _Vita_, 231, 232. - - [329] Elmham, _Vita_, 232-234; Waurin, ii. 276, 277. - - [330] _Chronique de Normandie_, 248, says November 6; Elmham, - _Vita_, 239, says October 29; _Gesta_, 132, October 30. Cf. - Livius, 79. - - [331] _Chronique de Normandie_, 248. _Gesta_, 132, puts this - expedition before the siege of Meulan; Elmham, _Vita_, 239, - puts it during the progress of the siege of Meulan; Livius, - 79, puts it immediately after the Conference of Meulan; Stow, - 359, follows Livius. - - [332] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 331; Otterbourne, 283. - - [333] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 331; Carte, i. 527; - Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 331. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE EVOLUTION OF GLOUCESTER'S POLICY - - -After landing in England Gloucester had not long to wait before he took -up his new duties. On December 30, 1419, his commission to be 'guardian -and lieutenant of England' in the place of Bedford, who was about to go -to France, was sealed at Westminster, and his powers in this office were -defined. He was to preside at the meetings of Parliament and Council, -and to summon the lords and the commonalty of the kingdom for -consultation. The executive power was put into his hands, and he was -empowered to do all things necessary for the welfare of the country, -with the assent of Parliament and the Council; whilst he was also to -exercise the royal prerogative in ecclesiastical matters, giving -licences to elect to vacancies, and his assent or veto to these -elections when made. The commission concluded with emphatic instructions -that the Regent 'shall carry out all matters of governance with the -assent of and after deliberation by the Council, and not -otherwise.'[334] Meanwhile, Bedford was in England, and he did not leave -for France until the spring,[335] but the control of affairs was in the -hands of his brother. This was the first time that Gloucester had been -brought into official contact with English politics, though he had been -a member of the Council and of Parliament since his elevation to the -peerage in 1414. The country was in that state of peace which so often -precedes a violent storm. Of internal strife there had been none since -Sir John Oldcastle had been captured and executed in December 1417,[336] -and the threatening of revolution which had preceded Henry's first -expedition to France had passed away. On the other hand, the war was -beginning to outlive its popularity. The steady successes of Henry had -none of the glamour of such a victory as Agincourt, which alone could -kindle the enthusiasm of the people at home. There were signs that the -soldiers themselves were tiring of the successive sieges,[337] while in -England men did not grasp with what determination the military genius -and the patient diplomacy of Henry were working up to the approaching -culmination of the Treaty of Troyes. Moreover, the French prisoners in -England, for whom Gloucester now became responsible, had been showing -signs of restlessness, and Orleans for one had been discovered in -intrigue with the Scotch.[338] - -1419] RISE OF MIDDLE CLASSES IN ENGLAND - -The most notable aspect of England, however, when Gloucester took up the -reins of government in 1419, was the development of the power of the -great middle class. The dangers which Henry IV. had had to meet amongst -the rebellious nobility had driven him to rely on the class which would -give him the support he needed, and this increased the importance of the -trader and the townsman, whose influence was still further expanded by -the absence of almost the whole nobility and a large proportion of the -ecclesiastical hierarchy in France. The constitutional aspect of -Parliament was becoming more than a name in the days of Gloucester's -first regency, and public opinion was beginning to mirror the interests -of the money-making portion of the community. Ever since the days of the -Black Death this change had been slowly moving to its completion, and -the success of the archers in the French wars announced the fact that -the old fixed state of society had come to an end. Now for the first -time appeared the ambition of men of one class to raise themselves to -the level of the next; now for the first time poverty and incompetence -became a disgrace. These all were the outward signs of a great -industrial revolution. Till the middle of the fourteenth century England -had been a mere producer of raw material; now she was on the high-road -to take a definite place as the manufacturer of finished goods in all -the chief markets of Europe. A striking instance of this change is to be -found in the way the export of wool dropped, whilst its production -increased, for the manufacture of broadcloth was no longer confined to -the foreign buyers of English wool. This increased production entailed a -corresponding increase in the number of traders and carriers of English -produce, and it is at this time that such companies as the Merchant -Adventurers rose to great power. This change from the production of raw -material to the manufacture of the finished article not only gave a new -power to the middle classes, but it had its influence also in bringing -the English town into greater prominence. 'MediA|val economy, with its -constant regard to the relations of persons, was giving place to the -modern economy, which treats the exchange of things as fundamental,' and -this resulted in increased power to those corporate bodies which were -favoured by this change. New and substantial town-halls were being built -in all parts of England, and the towns themselves were becoming an -important factor in English life. The days when a group of nobles -enjoyed the whole political influence of the community were at an end, -and a foreign observer could declare that the nation 'consists of -churchmen, nobles, and craftsmen, as well as common people.'[339] -Moreover, it now came first to be realised that England could have a -commercial interest in foreign politics, as well as a purely dynastic -one.[340] English merchants now began to have a direct influence on the -policy of the crown, and they could make it felt through the immense -sums which the Government was compelled to borrow from them.[341] - -1420] GLOUCESTER REGENT IN ENGLAND - -This then was the state of society which Gloucester found when the -government was committed to his care, and he was not slow to realise -this change. Some years later a Carthusian monk, when consulted by the -Duke of Buckingham on the probability of his succession, declared that -his only hope of aggrandisement was 'to obtain the love of the community -of England';[342] and this was a truth understood earlier by the Duke of -Gloucester. We do not know by what means it was done, but Humphrey soon -became the darling of the middle classes, and by the time that Henry V. -died he had won the enthusiastic support of the London citizens. It will -be seen, therefore, that it was to the growing powers in England that he -appealed for sympathy and encouragement, to those who were gradually -working out the progress of England towards freedom from aristocratic -control, to those who were content to ignore the quarrel of prince with -prince and noble with noble, whilst they quietly based the future -strength of the kingdom on a wealth born of trade and private exertions. -It was in the towns that Humphrey found his friends; in the towns where -the middle classes were gaining the predominance, and not in the country -where the nobility still reigned supreme, and where the science and -prosperity of agriculture remained stationary throughout the fifteenth -and sixteenth centuries. The citizen class never failed him. They did -not look to the upstart house which had forgotten its origin in the new -title of Duke of Suffolk, but throughout his life they supported their -'Good Duke,' and genuinely mourned his death. What is called -statesmanship in others is dismissed as 'pandering to the populace' in -Humphrey by those who cannot allow any good to reside in an unsuccessful -politician, but it seems a more just estimate of this side of -Gloucester's policy to acknowledge the foresight and wisdom of one who -abandoned the effete nobles, and looked for support to those who were -soon to prove themselves a power that must be taken into consideration. -This citizen support cannot have been welcome to the other members of -the governing class, and it is probably due to it that so much -opposition was shown to Gloucester in the early days of the reign of -Henry VI. In the outward events of the regency there are few signs of -the policy which Humphrey pursued, but we shall see its fruits as the -story of his life proceeds. It must have been at this time, however, -that his line of action was initiated. - -The days of Gloucester's first regency were even more peaceful and -uneventful than those of Bedford's, and he found that his duties did not -exceed the ordinary official business of the kingdom, and the -representation of the King at ceremonial functions. Thus by right of his -position of Regent we find him presiding at a Chapter of the Order of -the Garter which was very sparsely attended owing to the large number of -knights who were serving abroad. Even Bedford, who had not yet left -England, was absent, being fully occupied with his preparations for -departure.[343] - -During his regency Humphrey was brought into contact with the young King -of Scotland, then a prisoner in England. According to a French -chronicler it was during the year 1420 that James, the son of David of -Scotland, who during his father's lifetime had been given a safe-conduct -by Henry V. to go to Jerusalem, came to England, and was there most -graciously received by Gloucester. In the meantime his father died, and -the Regent took immediate steps to acquaint his royal brother with the -fact of James's presence in England. Henry promptly ordered him to be -detained and sent under escort to the English army before Melun.[344] In -the whole story there is only one grain of truth. James had been a -captive in England ever since 1406, and his father, Robert (not David), -had died on hearing the news of his detention. However, it is true that -the unfortunate Scotch king was sent to the siege of Melun, leaving -England in July, and for this doubtless Gloucester made the -arrangements.[345] All that the story can tell us is that it points to a -probable friendship between James and Humphrey who had been boys -together at the court of Henry IV.[346] - -Meanwhile English history was being made in France. The balance of -parties had been changed. Before Gloucester had crossed the Channel the -whole world had been shocked by the cold-blooded and treacherous murder -of the Duke of Burgundy at the bridge of Montereau.[347] Nothing could -have been more impolitic from the Armagnac point of view, for revenge -was far sweeter than patriotism to the Frenchmen of the fifteenth -century, and the King and Queen of France with that most marketable -commodity, their daughter Catherine, were under the influence of Philip, -the new Duke of Burgundy. What was more natural than that the -negotiations of Meulan should be resumed and brought to a successful -issue? Neither the Queen nor St. Pol, the governor of Paris, even waited -for the prompting of Philip, but sent envoys to Henry without delay, -and by December 25 a treaty was made between the Kings of England and of -France.[348] This treaty formed the basis of the more famous one signed -on May 21 by both contracting parties at Troyes. Henry was to marry -Catherine and to succeed to the French throne, meanwhile acting as -regent for the demented Charles VI. Each country was to preserve its own -laws and customs, and Henry, Charles, and Burgundy all promised not to -undertake any independent negotiations with the Dauphin.[349] The -English chroniclers, oblivious of the fact that Gloucester was Regent of -England, state that he was present at these negotiations,[350] but this -is entirely disproved by a letter written to him by Henry on the day -after the treaty was signed. Gloucester and the Council were herein -informed of the culmination of Henry's ambitions, and commanded to -proclaim the peace and the King's betrothal in England. He further -instructed them to destroy his seals, and to strike new ones bearing the -inscription 'Henry by the grace of God Kyng of England, Heire and Regent -of the Rowne of France, and Lord of Ireland.'[351] On June 14 Gloucester -signed the warrant for the proclamation of the good news, and the same -day a solemn procession was made in honour of the marriage of the King, -during which the proclamation was read at St. Paul's Cross.[352] - -1420] TREATY OF TROYES - -The Treaty of Troyes was the high-water mark of English success in -France, and it seemed to crystallise the unhappy principles with which -Gloucester had been impressed during the early years of his active life. -The only statesmanship that his royal brother could teach him was the -mistaken ideal of a self-righteous war. Unfortunately the mobile and -impressionable character of Humphrey was only too prone to receive the -imprint of this policy. Henceforth he stood by the clauses of the Treaty -of Troyes with a constancy worthy of a better cause, and in this -particular his line of action was definitely marked out. Though a man of -intellect and perception in theoretical matters, he was not endowed with -sufficient powers of statesmanship to see the disastrous consequences of -a war policy; quick to grasp the details of a scheme, he failed to -discern its wider significance, and so his policy was tainted by the -false brilliancy of his brother's successes. Had he been less -impressionable and more cool-headed, he would have been able to grasp -the essentials, and would not have been blinded by successes which could -only be transitory. In all cases Humphrey's policy was to be formed by -his emotions, hard facts had no influence upon him, and at this very -time he failed to understand the warning which came from the first -Parliament over which he presided, and which he opened on December 2. -Two days later all the formalities had been performed, and Roger Hunt -had been chosen Speaker and accepted by the Regent.[353] - -1421] RETURN OF HENRY V. TO ENGLAND - -It was not long before it became amply evident that there was -considerable discontent at the King's prolonged absence. It was now more -than three years since he had visited England, and the country was -beginning to feel that foreign ambitions were absorbing too much of -their ruler's attention. The Parliaments of 1417 and 1419, which had -been called by Bedford, had been marked by no act of constitutional -importance. In one Oldcastle had been condemned to death;[354] in both, -money was granted.[355] In 1420, however, the aspect of affairs was -changed. In the first place no money was asked for, as it was well -understood that it would not be granted, for men were beginning to -grumble at its scarcity.[356] One of the first acts of this Parliament -was to petition Gloucester to use all his influence to induce the King -and his Queen to return home as soon as possible, to which request the -Regent assented readily.[357] This petition must not be taken as -betraying any mistrust of the conduct of the regency government. It -simply reflects a growing fear that the kingdom of England would become -a mere appanage to the throne of France, and stands as a protest against -the conquest of France being the means of depreciating English prestige. -The constitutional troubles in this Parliament show a mistrust of -Henry's intentions, but convey no censure on the administration. It was -in this spirit therefore that it was enacted that though the Regent's -commission was to terminate on the return of the King, Parliament was -not to be considered to be dissolved by that event; that the statute of -Edward III. securing English liberties in case the English King required -a new title was revived; and that provision was made that petitions -should not be engrossed until they had been sent to the King for his -assent.[358] Thus the session closed amidst constitutional fears, which -for this time at least Gloucester had had no hand in creating. - -England had not long to wait for the return of her King, who was anxious -to introduce his newly wedded wife to her English subjects. The petition -of Parliament was therefore quickly answered, and on Candlemas Day 1421 -the royal couple landed at Dover, where the Barons of the Cinque Ports -were ready to welcome them. Humphrey was presumably too busy to be -present at this greeting, but he probably took part in the reception -which London accorded the King on February 14,[359] and in the high -festival and gorgeous processions with which a week later the Queen -entered the capital. It was a more subdued welcome that Henry now -received than that which marked his triumphal return from Agincourt, but -every token of respect and affection was offered to the Queen.[360] On -Sunday, February 23, Catherine was crowned at Westminster, and -immediately afterwards she presided at a banquet held in the 'greet -halle.' In spite of the Lenten season and the almost total absence of -meat, a splendid feast was spread, and the menu with its various -'soteltes' has been preserved for us.[361] In the absence of the King, -whom etiquette forbade to appear, the Queen presided, with the -Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Winchester on her right, the -King of Scotland, the Duchess of York, and the Countess of Huntingdon on -her left. The Earl Marshal and the Earl of March knelt on either side of -the Queen, each holding a sceptre, while the Countess of Kent and the -Countess Marshal sat at the feet of the Queen 'under the table.' Bedford -was present as Constable of England, Warwick officiated as Steward in -the absence of Clarence, and the Earl of Worcester in the capacity of -Earl Marshal--Mowbray being otherwise engaged--rode up and down the hall -to keep order. Carver, cupbearer, and butler each performed his -appointed duties, and bareheaded before the Queen stood Gloucester as -'supervisour'[362] of the feast by right of his office of Great -Chamberlain. It was in the organisation of pageants such as this that -Gloucester was most efficient. All his tastes for ancient learning and -his love of display, in which he proved himself a true child of the -Renaissance, were given full scope. At any rate, his arrangements so -impressed the chroniclers, that they all describe this pageant in -unusually elaborate detail.[363] - -[Illustration: CUP BEARING THE ARMS OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER AND HIS - WIFE ELEANOR.] - -Soon after the coronation Henry and his bride went off on a royal -progress through the country, the ostensible reason being a series of -pilgrimages to various shrines, the real one a hope of restoring the -confidence of the country in their King, and to encourage fresh -sacrifices of men and money for a new campaign.[364] The necessity for -renewed effort became still more apparent when, on leaving the shrine of -St. John of Beverley, news reached them that Clarence had been defeated -and slain at BeaugA(C) in March.[365] Having celebrated the Feast of St. -George somewhat later than the appointed day,[366] Henry opened a -Parliament on May 2,[367] and immediately began to prepare for another -expedition to France. Gloucester, of whom we have heard nothing since -the coronation feast, also began to make his preparations for war, but -before he left England an event happened which was to have considerable -influence on the course of his life during the next few years, and to -mould his policy in the near future. - - * * * * * - -1421] JACQUELINE OF HAINAULT - -It was fated that England should be interested in the affairs of -Hainault and Holland for some time to come, and the whole history of -this interest is bound up with the story of Gloucester's infatuation for -Jacqueline, Countess of Holland, Zealand, and Hainault. This lady was -daughter and heiress of that Count William who visited England whilst -the Emperor Sigismund was in the country.[368] She had lost her father -and her first husband John, Dauphin of France, within a few weeks of -each other during the spring of the year 1417. With no natural -protector, she had been left to face the factions of Hooks and Cods in -her patrimony, and between them there was bitter strife; the former -being the supporters of her late father, and the latter his bitter -opponents.[369] But in the politics of these states of the Low Countries -there was a still more potent factor than the internal divisions of -party feuds. John, Duke of Burgundy, devoted his life to consolidating -his territorial power, as well as in advancing claims to political -ascendency in France, and in furtherance of the former ambitions he -desired to add the inheritance of Jacqueline to his already extensive -possessions. Not only would this acquisition strengthen his hands by -increasing his territory, but it would also increase his line of -seacoast in Zealand and Holland, and serve to join up his southern and -northern possessions. Thus he would be able to show a stronger front to -the Emperor, who regarded the increased power of his nominal vassal on -the confines of the empire as a threatening danger. - -With the direct object of attaining this end, John the Fearless set -himself to arrange a marriage between Jacqueline and her neighbour the -Duke of Brabant, hoping thereby to bring about a childless match and the -acquisition to himself of the coveted territory, which, in the absence -of children, he would inherit. In this project he was supported by the -Princess's mother, Margaret, Dowager-Countess of Hainault, who was his -sister.[370] John of Brabant was a despicable weakling, much older than -his proposed bride, and possessing qualities which would make the life -of a young and spirited woman wholly unbearable. However, considerations -of policy induced her relatives to force Jacqueline into this -undesirable alliance, with the result which might have been expected. -John fell entirely into the hands of his BrabanASec.on followers, who -induced him to add insult to the neglect with which he treated his -young wife, and the culminating-point was reached when in Jacqueline's -absence he arranged for the disposal of her territory for a term of -years to John of Bavaria.[371] - -Among her few faithful followers the unhappy Countess found one whom the -chronicler names 'Robessart lord of Escaillon,' who, though a Hainaulter -by origin, was English in sympathies.[372] Doubtless he was one of that -family of Robsarts of which more than one served in the French -wars.[373] It was the Lord of Escallion who befriended Jacqueline when -she fled from the insults of her husband to Valenciennes, and it was to -him that she confided her intention to turn to England for help. He -received the news with joy, and encouraged the idea, painting this land, -which was unknown to his liege lady, in the brightest colours, not -forgetting to lay emphasis on those brothers of Henry V., who were yet -unmarried. At the same time he undertook to arrange her escape thither, -so that she might safely reach Calais before any one knew of her -intentions, and together they matured their plans.[374] - -1421] JACQUELINE ARRIVES IN ENGLAND - -In thus determining to throw herself on the mercy of Henry, Jacqueline -was appealing to a relationship which dated back to Philippa, the wife -of Edward III., and it is a sign that she had definitely determined to -break with the husband whom she had never wanted to marry, and that she -was in earnest in those preparations which she had already made for a -divorce. If she had hopes of a third husband from amongst the brothers -of Henry V., we must suppose that her past experiences had not taught -her wisdom, and it is probably with a knowledge of subsequent events -that one chronicler asserts an agreement of marriage with Humphrey -before ever she left Valenciennes,[375] though the idea of an English -alliance of this kind was quite natural, when we remember that Bedford -had been a candidate for her hand in 1418.[376] Be this as it may, -Jacqueline and her friend Escallion made their preparations for flight -to Calais. Already on March 1, 1421, Henry had granted a passport to -herself and her mother to visit her territories in Ponthieu, and this -carried with it the right to enter Calais.[377] It was therefore -probably in April that she told her mother at Valenciennes that she -would leave her for a few days while she paid a visit to Bouchain. She -had left the town but a short distance on this proposed journey when -Escallion met her with a company of sixty men, and took her under his -protection. Together they made for Calais, where they arrived at the end -of the second day after leaving Valenciennes, and were courteously -received as though their arrival had been expected. From Calais -Jacqueline sent messengers to Henry to ask permission to land on the -shores of England, and meanwhile spent the interval which must elapse -before an answer could be received in quiet repose, mounting the -bastions daily, and gazing across to the white cliffs of Dover, dreaming -of the land and of the men of whom she had heard such glowing accounts, -and welcoming every sail that appeared on the horizon as the bearer of -the desired permission to put the truth of these stories to the test. At -length a warm welcome was brought from King Henry, and with bright hopes -the princess crossed the Channel, to be met at Dover by one of those -unmarried brothers of the English King of whom she had been told.[378] -For it fell to the lot of Humphrey, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, to -meet this distinguished visitor, just as some five years before he had -met the Emperor Sigismund. It was a meeting fraught with great -consequences for both parties concerned. Little did the light-hearted -Humphrey think, when he placed his charge on her palfrey, and escorted -her to London, that he had met a woman who would deeply affect his -destinies, and earn him the reputation of putting his private ambitions -before the public weal. - -Henry emphasised his hearty invitation to Jacqueline by the marked -graciousness of his reception of her; and though he was on the eve of -departure to France, he promised to help her, and made arrangements, -completed on July 10, that AL100 a month should be allotted to the -Countess so long as she remained in England.[379] To Henry belongs the -responsibility of bringing her over, and we cannot doubt that he saw the -political significance of his action. He knew the state of affairs in -the Low Countries, and he looked on the discontented Countess as a -valuable asset in his schemes of French conquest; through her he might -obtain some hold on his shifty ally Burgundy, who, like his father, -looked to inherit the much-desired districts of Zealand, Holland, and -Hainault. Whether he had hopes of a divorce for Jacqueline so that she -might marry one of his brothers is doubtful--he was too near the end of -his career for us to be able to fathom his intentions with regard to -her; but that he was responsible for her presence in England, and -consequently also partly responsible for the results of this visit, -cannot be denied.[380] As for Humphrey, we have nothing to tell us of -the growth of his plans, or of his first impressions of Jacqueline. It -was probably towards the end of April that he first saw her, and it is -unlikely that he had any time for love-making before his departure for -France. It is therefore improbable that the project which later took -shape in his expedition to Hainault had occurred to him when he left -England, for he had probably never met the lady before, though he had -known her father, and his attention was at this time concentrated on the -French campaign.[381] - -1421] THIRD FRENCH CAMPAIGN - -As Warden, Humphrey had to see that the Barons of the Cinque Ports -provided ships to the number of fifty-seven for the transport of the -army;[382] at the same time he was busy collecting his own contingent. -He entered into indentures with the King for one hundred lances, with -their complement of archers, which would bring the numbers up to about -four hundred men according to the usual computation; but he had not a -full contingent by the time he left England.[383] However, he received -reinforcements from England all through the campaign,[384] and by July -his men were in full force.[385] On May 26 his passport was signed,[386] -and he probably then went down to Dover to supervise the preparations -for embarkation, which were ordered to begin on May 27.[387] Exactly a -fortnight later Henry sailed from Dover, and landed the same day at -Calais,[388] accompanied by Gloucester and the Earls of March and -Warwick, with rather over a thousand men.[389] - -The defeat at BeaugA(C) had not been without its effect both in encouraging -the French and in distressing the English. It had not been easy to raise -men in England, as Gloucester had found, and it was necessary in many -cases to resort to impressment. Accordingly Henry took the precaution of -sending his ships back to England, for fear that deserters from his army -might by their help regain their native land.[390] In Normandy the Earl -of Salisbury had done something to restore the prestige of the English -arms; but round Paris the French were becoming very dangerous, for the -Dauphin was threatening Chartres and an advance on the capital.[391] -Under these conditions Henry abandoned the idea of spending some time in -Picardy, and the whole army marched down the seacoast to Abbeville. Here -the passage of the Somme would have been disputed had it not been for -the good offices of the Duke of Burgundy, who had joined the army at -Montreuil, and induced the citizens of Abbeville to allow the English to -pass.[392] Without any pause Henry pushed on by way of Beauvais to -Gisors, where he left the army under the command of Gloucester, and went -on to Paris to consult with Exeter.[393] Gloucester took the army to -Mantes, where the King rejoined him, and Burgundy, who had left the -English at Abbeville, also came up with reinforcements. Henry had hoped -to bring the Dauphin to fight a pitched battle, but on his way to Mantes -he learned with great regret that the French had raised the siege of -Chartres and had retired into Touraine.[394] With a clear field before -him Henry determined to besiege Dreux, a strong castle near the Norman -border, which had been harassing its neighbours for some time. - -1421] SIEGE OF DREUX - -By this time the army had been considerably reinforced. The lords who -had come over with Henry had contrived to make up their appointed -numbers, Gloucester at all events having his full complement of four -hundred men,[395] and several of the English captains, already in -France, had brought their contingents to the main body.[396] Since the -death of Clarence Gloucester had been practically second in command. -Hitherto his elder brother had taken precedence of him, not only by -reason of his age, but also on account of his greater experience, though -it would seem that in siege operations Gloucester had always been -regarded as the better soldier. At any rate the siege of Dreux was now -committed to his care, though Henry himself was with the army.[397] With -Gloucester the King of Scots was associated in command, but it would -seem that this had a political rather than a military significance; -James had never seen a siege in his life, save as an unwilling spectator -of the fall of Melun, but as a captain in Henry's army he was meant to -exemplify the rapprochement between the English and Scotch, which had -been initiated whilst Henry was at home. The young King's long captivity -was nearing a close; he was to have three months' leave of absence in -Scotland at the end of the campaign, which was to be a preliminary to -his final enlargement. Moreover, on behalf of the Scotch the Earl of -Douglas had agreed to enter the English service with four hundred men in -the ensuing year.[398] - -Though James was nominally joint commander, the burden of the siege -naturally fell on Gloucester, and he invested the town on July 18. The -fortifications were particularly strong, and situated as it was under -the brow of a rocky eminence of considerable height, with an almost -impregnable castle on the summit and a double moat around it, the task -seemed no easy one. Gloucester, however, found a vineyard adjoining the -castle which, though strengthened by a wall and tower, was the weak spot -of the defences. While keeping a close watch around the rest of the -town, he concentrated his attack on this point, and by means of diligent -mining under cover of a heavy cannonade he was able to drive the -defenders out of the vineyard, and so secured a better position from -which to attack the town itself. On August 8 the garrison, being hard -pressed, and despairing of help from the Dauphin, who showed no sign of -leaving his position behind the Loire, agreed to surrender if not -relieved within twelve days. On August 20 the English troops entered the -town.[399] - -Hitherto Henry's military operations had not extended beyond Normandy, -for the siege of Dreux had only been undertaken to safeguard the Duchy. -Now he began to see that it was impossible to secure France by the same -means that he had employed to secure Normandy. Already his forces were -thinned by the necessity of garrisoning the towns that he had taken, and -he could not attempt to garrison the whole of France in this way. On the -other hand, the disastrous results of his grandfather's famous march -through France showed him the danger of any operation far removed from -his base. His one hope was to goad the Dauphin to action. He had hoped -that the siege of Dreux might draw the French to attempt its -relief,[400] and that was one reason why he had confided the attack to -the care of Gloucester, while he himself awaited a relieving force. -These tactics having failed, he determined to seek out the Dauphin, and -compel him to give battle. Only the prestige of a second Agincourt could -make his title of 'Regent of France' anything but a name, or induce -Frenchmen generally to accept him as their future King. It was with joy, -therefore, that he learned towards the end of August that the French -were collecting their forces on the Loire not far from Beaugency, and he -hastened to move from Dreux to meet the enemy. - -We have no evidence to prove that Gloucester took part in this -expedition, for he is not once mentioned by the chroniclers after the -siege of Dreux, though we know that he was still in France in March -1422,[401] and that the operations of the English were confined to the -main body under Henry. In all probability, therefore, Gloucester took -part in the march on Beaugency and shared the King's disappointment on -learning that the French troops had dispersed. For fifteen days the -English waited for a French attack, whilst the Earl of Suffolk tried to -get in touch with the enemy on the south side of the river. The Armagnac -refused to offer battle, for they had not forgotten the method by which -the armies of Edward III. had been driven from France, and Henry had to -rest content with the capture of Beaugency. Further tarrying in this -'unfruitful country' had now become impossible; men and beasts were -dying of starvation; so with a heavy heart Henry turned eastwards. The -suburbs of Orleans were captured, but an attack on the town itself was -deemed impossible, and the army passed on to Villeneuve-le-Roi, which -surrendered on September 22. By October 6 the English had invested the -town of Meaux.[402] - -1421] GLOUCESTER'S RETURN TO ENGLAND - -Throughout this siege, which lasted for five months, we find no mention -of Gloucester, even in the pages of the chronicler Elmham. It is very -improbable that this would have been the case if he had been present at -the siege, for not only was he second in command of the army, but his -prowess in siege operations was such that some important post must have -been assigned to him had he been there. It seems possible that before -the army advanced to Meaux, Gloucester was sent to protect Paris and its -environs. Exeter, its former governor, was now with the army, and -Gloucester may have been deputed to guard the capital, and at the same -time keep up communication between the English army and its Norman -base.[403] This, however, is nothing more than conjecture, for we lose -sight of him entirely till about March, when he crossed over to -England.[404] - -Gloucester's journey to England was undertaken to exchange posts once -more with Bedford. When Henry had sailed from Dover in the previous -year he had left the kingdom in his brother's care, and Catherine, who -was expecting her confinement, had been left behind also. On December 6 -the future King Henry VI. had been born,[405] and the Queen had prepared -to rejoin her husband as soon as her health should permit her to travel. -Bedford was commissioned to accompany her, and so his younger brother -was sent to replace him in England.[406] As early as February 7 -Gloucester's lieutenant at Dover had had instructions to prepare ships -for the voyage,[407] but Bedford and the Queen did not actually sail -till May,[408] and before this Gloucester had taken over the management -of the kingdom. His commission as Regent has not survived, and the -earliest document signed during this regency is dated May 25,[409] but -before this, on St. George's Day (April 23), he had presided at a -Chapter of the Garter as the King's representative, and had supervised -the arrangements made for the fees now allotted to the Garter -King-of-Arms, whose office had been created by Henry to commemorate the -victory of Agincourt.[410] - -This last campaign in France was but an isolated incident in the life of -Duke Humphrey. His future policy was not affected thereby, but his -return to England, and his position of independence in close proximity -to the fascinating Countess of Hainault, was to make its influence felt. -The regency was outwardly quite uneventful, but it left its mark on -Gloucester's life. Henry cannot have foreseen the danger of putting his -brother in the way of temptation, probably he did not regard it as a -temptation, and still more probable is it that he had not the faintest -conception of the hidden elements in Humphrey's character. He had known -him only as an able soldier and a careful administrator under his -direction. The forces which were moulding the Duke's attitude had not -yet all appeared, and so it was with no misgivings for the future that -the King once more appointed his youngest brother his representative in -England. It is, however, probable that during the short four months of -this regency Humphrey began to dream of ambitions over seas in the midst -of pleasant dallyings with Jacqueline. At least Duke and Countess had -every opportunity to become better acquainted, till in August the former -had to postpone his hopes of continental aggrandisement, since his -position and rights at home became the question of the moment, when -England learnt the death of her beloved King. - -1422] DYING WISHES OF HENRY V. - -The last moments of Henry V., and his instructions to those who gathered -round his bedside, are important for their bearing on the arrangements -for the government of the country during the minority of his son. -Considerable doubt has been cast on the details of the arrangements -which Henry decreed from his death-bed, but with no great reason, for -the chroniclers are almost unanimous in their assertions. The Dukes of -Bedford and Exeter with other lords were gathered round the dying King, -who reasserted his right to the crown of France, and urged them to fight -to the end in defence of those righteous claims which were now to pass -to his son, commanding them to keep the Duke of Orleans a prisoner in -England till the future King should be of age. He then described his -wishes for the government of the inheritance. Bedford was to be Regent -of the kingdom of France and the Duchy of Normandy; Gloucester was to be -Regent in England, and no qualification of the latter's power was so -much as suggested. There is less unanimity amongst the chroniclers as to -the personal guardians appointed for the young King, but Exeter, -Warwick, and the Bishop of Winchester were all probably mentioned. With -the prophetic instinct of approaching death Henry besought his hearers -to give no cause of offence to the Duke of Burgundy, and to repeat this -warning to Gloucester.[411] - -Having delivered his last injunctions to those who stood by, Henry's -strength rapidly failed, but after a period of quiet he rose up in -agony, and with the words 'Thou liest, thou liest, my portion is with -Jesus Christ,' the pride of England and the scourge of France passed -away to a Tribunal where men's actions are judged by their motives and -not by the professions of their mouth. It seemed, so says the -chronicler, as though in his last moments he fought with evil -spirits;[412] certainly for many years to come England's portion was to -be with the evil spirits of faction and disaster, spirits which might -have been powerless to do harm, had Henry V. adopted the course of true -patriotism, and not 'busied restless minds with foreign quarrels.' - -A fresh page of history begins with the death of Henry V., and new -personalities appear in the forefront of politics. The character of the -young King Henry VI. is a negligible quantity, for he was only nine -months old: 'Vae cujus terrA| rex puer est,' quotes Walsingham,[413] and -indeed it was mainly the youth of the King which gave such a character -to his reign, as to fully justify Hall's description thereof; it was in -very truth to be 'the troubleous season of Kyng Henry the Sixt.'[414] -Three men stand out as the chief actors in the first period of the -reign--the two next heirs to the throne, Bedford and Gloucester, and the -Bishop of Winchester, head of the semi-legitimatised family of Beaufort. - -1422] BEAUFORT AND BEDFORD - -Of this Henry Beaufort, who was henceforth to play an important part in -the story of Humphrey's life, we must take some notice, for he has not -hitherto come across our path. As the legitimatised son of a royal -prince, his birth had taught him to push himself forward. A man of great -ability, he soon made himself a power that must be reckoned with, and as -Chancellor he had influenced the policy of the kingdom as early as 1404. -Till now he had had no commanding position such as the minority of Henry -VI. promised him; the field of his ambitions was now enlarged, and if we -cannot say that he was 'one of the pillars of the house of -Lancaster,'[415] his importance must not be minimised. As a man he was -unscrupulous, imperious, and impatient of control; as an ecclesiastic, -he was more ostentatious than clerical. Even as Baldassare Cossa had -exchanged the life of an Italian condottiere for the papal chair, so was -Beaufort ever ready for an excuse to exchange the mitre for the helmet. -The future was to find him the belated exponent of a wise foreign -policy, and money-lender in chief to the dynasty; but we cannot fail to -see in him much of that factious spirit which produced the Wars of the -Roses. Such a man, of royal blood yet outside the succession, was no -reassuring element for those who weighed the chances of a successful -reign for Henry VI. Of quite another stamp was John, Duke of Bedford. -Far above all his contemporaries did he stand out in greatness of -character and statesmanship. He had none of the charm and personal -magnetism which gilded the career of his royal brother in the eyes of -contemporaries, but he had all the more solid qualities which stand for -greatness without glamour. A wise and careful, if not brilliant, general -he was to show himself; a level-headed administrator he had already -proved to be during the long absences of Henry V. His death was to -remove the only obstacle to French victory, and the only element of -strength which the House of Lancaster possessed. With a strong affinity -to Henry V. in some qualities, he despised that politic self-deception -which enabled the latter to pose as the apostle of reform, and it cannot -be doubted that he alone of all men might possibly have saved England -from the disasters which threatened her internal peace. - -His brother Humphrey, on the contrary, was in no way cut out to guide -the destinies of a nation in a 'troubleous season.' Versatile and -brilliant, endowed with the more taking but superficial qualities of his -brother Henry, he had shown himself an able soldier, an efficient -regent, but he had had no real training in statesmanship, and possessed -no natural aptitude in this direction. Above all, he had not sufficient -strength of character to meet opposition with a determination which -could not be gainsaid; unlike Bedford, he could not assume a judicial -attitude, but by his assertions of power only irritated, where he should -have soothed, the conflicting ambitions which took the place of -statesmanship in the days of Henry VI. No personal force, no -determination, he became a party man, when he should have dominated all -parties, merely an item among discordant factions. As yet these failings -of character which rendered such great abilities useless were not -clearly apparent, indeed Henry V., above all things a judge of good -instruments for his work, had chosen him to govern England. All through -the late King had felt a growing confidence in his youngest brother; to -say that he trusted Bedford thoroughly, but Gloucester only so far as it -was necessary,[416] is an unfair summary of his reign. Again and again -did Henry trust Humphrey with important work, not once do we find that -the trust was misplaced, whether at the siege of Cherbourg, or during -his two short regencies in England. No signs of that factious spirit -which party politics produced in him were as yet apparent, and a -comparison between his and Bedford's past records at this period shows -no balance one way or another. If Henry was indeed the statesman he is -said to have been, he must have known that the government of England -was a more important post both for ruled and ruler, than the already -shaky government of France, and yet he confided the chief task to -Humphrey. Evidence as to his distrust of Gloucester is found in his -warning to him not to alienate Burgundy, but the warning was given to -all who were present, and they were commissioned to hand it on to the -only man not present who had a large stake in the kingdom. Henry did not -distrust his youngest brother, and perhaps some indication of his -increasing regard for him may be found in the fact that, whereas in his -first will he left him a mere trifle,[417] by his second will he -bequeathed to him the considerable legacy of all the royal castles in -the south of England.[418] - -1422] BEAUFORT'S PAST RECORD - -The history of Humphrey's future career has one central theme running -through every aspect of his public life--the rivalry with Henry -Beaufort, a man whom Henry had no reason to trust in the way he trusted -his brother. On the eve of starting for France in 1417, after all -arrangements had been made, we find the sudden resignation of the -Chancellorship by the Bishop of Winchester[419] under circumstances -which point to royal compulsion; on the very day of resignation a full -pardon for all offences whatsoever was granted to him, a grant which -suggests offences which it was unwise to make public in the interests of -the dynasty.[420] When about to embark on the history of the famous -quarrel of Gloucester and Beaufort, let us remember that the former had -been trusted by Henry V., and that the latter had not. - -Thus the personality that had dominated English history for the last -nine years had passed away, and the field was thrown open to other -leaders. To Gloucester the change was full of significance. On the one -hand, the power which had controlled the Bishop of Winchester was -removed, Beaufort ambitions might now have full play, and would -naturally be directed against such a possible rival as Duke Humphrey. On -the other hand, the man who had leant more than he knew on the strength -of his oldest brother was left to face life without this support. -Henceforth Humphrey must stand alone, and very rapidly the weaknesses of -his character begin to show themselves. Hitherto we have seen little -more than a machine carrying out its work under strict guidance, -henceforth we can discover the real man, and the inward workings of his -mind. His volatile nature, his incapacity at a period of crisis, his -inability to prosecute any venture to its legitimate end now begin to -appear. Hitherto we have had to explain his actions by reference to the -future, henceforth his true characteristics are manifest. His character -does not alter under changed circumstances, only its weakness, hitherto -concealed, is now revealed. Under the compulsion of independent action -we shall find him displayed in his true colours, a man guided by his -passions and yet hindered by a growing lassitude, a man with good -intentions but no stability, a man who lives for the moment and cannot -see into the future. Under the most favourable circumstances he might -possibly have escaped failure, but the Fates were against him. Already -Jacqueline had come to mould his policy in one false direction, already -he had imbibed false ideas as to the ethics of the war with France, now -he was about to meet with that opposition which was to reduce him to the -ranks of a factious politician. Yet in spite of his failures he was -tenacious of fixed principles, he had a sense of justice and right, and -had he been left to govern England unmolested it is probable that his -love of law and order, which was part of his Lancastrian inheritance, -would have enabled him to leave a far worthier record on the pages of -English history than the historian can now give him. He had all the -negative virtues of weakness, he was open-handed, simple-minded, and -incapable of a deep-laid scheme, but his instability marred all his -efforts. Ambition came to him suddenly at the death of Henry V., and he -had no power to deck out this ambition with strength, and to make men -feel that he had any right to his immense pretensions. - -1422] OPPOSITION TO GLOUCESTER - -The death of Henry V. was not generally known in England till September -10. At that time, as we have seen, Gloucester was Regent, and it would -have seemed natural that he should continue as such until Parliament -could meet to arrange matters. This, however, was not to be the case. -From the very outset of the reign the struggle for supremacy in the -kingdom of the infant boy began. The Bishop of Winchester had behind him -the experience gained under three successive kings, he had held official -positions, and he enjoyed a large and powerful family connection. All -this strength was at once used to prevent Gloucester's influence in the -kingdom being anything but a name. The note of the sad years that were -to follow was thus struck when Beaufort's influence was brought to bear -on the Council, and the Regent was given to understand that the kingdom -was no longer under his control.[421] This early interference shows the -true nature of the struggle which was to circle round the infant King. -There was no reason to distrust Humphrey at this time, so the action of -the Bishop of Winchester was obviously a personal move, dictated by his -private desires to control the policy of the kingdom. He had the -magnates and the Council at his back; it is possible that Humphrey was -already so much the friend of the people and the lower gentry as to -arouse the opposition of the nobility; at any rate everything was done -to show the late Regent that he had no importance, save as the uncle of -the King. On September 28 Bishop Langley resigned the Chancellorship, -and though in deference to his rank as premier peer then in England -Gloucester was allowed to receive the Seal from the Bishop's hands, he -was obliged to do so at Windsor in the presence of the baby Henry, so -that it might be emphasised that the act was his nephew's, not his -own.[422] Also, when the writs were issued for summoning Parliament, -they were sealed 'Teste Rege,' not 'Teste Custode,' as had been the -custom of Bedford and Gloucester when they had been regents for Henry -V.; and the first writ was addressed to Gloucester as first lay lord, -whereas under the regency the Regent had had no writ addressed to -him.[423] - -Thus, though Gloucester's position as chief of the King's subjects then -in England was admitted, he was allowed no further power either by right -of his past regency, or in view of the fact that at his death Henry V. -had left to him the care of the realm. The Council undertook all the -executive work, and though Gloucester was supported by the general -public opinion of the lesser gentry and commonalty, he did not venture -to oppose this abrogation of power. However, when the Council met on -November 6, he registered a protest against the terms in which his -commission for the summons of Parliament was drawn up. He was -commissioned to open, carry on, and dissolve Parliament, 'and to perform -all royal functions therein by assent of the Council.'[424] To this -clause he objected as prejudicial to his position; it was, he urged, a -departure from precedent, for no such limitation had been laid on him -in the commissions under which he had summoned Parliaments during the -reign of Henry V. Under the present arrangement, he argued, the Lords of -the Council could keep Parliament in session for a whole year against -his will, should they wish to do so; and this was a direct denial of his -rights. In turn, each Lord was asked for his judgment, and one by one -they answered that, owing to the youth of the King, they could not take -it upon them to omit the words to which Gloucester objected, as they -regarded them as a safeguard both to Gloucester and themselves.[425] -Against such a decided and unanimous answer Gloucester was powerless, -and was obliged to admit defeat; his position was realised by his -contemporaries, for when speaking of his presidency of Parliament -Walsingham calls him 'prius custos Angliae.'[426] On November 7, the day -after this Council meeting, Henry V. was buried in Westminster Abbey. A -large number of nobles had brought his body to Calais by way of Rouen; -funeral services were said for him at St. Paul's, at Canterbury -Cathedral, and at Westminster, and with great pomp and ceremony he was -carried to his last resting-place, a waxen effigy lying on the coffin -dressed in the full glory of the regalia.[427] - -Before Parliament assembled at Westminster on November 17,[428] it was -quite evident that Gloucester desired to become Protector in accordance -with the wishes of Henry V., and that he hoped for a position -untrammelled by 'assent of the council' or other constitutional -restrictions.[429] He had already received one rebuff, but he still had -an easy confidence either in the rightfulness of his claim, or in his -power to enforce his wishes. He does not seem to have realised the -difficulties that lay in his way, nor to have had more than the faintest -conception of the strength of the opposition to his pretensions: his -incapacity to gauge the trend of events was for the first time made -manifest. Bedford, too, had definitely put forward his claim to the -position, and on October 26 had written a letter to the Mayor and -Aldermen of London, saying that he was informed on reliable authority -that 'by the lawes and ancient usage and custume of the reaume,' the -government of England fell to him as eldest brother of the late King, -and next in succession to Henry VI. He urged them not to prejudice his -claims by an act of theirs, assuring them that he acted from no desire -for 'worldly worship,' but only because he wished in every way to obey -and fulfil the law of the land.[430] This claim to the Protectorate -based on right of birth was quite inadmissible, as was proved later in -Parliament, but it is probable that Bedford was sincere in his -professions of disinterestedness, for he was never jealous of his -brother, and really had at heart the good of the kingdom. Evidently the -letter was aimed rather at the pretensions of Beaufort than at -Gloucester's ambitions, for it was a kindred claim to that of his -brother, and did not preclude the possibility of Humphrey's regency in -his absence. Perhaps also Bedford knew himself to be 'the one strong man -in a blatant land,' and wished to secure some hold on his volatile -brother, a hold which was to prove useful at a later date; at all events -he made his appeal to those who were accounted Gloucester's surest -supporters. - -1422] APPOINTMENT OF THE PROTECTOR - -Such was the state of parties when Gloucester on November 9 opened -Parliament as the King's Commissioner. Beaufort, with the support of the -baronial party, stood for Conciliar government, which meant his own -preponderance in the kingdom; Gloucester, also playing for his own hand, -demanded the Protectorate. Between the two stood Bedford with a policy -which seemed to doubt the wisdom of either party, and a desire for the -good of the kingdom, which others in their haste had totally ignored. -Archbishop Chichele delivered the opening speech of the session, and -outlined its business, which was to provide for the good governance of -the King's person and the safety of the realm, besides certain matters -of form, such as the reappointment of the late King's Chancellor, -Treasurer, and Privy Seal, which were soon accomplished.[431] However, -the important business of the session was not settled till December -5,[432] the interval being probably spent in intrigue and -counter-intrigue, of which no record survives. The struggle was not one -of constitutional questions, though it assumed that appearance. Humphrey -stated his claim simply by appealing to his right as next-of-kin to the -King, and to the dying wishes expressed by Henry V.[433] The period was -one when theory had outgrown practice in the constitution, and so the -Beaufort faction could assume a most moral and upright position when -they urged an examination of precedents. The Lords therefore replied to -Gloucester's claims that they could find among the arrangements made -during previous minorities no justification for his claim of priority of -blood, nor any indication that the King could dispose of the government -after his death, save with the consent of the Estates. With great -ingenuity the Beaufort party had put the Lords on their mettle, and had -induced them to regard Henry's dying commands as an infringement of -their rights. Their victory was complete, and their chance of meddling -in the affairs of the kingdom was assured. The whole thing was a party -move, and cannot be construed as a vote of no confidence in the Duke of -Gloucester. The reply of the Lords was equally hostile to Bedford's -claim, and was inspired by a desire to curb the power of the man who -held the office of Protector, irrespective of who that individual might -be. The personal struggle between Gloucester and Beaufort had not yet -begun, for there are not the slightest signs of any earlier rivalry. The -struggle was one for position, and would have been initiated by Beaufort -whoever had laid claim to the Protectorate. Later, indeed, the personal -element comes to the front, but never once during the whole controversy -did it dominate the political ambitions of either party. - -Beaufort having won the day, Parliament decided that Bedford should be -'Protector et Defensor' of the kingdom and first Councillor of the King -when he was at home; and that when he was not, Gloucester should take -the same position, with the same condition about being in the kingdom. -Both commissions were made out 'during the King's pleasure.'[434] To -this Act Gloucester gave his consent, declaring that he did so without -prejudice to his brother, who was in France.[435] Yet another Act which -made elaborate provisions to prevent the misuse of the Protector's power -was passed. He was given the patronage of the smaller offices, such as -those of foresters and park-keepers, of benefices rated at not more than -thirty marks, and of prebendaries in the royal chapels ordinarily in the -King's gift; but the deaneries in such chapels were not to be in his -presentation. Even in the cases just cited the Protector's power was -limited by the fact that all commissions to these offices had to be -given under the great seal, which was kept by the Chancellor.[436] -Beyond this the Protector had no independent power, in all else he was -controlled by a Council of which all the best-known men of the period -were members, for with Gloucester were associated the Archbishop of -Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Norwich, and Worcester; -the Duke of Exeter, and the Earls of March, Warwick, and Westmoreland; -the Earl Marshal, and the Lords Fitzhugh, Cromwell, Hungerford, Tiptoft, -and Beauchamp.[437] To this Council was given the real control of the -executive; indeed the Protector seems to have had no veto, nor even any -right to be specially consulted, excepting on those matters concerning -which it was customary to consult the King.[438] It was the Council who -had the presentation to the major benefices and the nomination of -sheriffs, justices of the peace, controllers, custom officers and the -like, subject always to the consent of the Protector. The Council also -had the management of wardships, marriages, and ferms.[439] To remove -any possibility of the Protector being able to evade the wishes of the -Council, it was enacted that a quorum of six, or at the least four, was -necessary for the legal transaction of business, and for a matter of -great importance a majority of the whole Council.[440] The Duke of -Exeter was made Guardian to the King, but owing to the tender age of the -child he was left for the time being under the control of his -mother.[441] - -These heavy restrictions must have been extremely galling to Gloucester, -and it is doubtful whether they were wise. Without claiming for him any -high degree of statesmanship, or any real gift for administration, we -must admit that these provisions left him with a smaller share in the -government than he might reasonably have expected. Not only was he -reduced to the position of an ordinary councillor, with a certain -priority which his rank, apart from his office as Protector, would have -given him, but he was provided with a Council in which his influence was -not predominant. The Beaufort influence was in the ascendant there, and -the two chief members of that family, Henry of Winchester and the Duke -of Exeter, both had seats at the Council Board. On paper, therefore, -Beaufort's efforts to restrain the Protector's power were eminently -successful, yet it was prejudicial to his own interests, and disastrous -to the internal peace of the kingdom, to throw down the glove thus -early. Had Gloucester's power been less openly restrained, and had his -opponents been less ready to bind him with Acts of Parliament, he would -not have been compelled to act on the aggressive from the first. The -result of the Beaufort policy was not to reduce the Protectorate to a -mere name, but to convulse the kingdom by giving every encouragement to -Gloucester's factious tendencies. The challenge had been given, and we -cannot blame Gloucester for accepting it. It might perhaps have been -unwise to place full power in the hands of such a volatile man; but a -partially restricted power, which, while giving play to his ambitions, -should yet prevent any disastrous domination of English politics, would -have delayed and modified those factious fights which are so dangerous -during a minority, which were to prove of no advantage to the house of -Beaufort, and which opened the way for a devastating civil war. It was, -in a word, a grave political miscalculation that led Henry Beaufort to -inspire this aggressive policy towards Gloucester, for the Protector was -not friendless. He was supported by a strong feeling in the kingdom, and -the Bishop was yet to learn the weight of hostile London opinion when he -attacked their 'Good Duke.' On the other hand, nothing could be wiser -than the provision that Bedford should be in a position of authority -over his brother. Though it gave little promise of a stable and similar -policy in France and England, yet it gave a certain strength to English -politics, and, for the Beauforts at least, was to prove extremely useful -before long. - -1422] ALLIANCE OF GLOUCESTER AND BEDFORD - -Notwithstanding the rebuff in the matter of the Protectorate, Gloucester -set to work energetically, for though technically his powers were small, -he had a fund of energy which, while it lasted, carried him over great -obstacles; and his personal influence, due to his general popularity and -his near relationship to the throne, stood him in good stead. He busied -himself with putting the 'inward affaires' of the country in order, and -also in making arrangements for the support of Bedford in France.[442] -Matters were complicated there by the death of Charles VI. on October -22, 1422.[443] This meant the loss of an ally who, imbecile though he -was, must command the allegiance of the majority of Frenchmen. The -Dauphin from being the head of a faction had suddenly sprung into the -position of rightful King of France, and Bedford found the difficulty -hard to face. Indeed so hard pressed was Paris, that it sent a special -embassy to England to demand help to resist the advances of the new -King, Charles VII.[444] For the time Gloucester was working in perfect -harmony with Bedford, for he needed his support to strengthen his hands -in England, and it seems probable that it was about this time that what -might be called terms of alliance between the two brothers were drawn -up. There is no evidence that this document was ever signed, but at -least it indicates an inclination of the two brothers to work together. -The treaty begins with some general remarks about the advantages enjoyed -by a state, if its chief men are bound together in bonds of friendship. -The two contracting parties therefore agree that they will be loyal to -the King, and promote his good to the best of their ability; and next -to the King they will be loyal to one another, not assisting each -other's enemies, but rather warning each other against any danger that -threatens them. They agree to turn a deaf ear to mischief-makers, who -would sow distrust between them, and to treat each other with perfect -frankness. Finally, each agrees to enter into no alliance without the -consent of the other.[445] - -This alliance between the two brothers has great significance. It goes -far to prove that Bedford's sympathies were on Gloucester's side during -the Protectorate quarrel, as indeed they well might be, as his interests -were also at stake therein. Still more clearly does it point to the fact -that it was personal ambition, and that alone, which led Beaufort to -take his pseudo-constitutional course. Bedford realised that the -grasping Bishop of Winchester wanted his power to increase in proportion -to his purse, and he wished to prevent this by strengthening the hands -of a man who was now in some ways his representative in England. -Obviously Beaufort had been trying to create bad blood between the two -brothers, as their refusal to listen to tales against one another -proves; but he had failed, and it was not till Humphrey had prejudiced -his case completely by his expedition to Hainault, that Bedford ceased -to support his political ambitions. The struggle, therefore, in spite of -petty restrictions on his power, which Gloucester would feel more than -Bedford, was still not personal. It was a fight for supremacy between -the legitimate and the illegitimate descendants of John of Gaunt. - -1423] GLOUCESTER'S SALARY AND OFFICES - -In the new year Gloucester's salary as Protector was definitely settled. -On February 12 it was decreed by an ordinance of the Privy Council, that -so long as he remained Protector he should receive eight thousand marks -(AL5333, 6s. 8d.) a year, dating from the death of the late King. Four -thousand marks of this was to be drawn from the issues of the Duchy of -Lancaster, and nine hundred marks from possessions in the King's -hands.[446] In the previous December Gloucester had been given a present -of AL300 and the revenues of foresters, park-keepers, and keepers of -warrens which were vacant. These revenues were not given to the Duke in -his private capacity, but were attached to the office of Protector, for -Bedford was to receive them whenever he was in England.[447] On March 3 -the first instalment of Gloucester's salary was paid,[448] and, besides -these financial advantages, he was made Constable of Gloucester Castle -soon after the rebuff of his limited protectorship, and reappointed -Chamberlain of England for life, together with other offices which he -had held under Henry V.[449] Also on April 30, 1423, he was given the -lordship of Guisnes for fourteen years, dating from the Feast of St. -Michael (Michaelmas Day, September 29) next following, and for this -privilege he was to pay nine hundred marks a year to the King, and to -agree to keep a garrison of fifty men-at-arms and fifty archers in the -castle.[450] In May the indentures for this were signed,[451] and at the -same time he was given a tenth of the revenues of 'Fruten, Calkwell, -Galymot, Ostrewyk, Balynton,' and other towns.[452] This accumulation of -offices and revenues suggests that the victory of the Beaufort party -had not proved so complete as at first they had thought. The Protector -was able to secure a strong official position in the kingdom, and to -increase his revenues considerably; possibly his recovering strength was -due to the support he had received from Bedford. From another aspect it -shows a new phase of Gloucester's character. Under the determined -attacks of Beaufort, fresh developments and characteristics appear. -Rapidly the soldier gives place to the intriguing politician, and the -necessity of being prepared for future attacks develops a grasping trait -in the Duke's character. Henceforth every opportunity for increasing his -official importance or adding to his rent-roll is readily seized with a -view to gaining an ever-growing preponderance in the affairs of the -kingdom. Thus opposition brings to the fore all the worst sides of the -'Good Duke's' character, and under its influence his policy is moulded. - -1423] DIVISIONS IN THE COUNCIL - -On the eve of St. George's Day (April 22) Gloucester, exercising the -functions of the sovereign, held the first chapter of the Order of the -Garter at Windsor, and according to the wardrobe account Jacqueline was -the only lady who received robes this year for the celebration of the -Feast of St. George.[453] On October 20 Parliament met at Westminster, -and the session was opened by Gloucester, acting as before on the -authority of a special commission, which empowered him to preside over -its deliberations and dissolve it, subject, of course, to the sanction -of the Council.[454] During a part of the proceedings on November 17 the -young King was present, sitting on his mother's lap, though at an -earlier date he had resisted removal from Staines so energetically, that -he had to be carried back into the house.[455] The session, though it -lasted more than three months, was not eventful, but there were renewed -efforts to curb the power of the Protector; and probably the -introduction of the King was part of this policy, in that it served to -remind Gloucester that he was there only as the representative, not as -the governor, of his little master. A strong protest was lodged against -the practice of individual members of the Council answering petitions on -their own responsibility. It was therefore enacted that neither -Gloucester, nor any other councillor, should grant either Bills of -Right, of Office, or of Benefice in answer to a petition made to him, -but must refer the matter to the rest of the Council.[456] In a new set -of regulations for the Council evidence is also found that matters were -not running smoothly in that body. There were evidently -misunderstandings on the subject of foreign policy, and the various -members were forbidden to go behind the action of the Council, and to -express opinions contrary to the decisions arrived at.[457] All this -helps to prove the strength of the opposition to Gloucester amongst the -magnates of the realm, both in and out of the Council. It seems also to -point to the fact that Beaufort's challenge had had the effect which was -to be expected. Hampered by the restrictions on his power, Gloucester -was too impatient to work against them quietly, and had evidently defied -the Council in any way he could. The not unnatural result was -exasperation on both sides. The second cause of complaint, with its -distinct mention of 'into strange countrees oure soverain Lord shal -write his letters by th' advyse of his Counsail,' may have reference to -Gloucester's Hainault policy, which was rapidly reaching the stage of -war, and of which we shall speak later. - -On the other hand, Gloucester's efforts towards procuring a treaty with -Scotland were the subject of sincere thanks in this Parliament, and the -wording of the note seems to imply that he had taken a very active part -in the negotiations.[458] It was now almost eighteen years since James -of Scotland had been taken prisoner, and it is probable that Humphrey -and he had been fast friends ever since their boyhood. It was natural, -therefore, that the Protector should take a leading part in the -negotiations which were leading up to his release. On September 10 a -treaty was signed at York, in which the Scotch agreed to pay AL40,000 for -their King's maintenance in England, and to withhold further support -from the French; allusion was also made to a conditional marriage with -some high-born English lady.[459] James had fallen deeply in love with -Lady Joan Beaufort, daughter of John, late Earl of Somerset;[460] in the -following February he married her, and the April of 1424 found him a -free man confirming the treaty as King of his country.[461] Gloucester -can hardly have welcomed this choice of a bride, for he could not know -how little the unfortunate lady would strengthen the hands of her -family.[462] - -1423] THE EARL OF MARCH - -Before Parliament rose it was called upon to pass an Act of Attainder -against Sir John Mortimer, cousin of the Earl of March, who had been -arrested on suspicion of treason in 1421. He had tried to escape from -the Tower, apparently being instigated thereto by emissaries of the -Government. For this offence he was condemned to death by a special Act -of Parliament, and executed.[463] From the deposition of William King, -who was instructed by the Lieutenant of the Tower to win Mortimer's -confidence, it would seem that the latter's escape was to be a prelude -to a rising in Wales in conjunction with the Earl of March, and that -the Protector's life was threatened. March was to usurp the throne, and -the Bishop of Winchester was also marked out for distinction, 'for -Mortymer wolde pley with his money.'[464] How far these statements were -true, and how far part of an organised attempt to remove a dangerous -prisoner cannot be said, but at least it is clear that the Earl of March -had already caused anxiety to Gloucester owing to the suspiciously large -retinue he had brought with him to the meeting of Parliament, and the -ostentation with which he kept open house at the residence of the Bishop -of Salisbury.[465] It may be that a conspiracy was indeed on foot, and -that Humphrey once more received a warning of the dangers which beset -the house of Lancaster. If so, the warning was forgotten by the removal -of the conspirators. Mortimer we have seen was put to death, and March -was ordered to his government in Ireland, where shortly afterwards he -died of the plague. His lands went to swell the already extensive -possessions of Richard, Duke of York,[466] who, however, was a minor, -and the custody of those lands which March had held from the King in -chief was given to Gloucester, to be held by him so long as they -remained in the hands of the King, that is to say, until Richard came of -age.[467] - -Thus Humphrey was launched on his independent career. With no one in -direct authority over him he was the master of his own policy, and that -policy had been slowly developing during the last nine years. Three -great influences had come to mould his character and dictate his line of -action. The crusading zeal of his brother Henry had wedded him to the -idea of French conquests, without giving him the intellectual force to -organise or help such a project. The flight of Jacqueline to England -had thrown in his way one who, appealing to the desire for foreign -dominion and roving knight-errantry he inherited from his ancestors, was -to draw him away from his ordered line of policy and show up all the -weaknesses of his character. The opposition of Beaufort had compelled -him to face a new set of circumstances, and had aroused those factious -instincts that had hitherto lain dormant. These three facts dominated -all his future life. His policy was formed by them, and henceforth he -followed whithersoever they led. Little he cared that they did not -agree, that to follow one enterprise he must sacrifice the other two -endeavours on which he had set his heart. His ruling passion was -ambition, but he did not know how to satisfy it. Thus his future life -will be found to be consistent in so far as it is governed by one -overwhelming desire, but totally inconsistent in detail. To conquer -Hainault was to abandon his position at home; to carry on the French war -successfully was to resign his claim on Hainault; to concentrate his -energies on the government of England was to abandon Jacqueline to her -fate. All these he did in turn, and thus, unless we dip down into the -fundamental facts of his character, we shall be unable to divine what -led him into these extraordinary inconsistencies. His policy of -self-aggrandisement was fixed, but his unsettled mind could not decide -how best to satisfy his ambitions. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [334] Rymer, IV. iii. 146. - - [335] He arrived in Rouen on his way to join Henry on April 17, - 1420. Cochon, 439. - - [336] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 108. - - [337] An ordinance, issued at Mantes on November 13, 1419, points to - the fact that deserters were becoming unpleasantly numerous. - _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 355. - - [338] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 1st Series, i. 1. - - [339] _Herald's Debate_, 61. - - [340] See 'The Libel of English Policy,' _Political Songs_, ii. - 187-205. - - [341] In 1415, for instance, crown jewels were pledged to London for - the loan of 10,000 marks; Rymer, IV. ii. 141. - - [342] _Third Rep. of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records_, 232, - Trial of Edward, Duke of Buckingham. - - [343] Anstis, _Order of the Garter_, ii. 70. - - [344] Waurin, ii. 331, 332. - - [345] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 362, 363. - - [346] This idea is supported by the fact that in 1425 a rumour was - abroad that James was going to help Gloucester in Hainault - with 8000 Scotch. Dynter, iii. 465. - - [347] Waurin, ii. 280-294; St. RA(C)my, 439-442; Monstrelet, 460-465; - Des Ursins, 553, 554. - - [348] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 337; Chastellain, 25-29; - _Gesta_, 134, 135. - - [349] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 374. - - [350] _Gesta_, 137; Elmham, _Vita_, 252; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196; - Chastellain, 44. Livius does not mention Gloucester as being - there. Probably the chroniclers confuse Meulan and Troyes. - - [351] Rymer, IV. iii. 175. - - [352] Rymer, IV. iii. 179; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 335. - - [353] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 123. - - [354] _Ibid._, iv. 107. - - [355] _Ibid._, iv. 107, 117. - - [356] Stubbs, iii. 90. Ramsay, i. 228, thinks that money was asked - for but refused. See Wake, 355. - - [357] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 125. - - [358] _Ibid._, iv. 124, 127, 128. - - [359] London Chron., 188; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 336; - Elmham, _Vita_, 296. - - [360] _Gesta_, 148. - - [361] _London Chron._, 164, 165. - - [362] _London Chron._, 162; Gregory, 139, calls him 'ovyr seer'; - _Short English Chron._, 57, calls him 'surveour'; Fabyan - calls him 'overloker' and gives a long description of the - feast, 586-588; Holinshed, iii. 125, calls him overseer. - - [363] _London Chron._, 162-165; _Short English Chron._, 57; Gregory, - 139. - - [364] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 337; Waurin, ii. 344; Elmham, - _Vita_, 300-1. - - [365] Elmham, _Vita_, 304; St. RA(C)my, 454; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, - ii. 339. - - [366] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 339. - - [367] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 129. - - [368] See above, p. 38. - - [369] See Chastellain, 69. As a rule the Cods (Kabbeljan) were the - citizen party, and the Hooks (those who were to catch them) - consisted of nobles. - - [370] St. RA(C)my, 453. - - [371] For the causes of quarrel between John of Brabant and - Jacqueline see Chastellain, 69. - - [372] Chastellain, 69; see also Monstrelet, 497. - - [373] According to another chronicler, this was Lewis Robsart 'per - Lodowicum Robishert voluntarie de ducta' (_Chron. Henry VI._, - 6). A certain 'Lewis de Robstart' was left by Henry as his - representative with Catherine between the Convention of - Troyes and his marriage (St. RA(C)my, 443). Also a certain - 'Lodovico Robersart' was an executor of Henry V.'s will - (_Rot. Parl._, iv. 172), and this man was also a supervisor - of the Duke of Exeter's will (_Testamenta Vetusta_, i. 210). - Lewis Robsart had indented for men in the 1415 campaign (L. - T. R., _Foreign Accounts, 10 Henry V._). This almost looks as - if Henry had helped to engineer the flight. On the other - hand, there is a possibility that the chronicler quoted above - mistook the Christian name, for in 1424 we shall find Sir - John Robsart accompanying Gloucester and Jacqueline to St. - Albans (_St. Alban's Chron._, i. 8), and admitted to the - confraternity of the monastery at this time (Cotton MS., - Nero, D. 7, f. 147); also a Sir John Robsart was naturalised - on October 20, 1423 (Rymer, IV. iv. 103). There was a John de - Robsart whom we have seen serving under Gloucester in the - CA'tentin expedition. If this is the man who brought - Jacqueline over, the inference is that Gloucester was partly - responsible for her flight to England. A Sir Lewis Robsart - also took part under Gloucester in the fighting before - Cherbourg, so in either case the Duke's complicity seems - possible. - - [374] Chastellain, 70. - - [375] St. RA(C)my, 453. - - [376] _Ordinances_, ii. 241. - - [377] Rymer, IV. iv. 8. - - [378] Chastellain, 70, 71. - - [379] Waurin, ii. 356; _Ordinances_, ii. 291; Rymer, IV. iv. 34. - - [380] Letters discovered at Lille seem to prove that Henry not only - encouraged Jacqueline to flee to England, but also favoured - her marriage with Gloucester as a help towards his policy of - strengthening his position in France. See BeitrA¤ge, i. 48. - - [381] Miss Putnam (_MediA|val Princess_, p. 86) suggests that - Gloucester had met Jacqueline on the way home from Dordrecht. - Leopold Devilliers in the preface to vol. iv. of - _Cartulaire_, p. xxvi, says, 'Leur liaison remontait A - l'Epoque oAą ils s'A(C)taient vus en France pour la premiA"re - fois,' but he does not say when this hypothetical meeting - took place. - - [382] Rymer, IV. iv. 24, 25. - - [383] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320. In theory three archers went to every - man-at-arms, but this was often exceeded. In Henry IV.'s wars - in Wales, and later in the French wars, there were often as - many as four or five archers to each man-at-arms. - - [384] See _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 624-635. - - [385] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320. - - [386] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 624; Rymer, IV. iv. 27. - - [387] Rymer, IV. iv. 27. Miss Putnam (_MediA|val Princess_, 89), - following LA¶her (BeitrA¤ge, i. 48), says that Gloucester - sailed on the day that his passport was granted--a fortnight - before Henry--and that this was arranged in order to remove - him from the attractions of Jacqueline. There is no evidence - that Gloucester sailed before Henry. Others, _e.g._ the Earl - of March, got their passports at this time, and it seems - likely that they were given them merely because the - embarkation was beginning. - - [388] June 10. Elmham, _Vita_, 308; _Gesta_, 153; St. RA(C)my, 445; - Monstrelet, 503; Waurin, ii. 348; Chastellain, 79. The French - chroniclers all give it as St. Barnabas Day, June 11. - - [389] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 340; cf. Add. MS., 4003, quoted - in Ramsay, i. 295. The French chroniclers give 4000 - men-at-arms and 24,000 archers; St. RA(C)my, 455; Chastellain, - 79. - - [390] Chastellain, 79. - - [391] Monstrelet, 503. - - [392] Chastellain, 79. - - [393] Elmham, _Vita_, 309. - - [394] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, p. 231, No. CCCLXIII.; Monstrelet, 504. - - [395] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320. Gloucester's men were arrayed on July - 13. _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 427. - - [396] Chastellain, 80. - - [397] Elmham, _Vita_, 311. - - [398] _Rot. Scot._, ii. 228-230. - - [399] Elmham, _Vita_, 310, 311; _Gesta_, 153; Chastellain, 94. - - [400] Chastellain, 94. - - [401] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 635. - - [402] For this campaign see Elmham, _Vita_, 312-314; Monstrelet, - 512, 513; _Gesta_, 153, 154; Chastellain, 95, 96; Waurin, ii. - 398-400. - - [403] When Henry first landed in 1424 Chastellain says that - Gloucester was governor of Paris. This, of course, is a - mistake, for the post was at that time held by Exeter, who, - however, joined the army at Mantes. It is possible that this - is merely a mistake of date and that Gloucester took Exeter's - place, and if this is so, it may be that he went thither - straight from the siege of Dreux, and did not take part in - Henry's campaign on the Loire. See Chastellain, 79. - - [404] After March 27 mention of Gloucester ceases in the French - Rolls; _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 635. - - [405] _Lond. Chron._, 110; _Chron. Henry VI._, 1. - - [406] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 197. - - [407] Rymer, IV. iv. 50. - - [408] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 32. - - [409] Rymer, IV. iv. 66; see Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 342. - - [410] Ashmole MS., 1109, ff. 146, 147. - - [411] _Gesta_, 159, 160; Livius, 95; Elmham, _Vita_, 333; - Chastellain, 112. According to Waurin, ii. 422, and - Monstrelet, 530, the regency of England was given to the Duke - of Exeter. Waurin also says that the regency of France was to - devolve on the Duke of Burgundy, but if he refused, Bedford - was to take his place, and this chronicler goes on to say - that Bedford only undertook the office after Burgundy's - refusal to accept the post. - - [412] _Gesta_, 160. - - [413] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 344. - - [414] Hall, 114. - - [415] Ramsay, ii. 78. - - [416] Stubbs, iii. 94. - - [417] Rymer, IV. ii. 139. By this will Gloucester was left a bed and - AL100. - - [418] _Testamenta Vetusta_, i. 21. - - [419] Rymer, IV. iii. 8. - - [420] Rymer, IV. iii. 7. Ramsay, i. 246, while allowing that no - chronicler gives any reason for the breach between Henry V. - and the Bishop of Winchester, suggests that it may have been - due to a possible demand of the latter for some security for - the money he had lent to the former. Security had been given - on July 18, but there is nothing in this to explain the - Chancellor's resignation. At any rate, if these two men could - not agree as to this debt, it is obvious that they had no - confidence in one another. - - [421] Hardyng, 391. - - [422] Rymer, IV. iv. 80. - - [423] _Lords' Reports_, iii. 856; _Ordinances_, iii. 3. - - [424] _Ordinances_, iii. 6; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 169; Rymer, IV. iv. - 82. - - [425] 'Ad parliamentum illud finiendum et dissolvendum de assensu - concilii nostri plenam commisimus potestatem.' _Ordinances_, - iii. 7. Stubbs thinks that it is probable that 'de assensu - concilii nostri' alludes to the last three words, that - Gloucester misconstrued the sentence, and that the Council - accepted his misconstruction for their own ends (Stubbs, iii. - 96, _n._ 3); but judging from their general attitude to - Gloucester it seems more likely that the lords intended to - put a check on him all along, else why introduce words which - had not occurred before? It is more than possible that they - wished Gloucester to accept it in the way Stubbs reads it, - and at a later date to construe them to their own advantage. - Gloucester's only chance was to try to preclude this - possibility. He threw his stake and lost. - - [426] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 345. - - [427] _Ibid._, ii. 345, 346. - - [428] Rymer, IV. iv. 82; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 170. - - [429] Hardyng, 390. - - [430] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, No. CCCLXVII. p. 233. - - [431] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 171, 172. - - [432] _Lords' Reports_, v. 192. - - [433] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 326. - - [434] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 174; Rymer, IV. iv. 83; _Lords' Reports_, v. - 192; Hall, 115; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 346. - - [435] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 175. - - [436] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 175; _Ordinances_, iii. 15, 16. - - [437] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 178. - - [438] _Ordinances_, iii. 18. - - [439] _Ibid._, iii. 16, 17, 18; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 176. - - [440] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 176. - - [441] Polydore Vergil, 2. - - [442] Hall, 115; Polydore Vergil, 2. - - [443] Monstrelet, 533. - - [444] _Ibid._, 538; Waurin, iii. 6, 7. - - [445] _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 139-143. This document has no - date, but it was evidently drawn up early in the reign. - Stubbs, iii. 102, puts it as probably occurring before the - Parliament at Leicester in 1426, and points to the last - clause for evidence that Gloucester's Hainault expedition was - alluded to. On the other hand, this may have been dictated by - a presentiment of Gloucester's intentions in Hainault, which - became evident soon after the opening of the reign, if not - before. Bedford probably wanted to restrain Gloucester, and - Gloucester must have desired the support of his powerful - brother. There is also ample evidence that Bedford was in the - hands of Beaufort in 1426, certainly till after the - Parliament of Leicester, and therefore would not at that time - ally himself with his brother. - - [446] _Ordinances_, iii. 26, 27; Rymer, IV. iv. 86; _Cal. Rot. - Pat._, 269. - - [447] _Ordinances_, iii. 10, 15. - - [448] _Ibid._, iii. 51. - - [449] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 174; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 269. - - [450] _Ordinances_, iii. 69, 77. - - [451] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, p. 226. - - [452] Carte, ii. 250. - - [453] Beltz, pp. lxi, lxii. Wardrobe accounts, however, are not - always reliable. - - [454] Rymer, IV. iv. 102; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 197; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, - 270. - - [455] _London Chron._, 112 and 165. - - [456] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 200. - - [457] _Ibid._, iv. 201. _Ordinances_, iii. 151, where an additional - paragraph decrees that any matter of dispute between any - members of the Council is to be submitted to the judgment of - the rest. - - [458] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 299. - - [459] Rymer, IV. iv. 98. - - [460] _Chron. Henry VI._, 4, 5. - - [461] Rymer, IV. iv. 115. It was not long before Gloucester was - remonstrating with James for giving support to the French in - 1424. Polydore Vergil, 11. - - [462] Later in the reign Gloucester complained that this marriage - was an insidious attempt by Beaufort to increase the power of - his house. - - [463] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 202. - - [464] Cotton MS., Julius, B. i. f. 68. - - [465] _Chron. Henry VI._, 6. - - [466] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198vo; _Chron. Henry VI._, 6. - - [467] _Ordinances_, iii. 169. March died January 19, 1425. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -GLOUCESTER AND HAINAULT - - -No sooner were the discussions and heartburnings of the settlement of -the Protectorate over, than the volatile nature of Humphrey drew him off -on another venture which, though dictated by his main characteristic-- -ambition, was entirely inconsistent with his desire to be supreme in -England. It may be that disgust and disappointment at his partial -failure in his first struggle with Beaufort impelled him to abandon his -English ambitions for a time, but it is quite obvious that if he wished -to direct and control English policy, it was not to his interest to -leave the country to the tender mercies of his enemies, while he -prosecuted an impossible attempt to dominate and govern Jacqueline's -Netherland dominions. It is also possible that with high hopes of -success in Hainault he hoped to establish himself there quite -definitely, and to abandon for ever his attempts to assert his position -in England. Whatever may have been his motive, it is plain that so far -as his English ambitions were concerned it was folly to embark on any -undertaking which would take him away from England. However, -considerations of policy never deterred Duke Humphrey; ever confident -that what he wished to do was wise, he had already taken the first step -towards his new undertaking before the question of the Protectorate was -finally settled, and we must therefore pick up the thread of this -policy, and his relations with the fugitive Countess of Hainault, who -was the pivot on which this part of his career turned. - -The Duke of Burgundy had deeply resented the asylum given to Jacqueline -by Henry V., and his indignation had been still further increased by the -rumour that a new marriage with the King's brother, Humphrey, was under -consideration. To the Duke's protest, however, Henry had practically -turned a deaf ear, for he seems to have put no check upon his brother's -actions; else he would not have sent him back to England in 1422, and -thus placed him in near proximity to such dangerous attractions. More -than this, he had gone out of his way to honour the lady, and it must -have been with his consent that she was chosen to hold his infant son at -the font, and to stand sponsor for him at his baptism in 1421.[468] This -policy of favour to Jacqueline was not abandoned after his death, for -her allowance of AL100 a month--a really princely sum--was -continued.[469] - -1422-3] MARRIAGE TO JACQUELINE - -Meanwhile Humphrey had not delayed his wooing. We have no definite -evidence as to the personal appearance of the object of his attentions, -for though the chroniclers allude to her beauty and attractive -qualities, her portraits, such as they are, give us a rather heavy-faced -woman with but moderate features. That she was lively and full of -spirits none can doubt, and there may have been in her some strong -attraction for the rather susceptible Duke, yet as Polydore Vergil -shrewdly suggests, the territories which she claimed were probably a -more potent attraction to Humphrey than the charms of her person.[470] -Whatever his motives Gloucester had soon come to an understanding with -Jacqueline, and their marriage was probably arranged before Henry V.'s -death. The Countess had ordered declarations that her former marriage -was null and void to be posted on the church doors throughout Hainault -and Holland, and there exists a legend that the two lovers applied to -the Antipope Benedict XIII., who had been deposed by the Council of -Constance, for a dissolution of her marriage with John of Brabant, a -request with which the prisoner of Peniscola immediately complied.[471] -In proof of this statement there is not sufficient documentary evidence, -yet in the absence of any action by Martin V., some form of divorce -seems to have been gone through, and a contemporary writer, by no means -favourable to the Duke, declares that Jacqueline was properly divorced -by law after a complete examination of the question by learned doctors, -and this before her third marriage.[472] - -When exactly this marriage took place is uncertain. Certainly no public -ceremony was performed, since such an event must have attracted -universal attention,[473] and there is considerable disagreement among -the various writers as to even the approximate date of the occurrence. -That the marriage did not take place before Henry V.'s death on 31st -August 1422 we know from a definite statement to this effect by -Jacqueline herself in 1427;[474] but it must have been shortly after -this that the two became man and wife. Even by October 25 a rumour had -reached Mons, that the Duke of Brabant had received news that his wife -had ignored his rights, and had married Gloucester, that she was already -with child, and wished to come to Quesnoy for her confinement.[475] That -this is no more than a story, inspired by the known intentions of -Jacqueline, is shown by the obvious untruth of the last statement; but -on February 9 following a writ was received at Mons from the Countess -convening a meeting of the Estates, at which her marriage was to be -announced.[476] All this goes to prove that Cocqueau spoke the truth -when he wrote, 'Gloucester married Jacqueline in the month of January of -this 22nd year (O.S.), as I have seen in a letter belonging to John -Abbot of St. Vast, notifying that the said Gloucester had written to the -Duke of Burgundy telling him that he had married the said lady, whereby -her territories belonged to him.'[477] - -In spite of the declaration of a sixteenth-century writer that this -marriage was 'not only wondered at of the comon people, but also -detested of the nobilite, and abhorred of the clergie,'[478] it seems to -have aroused no adverse comment at the time. Gloucester's new title was -recognised as early as the March following,[479] and later in the year -his new wife was recognised as Duchess of Gloucester, when she was made -a denizen of England by Act of Parliament with the full rights of an -English-born subject, at the same time as Bedford's newly married wife, -Anne of Burgundy, had the same privileges conferred upon her.[480] It is -apparent from this that no distinction was made between the wives of the -two dukes, and that at a time when Humphrey was being opposed in his -ambitions at home no opposition was raised to his daring and uncanonical -marriage with a foreign princess. It is strange to notice that on the -same day were completed the last formalities of confirmation in the -matter of two royal marriages--that of Bedford, of which the whole and -avowed object was the maintenance of the Burgundian alliance, and that -of Gloucester, which was to bring that alliance so near to a definite -rupture. We must gather from this that as yet the significance of -Humphrey's action had not been realised, and that Jacqueline was still -regarded--even as Henry V. had regarded her--as a valuable political -asset, rather than as a possible stumbling-block in the way of English -aggrandisement in France. - -1423] CHRISTMAS AT ST. ALBANS - -No sooner were the formalities of Jacqueline's naturalisation -accomplished, than she was taken by her husband to visit that monastery -where above all Gloucester was popular owing to his friendship with the -famous Abbot of St. Albans, John Bostock, better known as Wheathampsted, -a name borrowed from his birthplace. They were accompanied by three -hundred attendants, some English, and some 'Teutonici,' a term which -alludes probably to the Dutch, Flemish, and possibly German retainers, -whom Gloucester had collected in preparation for his coming campaign in -Holland. At St. Albans Jacqueline was acknowledged as Humphrey's true -and legitimate wife, and they were met at the entrance by the Prior, -who, representing the Abbot, at that time absent at the Council of -Pavia, led a procession to welcome the visitors as they approached the -monastery on Christmas Eve. The festivities of the season were there -celebrated, though they were somewhat marred by the disorderliness of -some of Gloucester's servants, who took to poaching in the neighbouring -woods, and were found in possession of a goodly collection of roebucks -and hinds which they had already flayed. One of the offenders was -secured and put into the stocks by the authorities, but this did not -satisfy the impetuous Duke, who seized a mattress-beater and broke his -unruly servant's head, ordering at the same time the slaughter of his -greyhound. 'Thus,' says the admiring chronicler, 'he set at rest this -evil appetite on the part of his servants by one striking example.'[481] - -Jacqueline and Gloucester stayed at St. Albans for a fortnight, and -having kept the Feast of the Epiphany there, they were the following day -received into the fraternity. This admission into the brotherhood -imposed no monastic severities, nor did it confer any new civil rights, -but it was regarded as a mark of honour, and those admitted were allowed -to vote in the Chapter. On the monastery itself it had a more important -bearing, for Wheathampsted had restored the custom, long in disuse, in -order to procure funds for the house over which he ruled. This was the -last event of Gloucester's visit, and having presented the monastery -with two pipes of 'good red wine' as an acknowledgment of their splendid -entertainment during the Christmas festivities, husband and wife left -St. Albans.[482] - -1424] BURGUNDY AND GLOUCESTER - -However gratifying the acknowledgment in England of Jacqueline's right -to be called his wife might be to Gloucester, he was determined to -assert his right to control her territories abroad, and nothing would -induce him to lay aside this project. At the same time it was beginning -to dawn on the minds of Englishmen that the objection of Burgundy to -Humphrey's pretended rights was insurmountable, and that the assertion -of those rights would jeopardise the Anglo-Burgundian alliance concluded -in the preceding April at Amiens, and cemented by the marriage of -Bedford to Duke Philip's sister Anne.[483] Indeed the Council had -already received a letter from the University of Paris warning them of -the impending danger, and emphasising the fact that the position held -by England in France had its 'root and origin' in Burgundian -support.[484] It was at this time, too, that Burgundy gave a clear -indication of the course of action he intended to pursue. As far back as -March 14, 1422, during the siege of Meaux, Henry V. had secured his -election to the Order of the Garter at a chapter held for that purpose -in France. Philip, however, had not formally accepted the nomination -when Henry V. died, and he then put off the acceptance on the ground -that the Order demanded a strict union of its members and forbade them -to bear arms against one another. For two years his doubts continued, -until, in answer to a peremptory requisition from the Chapter at -Windsor, he excused himself from accepting the honour conferred upon -him, lest he should be reduced thereby to the dishonourable alternative -of either violating the revered statutes of the Order, or infringing the -sacred rights of kinship.[485] In such a way did the Duke assert his -intention of resisting Gloucester's claims on Hainault. - -Bedford was now fully alive to the danger attending his brother's -ambitions, and he initiated a series of attempts to settle the matters -in dispute between the Dukes of Brabant and Gloucester, with himself and -the Duke of Burgundy as arbitrators.[486] To this end it was necessary -to secure the consent of the two parties concerned, and in October 1423 -John of Brabant published a formal acceptance of such arbitrament,[487] -but at the same time gave to the world an agreement which he had signed -with Burgundy in the previous June.[488] In this document, while -accepting Burgundy and Bedford as arbitrators, and agreeing not to ally -with any of the former's enemies before the decision had been given, he -at the same time stipulated that if his rival refused to follow the same -course in the matter of arbitration, he himself should be absolved from -this agreement. On the other hand, Burgundy agreed to certain -stipulations which seem to bind him in a way that makes him appear as a -very partisan arbitrator. He promised on oath that in the discussion of -the case 'he would ordain, appoint, and determine nothing which should -not be with the knowledge, consent, and wish of the Lord of Brabant,' -and that if Gloucester refused to place his case in the hands of the -arbitrators, he would help his cousin of Brabant to resist the attacks -of his opponent, so long as the said cousin would agree not to make -peace with Gloucester without his ally's consent.[489] - -It is hardly surprising that Humphrey hesitated to put his case in the -hands of judges, when one of them was already bound to his opponent, and -moreover he regarded his case as quite beyond dispute, and resented any -suggestion that his brother should consider that there could be any -question of right or wrong in the matter of his marriage. However, after -an unsuccessful meeting between Bedford and Burgundy in the latter days -of 1423,[490] the former induced his brother to acknowledge the court of -arbitration, and to issue a formal declaration to that effect on 15th -February 1424, with the proviso that the matter must be settled before -the end of March.[491] Another attempt was made to bring about a -reconciliation at Amiens, but the matter was again postponed until -Trinity Sunday.[492] Bedford to satisfy Burgundy ceded certain French -territories to him, and at the same time induced both Gloucester and -Jacqueline to agree to the arbitrament, if matters were settled before -the end of June;[493] but in the meantime Burgundian disinterestedness -was put still more in doubt by the recognition of Duke Philip as the -heir of the weakling John of Brabant.[494] However much we may condemn -the way in which Humphrey was sowing discord between England and her -ally, and helping to rob his country of the fruits of the victory of -Verneuil, we cannot but understand his hesitation in submitting his case -for decision to two men, one of whom was bound to gain by his loss, -whilst the other was led by the single desire of conciliating his -fellow-arbitrator. - -Of the justice of his cause Humphrey was quite convinced, he was equally -determined to assert his supposed rights, and he did not see that any -advantage would accrue from these discussions. Nevertheless he sent -representatives to the Council to be held in France, stating his case -plainly in the instructions that he sent with them, and emphasising the -fact that this was the second time that he had been put to the trouble -of sending ambassadors about these affairs, for when he was represented -at Bruges, Brabant was not. The basis of his case lay on the unalterable -contention that he and Jacqueline were true man and wife by the laws of -the Church, and that this marriage entailed for him the government not -only of his wife's person, but also of her dominions. Brabant, having -contracted an illegal marriage with the heiress of Hainault, was now in -wrongful possession of her lands. There were three reasons why this -marriage was illegal. In the first place, consanguinity in the second -degree was a bar to the union, since the parties concerned were first -cousins; further there was the obstacle of affinity in the third degree -through the relationship of the Dauphin John, Jacqueline's first -husband, to the Duke of Brabant--a relationship, be it noted, that also -existed between her and this same first husband; besides all this, the -fact that Jacqueline's mother was also godmother to John of Brabant -created a spiritual relationship between the two, which, according to -the laws of the Church constituted a third obstacle. To the argument -that these objections were removed by papal dispensation it was -answered, that the dispensation was procured by fraud, and by the -suppression of the truth, and that within four days it was revoked, -Brabant being notified of this fact. If it were argued still further -that reconfirmatory letters were received at a still later date, it was -obvious that they were useless, for the revocation of the dispensation -was absolute, and could not be rescinded save by a new dispensation; -moreover the marriage was consummated before these last letters arrived, -so that the actual marriage must have been illegal, and was so still, as -no new ceremony had been performed.[495] It cannot be denied that, as a -point of strict law, there is much to be said for this presentment of -the case. The dispensation had originally been signed and sealed on -December 22, 1417,[496] and the revocation had followed, under pressure -from the Bishop of LiA(C)ge, better known as John of Bavaria, and the -Emperor Sigismund, on the following 5th of January, whilst it was not -till September 5, when the Pope had left Constance and Imperial -influence behind him, that he signed the letters which re-enacted the -dispensation. Thus the statement of Humphrey was true and formed an -arguable case, and he put aside all counter-arguments based on the -ground of consent by the assertion that Jacqueline had retired to her -mother's protection so soon as she had realised the enormity of her -offence. - -By these means was the legality of Jacqueline's last marriage to be -proved, and the case was strengthened by the assertion, that at the time -when negotiations for breaking off the Brabant marriage were on foot -Duke John had agreed that the contracting parties were to be free, if no -papal Bull to the contrary was issued before a certain date, and, since -no such Bull had arrived, Jacqueline had acted honestly, as well as -lawfully in the matter. As to the territories which were the main cause -of dispute, Brabant had promised not to alienate them, and since he had -broken his promise, Gloucester demanded their surrender to him with the -income derived therefrom during this unlawful possession.[497] - -These instructions contain an uncompromising demand for all the rights -that Humphrey claimed, a demand which is strengthened by Brabant's -rejoinder. He does not dispute the foregoing arguments, but merely -stipulates that, if the estates are adjudged to Gloucester, he must -recognise all existing appointments, both ecclesiastical and secular, -besides all judgments, laws, contracts, and pardons, and that he himself -shall not be responsible for a dower for the Countess, for debts -incurred in Hainault, nor for any further expenses at the Court of -Rome.[498] In the light of these stipulations, which are in themselves a -confession of defeat, it is the more surprising that the commissioners -could not come to a decision. They declared that the evidence on both -sides was insufficient to justify a definite judgment, and they -recommended an appeal to the Court of Rome both on the question of the -marriage, and on the question of the territories. The most they could do -was to promise to forward an earnest request to the Pope to settle the -matter out of hand should both parties agree to this course, and to -notify his decision to them before August 1.[499] - -The reasons for this equivocal reply are not far to seek. On the -evidence produced Humphrey had an overwhelming case, but the interests -of Burgundy, who meant to inherit the disputed dominions from his -submissive cousin of Brabant, forebade a decision in the Englishman's -favour. Bedford, on the other hand, probably refused to consent to a -verdict against his brother when the case against him was practically -unsupported. The Duke of Brabant cared not what happened, so long as his -safety and his pocket were secured, and henceforth he passed out of the -struggle, which now became a contest between the two Dukes of Burgundy -and of Gloucester, the former for a reversion, the latter for immediate -possession of Jacqueline's inheritance. Politically the policy of -Humphrey was now more reprehensible than before. It was evident that -Duke Philip intended to make it a matter personal to himself, and yet -personal ambition was allowed to swallow up the advantage of a nation, -and the man who later called for a continuance of the French war was now -about to do his utmost to hamper its prosecution. We have no evidence -whether the suggestion made by the arbitrators was followed, but we have -a letter which was written by Bedford to the Pope at this time urging -him to carry through the divorce of Jacqueline and Brabant very quickly, -and pointing out the deplorable loss of life and the horrors of war -likely to result if he did not do so.[500] Bedford at least had gauged -the situation. He saw that his brother had a strong case, on paper at -any rate, and that he meant to profit by it to the utmost of his power, -but at the same time he realised that the only means of coercing -Burgundy was to approach him under the shadow of a papal Bull. - -1424] DEPARTURE FOR HAINAULT - -Meanwhile Gloucester had been preparing to assert his claims by force of -arms. For some time past he had been in communication with the towns of -Hainault,[501] and he had not been behindhand in collecting men in -England. Unable to get any support from the Privy Council,[502] he had -to fall back on his own resources, and he managed to raise a -considerable body of troops, though in some cases his efforts to borrow -money met with a curt refusal.[503] On the other hand, he used his -position as Warden of the Cinque Ports to secure ships to transport his -soldiers,[504] and when the arbitrators had acknowledged their inability -to arbitrate, both he and his Duchess considered themselves absolved -from their promise to await its decision, a promise, too, which had -expired at the end of June. - -All things were now ready, but before setting out on their expedition -Gloucester and his wife went to take farewell of one, who in her sad -confinement could sympathise with the luckless fate of the exiled -Jacqueline. On September 14, the day of the Exaltation of the Holy -Cross, the Duchess of Gloucester passed through St. Albans after vespers -with an escort of twenty-four horse on her way to Langley to visit Queen -Joan, and two days later her husband, accompanied by 'John Robessart,' -followed in the same direction.[505] By September 29 both Duke and -Duchess were at Dover, where an embassy from Mons found them,[506] and -Gloucester proceeded to turn his back on England, where in his absence -the Bishop of Winchester, as Chancellor, was left to carry on the work -of the Protector.[507] It is characteristic of Gloucester that this new -attraction had made him forget his political ambitions at home, and that -for the time he was content to leave the kingdom in the hands of his -rival. For some days hostile winds kept him in port, but before long -they veered round, and at ten o'clock on the morning of October 16 he -set sail from Dover with forty-two ships, reaching Calais between three -and four o'clock of the same day, in spite of a severe storm encountered -on the way.[508] - -At Calais Duke and Duchess rested for some time, as they had only -brought over the vanguard of their army. But they were not idle. -Immediately on arrival they each despatched letters to Mons, the capital -of Hainault, in which they announced their safe arrival at Calais and -their intention to come and take possession of their dominions; -meanwhile the town was to make every preparation for their honourable -reception.[509] At the same time speculation was rife in the -neighbourhood of Calais as to the route which Gloucester would take in -his advance on Hainault. On the day after disembarkation, ambassadors -appeared from Flanders, and at an audience granted them on the 18th, -urged the Duke not to pass through their territory, as it would be -inconvenient to them, and since the roads were narrow, the bridges -dangerous, and the waterways frequent, to him also. They were told that -no decision had yet been taken, but that in any case their country would -be unhurt. Following these came other ambassadors from Artois, who in -quite another strain begged Humphrey to make use of their country as a -means of access to Hainault. Both embassies were courteously -received.[510] - -1424] GLOUCESTER AT CALAIS - -To Calais also came messengers from Bedford with the news that Brabant -had sent envoys to Paris to appeal once more to the arbitrators, and -with an invitation from the English Regent in France to his brother to -meet him at some convenient place to discuss the matter.[511] -Gloucester, however, had made up his mind to proceed with his -undertaking, and he returned an evasive reply. Nevertheless a Council -was called in Paris, mainly it would seem to pacify Burgundy, who was -furious at this interference in what he considered his own happy -hunting-ground, and after mature consideration terms of agreement were -drawn up and sent to the contending parties, Ralph de Boutillier and the -Abbot of FA(C)camp being commissioned to bear them to Humphrey.[512] Though -Brabant accepted the terms, neither the Duke nor the Duchess of -Gloucester would have anything to do with them, and this last attempt at -a settlement failed.[513] We have no record of what these terms were, -but it seems likely that they were highly favourable to Burgundy's -protA(C)gA(C), for on hearing of their rejection Duke Philip flew into a -mighty passion, and declared roundly to Bedford that he would resist the -English claimant with all his forces, a course he could easily take as -he had just signed a truce with the Dauphin. With a sad heart Bedford -bore with the angry Duke, and attempted to appease his wrath by a round -of dancing and jousting. Paris was very gay in her attempt to bolster up -the Anglo-Burgundian alliance.[514] For a time these measures were -successful, and though he coquetted with the party of the Dauphin, -Burgundy did not abandon his friendship with England.[515] - -Meanwhile Gloucester had had some correspondence with the Pope, partly -with reference to the slanders which he thought a certain Simon de -Taramo had uttered against him, and partly on the subject of the delay -in admitting Martin V.'s nephew, Prospero Colonna, to the Archdeaconry -of Canterbury, a delay probably fostered by Gloucester, as a hold over -the man who could make his marriage undeniably legal.[516] The -correspondence on both sides was of a most friendly nature, and in one -letter the Duke urged a speedy granting of the divorce, which he desired -not only because of his great love for Jacqueline, but also because of -the underhand behaviour of his opponents.[517] This complaint of -underhand dealings would be hardly justified were we to accept as -genuine another correspondence attributed to this time, and preserved in -the Archives at Lille. According to these letters, a plot, to which -Bedford was privy, was on foot between Gloucester, Suffolk, and -Salisbury to murder the Duke of Burgundy, much in the same way as his -father had met his end at the Bridge of Montereau. Much circumstantial -evidence is to be found therein, showing that Gloucester's motive was to -prevent Burgundian interference with his Hainault plans.[518] It is, -however, beyond dispute that these letters were the work of one William -Benoist, who forged them at the instigation of the Constable de -Richemont for the latter's political purposes.[519] Neither Bedford nor -Gloucester would have stooped to such an expedient, for though the -younger of the two brothers might be unscrupulous and ambitious, yet -murder was a crime of which no one could imagine him guilty. With all -his faults he would never have thus tarnished his fair name. - -1424] MARCH FROM CALAIS TO HAINAULT - -The month of October was now passed, and the Earl Marshal had arrived in -the early morning of November 2 with forty-two sail and the second -detachment of Gloucester's army, and on the evening of the same day four -more ships arrived. A week later the troops marched out as far as the -castle of Guisnes, there to await the last contingent which was now due. -They had not long to wait, for on November 13 twenty-two more ships -arrived at Calais, and immediately preparations were made for the -start.[520] Early in the morning of November 18 Gloucester led out his -men on the first stage of the march to Hainault.[521] The vanguard -consisted of 1100 horse, or thereabouts, with 800 horse and 300 -men-at-arms in the main battle, while the rearguard comprised 2000 men, -in all, therefore, the force consisted of some 4200 troops.[522] Over -this army the Earl Marshal had supreme command.[523] It is strange that -with his military experience Gloucester did not undertake to lead his -troops in person, but the explanation may be found in the report of his -physician as to his state of health, which seems to have been anything -but good at this time.[524] The route chosen for the march was through -Artois, by way of ThA(C)rouaune and BA(C)thune, and passing to the north of -Lens, the army reached Hainault territory, making its first halt therein -at Bouchain.[525] All through the county of Artois, which was Burgundian -territory, the utmost care was taken to keep the soldiers in strict -order; neither were the people annoyed nor was the country injured by -the passage of the English forces.[526] All this was done to the end -that no personal injury should induce Duke Philip to resist the -invasion of those territories which were claimed by the Duke of Brabant. - -In Hainault there was no rejoicing when the return of their long absent -princess was announced. The traders and merchants of the towns had -increased their prosperity during the Regency of John of Bavaria, the -able and unscrupulous ex-Bishop of LiA(C)ge, to whom Brabant had yielded -the government of Jacqueline's dominions for a term of years. Whatever -might be the private convictions of the citizen class, they cared for -nothing so much as for peace, and this new invasion, though undertaken -in the name of hereditary right and good government, only promised a -long civil war and the consequent disturbance of trade and -commerce.[527] The nobles might champion Jacqueline, or range themselves -under the banner of Brabant, but they were not the most important factor -in the country. It was on the support of the towns that any governmental -authority must be based, for these strong trading communities had been -enabled to strengthen themselves against the rural nobility by superior -organisation and co-operation, and by superior wealth. All that they -needed was a strong hand to govern the country with impartiality and -justice, to keep the turbulent nobility in check, and to give -untrammelled opportunities for expanding commerce and acquiring wealth. -This ideal had been practically realised under the government of John of -Bavaria--though his energies had been devoted more to Holland and -Zealand than to Hainault--a realisation which was not expected from the -rule of Jacqueline and her unknown English husband. It was in this -spirit, therefore, that the town of Valenciennes refused to admit her -Countess within her walls,[528] and that the citizens of Mons sent an -urgent embassy to the Dowager-Countess, asking her to use her influence -to induce her daughter not to enter their city, nor to bring 'Monsieur -de Gloucester' with her;[529] indeed, if we are to believe an English -chronicler, the various states of Jacqueline's heritage had united in -offering Humphrey an annual tribute of AL30,000 to be left in peace.[530] - -1424] RECEPTION AT MONS - -Both the Dowager Margaret and the Count of St. Pol, Brabant's younger -brother, had done their utmost to avert the invasion of Hainault by -Gloucester,[531] and the former had sent an urgent embassy to England -for this purpose, to the expenses of which the various towns had -contributed;[532] but when all chances of keeping the peace had passed -away, she threw in her lot with her daughter, and seems to have entered -into cordial relations with her new-found son-in-law.[533] The Mons -embassy was therefore sent in vain, and in reply to their request the -citizens learnt that the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester and their mother -intended to enter their capital in triumph on the following Sunday.[534] -Resistance was out of the question when on Monday the 27th Humphrey, -with a force of about 5000 men, and accompanied by Jacqueline and her -mother, left Crespin and appeared before the gates of the city. Making -the beat of a bad business, the citizens determined to welcome their -princess and her new husband, but they steadfastly refused to admit the -whole army within the walls. After some discussion it was arranged that -the soldiers should find accommodation in the suburbs outside the -fortifications, and that an escort of not more than 300 horse should be -admitted within the city, among which there were hardly any English, -their number being mainly made up of the Dowager's Hainault troopers, -whom she had brought with her to swell the invading army.[535] - -Thus early was Gloucester brought face to face with the fact that his -wife's subjects did not regard him as the saviour of their country, but -rather as a foreign intruder, and one whose intentions were suspected. -Yet, however suspicious they might be of Humphrey's intentions, the men -of Mons had quickly made up their minds to accept the inevitable and to -make the best of it. On the Tuesday they waited on their lady and her -husband at the Naasterhof, where they were lodged, and paid their -respects to them, presenting the former with two butts of wine, the one -idea of an acceptable present in the Netherlands of the fifteenth -century, it would seem. At the same time the Estates of Hainault were -summoned to meet on December 1, and the interval was spent by Gloucester -in exploring the city. On the Wednesday he accompanied his wife on a -visit to the garden of the archery guild, where he gave six nobles -towards the completion of the chapel; thence they went to see the view -from the hill in the park, and finished their tour of inspection at the -castle.[536] - -1424] RECOGNITION OF MARRIAGE - -On the day appointed the Estates assembled at the Naasterhof at ten -o'clock in the morning, and the business of the meeting was begun by a -speech from Jan Lorfevre,[537] 'subprior of the church of the scholars,' -who was appointed to set forth the grounds upon which Jacqueline and -Gloucester based their united claims to the estates of the late Count -William of Holland. The arguments he used against the marriage of the -princess and the Duke of Brabant were the same as had been laid before -the court of arbitration, and he added that Jacqueline had always -disliked the alliance, and bitterly repented her of the sin she had -committed in ever consenting to it. For this sin she had done penance, -both in monetary payments and in bodily sufferings, and had received -absolutions; then after having consulted several famous Italian -ecclesiastics and other wise men as to the legality of the proceeding, -she had married the Duke of Gloucester. In the light of these facts, as -here set forth, she now demanded that her husband should be recognised -as Regent and Protector of Hainault by reason of this marriage.[538] The -Hainaulters were now compelled to make a definite decision between the -two parties, and it seemed obvious to many that their only means of -safety, for the present at any rate, was to acknowledge Humphrey to be -the true and only husband of Jacqueline, and to throw in their lot with -the party which could command the five thousand or more soldiers -encamped hard by. Nevertheless, there was a strong minority which -objected strongly to the English prince, and showed its objection by -abstention from the meeting of the Estates. It was therefore three days -before a quorum could be secured to transact any business, but finally -on December 4 the Estates determined to recognise their lady's last -marriage, and to send letters to the Duke of Brabant renouncing all -allegiance to him.[539] Thus Hainault officially decided to support the -claims of Gloucester, though Holland and Zealand, at a safe distance -from the reach of his forces, refused to have any part in these -proceedings, and threw in their lot with the Duke of Brabant.[540] - -The Hainaulters, however, were by no means unanimous as to the step that -had been taken. The hesitation of so many members of the Estates was a -reflection of the attitude of the whole county, and there was still -ample evidence that there was no abatement of the feud of Hook and Cod, -which distinguished the supporters of Jacqueline from their hereditary -enemies. Though the towns might follow the lead of the Estates, and -yield a grudging acknowledgment of their lady's claims, there was still -a very powerful nobility to be counted with, of which body prominent -members openly defied the new ruler. Whilst the nobles as a whole -dissembled their opposition, there were certain notable exceptions to -this rule, for the Count of Conversan, his kinsman Messire Engilbert -d'Edingen, and the Lord of Jeumont refused to accept the new state of -affairs, and declared themselves firm adherents of the Brabant -cause.[541] - -To all appearance, however, Humphrey's power was supreme, and he decided -to make a tour of inspection round the towns which had accepted his -rule, even as Jacqueline herself had done when she first succeeded to -her inheritance. He first took the oaths in the name of his wife as -Countess, and for himself as governor of the county at Mons on December -5, receiving the usual present of wine after the ceremony,[542] and -then, having appointed the Lord of Hainau to be bailiff of -Hainault,[543] he left for Soignies, where he renewed his oaths next -day. In turn he visited Manbeuge, Le Quesnoy, and Valenciennes, -promising to guard the citizens and to respect the laws, and receiving -in exchange the acknowledgment of his position as regent.[544] All the -other towns seem to have followed the lead of these principal cities, -and yielded obedience to Humphrey,[545] but it must be noticed that the -authority acknowledged was merely that of regent for his wife. Nowhere -do we find a suggestion that Gloucester had any power of his own right, -or that his description as Count of Hainault was anything but a titular -honour, and it may be that it was hoped by this means to avert the -intervention of the Duke of Burgundy. Under the present arrangement -there would be no obstacle to prevent the Duke from acquiring the -Hainault inheritance on Jacqueline's death, except in the now improbable -event of the birth of a child, and it is likewise possible that in -taking this precaution both Count and Countess thought that they had -averted all chance of Burgundian interference, in spite of the threats -of Duke Philip at Paris, which we must suppose had reached their ears. - -The bare acknowledgment of his position as regent to his wife did not -satisfy Gloucester, who had not undertaken the assertion of her rights -with any single-minded or chivalrous intention of giving justice to the -wronged, and on his return to Mons he summoned the Estates of Hainault, -and demanded a grant of forty thousand French gold crowns to recoup him -for his expense in bringing an army to Hainault. To this demand the -representatives of the towns demurred, for they had never asked for this -army, with which they would much rather have dispensed, and a stormy -debate on the subject on December 28 failed to result in any decision. -On the following day, however, the delegates were brought to realise -that, left to themselves, they would be helpless now that they had -defied Brabant, and they agreed to the grant on condition that it was -reduced by only counting forty 'sols' to the crown.[546] - -This half-hearted consent to Gloucester's demands was wrung from very -unwilling subjects. The English troops were not popular in Hainault. -They had shown themselves but little under control, and had fully -justified the fears felt with regard to them when they first appeared -outside Mons.[547] At Soignies Gloucester had received urgent messages -from the capital, begging him not to allow any of his English troops, -except those of his household, to re-enter the town,[548] and again at -Valenciennes he had been requested to put some restraint on the ravages -of his men.[549] Discontent at the outrages perpetrated by their -so-called protectors was increased by the unsettled state of affairs, -and the lack of energy displayed by the regent; at St. Ghislain his -officers had been refused admission, though only accompanied by four -men.[550] Moreover, Gloucester's authority was defied, at least in one -instance, on the plea that a grant by Jacqueline overruled his -commands.[551] Thus the oaths which Gloucester had sworn to keep law and -order in the county were proved to be useless, and it was in vain that -Mons insisted on their renewal in the most solemn manner,[552] when a -divided authority and a reckless unrestrained soldiery combined to bring -the horrors of war to the doors of the unfortunate Hainaulters. - -It is not surprising, therefore, that projects for mediation between the -two Dukes came to the front, and that the citizens of Mons appealed to -their fellows of Valenciennes to join with them in invoking the towns of -Ghent and Namur to intervene for the purpose of bringing about a -reconciliation.[553] Such a reconciliation was the only hope for the -wretched Hainaulters, who on the one hand would court disaster should -they rise against the dominant power of Gloucester, whilst on the other -they reaped a bitter harvest from their association with his cause. To -strengthen this movement, further efforts at mediation came in the shape -of another embassy from Burgundy and Bedford, which arrived at Mons in -February under the leadership of the Archbishop of Arras.[554] -Mediation, however, whether by towns or Dukes, proved equally abortive, -as it was not likely that either side would consent to conditions so -long as each hoped to secure a papal decision in its favour. - -1425] INDECISION OF THE POPE - -Martin V. was still hesitating as to whether or no he should grant the -divorce. It mattered little to him that a distracted people eagerly -looked for a judgment that might give them relief; and he thought that -by delay he might secure some great concession from one side or the -other, or at least he might wait till he could see which party was -likely to gain the upper hand. Besides, it must be remembered that -immense possibilities--far greater than the question of the rights of a -petty Princess of Hainault--lay behind this decision. The course of the -war between France and England might lie in the balance which hung -between the contending Dukes, and a verdict on the divorce appeal, given -at a critical moment, might help to end that long-protracted struggle. -Be this as it may, rumours, born of this long waiting for a judgment, -arose in the Low Countries, and it was reported that a Bull of divorce -between the Duke of Brabant and Jacqueline had been granted by the Holy -See, a report which reached as far as Zealand, where the citizens of -Zierkzee wrote to the authorities at Mons, asking for a confirmation of -the report if it were indeed true.[555] Before long these rumours -reached Rome, and on February 13 Martin wrote to Brabant, declaring the -Bulls of divorce now circulating in the dioceses of Utrecht, LiA(C)ge, and -Cambray to be absolute forgeries.[556] At the same time he sent letters -to Gloucester in which he asserted that the opinion that Jacqueline's -English marriage was undoubtedly legal, currently attributed to him, had -never been expressed, and that all he had said was, that he hoped that -it might be proved so.[557] Rome was still shuffling, though the purport -of the two letters was calculated to improve the position of Brabant -rather than that of Gloucester, but for the present this did not affect -the course of affairs, for the first letter at least did not reach its -destination till Humphrey had turned his back for ever on Hainault.[558] - -While Gloucester had been steadily alienating the sympathies of the men -of Hainault, and attempting to justify his invasion of the country, his -troops had not been idle. In December the Earl Marshal had invaded the -territory of Brabant, and had ravaged the country with fire and sword, -penetrating as far as Brussels and carrying off much booty and many -prisoners.[559] No organised resistance was made to the inroad. The Duke -of Brabant, weak and unenterprising as usual, took no interest in the -defence even of his hereditary duchy[560]; so little did he bestir -himself that a rumour was spread abroad that he was dead.[561] Though -this was untrue, a further report that John of Bavaria had died was -substantiated,[562] for the energetic ex-bishop had fallen down dead -suddenly at the very beginning of 1425,[563] and thus, from the death of -one John and the inertia of the other, there seemed to be every -likelihood that Hainault at least would pass definitely under -Gloucester's rule. - -1425] BURGUNDIAN INTERVENTION - -There was one man, however, who had to be counted with, one who would -brook no interference within his sphere of influence, and this was the -Duke of Burgundy. The titular principals in this drama have retired to -the back of the stage; Jacqueline and the Duke of Brabant give place to -Humphrey of Gloucester and Philip of Burgundy. The plot, too, has -widened, and has ceased to be confined to the mere states under -dispute; it has become a personal question with an European -significance. When Philip had left Paris vowing that he would resist the -ambitions of Gloucester, he meant what he said. A truce concluded with -the party of the Dauphin had enabled him to devote his whole attentions -to this end, and on December 20 he had issued letters from Dijon to his -vassals in Picardy, Artois, and the neighbouring territories summoning -them to arm for the defence of Hainault under the leadership of John of -Luxembourg.[564] By this means a considerable force was despatched to -join the troops which the Count of St. Pol was collecting under the -auspices of Burgundy in Brabant, and by the beginning of the new year a -body of some forty thousand men, so the chroniclers tell us,[565] was -ready to invade Hainault under the brother of Duke John, who himself was -too much of a lay figure to command the troops in person.[566] As a -preliminary to the attack on Hainault, the frontier towns in Brabant -territory were garrisoned, and from these bases frequent predatory -expeditions were made across the borders, thus inflicting on the -unfortunate Hainaulters the twofold burden of an enemy's devastation and -a so-called friend's foraging parties.[567] Gloucester had already -garrisoned many of the towns under his command, and the two forces were -constantly meeting in skirmish and counter-attack, till early in March -St. Pol crossed the frontier, and invested the town of Braine-le-Comte. - -St. Pol's army was a heterogeneous collection of men from various -sources. Round him were gathered nobles of Brabant, and the discontented -from Hainault, Burgundian troops, Brabantine levies, and even Frenchmen -from amongst those who espoused the cause of the Dauphin, all -comprising a powerful but somewhat unwieldy and undisciplined -force.[568] In Braine there was an English garrison of two hundred men, -but the numbers of the defenders were swollen by the citizens, who took -up arms to resist the invader. For eight days[569] a spirited defence -was maintained, but superstitious fear quelled the ardour of the -Englishmen when they seemed to see their patron saint St. George riding -his white horse among the besiegers. On March 11 terms were offered and -accepted; the English were to be allowed to march out with the honours -of war, taking with them their private property, whilst the townsmen -were to be immune from molestation in return for a certain monetary -payment. This agreement, however, was not kept, for the wild, -undisciplined levies of Brabant, enraged at the loss of so goodly a -chance of spoil, broke into the town under cover of the truce, and -pillaged, burnt, and slew, while their captains tried in vain to assert -their authority. Thus the town was utterly destroyed, and citizen and -soldier alike were butchered in the streets.[570] - -1425] INACTIVITY OF GLOUCESTER - -While these events were happening at Braine, Gloucester had hurried -forward with the main army, which had joined him again after its -expedition into Brabant. He left Mons on March 5, and advanced as far as -Soignies within four miles of the beleaguered town, but further than -this he did not go, for he was advised not to attack the besiegers.[571] -Such abstention is inexplicable in the impetuous Humphrey. True, St. Pol -had the numerically stronger army, but the English troops were -experienced soldiers, whilst their opponents were for the most part raw -levies or unmanageable volunteers, and laboured under the disadvantage -of having to protect their rear if they were compelled to turn and fight -a relieving force. Whether it was that ill-health had sapped Humphrey's -initiative, or that the tactics of the Earl Marshal were over-cautious, -the fact remains that nothing was done, and the Duke spent the time that -he lay idle at Soignies in writing another letter to the Pope, in which -he clamoured for a speedy decision of the divorce proceedings, urging -the mischief caused by the delay and the blood which was being shed. He -declared that he had entered Hainault, and had been well received, but -that the troops of the Duke of Brabant had invaded his territory. The -blood of the killed in this struggle was not on his head. He had sent -three separate embassies to procure a pacification, but in each case -without effect, and now as a devoted son of the Holy See he must urge -that the time for delay was passed, and that the Pope must settle the -matter by a prompt decision.[572] - -While this none too courageous appeal for the help of the spiritual arm -against the invaders was being despatched, Braine had fallen, and to -cover his supine conduct, which might well suggest cowardice, Gloucester -sent a herald to the victorious general challenging him to fight then -and there,[573] a challenge which, had it been sent a few days earlier, -might have saved both the town and the murdered garrison. St. Pol gladly -accepted the defiance, and he waited several days in the neighbourhood -expecting to be attacked. At length, as there were no signs of the -enemy, and fearing to venture another siege in the inclement state of -the weather, he began to draw off, and it was only then that a party of -some eight or ten hundred English was sent to harass his retreat. St. -Pol in anticipation of a general attack drew up his forces on a hill, -as did also the English commander on some rising ground opposite, and a -series of skirmishes took place in the intervening valley. This, -however, did not develop into a general engagement, and in the evening -the English drew off, quite unaware that the Brabant levies had thrown -the opposing army into confusion by a precipitate flight. Relieved of -his foes, St. Pol was enabled to march off the rest of his troops under -cover of the darkness, and Humphrey had lost an excellent chance of -securing a decisive victory.[574] - -On the evening of the same day as this averted engagement, it was -announced to both the English and Brabant commanders that a truce had -been declared between Burgundy and Gloucester,[575] and to such an -extent was it realised that the struggle lay between these two, and that -the Duke of Brabant was merely a lay figure in the dispute, that a -general cessation of hostilities ensued. For some little time past the -two Dukes had been in communication. As soon as he had learnt of -Burgundy's summons to arms of December 20 Humphrey had written an -expostulatory letter to him, in which he complained that his actions had -been misrepresented, and that he could not accept the propositions of -peace suggested at Paris, as they were prejudicial to his interests, -adding further that it was untrue to say that Brabant had on his side -accepted the terms. He declared Philip's support of Brabant to be -iniquitous, seeing that Jacqueline was a nearer relation of his than was -the Duke, and that he was already bound to support the English cause on -the Continent by treaty. Moreover, every step had been taken to respect -Burgundian rights, and in passing through Artois the territory and its -occupants had been respected. The letter concluded with an appeal to -Philip to abstain from further hostilities.[576] - -1425] BURGUNDY AND GLOUCESTER - -To this Burgundy after some delay had replied, that what he had said -with regard to the acceptance of the conditions by Brabant was true, and -that Gloucester had refused to abide by the decision of the Paris -tribunal, or to await that of the Pope. With sudden heat he declared -that Gloucester had called him a liar, and he therefore challenged him -to single combat, offering to accept either the Emperor or Bedford as -judge of the fight. This he affirmed would be a more Christian way of -settling the dispute, in that it would avoid the killing of their -respective adherents.[577] From Soignies Gloucester had written to -accept the challenge for St. George's Day with Bedford as judge, adding -that his first letter was justified by Burgundy's recent lie in saying -that Brabant accepted the terms of the agreement.[578] To this Philip -had retorted with another letter reaffirming his former statements. -Gloucester had called him a liar, and he had therefore challenged him to -personal combat, which had been accepted, and thereby their differences -would be definitely settled.[579] - -It was on account of the arrangements made in this correspondence that -the truce between the two parties had been made, and it is rather -strange that a chronicler asserts that Humphrey picked the quarrel to -secure his retreat from Hainault.[580] The challenge came from -Burgundy, and there is no evidence in Gloucester's first letter that he -wished to provoke the quarrel. On the contrary, he was evidently -surprised and hurt by the attitude adopted by Philip, though it shows a -surprising ignorance of the character and ambitions of the man whom he -had first met at St. Omer in 1417. Till he heard of the summons of -December 20 he had never doubted but that the struggle lay between -himself and Brabant alone, and he had been at great pains to prevent any -provocation of Burgundian susceptibilities when passing through Artois. -This care was no subtle intention to put his future adversary in the -wrong, but was born of an entire inability to grasp the state of the -case. He was by nature a scholar, circumstances had transformed him into -a politician, but no circumstances could make him a statesman. He could -not see the significance of his own actions, and till brought face to -face with the facts, could not understand whither his actions would lead -him. He ought to have been aware that Burgundy would look on his -Hainault policy with no friendly eye, and he had had clear warning that -Philip would not stand by to see an alien power within his sphere of -influence. Yet blind to these signs, and unconscious that any one could -follow out a policy in a more determined way than he could, only now did -he realise his true position, and perhaps it was only now that he began -to grasp something of the complications which his hot-headed expedition -was bringing upon English policy in France. Armagnac and Burgundian had -fought side by side in the army before Brain-le-Comte, Burgundian and -Englishman had fought against each other when they should have stood -shoulder to shoulder in the plains of France. He could not hope for -reinforcements, and the troops of Burgundy were arrayed against him when -he had thought that the alliance with England would preclude such a -possibility. He stood for his own projects, and his expedition was -personal, not national, yet this, while leaving him helpless, did not -fail to alienate the sympathies of Philip from the nation whose royal -family had a member in arms against his treasured projects. - -1425] HOSTILITY TO GLOUCESTER - -The heyday of Gloucester's ascendency in Hainault was rapidly passing -into murky twilight, and the men of Hainault were not slow to apprise -the situation. With Burgundy in the field against them, they were -surrounded by enemies, and their provisions were cut off both by road -and river. They regretted Jacqueline's visit to England, and still more -did they regret that she had brought back with her an English husband. -They were disgusted at the part they had played in rejecting the Duke of -Brabant, and with the exception of the faithful few who clung to their -Countess, they all sought how they might propitiate the party that now -seemed likely to get the upper hand.[581] The very men who had -petitioned the Pope to divorce Jacqueline from the Duke of Brabant,[582] -now sought to win favour from him whom they had opposed. Such was the -state of public opinion when Gloucester rejoined his wife at Mons after -his fiasco at Soignies.[583] - -In the capital the citizens had never whole-heartedly welcomed the rule -of the foreigner, and had always disliked the regent's English -followers. They now decreed that Gloucester was to be received only with -a reasonable following, and on condition that he gave a pledge, whereby -the labourers might return to work in the fields without being molested -by his men.[584] Requests had been supplanted by demands, and the -citizens now made terms with the man they had acknowledged as governor, -while their hostility to him was still further increased by a peremptory -letter from the Duke of Burgundy threatening to send troops to besiege -the city unless it returned to the allegiance of the Duke of -Brabant.[585] Not only was the loyalty of Mons shaken, but also many of -the towns, headed by Valenciennes, had already renounced their -allegiance to Jacqueline's governor,[586] and a fresh inroad from -Brabant territory[587] convinced Gloucester that his career in Hainault -was at an end. Moreover, it is more than probable that the volatile Duke -had tired of Jacqueline, so soon as he despaired of ever possessing her -territory, and there is strong presumptive evidence that his affections -had already strayed to a certain Mme. de Warigny, the wife of one of the -Duchess's equerries.[588] As early as February 15, it had been rumoured -that the Duke was about to return to England,[589] and now he definitely -decided on this course. His hold on Hainault was weakened, if not gone; -he had never succeeded in securing even the nominal adherence of Holland -and Zealand; quick to undertake a new project, he was as quick to -despair of its success, and, perhaps most potent reason of all, he -wished to return to England, lest in his absence his uncle should -undermine his position there. - -1425] RETURN OF GLOUCESTER TO ENGLAND - -A safe-conduct through Burgundian territory made this retreat easy, and -within four days of his arrival at Mons Humphrey was ready to -start.[590] Jacqueline seems to have wished to accompany her husband, -but the authorities of Mons, seconded by the Dowager-Countess, -interfered, and insisted that their lady should not again leave the -country, and Gloucester consented on condition that the citizens of her -capital guaranteed her safety.[591] A few soldiers and some cannon were -left behind,[592] but almost all the English troops accompanied their -master, who early in April rode out to St. Ghislain. Here amidst many -tears and protestations Jacqueline bid adieu to her husband, and -sorrowfully watched him ride away down the road to Valenciennes and pass -out of her life for ever, though at the time she knew it not.[593] By -way of Bouchin and Lens he reached Calais, whence he sailed for England -on April 12.[594] - -Hainault breathed more freely when she saw the English depart, for they -had brought nothing but trouble and sorrow in their train. Not content -with provoking the wrath of the Duke of Burgundy to fall on the country -they had pretended to defend, they had pillaged, slain, and wasted -wherever they went. More than once we have had occasion to notice strong -protests at their behaviour, and it was a very unsavoury reputation they -left behind them. Neither church nor town was safe from their -depredations, and the native chronicler cries bitterly 'no soldiers ever -did so much harm to the Low Countries as did the English.'[595] -Gloucester's inability to keep his men in order is not easily explained. -In the French wars he had maintained the strictest discipline; while -marching through Artois these very same soldiers had been compelled to -restrain their plundering tendencies, and later, too, the Duke was able -to lead a short skirmish into the territory of Flanders without ever -once letting his men get out of hand. It may be that his health was not -sufficiently good to allow him to undertake that personal supervision so -necessary for maintaining order, but more probably his soldiers were -left unrestrained because their leader did not try to restrain them. -Humphrey must have been disgusted at the cold reception he had met with -in Hainault, and annoyed at the fact that he was only recognised as his -wife's regent, not as joint ruler with her. He had set out with the idea -of becoming a continental prince, and he found that he was only -grudgingly acknowledged as Jacqueline's representative. What more -natural, therefore, than that his imperious and emotional temperament -should choose a poor, mean way of revenging himself on those Hainaulters -who had disappointed his hopes, and at the same time the cheapest and -most effective method of rewarding his troops for their services? -Natural it was to Humphrey. He had none of the greatness of spirit which -alone could have brought his undertaking to a successful end, and he had -but little to be proud of, as he turned from the scene of his least -glorious achievements. - -1425] GLOUCESTER'S FAILURE - -Nothing in Gloucester's whole career has left such a blot on his -character as his expedition to Hainault. Not only did he embark on an -impolitic course, which came near to wreck the national policy and the -schemes of his brother--a policy which he espoused himself in later -life, when it had become but an empty dream--but he could not even bring -himself to stand by her whom he had undertaken to champion, in the day -of her distress. He had alienated the men whom he had attempted to -govern, he had shown himself unable or unwilling to control his -soldiers, and when thrown on his own resources, he had betrayed his -weakness as a general. A soldier of ability and experience, his -instability of character had rendered him helpless when he had no -controlling power to look up to; an ardent lover, he had soon proved -unfaithful, and had betrayed more worldly ambition than unselfishness in -his love; a man who claimed to guide the destinies of England, he had -shown himself blind to that which must have been clear to any one -possessing the merest germs of statesmanship. All his weaknesses came to -the front, and none of the virtues to which he could lay claim were -apparent; it is by this episode in his life that he is best remembered, -as the foolish knight-errant who adopted a mediA|val pose, whilst -possessing none of the mediA|val chivalry which alone could make that -pose bearable. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [468] _Lond. Chron._, 110; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 342; - Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196vo. - - [469] _Ordinances_, iii, 10. - - [470] Polydore Vergil, 5. - - [471] This story is told by Wagenaar, see BeitrA¤ge, 48, 49. - - [472] _Chron. Henry VI._, 6. Allusion to advice given by Italian - clerics justifying the marriage is made in Jacqueline's claim - that Gloucester should be recognised as Regent of Hainault. - _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 77. Martin v. also in a letter to - his representatives in England alluded to the existence of an - opinion, signed by many persons under seal, to the effect - that in the question of divorce justice was on the side of - Gloucester. _Papal Letters_, vii. 27. - - [473] A Latin chronicler in the Low Countries certainly says 'Quibus - nupciis regaliter in Anglia celebratis' (BeitrA¤ge, 16). But - this cannot stand against the unanimous silence of all other - contemporary writers. - - [474] _Cartulaire_, iv. 599. - - [475] _Ibid._, iv. 318. Also _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 58. - - [476] _Cartulaire_, iv. 328. - - [477] BeitrA¤ge, 51. - - [478] Hall, 116. Stow also, wise after the event, alludes to the - marriage as 'a thing thought unreasonable'; _Annales_ 366. - - [479] Rymer, IV. iv. 90. - - [480] Dec. 20, 1423. _Rot. Parl._, iv. 242; _Lords' Reports_, v. - 197, 198; Rymer, IV. iv. 103. LA¶her says that before the - marriage of Bedford and Anne of Burgundy Humphrey had been a - candidate for this lady's hand (LA¶her, _JakobA¤a von Bayern_, - ii. 141). He is followed in this statement by Miss Putnam (_A - MediA|val Princess_, 87), but I can find no authority for it. - Probably it is a mistake arising from the fact of Bedford's - early candidature for the hand of Jacqueline. - - [481] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 4, 5. - - [482] _Ibid._, i. 66. The date given is 1423, but this is old style; - cf. Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154. - - [483] Waurin, iii. 24-27. The Duke of Brittany was included in this - alliance. - - [484] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 387. This letter is here - attributed to Beaufort, but merely on presumptive evidence. - It is given in fuller form in the _Journal des Savants_, - 1899, pp. 192-194. It was sent to the Council through some - English prelate, probably Beaufort. - - [485] Beltz, p. lxii. - - [486] The University of Paris saw the danger too, and besides the - warning letter to the English Council, referred to above, had - written both to Burgundy and Gloucester, urging them to keep - the peace. _Journal des Savants_, 1899, pp. 189 and 191, 192. - - [487] _Cartulaire_, iv. 354, 355, October 8, 1423. - - [488] _Ibid._, iv. 341, June 16, 1423. - - [489] _Cartulaire_, iv. 340, 341, 355, 356. - - [490] Monstrelet, 551; Waurin, iii. 84. - - [491] _Cartulaire_, iv. 368. - - [492] Monstrelet, 581; Waurin, iii. 89. - - [493] _Cartulaire_, iv. 380, 381. Jacqueline agreed to this on May - 8, and Gloucester on May 28. - - [494] _Ibid._, iv. 373, 374. - - [495] _Cartulaire_, iv. 386-388. - - [496] _Ibid._, iv. 109. - - [497] _Cartulaire_, iv. 388, 389. - - [498] _Ibid._, iv. 384-386. - - [499] _Ibid._, iv. 391. This judgment was given on June 19, 1424. - - [500] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 388, 389, - - [501] _Cartulaire_, iv. 350. - - [502] There is no evidence that he asked for it, but he certainly - was not given it, else some record of it would survive. - - [503] The Prior of Ely refused to lend AL200; MSS. of Dean and - Chapter of Ely. _Hist. MSS. Rep._, xii. App. IX. 395. - - [504] _Hist. MSS. Rep._, v. 546; MSS. of Corporation of New Romney. - - [505] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 8. This comes under 1426, but - Jacqueline was not in England then. The editor changes it to - 1425, and suggests that Jacqueline was over in England at - that time. There is no ground for this suggestion. - - [506] _Cartulaire_, iv. 408 find 410; _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, - 71. - - [507] _Ordinances_, iii. 165; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 395. - - [508] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 397; _Beckington - Correspondence_, i. 281. - - [509] _Cartulaire_, iv. 413; _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 73. - - [510] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 398. Letter of one of - Gloucester's followers to Beaufort. There were other copies - of this letter addressed to other English lords. - - [511] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 398. - - [512] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 126-128. The terms were - despatched from Paris on October 28; Stevenson, _Letters and - Papers_, ii. 273, 274. Stevenson attributed this document to - 1434 for no good reason. Owing to delays it did not reach - Gloucester till November 18; _Ibid._, ii. 400. - - [513] Dynter, iii. 854, 855; _Preuves de l'histoire de Bourgogne_, - iv. No. XLVI. p. 53; St. RA(C)my, 471. - - [514] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 129-131. - - [515] Waurin, iii. 133. - - [516] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, i. 279-285. - - [517] _Ibid._, ii. 392, 393. - - [518] Desplanque, _Projet d'Assassinat, Preuves_, pp. 57, 59. - - [519] For a discussion upon these documents, see the above treatise - in _MA(C)moires couronnA(C)s par l'AcadA(C)mie royale de Belgique_, - vol. xxxii.; and also Cosneau, _Richemont_, 501, 502; De - Beaucourt, ii. 658-660. - - [520] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 399. - - [521] _Ibid._, ii. 399; _Cartulaire_, iv. 418. - - [522] _Cartulaire_, iv. 418. A letter written to Mons telling of - Gloucester's coming. This corresponds with Eberhard Windeck's - report of 4000 men (Windeck, cap. 215, p. 162). Waurin, iii. - 125, says 5000. Holkham MS., p. 8, follows Stow in saying - 1200. Pierre de FA(C)nin, p. 601, also says 1200. An entry in - the _Registre de Mons_ of November 27, 1424, says Gloucester - arrived near Mons with between 4000 and 5000 men - (_Cartulaire_, iv. 420), but he had then been joined by some - of the troops belonging to the Dowager-Duchess. - - [523] Waurin, iii. 126; Monstrelet, 562. - - [524] Kymer's 'Dietary,' in _Liber Niger Scaccarii_, App. vol. ii. - pp. 551-559. - - [525] _Cartulaire_, iv. 418; Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564. - - [526] Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Pierre de FA(C)nin, 601. - - [527] In October 1424 the Duke of Brabant had written to Mons to - announce his intention of resisting Gloucester; _Cartulaire_, - iv. 414. Resistance to Jacqueline and her husband was - therefore a certainty. - - [528] St. RA(C)my, 472. - - [529] _Cartulaire_, iv. 419. - - [530] _Chron. Henry VI._, 7. - - [531] _Cartulaire_, iv. 382, 383. - - [532] _Ibid._, iv. 407. - - [533] See _Ibid._, iv. 81, 82. - - [534] _Ibid._, iv. 419. - - [535] _Ibid._, iv. 420. - - [536] _Registre de Mons, Cartulaire_, iv. 420. - - [537] It is possible that this 'Jan Lorfevre' is none other than the - chronicler Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. RA(C)my, who was with - the English army on the day of Agincourt, but of whom we know - nothing more till he reappears in 1430 as an ambassador from - Burgundy. - - [538] _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 76, 77; _Cartulaire_, iv. 423; St. - RA(C)my, 472. - - [539] _Cartulaire_, iv. 424; _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 78. - - [540] Dynter, iii. 858. - - [541] Monstrelet, 564; Waurin, iii. 135. - - [542] _Cartulaire_, iv. 425, 426. - - [543] _Ibid._, iv. 427. - - [544] _Ibid._, iv. 428, 430, 433. - - [545] Hal is mentioned by Monstrelet and Waurin, and in an entry in - the archives of Valenciennes as an exception to the rule that - all the Hainault towns accepted Gloucester's rule; but Hal - was in Brabant and therefore was not called on to acknowledge - the new governor of Hainault. See Waurin, iii. 135; - Monstrelet, 564; _Cartulaire_, iv. 421. - - [546] _Cartulaire_, iv. 437, 438. On Jan. 9 Gloucester alludes to - this grant as 80,000 pounds tournois; _Cartulaire_, iv. 441. - - [547] _Chronique des Pays Bas_, 387. - - [548] _Cartulaire_, iv. 428. - - [549] _Ibid._, iv. 434. For another protest on the same subject from - the citizens of Mons, see _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 86. - - [550] _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 92. - - [551] _Cartulaire_, iv. 431. - - [552] _Ibid._, iv. 438-440. - - [553] _Ibid._, iv. 436, December 25, 1424. - - [554] February 4, 1425, _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 86. - - [555] _Cartulaire_, iv. 448. The letter reached Mons on February 24, - 1425. - - [556] _Ibid._, iv. 446, 447. - - [557] _Ibid._, vi. 295; _Papal Letters_, vii. 29. Martin V. also - wrote to the papal nuncios in England to the same effect; - _Papal Letters_, vii. 27. - - [558] Brabant received the letter on April 29, 1425; Dynter, iii. - 866, 867. - - [559] Letter to the Bishop of Winchester, dated January 8, 1425, in - Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 416; Dynter, iii. 859. - - [560] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 601; Dynter, iii. 859. - - [561] Letter as above, Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 410. - - [562] _Ibid._, ii. 411. - - [563] Monstrelet, 563, 564; St. RA(C)my, 471. - - [564] Stowe MS., 668, f. 32vo; Waurin, iii. 136; Monstrelet, 564. - - [565] So Waurin, iii. 164; Monstrelet, 569. Pierre de FA(C)nin, 602, - gives 50,000 men, and Dynter, iii. 861, estimates the army at - 60,000. - - [566] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 601. - - [567] Waurin, iii. 137, 138; Monstrelet, 564; _Chronique des Pays - Bas_, 388; Dynter, iii. 859-861. - - [568] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 602; Waurin, iii. 167. - - [569] So Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165. Pierre de FA(C)nin, 602, - says the siege lasted twelve days. - - [570] Dynter, iii. 861-863; Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165-167; - Pierre de FA(C)nin, 602. - - [571] _Cartulaire_, iv. 451; St. RA(C)my, 472. - - [572] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 401-404. The letter is - undated, but owing to its allusions to the recent invasion of - Hainault, it seems to have been written at this time. - - [573] Dynter, iii. 864. - - [574] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 170-174; Dynter, iii. 864. The - English forces despatched to follow St. Pol are estimated at - 6000 by St. RA(C)my, 472, 473, while the _Chronicon Zanfleet_ in - 'Amplissima Collectio,' v. 416, suggests that the only reason - why St. Pol did not attack those who followed him was because - some of the Brabant nobles in his army were in Gloucester's - pay. - - [575] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 169, 170. - - [576] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 33, 34; Monstrelet, 565; Waurin, iii. - 139-145; St. RA(C)my, 474. - - [577] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 34, 35vo; Monstrelet, 566, 567; Waurin, - iii. 145-152; St. RA(C)my, 474. - - [578] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 35, 36vo; Monstrelet, 567, 568; Waurin, - iii. 153-157; St. RA(C)my, 475, 476. The various authorities - differ as to the dates of the letters. For the first letter - the Stowe MS., Waurin, and Monstrelet have January 12, whilst - St. RA(C)my has it as January 22. For the second letter the - dates are Waurin and Stowe MS., March 13; Monstrelet, March - 3; St. RA(C)my, March 12. For the third letter, Monstrelet and - St. RA(C)my give March 16; Stowe MS. and Waurin, March 26. I am - inclined to follow the Stowe MS. all through. - - [579] Waurin, iii. 159-163; Monstrelet, 568, 569. - - [580] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 603. - - [581] Waurin, iii. 161-169. - - [582] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 390, 391. - - [583] Waurin, iii. 175; Pierre de FA(C)nin, 603. - - [584] _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 97, 98. This demand was made on - March 21. - - [585] _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 99. The letter reached Mons on - March 29. - - [586] Dynter, iii. 864. - - [587] _Ibid._, iii. 865. - - [588] On a MS. copy of Froissart's _Chronicles_--MS. franASec.ais, 831, - of the National Library at Paris--these words are written at - the end of the text: 'Plus leid n'y a Jaque de Baviere; la - meins amA(C)e est Jaque; plus belle n'y a que my Warigny, nulle - si belle que Warigny.' The interpretation is not plain, but - the inference is that Jeanne de Warigny was the object of - Gloucester's affections while he was in Hainault. This lady - had married Henri de Warigny, one of Jacqueline's esquires, - in 1418, and though she was of no lineage herself, her - husband came of one of the oldest families in Hainault. The - MS. in which this is found once belonged to Richard, Earl of - Warwick, but the writing is not in his hand. For a discussion - of this matter see Kervyn de Lettenhove, Froissart, ii. - 260-263, also BeitrA¤ge, 274, 275, and Putnam, _A MediA|val - Princess_, pp. 305-309. - - [589] _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 90. - - [590] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 603; St. RA(C)my, 476. - - [591] Waurin, iii. 175; Monstrelet, 571; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. - iv. f. 33. - - [592] St. RA(C)my, 476; _Cartulaire_, iv. 549. - - [593] Waurin, iii. 176; Monstrelet, 571. - - [594] This date is established by a letter written by Gloucester to - Jacqueline on his way home; _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 112. - - [595] _Chronique des Pays Bas_, 388. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE PROTECTORATE - - -With Humphrey's return from Hainault the second phase of his life ends -and the third begins. His early life had been that of a soldier; he had -celebrated the death of his brother by making a bid for the position of -an independent prince; now he was to devote the rest of his days to -political intrigue, and it is perhaps in this last phase that his career -assumes its greatest interest. Undoubtedly his actions during the -minority of his nephew have more importance in the history of his -country than those of his earlier years, and from them we are enabled to -realise more clearly the various threads of his policy and the governing -influences in his life. Henceforth Humphrey's whole energies are devoted -to English politics. His discarded Duchess may flit across the stage, -for a brief moment he may revert to his early participation in the -French war, but these are merely unimportant incidents in a busy -political career. The rest of his life, too, is entirely moulded by the -opposition he experiences. The spirit which had inspired the limitation -of the Protector's power was to meet him at every turn, and throughout -the next twenty years all English history was to find its central theme -in the great struggle between the Duke of Gloucester and the Beaufort -faction. Barely six months after his departure from England, Humphrey -had returned to find preparations being made for the holding of -Parliament, and it is probable that he had timed his departure from -Hainault so as to be present at this meeting, fearing lest some hostile -move should be made against him in his absence. On April 27 the young -King was brought up from Windsor, and, being met at the west door of St. -Paul's by Gloucester and Exeter--the protectors of his kingdom and his -person respectively--was lifted out of his chair by them and escorted to -the choir, where he was 'borne up and offred.'[596] Three days later he -was present at the opening of Parliament, that his uncle might remember -that he was the servant, not the master of the realm.[597] - -1425] ATTITUDE OF THE COUNCIL - -After so inglorious and impolitic a proceeding as his recent campaign -Humphrey might well have expected criticism of no light kind from the -strong faction opposed to him, and if we are to believe the French -chroniclers, such criticism he did receive at the hands of the -Council,[598] but no traces of this are to be found in the official -records. Nay more, there is ample evidence that the Protector's -influence both in Parliament and Council was considerable. Not only in -the face of a revenue deficit of AL20,000 did Parliament grant him a loan -of 40,000 marks to be paid within four years, but the Lords of the -Council agreed to act as sureties for its repayment;[599] in a dispute -between the Earl Marshal and the Earl of Warwick for precedence -Parliament decided in favour of the former, who was not only a supporter -of Gloucester, but had also commanded his troops in Hainault;[600] -finally the wardship of the estates which devolved on the young Duke of -York by the death of the Earl of March was given to the Protector.[601] -It seems hardly credible that Gloucester would have been given so much, -or have championed his friend so successfully had his influence not been -predominant. That he had met with some opposition cannot be doubted, -for the six months' power enjoyed by the Bishop of Winchester during his -nephew's absence was not likely to make him content with a secondary -position, and therefore bitter, and undoubtedly justified, criticism was -probably levelled at Humphrey by his rival. It may be that high words -passed between them; at any rate it was not to be long before their -mutual recriminations became a danger to the state. It is about this -time, therefore, that the struggle between the two chief men in the -kingdom passed from the stage of political rivalry to that of personal -competition. Gradually Gloucester and Beaufort become bitter personal -enemies, and the state of distrust inaugurated at the beginning of the -reign, now becomes a contest which the full bitterness of individual -dislike tends to increase every day. Henceforth no stone is left -unturned by either of the men to damage the position and reputation of -his rival. - -1425] JACQUELINE DESERTED - -Nevertheless there is no evidence that Gloucester's Hainault policy had -reaped that universal condemnation in England which it so richly -deserved. Bedford, it is true, saw the danger of alienating Burgundy, -and he had done his best, first to avert the provocation of his anger, -and secondly to minimise the effects of that provocation, but even he -seems to have felt considerable sympathy for his brother,[602] and -perhaps he remembered that the late King might be held largely -responsible for the turn of events. Englishmen generally seem to have -looked with kindly eyes on this mad expedition, for there was about it -some of the glamour of mediA|val romance in appearance if not in reality, -whilst Jacqueline herself had won golden opinions in England, where her -unhappy lot had obtained universal sympathy.[603] For Gloucester, -however, the romance of his marriage with Jacqueline, such as it had -been, was quite worn off, and he had already transferred his affections -to the lady who was to bring him far greater disaster than did his -foreign bride. Amongst Jacqueline's ladies-in-waiting there had been a -certain Eleanor Cobham, daughter of Reginald Cobham of Sterborough in -Kent,[604] and she had accompanied her mistress to Hainault. When -Humphrey had returned to England he had brought her with him, and it -seems that it was about this time that she became his paramour.[605] At -any rate Hainault ambitions play henceforth but a very small part in -Humphrey's life, for though we shall find that later he took some steps -to send aid to his unfortunate wife, yet he never showed the slightest -inclination to return to her side, a fact which caused no small scandal -at a later date. - -Meanwhile at Mons things had been going ill for Jacqueline. Her husband -had no sooner turned his back, than the Brabanters rose again, and the -citizens of Mons, unmindful of their recent promise, refused to support -her.[606] On June 6 she wrote a most pathetic letter to Gloucester, -telling him how the citizens had come to her on the third of that -month,[607] and had shown her a treaty signed by the Dukes of Brabant -and Burgundy, uniting her dominions under the rule of the former, and -confiding the care of her person to the latter. In spite of her -entreaties all help had been refused her, and she pointed out how her -sufferings were due to the love she bore her English husband, begging -him therefore to come to her help, though he seemed to have forgotten -her existence.[608] In a second letter of the same date she alluded to a -suggestion made by Gloucester that she should once more flee to England, -a course which she declared it was now too late to adopt. Indeed, this -was soon proved to be the case, for these letters were intercepted by -Burgundian emissaries,[609] and within five days she was being conducted -a prisoner to Ghent.[610] - -1425] DUEL WITH BURGUNDY FORBIDDEN - -Though Jacqueline's letters never reached their destination, the news of -her imprisonment soon came to England, and Parliament promptly showed -its sympathy with her by petitioning that ambassadors should be sent to -treat with Burgundy for the release of 'my Ladies' persone of -Gloucester,'[611] and at the same time the Chancellor was empowered to -draw up letters-patent under the great seal appointing the -queens-dowager of England and France, and the Duke of Bedford as -mediators between Burgundy and Gloucester, with a view to the -abandonment of the duel that had been arranged.[612] To neither of these -provisions would Humphrey make any objection, for though he had not been -the challenger in the matter of the duel, yet he had doubtless welcomed -it as a way of securing his retreat, and had never intended to take it -seriously; at any rate he made no preparations for the fray, whilst his -opponent had gone into strict training, and was having special armour -made for the occasion.[613] This attitude on the part of Duke Philip -points to a strong personal dislike of Gloucester, a dislike which dated -probably from the days when he had been slighted at St. Omer; -nevertheless, it is strange that he had ever thought that such a duel -would be allowed to take place. Bedford, ever ready to appease the -strife which had arisen over this Hainault affair, gladly undertook the -duty assigned to him by Parliament, and when in September he summoned a -council of arbitration to meet at Paris, his brother willingly nominated -the Bishop of London as his representative thereat, whilst Burgundy -grudgingly appointed the Bishop of Tournay to guard his interests.[614] -Bedford tried to avert the duel as eagerly as he had endeavoured to -reconcile the conflicting claims of Brabant and Gloucester earlier in -the story of the Hainault struggle,[615] and his efforts were assisted -by a papal Bull, which forbade the personal combat in no measured -terms.[616] Armed with this authority, the council at Paris decided on -September 22 that a perusal of the letters written by the two parties in -the dispute convinced them that neither side had any right to demand -satisfaction from the other,[617] a decision which disgusted the -Burgundian envoy, but which afforded entire satisfaction to Gloucester's -representative.[618] - -From this time forward Gloucester seems to have abandoned all idea of -securing his hold on the government of his wife's inheritance. He did -not resign all claim to Holland and Hainault, nor did he refrain from -occasional assistance to Jacqueline, or from attempts to secure the -recognition by Rome of the legality of his marriage; but he had come to -realise that personal intervention on the Continent would mean -political extinction at home, where he needed all the prestige of his -popularity amongst the commonalty and the power conferred by his -position and lineage to withstand the manoeuvres of his great rival, -Henry Beaufort. For Beaufort was entrenched in a strong position. A man -of determined will and restless energy, with powerful family -connections, of royal blood, if not in the line of succession, and well -versed by long experience in the affairs of the kingdom, he stood in -marked contrast to his nephew, who was lacking in resolute purpose, and -had spent most of his active life in the French wars, with few -opportunities of gaining political experience. Above all, whilst -Beaufort was constantly lending money for purposes of state, Gloucester -was equally constant in his demands for royal loans or an increased -salary, a fact which gave the former an immense financial hold on the -kingdom. Such a power as that wielded by the Bishop of Winchester was -not to be despised, nor was it to be left unopposed by one who aspired -to be the chief governing power in the state; but there was yet another -reason which impelled Humphrey to confine his main efforts towards -maintaining and improving his position in England, the roots of which -lay in his own character. When he had set out light-heartedly to assert -his right to control the dominions of Jacqueline, he had thought it to -be an easy task. He now knew that it was only by a prolonged effort that -he could succeed in Holland and Hainault. Such an effort he was totally -incapable of making, for he had none of that determination which -characterised his father and at least two of his brothers. Brilliant and -versatile as he was, these qualities preordained him to prefer a life of -political intrigue to that of hard fighting against a firm and steadfast -foe. His fickle nature delighted in the kaleidoscopic changes of party -warfare, and to that warfare he devoted the best part of the rest of his -life, forgetting his dreams of foreign dominion in that strife where the -interests of the moment predominated. He was a child of circumstance, -and lived only for the passing moment, and as such he found his true -_milieu_ in the faction fights which preceded the Wars of the Roses. - -1425] EXPEDITION TO HAINAULT - -Yet while he devoted himself mainly to matters of English politics, -Humphrey did not abstain from all interference in Hainault affairs. -There was no question with him of abandoning an enterprise fraught with -danger to his country. So long as Jacqueline could keep up the struggle, -he would encourage her, in the hope that some day he might reap the -advantage, and it was in this spirit that he wrote to Martin v., -complaining that the divorce decree against Brabant had not yet been -granted, and urging him in the interests of Europe generally to hasten -the matter to a conclusion favourable to the Countess.[619] At the same -time the situation in Hainault looked more promising. The exertions of -English ambassadors to secure Jacqueline's release had been rendered -unnecessary by her escape from her captors,[620] and she had signalised -her regained freedom by a victory over her assailants at the little -village of Alfen. The Duke of Brabant was rendered still more anxious by -rumours which reached him to the effect that a force of some 20,000 -strong, under the personal leadership of Gloucester, was about to -reinforce his enemies, that the Scotch King, in remembrance of his -recent marriage alliance with the House of Lancaster, was coming with -8000 more, and that contingents from Ireland and the English army in -Normandy were destined to join the victorious troops of his militant -Countess.[621] The exaggeration of this report was obvious, but, -nevertheless, a force was being collected in England, and towards the -end of the year it sailed under the leadership of Lord Fitzwalter, in -all some thousand men. In the early days of 1426 these troops landed on -the coast of Zealand, only to be almost annihilated with the majority -of Jacqueline's native troops in the neighbourhood of Zierikzee by the -Burgundian forces. The remainder straggled back to England, having -'prevayled nothing.'[622] - -1425] THE BEAUFORT QUARREL - -Before this expedition had sailed, however, Gloucester was entirely -absorbed in affairs nearer home. The rivalry between himself and -Beaufort, which had been simmering ever since the Protector's return, -now boiled over, and for a moment threatened civil war. The Chancellor -had made great efforts during his short period of government to -strengthen his own hands, welcoming Gloucester's absence abroad as an -opportunity for weakening his power. Some disorderly riots and seditious -manifestations in London had afforded a pretext for inducing the Council -to place one Richard Wydeville in command of the Tower,[623] and he had -used this appointment to strengthen his position in the capital, where -he was notoriously unpopular. He gave Wydeville strict injunctions that -he was to admit no one 'stronger thanne he' within the Tower, and later -mentioned the Protector as one of those who must be excluded, pointing -to his popularity in the city as evidence of his seditious -intentions.[624] It was not likely that such proceedings would pass -without a protest from Gloucester, and there is every reason to -believe--from an undated entry in the minutes of the Council, which -records a meeting held towards the end of the third year of the -reign--that the quarrel between the two rivals had become acute by the -July or August after his return. We learn from this that an ordinance -was being prepared for the consideration of the next Parliament, which -required that every peer should take an oath not to disturb the King's -peace by revenging by force any ill done to him, but to have recourse to -'pesible and restful weyes of redress.' At the same time an oath of -secrecy and a promise to give honest advice without obstructing any -matter under discussion was exacted from all who sat at the Council -board.[625] All this tends to prove that the struggle between the two -claimants for power was already raging fiercely. - -Nevertheless, we find no actual disturbances recorded till the Bishop -roused Gloucester's suspicions by filling Southwark, where his house was -situated, with Lancashire and Cheshire archers.[626] Then, fearing lest -he should be attacked by this force and taken unprepared, the Protector -sent a message post-haste to the Mayor and Aldermen, asking them to be -on their guard for fear lest an attack on the city should be made from -the other side of the river. The message found the civic magnates at the -banquet with which they were wont to celebrate the election of the new -Mayor, but they promptly acceded to Gloucester's request, and the city -was carefully guarded all through that night, as though a siege was -imminent.[627] This was on October 29, the day after the feast of St. -Simon and St. Jude,[628] and on the morrow events justified the -Protector's precautions, for a large body of Beaufort's men appeared -outside the gate on the south side of London Bridge about eight or nine -o'clock in the morning, and were surprised to find all entrance -forbidden them. Nothing daunted, they waited till more of their fellows -had come up, and then proceeded to attack the gate 'with shot and other -means of warre,' attempting by these means to force an entrance into the -city. - -The news that the Chancellor was in arms against their beloved Duke -Humphrey spread like lightning amongst the citizens, and within an hour -all shops were shut, and the streets leading to the bridge were thronged -by men willing and anxious to keep the bishop out, and to resist the -'King's enemies.' So determined was this opposition that the attempted -assault was abandoned, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the -Mayor restrained the angry citizens, who wanted to sally out and exact -vengeance for the presumptuous attack, whilst the Archbishop of -Canterbury and the Duke of Coimbra--one of Gloucester's Portuguese -uncles--offered their services as mediators. This self-imposed task -proved no sinecure, and eight times did they ride backwards and forwards -between the two parties ere peace was secured, and Beaufort had to be -content with his side of the river, whilst the Protector remained in -possession of the city.[629] 'All London a rose with the Duke a yenst -the forsaide Bysshope,' writes a contemporary chronicler,[630] and -indeed Gloucester had reason to be grateful for the support of the -citizens at a critical time. It was not the rabble--as Beaufort later -declared--which rose to champion him, but the sober burgher class, -headed by Sir John Coventry, their Mayor, that had produced the -discomfiture of the Chancellor, and that ever henceforward formed the -most important section of Gloucester's supporters. The tone of the -London chroniclers also suggests, that the action of Beaufort was -considered by them at least as a direct blow dealt both at the city and -at the peace and security of the kingdom at large, and that in -supporting Gloucester the citizens were taking a line which was -patriotic both as regards their city and as regards the nation. - -1425] BEDFORD SUMMONED TO ENGLAND - -The truce between Humphrey and his uncle could not be a final settlement -of the bad blood that had been aroused, and on All-hallows Even[631] the -latter wrote to Bedford in hurried, but emphatic, terms, urging him to -come to England without delay, 'for by my troth,' he wrote, 'if you -tarry, we shall put this land in adventure with a field,[632] such a -brother you have here; God make him a good man.'[633] He forgot to -mention that it was he that had taken the first step to 'put this land -in adventure with a field,' for even as he had been the first, in the -days when the Protector's privileges were being arranged, to provoke -that duel for power which, in its later manifestation, was to develop -into the Wars of the Roses, so was he now the first to appeal to armed -force as a means of emphasising the righteousness of his cause. The -statement that Gloucester made the first move to arms cannot be -substantiated.[634] It was against the force which Beaufort had already -mustered in the suburbs of Southwark that he appealed to the Mayor of -London, and in so doing he acted as any wise Protector of the kingdom -would have done, when he saw the capital threatened by the armed -retainers of a too powerful subject. Moreover, while Beaufort's force -was specially organised, Gloucester was prepared with no retainers to -protect himself or his ambitions, but in the time of need he was forced -to appeal on the spur of the moment to the loyalty of the citizens. In -point of fact, too, the first hostile move was made by the Bishop, for -the action of the Mayor in guarding the gates of the city was merely a -defensive precaution, unknown to the Beaufort retainers, who did not -expect to meet with any resistance when they tried to cross the bridge. -Thus both the hostile intent and the hostile action originated with the -Chancellor, while the support given to the Protector, apart from the -guarding of the gates overnight, was entirely spontaneous on the part of -the great mass of the citizens. - -The fact that Beaufort so promptly appealed to the arbitrament of -Bedford has also been counted unto him for righteousness,[635] whereas -it merely displays the cleverness of his play in the game of politics. -From Bedford he might hope for support, since the folly of the Hainault -campaign would tend to make the Regent in France suspicious of his -brother's actions, and ready to believe that the fault of the recent -disturbances lay with him. Moreover, no one knew better than Bedford the -usefulness of the Bishop's purse, and the impolicy of alienating one who -could always produce ready money, while Humphrey had no such claim to a -statesman's consideration. Beaufort also had nothing to lose, and a -possibility of much to gain, by this appeal. Public opinion in London -had spoken against him; it is more than probable that this feeling -extended outside the city, and for the time at least he had to -acknowledge defeat. On the other hand, if it is true that the Protector -refused to formulate complaints against his opponent when asked to do so -by envoys from his brother,[636] it was only natural that he should -adopt such an attitude. He looked on himself, both by right of birth and -by right of the will of Henry V., as the lawful Protector of England, -and though he was compelled to accept the restrictions imposed on him by -Parliament, he was not likely to acknowledge the supremacy of his -brother more than he could help. To indict Beaufort before Bedford would -not only be a confession of weakness, but also, in his eyes, an insult -to his position. By law as well as by right he was Protector in England -so long as Bedford remained in France, and under the circumstances he -could recognise no superior tribunal; he had no wish to bring Bedford to -England to settle the matter, and thus be compelled to take the second -place. Though this attitude was undoubtedly selfish, and based on too -high an opinion of his own importance, it does not therefore prove that -in the quarrel with Beaufort he was in the wrong. - -1425] RETURN OF BEDFORD - -For the time being Gloucester's power was undisputed. On the same day -that the letter of summons to England was despatched to Bedford the -Council met at the Protector's own house,[637] a fact which has its -significance. It was probably with the consent of the Council that the -Protector, with the Duke of Coimbra, journeyed down to Eltham on -November 5, and brought the young King back to London to strengthen the -hands of the executive there.[638] The same day yielded another -illustration of Gloucester's influence, when the Council, in -consideration of his 'great necessity,' agreed to lend him five thousand -marks on promise of repayment, when the King should reach his fifteenth -year,[639] a sum probably used for the expedition to Hainault already -described. Beaufort, it is to be presumed, took no part in these -transactions, but was compelled to view his rival's success in silence, -eagerly awaiting the return of Bedford, who on December 20 landed on -English soil. By virtue of his return Bedford became Protector of the -kingdom, receiving the salary of eight thousand marks a year, which in -his absence had been enjoyed by his brother,[640] who now was reduced to -the rank of first councillor to the King, with an income of three -thousand marks only.[641] The Bishop of Winchester hastened to meet -Bedford, and together they entered London on January 10, proceeding at -once to Westminster, where the new Protector was lodged in the King's -palace, while the Chancellor lay near by at the Abbey, desiring to keep -watch over his nephew, lest any influence hostile to himself should be -brought to bear on him.[642] So successfully did he put his case and -justify the policy of his appeal to the Regent in France, that Bedford -showed marked hostility to his brother, and when the citizens of London -came to greet him on the morrow of his arrival, and presented him with a -pair of 'silver gilt basins,' they received but a cold reception, in -view of the hostility they had recently shown to the Chancellor and his -proceedings.[643] - -1426] COUNCIL AT ST. ALBANS - -Already steps had been taken to summon Parliament, which was to meet on -February 15 at Leicester,[644] the choice of this town being probably -due to the Chancellor's fears that in London public opinion would be too -strongly against him, and in the meantime vigorous attempts were made to -effect a reconciliation before the meeting took place. On January 29 a -Council was held under the presidency of Bedford at St. Albans, whence a -deputation, consisting of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of -Stafford, Lords Talbot and Cromwell, and Sir John Cornwall, was sent to -Gloucester, who had refused to attend the meeting, though he might have -counted on the support of public opinion in the neighbourhood of his -chosen abbey. This deputation was commissioned to inform the Duke that -another Council was to be held at Northampton on the 13th of the next -month, and to offer him a pressing invitation to attend there, as the -matters in dispute between him and the Chancellor were to be discussed -with a view to a reconciliation, assuring him that 'justice and reason -shal duely and indifferently be mynystered unto him in all things that -he hath said or shal say as for occasion or matter of the displesaunce -or hevynesse abovesaid.' To the demand which Humphrey had made, that as -a condition of his coming the absence of his opponent must be assured, -the Council gave a decided refusal, pointing out that there was no -danger of a riot between the retainers of the respective parties, as the -Bishop had agreed to restrain his men, and the King would 'settle such -rewle' that peace would be maintained throughout the town. It is, -however, probable that Gloucester feared more the hostile bias in -Bedford's mind produced by the machinations of his uncle, than personal -violence to himself, and preferred a direct appeal to the Lords in -Parliament, with whom his influence was much stronger than it had been -earlier in the reign, to a judgment by the Council, now under the -domination of his opponents. - -This changed attitude of the Council, which before Bedford's landing had -been controlled by Gloucester, is seen in a secret instruction to the -deputation. Should the Duke steadily refuse to go to Northampton under -the assurances mentioned above, the commissioners were empowered to add, -that at the request of Bedford and the Council Beaufort had promised to -dismiss some of his men, and only bring such as were fitting for his -position, on condition that Gloucester should do likewise. It is very -strange that this condition should be kept in the background, and only -produced under compulsion, for it seems a natural concession, and one -which could only be refused by a man who was not acting in perfect -honesty. If the Council had suspected the large retinue of the Earl of -March in 1423, why should not the Chancellor's evidently large body of -retainers incur the same suspicion? It would be, of course, absurd to -suggest that, had Gloucester gone to Northampton, the drama of 1447 at -Bury St. Edmunds would have been anticipated; the mere presence of -Bedford would refute such a suggestion; but this 'card up the sleeve' -policy does not speak well for the honesty of those who adopted it. - -If after their last magnanimous offer Gloucester still persisted in his -refusal to attend if Beaufort were present, the messengers of the -Council were to point out that it would be unreasonable in Gloucester, -even if he were the King--surely a malicious insinuation--to refuse any -man a hearing, and also that if he wished 'to be esed as towards his -griefs, as the Council assured him was their honest intention, it must -be done either by an act of justice, or by a reconciliation, either of -which required the presence of both parties. Moreover, to Gloucester's -demand that the Chancellor should resign the custody of the seals, it -was answered that this was an attempt to coerce the King--for no -official was ever dismissed except by the King's wish, by his own -request, or owing to some fault proved against him.[645] In their -refusal of this request the Council were undoubtedly justified, and -there is much that is wise and statesmanlike throughout the -instructions, due undoubtedly to the influence of Bedford. But there is -also ample evidence of Beaufort influence, and we cannot blame -Gloucester if he regarded this communication more as a manifesto from -his opponents than as a genuine offer of arbitration, and refused to go -to Northampton, preferring to wait till the Parliament should be -summoned at Leicester. One thing should not pass unnoticed in this offer -of the Council. Though the Bishop had summoned Bedford from France, -Gloucester had now assumed the rA'le of accuser. It was as such that he -was to appear at Leicester, having herein outmanoeuvred his opponent, -who, thinking to act on the aggressive, had been compelled to fall back -on a defensive attitude. - -1426] PARLIAMENT OF LEICESTER - -The Parliament which met at Leicester on February 18,[646] has been -handed down to posterity as the 'Parliament of Battes,' because, as all -weapons had to be discarded by the members and their retainers, they -came armed with staves and 'battes,' which did not come under the -category of weapons.[647] No allusion was made to the quarrel in the -Chancellor's opening speech, although it was the most important matter -before the assembly, and indeed it seemed at first as though there would -be little progress made in the work of the session. For ten days nothing -was done; the Speaker was not even chosen; and during that time -Leicester must have been the scene of much diplomacy and intrigue, of -which we have no record. At length on the 28th the Commons took the -initiative by sending up a petition to the Lords, asking them to take -steps to heal the divisions which had occurred in their body,[648] a -request which was answered by a promise, made by the peers on March 4, -to deal honestly between Gloucester and the Bishop.[649] The consent of -the two parties to this mediation had now to be secured, and at the -urgent request of Bedford the Duke consented, three days later, to -submit all his grievances to a Commission, composed of Archbishop -Chichele, the Dukes of Exeter and Norfolk; the Bishops of Durham, -Worcester, and Bath; Humphrey, Earl of Stafford; Ralph, Lord Cromwell, -and William Alnwick, Keeper of the Privy Seal and Bishop-elect of -Norwich, though it was provided that any matter touching the King was to -be referred to the Council.[650] Beaufort gave a similar consent.[651] -This Commission could not have been more fairly chosen. The Archbishop, -if slightly inclined to resent the ambitions of his brother of -Winchester, was eminently impartial and well versed in the art of -pacification; the two Dukes each represented one of the rivals, for -whilst Exeter was the brother of the Bishop, Norfolk was the friend of -Gloucester;[652] Lord Cromwell was inclined to the Beaufort -faction,[653] but the bishops were mostly impartial, though probably the -Bishop of Bath was another of Beaufort's followers.[654] - -It was with his usual easy confidence that Gloucester proceeded to draw -up his indictment of the Chancellor. He complained that Beaufort had -instructed Wydeville to refuse him entrance to the Tower, though he was -Protector of the realm, and had afterwards shielded this man from the -consequences of this action. Nay, more, Beaufort had plotted to -undermine the Protector's power by attempting to remove the King from -Eltham, thinking to secure thereby a hold over the government of the -kingdom. At the same time he had hindered Gloucester from going to -frustrate these plans by barricading the Southwark end of London Bridge, -and posting armed men in the houses of the district, thus trying to kill -the Protector and disturb the King's peace. Further, Gloucester accused -his adversary of maligning him to Bedford in his letter of October 31 by -saying that he was harassing the Kings subjects. Not content with the -recent misdemeanours of the Chancellor, his accuser made an excursion -into past history, and brought up an old story that an attempt had been -made on the life of Henry V., when Prince of Wales, by a man who -confessed himself Beaufort's agent, and together with this was joined -the incompatible, but more likely story, that Beaufort had advised the -same Henry to assume the crown whilst his father was lying dangerously -ill.[655] - -1426] INDICTMENT OF BEAUFORT - -The tenor of these accusations at once establishes the motive of the -quarrel. From them it is evident that Gloucester looked on the whole -matter as a personal question, and did not realise that there was a -possible constitutional aspect of the case. There was nothing which -betrayed the statesman in this indictment, which merely complained of -insults to his dignity, attacks on his position, and concluded with -impertinent statements as to the past career of his rival. Throughout it -showed considerable ingenuity, but at the same time it betrayed an -inability to understand the constitutional pose which the better -politician of the two had assumed. In Beaufort's answer the refutation -of the very first accusation shows the different methods of the two men. -Though his policy was one of mere self-seeking, the Bishop of Winchester -knew how to use the language of the new constitutional theories which -had developed under the two preceding Lancastrian kings. He asserted -that in the Tower incident he was fully justified in the advice he had -given Wydeville not to admit the Protector within its walls. He declared -that before the Hainault expedition it had been decided in Council, in -the presence of Gloucester, to garrison and provision the Tower, but -that this had never been done; that during the absence of the Protector -certain seditious risings, levelled, it would seem, mainly against -foreigners, had disturbed the peace of the capital, and that Wydeville -had been placed in command of the Tower to strengthen the hands of the -Executive. Such being the case, Gloucester on his return had ingratiated -himself with the citizens by sympathising with them for having a castle -fortified against them in this manner, and had done his utmost to -stultify the action of the Council in this matter. Moreover, a question -of privilege had been raised by the refusal of Humphrey to deliver up a -certain Friar Randolph who had been committed to the Tower on a charge -of treason, and whom the Protector had removed from the Lieutenant's -custody, declaring that his command was a sufficient warrant of -discharge for the custodian of the prisoner, 'in the which thing above -seyd yt was thought to my lorde of Winchestre that my seyde lorde off -gloucestre toke upon himsylff fferrer thanne his auctorite stretched -unto, and causid him fforto doute and drede, leest the Toure hadde be -stronge he wolde have proceded fferther.'[656] - -The arguments thus used by the Bishop in reply to this charge are -specious to a degree, and appealed to principles of ministerial control, -an attitude which has stood him in good stead with the historians of a -democratic age. Nevertheless, this favourable appearance was but -skin-deep. The Chancellor had had practically complete control of the -kingdom whilst Gloucester had been abroad, and now he was disgusted to -find that his precedence was no longer recognised. If the title of -Protector was anything beyond a name, its holder was entitled to enter a -royal castle at his will, and no plea of expediency could be pleaded by -a Chancellor who took upon himself to deny such a right. The truth which -lies beneath the fair exterior of the reply to this first charge is on -careful examination quite evident. Beaufort feared that, in spite of the -strict limitations put upon his power, Gloucester would prove to be -stronger than had been expected, and his instructions to Wydeville were -dictated by no fears for the safety of the kingdom, but fears for the -permanency of his own ascendency in the councils of the nation. The -stories about the Londoners and the traitor friar were in all -probability true, but those who would sympathise with Beaufort as leader -of the constitutional party against the encroachments of the Protector -can here find no arguments to support their theory, for he had worked in -opposition to his own chief, and had persuaded an officer to disobey his -superior. Only so far as all who oppose governments are called -constitutionalists can this term be applied to the Bishop of Winchester -and his party. On the other hand, it seems hard to understand why -Gloucester should deliberately give a handle to his opponent by removing -Friar Randolph from custody. This action, if not exactly illegal at this -time, was undoubtedly unwise, though it may be that some unexplained -reason--possibly the Protector's known affection for the unhappy Queen -Joan, whose confessor and alleged accomplice Randolph was[657]--impelled -him to take it. - -1426] BEAUFORT'S ANSWER - -The answer to the second and third counts, which accused Beaufort of -attempting to secure the King's person for his own ends, and of -preventing Gloucester from going to visit his nephew at Eltham, give us -a further insight into the events of the famous Tuesday on which the -retainers of the Chancellor came to blows with the Londoners. If we are -to accept Beaufort's version of the matter--and it is to some extent -corroborated by the terms of Humphrey's accusation--the trouble between -the two princes had been brewing for some time. The Chancellor declared -that as early as the time when the last Parliament was sitting he had -been warned that Gloucester was contemplating a personal attack on him, -and that certain of the London citizens of the baser sort had announced -their intention of throwing him 'in Temyse, to have tauht him to swymme -with wengis.' Furthermore, on the Sunday which preceded the call to -arms, a deputation from the Council had waited upon the Protector to -know whether it was true that he bore the Chancellor ill-will, and if -so, the reason of his so doing; and Gloucester had acknowledged the -truth of the report. With an assumed air of innocence Beaufort recounted -how the city had stood to arms all through the Monday night, and had -assumed a threatening attitude towards him, although, as we know, both -he and his men were ignorant of this till they attempted to cross the -bridge on the following morning. On the Tuesday, it appears, the -Protector had also wished to cross the river with a company of three -hundred horse provided by the civic authorities, to go to Eltham to see -the King, and the Chancellor had prevented this by force of arms, -defending this action by saying that his rival wished to remove the King -from his present abode without securing the consent of the Council--an -act which he declared to be illegal and high-handed to the last -degree.[658] - -Thus both parties accused the other of the same intent with regard to -the King, but as Beaufort on his side pointed out, and it was equally -true from the point of view of his rival, no useful end was to be -attained by securing the King's person.[659] There was no obvious -felonious intent in the Protector wishing to visit the child for whom he -was acting, and no objection was taken by the Council to his removal to -London on November 5. Beaufort's assumed constitutional fears as to the -danger attending his removal from Eltham are discounted by his -declaration that the possession of the young King's person was for him a -useless burden. The truth seems to be that Gloucester, established in -London, and with the citizens espousing his cause, was in so strong a -position that Beaufort felt he must do something to counteract it. He -therefore collected troops, and failing to effect an entrance into the -city, was determined that at least Humphrey should not cross to his side -of the river. The fundamental reason for the quarrel was the rivalry of -two ambitious men, each desirous of governing the kingdom, but of the -two Beaufort was undoubtedly the aggressor. It was he that had appealed -to force to aid his cause, and though he declared that he considered the -kingdom in great danger from Duke Humphrey, it never occurred to him to -summon Bedford from France to restore order till he himself had been -worsted in his attempt at armed interference. Humphrey cannot be -accused of provoking the appeal to arms. His modest escort of three -hundred men was no large force in view of the existence of an enemy on -his road, also it was quite uncharacteristic of him to appeal to such -means. In spite of his stormy political career, in no case do we find -him making any appeal to force of arms. He was by nature a political -schemer, but he had seen too much of war on a grand scale, and the -disasters which militant parties bring on themselves as well as on their -country, to make use of such methods. Beaufort, on the contrary, was -turbulent where his opponent was factious; he dabbled in the pomp and -the language of war, and was far more ready to bring the country to the -venture of a 'field' than the party opposed to him. It was Beaufort, not -Gloucester, who was responsible for the first blood spilt in that great -struggle for the control of the incapable Henry VI.'s policy, the last -stages of which neither were to live to see. - -Beaufort's answer to the accusation of plotting against Henry IV. and -Henry V. was a denial, and an offer to stand his trial on this -count;[660] but the rights of the case are of no importance here, for -this was only a diplomatic move on the part of the Protector to blacken -the other's character. The Bishop's justification of his remarks in his -letter to Bedford, however, have considerable interest. He stated that -in it was to be found proof of his desire for a good government of the -kingdom, and of his anxiety to escape provoking a civil war, arguments -which came ill from one who had tried force and had failed; but his -chief point was that Gloucester had encouraged rather than restrained -the seditious action of some of the London artisans, who had resisted -some wage regulations made by the mayor and aldermen with the consent of -the Council.[661] - -This last reply was a skilful move intended to discredit Gloucester's -case by proving the disreputable character of his supporters, but we can -hardly believe that the civic authorities would so loyally have -supported any one who had encouraged a disregard of their decrees. -Nothing speaks more strongly for the fact that the Protector, rather -than the Chancellor, stood for the cause of good government than the -undivided support which the long-headed, peace-loving burgesses of -London gave to the former. In point of fact, both Gloucester and -Beaufort were ambitious men, and neither was over-burdened with -principles. Yet we must not forget that the Protectorate was in the -hands of Gloucester, and that the Bishop, as Chancellor, was attacking a -power which was legal, though to him obnoxious. He had inspired the -limitations of the Protector's power at the beginning of the reign; he -had secured that the absent brother should be supreme; and he resented -the discovery that, after all, Gloucester was not a mere subject for his -Chancellor's diplomacy, and that he was supported by a strong party in -the nation. Beaufort's action here was a bid for power, not a protest -against bad government; and, while in no way praising the Protector for -an enlightened policy, it would be unfair to brand his government of the -nation as corrupt and merely turned to his own advantage, because an -ambitious man strove to occupy the position which he held. Throughout -the struggle there was no question of principle, whether moral or -constitutional; it was merely a fight as to who should govern England. - -1426] RECONCILIATION - -The arbitrators adopted a policy of conciliation. In accordance with -their award of March 12, the Bishop of Winchester solemnly declared in -Parliament that he had always borne true allegiance to Henry IV., Henry -V., and Henry VI.; and, in answer, Bedford, in the name of the King and -Council, declared him to be a true and loyal subject. Next, the Bishop -swore that he had no designs on the 'persone, honour, and estate' of -Gloucester, who replied, 'Beal Uncle, sithen ye so declare you such a -man as ye say, I am ryght glad yat hit is so, and for suche I take -yowe.' After these formalities the two opponents shook hands.[662] - -Though this award allayed the difficulties of the moment, the -reconciliation thus brought about rang hollow, and there still remained -much 'prive wrath' between the two men.[663] It was considered -impossible for both to remain in office, and the day after the award -(March 13) Beaufort resigned the Seal, and the Bishop of Bath followed -on the 18th with his resignation of the Treasurership.[664] Thus -Gloucester had secured a decided victory, and, for the time at least, he -was free from Beaufort factions. A really strong man would never have -permitted matters to reach the pitch they had attained, but we must not -allow any of his later actions to colour our opinion of his behaviour at -this time. He cannot be said to have invited the contest, and it is a -revelation to those who remember only the discredited politician of -later years, that there was a time when he could command the support of -a strong section of the community and resist a deliberate and -well-planned attack. Doubtless much of his success was due to the -prestige of the position which he held, and to the fact that there was -an instinctive dread--well justified in the light of subsequent -events--of any change of government. To remove Gloucester from the -Protectorate, though he only held it during the King's pleasure, would -be to cause a disastrous struggle, if not civil war. - - * * * * * - -Gloucester was victorious, and his position was naturally strengthened -thereby. After the great 'Debaat' between him and Beaufort had been -brought to a peaceful conclusion, little more was done in Parliament -before the Easter adjournment beyond filling the vacant offices. John -Kemp, Bishop of London, was made Chancellor, and Lord Hungerford -succeeded the Bishop of Bath as Treasurer,[665] appointments to which, -it must be presumed, Gloucester made no objection. However, the time was -to come when Humphrey would class Kemp only second to Beaufort among his -most prominent opponents. On the 20th of March Parliament was prorogued -till the 29th of the following month, and Gloucester left Leicester -forthwith, intending, it would seem, to spend Easter at London or -Greenwich. On the 22nd he passed through St. Albans, whence the monks, -to show their pleasure at the discomfiture of the Bishop of Winchester -and the success of their patron, escorted him as far as Barnet, where he -spent the night; on his return journey to Leicester for the reopening of -Parliament he spent three nights at the abbey.[666] Nothing of -administrative importance occurred during this second session, but on -Whit-Sunday a great ceremony was made of the knighting of the young King -by his uncle Bedford. Immediately afterwards Henry himself knighted -thirty-six other young men, including Richard, Duke of York. Amongst -these new knights we find the six-years-old Earl of Tankerville, -Gloucester's future son-in-law, and Reginald Cobham, his future -brother-in-law.[667] A week later steps were taken to ensure the seven -years' truce with Scotland which had been made two years earlier. It -seems that the borderland between the two countries had been the scene -of considerable disturbances, and to check these a strong commission was -appointed to preserve the truce and punish infractions of it. At the -head of this commission stood the Duke of Gloucester.[668] On June 1 -Parliament was dissolved. - -1427] THE COUNCIL ASSERTS ITS RIGHTS - -Bedford was in no hurry to leave England, for he remained fifteen months -in the country, and during this time the government was in his hands. -Gloucester took no active share in the administration, and he seems to -have lived in retirement, only emerging to attend the obsequies of the -Duke of Exeter at St. Paul's early in January 1427.[669] Almost -immediately after attending this ceremony he fell ill, and was still -confined to his 'inne' when a Council was held on January 18 in view of -the approaching departure of Bedford, who was especially asked to attend -this meeting. It was opened by a speech from Chancellor Kemp, now -Archbishop of York, in which, after some complimentary remarks, he -broached the reason for this invitation. He enlarged on the -responsibility for the good governance of the kingdom which lay on the -lords spiritual and temporal assembled in Parliament, or, when -Parliament was not sitting, on the Council, showing how, though the King -was titular sovereign, his youth compelled the full weight of government -to fall on the Council, except in so far as Parliament had given -definite and special powers to the Protector. He reminded Bedford that -the Council might be called in question for the government and for the -use of its authority, and under the circumstances they could not do -their duty unless they were 'free to governe by the said auctorite and -aquite hem in al thing that hem thought expedient for the King's behove -and the good publique of the said roialmes.' Thus, though they had no -desire to curtail the Protector's privileges of birth or position, the -Council, realising that their rights were being infringed, demanded of -him a declaration of his policy, and a promise to abide by the -arrangement under which he held office.[670] Bedford, with a suspicious -readiness, thanked the Council for their plain speaking, and declared -himself ready to be 'advised, demened and reuled' by them in all things, -asking them to point out any defects in his conduct, and then proceeding -unasked to take an oath on the Testament to abide by their -decisions.[671] - -Gloucester, 'being deseased with syknesse,' was not present at this -meeting, so on the following day the Lords of the Council visited him at -his 'inne,' and repeated to him what they had said to his brother. They -feared that a favourable answer was not so likely in this quarter, for -they remembered his answer to certain 'overtures and articles' they had -recently laid before him, and how 'sayng and answeryng as he had doon at -divers tymes afore,' he had declared that if he had done anything -disloyal he would answer to none but the King himself when he came of -age. They reminded him of this answer, and further remarked how they had -heard that he had said, 'Let my brother governe as hym lust whiles he is -in this land, for after his going overe into Fraunce I will governe as -me semeth good.' They then recounted the proceedings of the day before, -and laid great stress on Bedford's gracious answer to their request. -Thus confidently expecting a like answer from him--so they assured -him--they asked to know his intentions.[672] - -1427] GLOUCESTER AND THE COUNCIL - -Gloucester found himself in an awkward position. He had evidently been -so elated by his victory over Beaufort that he had been more incautious -than usual, and while in no way interfering with the government of his -brother, had unwisely asserted his intention to profit by his success. -Bedford was too wise not to be alarmed at this avowed policy, not merely -because he could not trust the judgment of Gloucester, but also and -mainly because he saw that it would raise such opposition, that the -dissensions he had just appeased would again recur. It is more than -probable that he had instigated the action of the Council, and had -taken advantage of Gloucester's indisposition. His prompt acceptance of -the proposals proves that they were not unexpected, and the fact that he -had taken an oath to be governed by the Council would make it -practically impossible for one who was merely his substitute to refuse -his consent. Thus everything was safely arranged and carried out before -Gloucester knew anything about it. There was no jealousy of his brother -in this action of Bedford's; he knew the temper of the kingdom and the -dangers with which it was threatened, better probably than any man -living; he saw that Beaufort and Gloucester with their selfish policies -were almost equally dangerous, and while he was moving one from the -scene of his activities,[673] he desired to warn the other, who could -not be removed, of the folly of his course. Beaufort's influence, though -his reputation in the country at large had doubtless suffered by his -defeat at Leicester, was still no negligible quantity, and there is -every reason to suppose that he still retained the partial confidence of -Bedford. It may be that it was absolutely on his own initiative that -Bedford took this action, but it was prompted by the distrust of his -brother which Beaufort had instilled into his mind--a distrust, be it -owned, which Humphrey had done little or nothing to remove. - -Gloucester was compelled to make the best of his diplomatic defeat. His -absence from the Council meeting had put all protest out of the -question, and he thanked his visitors for having come to 'advertize hym' -as they had done, and begged them always to treat him so in the future. -If in any way he should break the law of the land, he would submit to be -'corrected and governed by them,... and not by his owne wit ne -ymaginacion.' He even digressed into instances of the advantage of this -course, and the disasters which might ensue from a contrary attitude. -In conclusion he solemnly promised to be governed by the Council in -everything which touched the King, even as Bedford had promised.[674] -That this was only a temporary attitude of conciliation was to be proved -before very long. - -Having done his best to secure the safety of England, Bedford turned his -attention to France, where the defection of Brittany had not improved -the outlook. On March 19 he set sail, taking with him the Bishop of -Winchester, whom he thought it best not to leave in England. As far back -as the previous May Beaufort had obtained leave from the Council to go -on a pilgrimage,[675] and he now availed himself of this permission, -probably at the instance of Bedford, who had prepared a sop for his -dignity. On the Feast of the Annunciation (March 25) the Duke and -Duchess of Bedford were present in the Church of Our Lady at Calais, -when the Bishop of Winchester was created a Cardinal by the authority of -a Bull of Martin V., and the Duke with his own hands placed the -long-coveted hat on the new Cardinal's head.[676] This honour had been -long desired by Beaufort, and indeed the original Bull of creation dated -from the days of the Council of Constance, but Henry V. supported -Archbishop Chichele in his objection to the presence of a Cardinal -Legate in England.[677] Now at last the necessary permission had been -given, and while Bedford applied himself to the French wars, Beaufort -went off as Papal Legate to wage war on the revolted Hussites in -Bohemia. - -1427] RESULT OF BEDFORD'S INTERVENTION - -Whether this additional dignity conferred on the Bishop of Winchester -was calculated to advance the peace of England may well be doubted. -Bedford had worked hard to restore peace between the various parties in -England; he had produced a compromise which tended to favour Humphrey; -he had as a counter-blast secured a definite acknowledgment by the -Protector of the authority of the Council; finally he had greatly -strengthened the hands of the Protector's enemy by giving him the -prestige and power which attached to the cardinalate. His action in -England had all the vicious characteristics of a compromise. Even as in -war a victory won by either side inevitably leads to a third battle, so -in politics the successes won alternately by Gloucester and Beaufort -must open the way to another conflict. It could not be expected that the -new Cardinal would spend the rest of his life out of England, his -political proclivities were too strong for this, and on his return he -would almost inevitably reopen the old struggle which had nearly -resulted in civil war. Bedford accurately diagnosed the disease from -which England was suffering, but he failed to prescribe the right -remedy. The only hope of peace lay in the crushing of one of the rivals, -and though this might have been impossible, it was not even attempted. -Each was in turn humbled, but only to such an extent as to make him -still more ambitious, and the sole definite bit of policy to be found in -Bedford's action in England was the emphasising of the power of the -Council and the developing of those constitutional theories of -government, which by reason of their precocity were bound to bring -disaster both to the kingdom and the dynasty. Bedford's interference in -English politics had no healing effect; it only postponed the coming -struggle by the temporary diversion of Beaufort's ambitious energies to -the Hussite war. On the latter's return the substitution of the -cardinalate for the chancellorship was not calculated to weaken his -position, whilst the strengthening of that of the Council would tend to -induce Gloucester to use all the means in his power to undermine its -authority. - -1427] SUPPRESSION OF LAWLESSNESS - -Meanwhile in England Gloucester had been seriously ill, and it was not -till April that he was sufficiently recovered to journey to St. Albans; -there on St. Mark's Day, escorted by the usual procession headed by the -Abbot, he gave thanks for his recovery, and presented his gift of -gratitude on the High Altar.[678] Having visited the cell of Sopwell, he -returned to Langley.[679] Here he busied himself in the affairs of the -kingdom, being made Justiciar of Chester and of North Wales on May 10, -an office which he was allowed to delegate to a substitute for whose -actions as well as his own he must answer to the King.[680] Indeed, -Gloucester seems to have been very energetic in executing his duties as -Protector, and to have turned to the administration of the government -that restless energy, which circumstances and his own ambitious nature -had drawn lately to less worthy occupations. In June we find him at -Norwich to strengthen by his presence the hands of the justices who had -to try a case of lawlessness which had gone unpunished during the -disturbed state of affairs in official circles. On the last night of -1423 certain felons to the number of eighty or more had attacked the -house of John Grys of Wighton in the county of Norfolk, and he being -'somewhat heated with wassail,' had been dragged out to a gallows a mile -away, where with his son Gregory and a servant he had been butchered for -lack of a rope to hang them. It would seem that the two principals in -this outrage had been Walter Aslak and Richard Kyllynworth, who tried -after this to establish a reign of terror in Norfolk, and so threatened -William Paston by manifestoes openly posted in public places, that 'the -seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntz by longe time after were in -gret and intollerable drede and fere.' Paston had indicted these men -before Gloucester as Protector, and on April 5, 1425, the matter had -been referred to arbitration. The award of the arbitrators had been -ignored by Aslak, and under the protection of Sir Thomas Erpingham he -had further annoyed Paston at the Parliament of Leicester. Gloucester -now presided in person at the trial of the offenders, and six men were -condemned for this outrage and put to death.[681] - -Before the end of the month the Protector was back in London, holding a -council, at which matters of some moment were up for discussion. The -truce with Scotland for which Gloucester was one of the guarantors had -not been very well observed, and the question of heresy had also come to -the fore.[682] Shortly before Gloucester's visit to St. Albans a certain -William Wawe--_latro mirabilis_ the chronicler quaintly calls him--had -attacked the neighbouring nunnery of Sopwell and plundered its contents. -Rightly or wrongly this was considered to be part of a Lollard scheme of -opposition to the Church, and it was as a heretic as well as a -'wonderful robber' that Wawe, after a period of confinement at St. -Albans, was arraigned before Gloucester in London. We cannot in any way -judge of the rights of the case, as we have only a very one-sided -account of the event, but it is quite possible that it was more the -heated imaginations of the ecclesiastics, who had not forgotten the -incidents connected with Oldcastle, than any real heretical inclinations -on the part of the prisoner, which produced the charge. Wawe was -condemned and hanged.[683] - -In these two cases of summary judgment we find displayed a side of the -Protector's character which has been given but scant justice by -historians. Though crafty and self-seeking, Gloucester was in no sense -turbulent. His justice thus meted out cannot be dismissed as a standard -of ethics to which he himself did not conform. We have no instance in -which he appealed to brute force except when he was compelled to do so, -for in the case of the quarrel with Beaufort he was not the aggressor, -nor can we believe the stories of armed conspiracy which surround his -mysterious death. His energy was devoted at this time at least towards -keeping the peace. We have seen his recent journeys into the country -districts to settle matters which might cause disturbance, and in -September he was at Chester,[684] whither he had probably gone in his -capacity as Justiciar of that district, not being content to leave his -duties there to a delegated representative, as the terms of his -appointment had allowed. As Protector he meted out justice impartially, -and though he may have helped to shatter the foreign policy of his -country, his home government shows a strange contrast to the other more -prominent but by no means more essential incidents of his life. It is, -however, by the terms of his Hainault policy that he has been judged, a -policy which, with all its far-reaching consequences, occupied but a -small part of his life, and to the last stages of which we must now -refer. - - * * * * * - -Whilst Gloucester had been devoting his time to the assertion of his -personality in English politics, Jacqueline had been carrying on her -uphill struggle against the superior forces and the boundless resources -of the Duke of Burgundy. Her English husband, though his attention was -devoted to other matters, was still prosecuting his cause at the Court -of Rome, and even during the stormy days of the Parliament at Leicester -we find a reference to his attempt to secure a recognition of the -legality of his marriage.[685] But all hope of papal favour was now very -remote, for at this very time we find an edict, issued on February 27, -1426, by the papal commissioner who was examining the case, declaring -the desertion of Brabant by Jacqueline to be quite illegal, and -committing her to the care of her kinsman Amadeus of Savoy until the -ultimate decision was given by the Pope.[686] Though this edict had not -the authority of a papal Bull, yet it showed which party the decision of -the Pope would favour, and the chroniclers agree in taking this date as -the final decision of the matter.[687] Nevertheless pressure was still -brought to bear on the Pope, and in October of the same year the English -Council agreed to desist from prosecuting the Bishop of Lincoln under -the act of PrA|munire, on condition that he should do his utmost to -expedite the cause of the Duke of Gloucester at Rome.[688] - -1427] JACQUELINE SEEKS ASSISTANCE - -Jacqueline had no intention of returning to her former husband, or of -resigning herself to the keeping of her kinsman of Savoy, and in view of -the greater difficulties which now attended her owing to the defection -of some of her none too numerous supporters, she turned her thoughts -again to the country which had befriended her in the past, where dwelt -the man whom she claimed as her husband, though he seemed to have -forgotten her existence. From Gouda, where she was making a last -desperate resistance against her enemies, she sent Lewis de Montfort and -Arnold of Ghent to the Council in England with a letter which was -written on April 8, 1427. She recalled therein the friendship of Henry -V., and assured them that he would never have left her to her fate; she -begged for help, _comme pour femme desolA(C)e_, and begged them to lay her -sad plight before her husband, and induce him to come to her help, or at -least to send her some assistance.[689] She had evidently given up hope -of any spontaneous support from Humphrey. She no longer wrote to him -personally, as she had done earlier, and she realised that her only hope -of relief was to lay stress on the moral obligation laid on the nation -by the action of Henry V. In answer to her letter ambassadors were sent -from England, bearing an answer written in the name of the King, and to -this Jacqueline replied agreeing to the desire for peace expressed by -Henry VI., but pointing to Burgundy's unreasonableness as an impossible -bar to any pacific arrangement. Again she asked for help in the name of -Henry V.'s friendship for her.[690] - -1427] ENGLISH SYMPATHY FOR JACQUELINE - -Before this last letter had been despatched a change had come over the -state of affairs. The Duke of Brabant had brought his poor mean life to -an end in a halo of sanctity,[691] and the Duke of Burgundy could no -longer wage war in his name. This was no obstacle to the unscrupulous -Philip, who declared that, as formerly, he had been the regent of John -of Brabant in his wife's dominions, so now he was by inference regent -for that wife herself. The dummy which had stood as an excuse for -interference in Hainault was now removed, and we can see the state of -affairs clearly, untrammelled by diplomatic fictions. All along, in -point of fact, the struggle had been between Jacqueline and her powerful -cousin, now it was so in theory also. Under these altered conditions the -Countess made yet another appeal to the English Council on June 6, -alluding to the recent events, and imploring assistance.[692] At the -same time she sent ambassadors with written instructions both to the -Council and to Gloucester.[693] Letter and messages were delivered -towards the end of June,[694] and at length these constant appeals began -to make an impression. Gloucester began to bestir himself, seeing that -he would probably have public opinion on his side, and that he was free -from the interference of Bedford. He appealed to Parliament for the sum -of 20,000 marks to enable him to equip an army to assist -Jacqueline,[695] and this body replied willingly to the request by -petitioning the Council to take steps to alleviate her position, whether -by treaty or some other means, laying stress on the perilous position in -which she found herself, as recorded in letters both to her husband and -to the estates of the realm; they also backed up Gloucester's request -for 20,000 marks. The matter was seriously considered by the Council, -and it was ultimately decided that 9000 marks should be granted to -Gloucester, 4000 marks of which was to consist of the immediate payment -of half his yearly salary as Protector, the other 5000 marks being a -grant for the maintenance of his Duchess.[696] - -This money was given for a definite purpose, and for that purpose alone; -it was to furnish an expedition to Holland, which should relieve and -garrison the towns which still remained obedient to Jacqueline. Part of -the forces were to be told off to escort the Countess to England, whilst -the remainder were to stay behind in Hainault and protect such places as -they had relieved. Under no conditions were they to act on the -offensive, or attack any place in Holland, Hainault, or Zealand held by -any one but Jacqueline. As though they feared that the money would not -be directed to its destined use, the Council arranged that it should be -paid to two persons appointed by Gloucester to receive it, with the -proviso that if no soldiers could be induced to go, the receivers were -to hold the money for the King's use, while all soldiers that were -enlisted were to be paid directly by them.[697] - -Thus, though a grant was made, it was hedged in with conditions which -betray no desire on the part of the Council to assist Gloucester to a -continental dominion. Jacqueline had an undoubted claim on the sympathy -of Englishmen, and a desire for her safety was expressed on all sides, -yet under the circumstances it was not desirable, from the point of view -of English politics, that she should be enabled to prolong her -resistance to Burgundy. The visit of Bedford to England had not been in -vain, for it had taught Englishmen the danger of Burgundian -complications, and the necessity for refraining from undue intervention -in the politics of Hainault. This money for armed assistance to -Jacqueline was not intended to prolong the struggle, but to procure a -peace between the opposing parties in Hainault; the terms on which the -grant was made plainly indicate that it was her safety only that was to -be procured; she was to be removed and brought back to an asylum in -England. No thought of helping Humphrey lay therein. As the husband of -the lady he was to carry out the commission, but it was made impossible -for him to extract any territorial or monetary advantage therefrom. - -However galling this position might be to Gloucester, he began to -prepare an army to fulfil the commands of the Council, and he received -ready support from the Earl of Salisbury. This famous general had been -distinguishing himself in the wars in France; he had served with -distinction under Henry V.; at Verneuil he had been conspicuous for his -bravery,[698] and since then he had established a great military -reputation. He was now ready to put his abilities at the service of the -Duke of Gloucester, for he had sworn to avenge himself on Burgundy who -had seduced his wife, and he was joined under Humphrey's banner by many -of the chief men of the kingdom.[699] From this readiness to undertake -hostilities against Burgundy we may gather that the ill-will between -Philip and his English allies was not entirely due to the reckless -action of Gloucester, and that there were many who were ready to help -on the discomfiture of a man who had done little to make his alliance -effective, and who more than once had intrigued with both parties in -France in the hope of securing some personal advantage. - -1427] INTERVENTION OF BEDFORD - -This expedition to Hainault was not, however, to take place. Ten days -after they had agreed to grant Humphrey the 9000 marks, the Council -wrote to Bedford and explained what they had done. They described how -strong was public opinion in favour of Jacqueline, and how they had -determined to give her support, but they besought the Regent of France -to do his utmost to bring about peace by inducing Burgundy to abstain -from his wrongful oppression of the Duchess of Gloucester and her -husband.[700] Bedford was naturally dismayed at this news. Knowing -Philip as he did, he realised that even purely defensive interference by -English troops in Hainault would be regarded as an unforgivable act of -hostility. At the best of times Burgundian fidelity to the English -alliance hung by a mere thread, and with this excuse nothing would -prevent Philip from coming to an agreement with the Dauphin, in favour -of whom public opinion in France was slowly turning. To prevent such a -result he promptly answered the Council's letter, stating that Philip -was ready to treat with Gloucester, and pointing out the dangers which -would attend English intervention in the matter; the King was young, and -the alienation of Burgundy under these conditions was very undesirable, -and might bring terrible disasters on the English cause in France. -Moreover, it was not fair to condemn Philip unheard, and, in any case, -the rights of the matter must be decided in Rome and not in London.[701] -He also wrote to Humphrey, declaring his affection for him in the most -brotherly terms, and begging him in the name of England's safety not to -carry out his mad intention, but to listen to the advice of those who -wished him well. At the same time he offered to use all his influence to -bring about a peace, which would not reflect in any way on his brother's -honour.[702] Not content with letters, he sent over ambassadors to -impress on the Council the impolicy of allowing Gloucester to go to -Hainault, and to procure, if possible, the abandonment of the idea.[703] -Meanwhile he turned his attention to Duke Philip himself, who was -already busy preparing forces to resist the expected invasion.[704] A -meeting between the two Dukes at Lille proved abortive, but since the -expedition had been delayed in spite of a protest from Jacqueline -received in September,[705] and no signs of its approach were apparent, -a truce with the promise of a future settlement was at length concluded -between Burgundy and Gloucester at Paris.[706] - -1428] GLOUCESTER CENSURED - -Thus Humphrey allowed the year to close without having done anything to -help the lady who could hardly be called his wife, and on January 9 in -the new year the Pope finally issued a Bull, whereby the marriage of -Jacqueline with Brabant was definitely recognised as valid, and any -marriage contracted by the former in the lifetime of the latter was -declared to be illegal.[707] Gloucester was weary of the whole affair. -He had not protested against Bedford's opposition to the last projected -expedition to Hainault, for he had given up all hope of a continental -dominion from the day when he first turned his back on Hainault. He was -too deeply occupied in asserting himself in English politics to trouble -his mind over a matter which had passed so entirely out of his -thoughts, and his preparations in answer to the grant of 9000 marks had -been spiritless and unconvincing. Now, though Jacqueline lodged a -protest against the final decision of the Court of Rome, he took no -action, and on March 17 procured the cancelling of the bonds of the 9000 -marks loan of the previous year.[708] This callous behaviour with regard -to his former wife seems to have shocked his contemporaries. On March 8 -the Mayor and Aldermen of London appeared before Parliament, and said -that they had received letters from Jacqueline, whom in defiance of the -papal Bull they called Duchess of Gloucester as well as Countess of -Holland and Zealand, in which she appealed to them for help. They -declared that the nation ought to rescue her, and said that they were -ready to help within reason.[709] - -More definite than this implied censure on Gloucester was another scene -enacted within the precincts of Parliament about this time.[710] A woman -from the Stocks Market,[711] which occupied the present site of the -Mansion House, and was so called from the stocks which stood there, came -openly into Parliament, bringing with her some other London women, and -handed letters to Gloucester, the two Archbishops and other lords there, -censuring the Duke for not taking steps to relieve his wife from her -danger, and for leaving her unloved and forgotten in captivity, whilst -he was living in adultery with another woman, 'to the ruin of himself, -the kingdom, and the marital bond.'[712] The women of London at this -time were apt to assert their right to a voice in public matters. In the -very next year we find the wives and daughters of the citizens of -Aldgate taking the law into their own hands, and killing a Breton -murderer by pelting him with stones and canal mud in spite of the -intervention of the constables who were escorting the prisoner to the -coast.[713] In this case the victim of the murderer was an old widowed -lady who had shown him much charity, and it would seem that it was only -in matters which affected their own sex that the London women took an -interest. The story of the women's petition to Parliament is handed down -to us in the pages of a chronicler of the friendly house of St. Albans, -though the entry has been cancelled by another hand; it therefore helps -us to understand the intense sympathy felt in England for Jacqueline, -when the men and women of London both came to censure their 'Good Duke.' - -It is possible that news of the ultimate declaration of the Court of -Rome had not yet reached England, for we find Jacqueline termed Duchess -of Gloucester in an official document of March 18 in this year,[714] but -this did not detract from the blame which the Duke had incurred by his -neglect of the woman whom he had claimed as his wife for the last six -years. We cannot but find the censure of the market-women well deserved. -In the hope of increasing his possessions and his power Humphrey had -made a questionable marriage with Jacqueline, but this could be forgiven -him if, when he had done so, he had been loyal to his wife, who at one -time at all events had loved him for himself. It was not the perception -of the political complications which would result from further action -that restrained him, but the realisation that the prize was not worth -the energy needed to win it, coupled with the fact that he had become a -slave to what was perhaps the one real passion of his life. - -1428] ELEANOR COBHAM - -We have seen how Gloucester was accompanied home from Hainault by one of -Jacqueline's English ladies-in-waiting, and how he had fallen a victim -to her charms. Eleanor Cobham was of great beauty, so the gossiping -A†neas Sylvius tells us, whilst Waurin bears testimony to her wonderful -charm and courage,[715] but her honour had been besmirched before -Gloucester made her acquaintance.[716] Notwithstanding this, she had -gained a complete ascendency over her royal lover, to whom she had -probably borne two children by this time, and the superstition of the -age did not hesitate to say that it was through potions provided by the -Witch of Eye that this ascendency had been secured.[717] Throughout -these last years it had been the attractions of this woman that had -caused Gloucester to forget Jacqueline, and he now carried his -infatuation so far as to marry her. Freed from all obligations to his -former wife by papal decree, he hastened to legalise his relations with -Eleanor, whence 'arose shame and more disgrace and inconvenience to the -whole kingdom than can be expressed,' says a contemporary -chronicler,[718] whilst a later writer says, 'and if he wer unquieted -with his other pretensed wife, truly he was tenne tymes more vexed by -occasion of this woman--so that he began his marriage with evill, and -ended it with worse.'[719] Monstrelet also looks askance at the -marriage,[720] and even the poet Lydgate raised his voice against the -'Cyronees,' who tempted - - 'The prynci's hert against al goddes lawe - Frome heos promesse truwe alle to withdrawe - To straunge him, and make him foule forsworne - Unto that godely faythfull truwe pryncesse.'[721] - -Eleanor was an ambitious woman, who had undoubtedly had this end in -view, but that she had been used by Bedford and Beaufort as a counter -attraction to Jacqueline is a statement supported by no evidence, and -merely suggested by the dramatic instinct of a poet. There was nothing -unusual in this action of Gloucester's, and if he married his mistress, -it was no more than his grandfather had done before him. Even if he did -not encourage the marriage, Beaufort could not object to it, for what -claims he had to legitimacy were based upon such a union. - -Henceforth the history of Jacqueline ceases to be bound up with that of -Gloucester, and a few months later she was compelled to agree to a -treaty with Burgundy, whereby she acknowledged the illegality of her -former marriage. Bereft of her English husband, her life assumed a -calmer aspect, and for the remaining years that she had to live she -could not regret the loss of one for whom she had suffered so much, and -from whom she had received so little. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER AND HIS WIFE ELEANOR BEING - RECEIVED INTO THE FRATERNITY OF ST. ALBAN'S ABBEY.] - -1428] THE PROTECTOR'S POSITION - -While Jacqueline was making her last stand against her enemies, and -sending her last appeals for help across to England, Humphrey was -occupied with ambitions far nearer home and totally unconnected with his -now forgotten Hainault policy. The Parliament of 1427, which had been -opened by the little King in person on October 13, had been prorogued on -December 8 by the Protector on the authority of letters-patent from the -King,[722] and on both occasions the subordination of the Protector to -the rules laid down for him were thus fully emphasised. Gloucester began -openly to resent these limitations of his power, and even before the -adjournment he had made some protest against the merely nominal -privileges which he enjoyed.[723] No notice had been taken of this -protest, and he was therefore left to reflect on the matter during -the recess. Christmas he spent at his favourite monastery, and the St. -Albans chronicler tells us of the splendid style in which he celebrated -the Feast. When Epiphany was past, he moved on to Ashbridge near -Berkhampsted for a stay of three days, and thence he returned to London -for the reopening of Parliament.[724] His mind was made up. In spite of -the previous ignoring of his protest, he now, on March 3, requested that -the Lords should define his powers, and did so in such a way as to imply -a demand for more extended rights and privileges than he at present -possessed. He declared his intention of abstaining from attendance in -Parliament till this matter was settled, and arrogantly declared that -during his absence other questions might be discussed but not -settled.[725] - -The motive underlying the request is evident. Bedford was safely -employed in the French wars and in Burgundian negotiations; Beaufort was -also absent, and it seemed to Gloucester to be an ideal time to -strengthen his hands against the Cardinal. Possibly he had been betrayed -into the belief that he held the ascendency in Parliament by the -alacrity with which that body had sanctioned the recent loan to him. -Short-sighted as before, he could not distinguish between sympathy for -Jacqueline's sad plight and sympathy with his personal ambitions, and he -did not realise that other men's memories were longer than his. In point -of fact he could not have chosen a worse time for this attempt to secure -increased power in the kingdom, for the Lords would have less -compunction in refusing anything to the 'Good Duke' at a time when his -conduct was being openly censured even by his London supporters, than -when his popularity was not under a shadow. As it was, the demand -produced the inevitable result. The Lords took their stand on the -arrangements made in the first Parliament of the reign, recalling how -at that time Humphrey had claimed the government of the kingdom, both by -right of birth and by the right of the will of Henry V., how records had -been searched and precedents consulted, with the result that the claim -was found to be unsupported by any legal authority, whilst the right of -Henry V. to give away the government of the country after his death was -also found to have no legal basis. Yet for the sake of peace and to -'appese' Gloucester, he had been made chief councillor of the King as -long as Bedford remained abroad, and to distinguish him from the other -councillors the name of 'Protector and Defender' was 'devised' for him, -which should not 'emporte auctorite of governaunce of ye land,' but -merely carry with it a personal duty to provide for the defence of the -kingdom both from external and internal dangers, giving him therewith -certain powers which were enumerated at the time. That was the intention -of Parliament five years ago, and beyond this the Lords would not now -go; indeed at the time Gloucester had agreed to the arrangement. In -Parliament Humphrey had no rights beyond those of any other duke, and it -was merely as Duke of Gloucester that he was summoned there. The Lords -declared themselves surprised at his recent demands, and they told him -pretty bluntly that he must be content with such power as he had got, -even as was Bedford. In conclusion they expressed a hope that he would -take his seat in Parliament, and make no more ado about his position -there.[726] - -Nothing could show us more plainly than this the suspicion in which were -held any attempts by Gloucester to monopolise the governmental power, -and the surprisingly advanced state of constitutional theory. Yet we -must not be tempted to dismiss this incident merely as an indication of -Humphrey's ambition, and of the patriotic endeavour of Parliament to -maintain constitutional government in the face of expiring despotism. -Humphrey's ambitious nature is, of course, beyond dispute, but among his -motives there may have been some hope of giving the kingdom a strength -it lacked under the present government. It is a platitude to say that -under the Lancastrian kings England had advanced in constitutional -theory much further than in administrative efficiency. The elements of -constitutional monarchy had been attained, and they are nowhere better -expressed than in the answer to Gloucester's demands, but parliamentary -government at this time was not what we understand by that term now. The -Parliament of Henry VI. was not representative of the kingdom in the -modern sense of the word; it was largely a reflection of the desires of -the English nobility, or rather of a certain dominant clique therein. -The government of this clique had not proved a blessing to England, and -we have already seen something of the lawlessness and disorder of the -kingdom generally. In September of the following year the Chancellor in -opening Parliament was very despondent about the moral state of the -country, declaring that acts of lawlessness and oppression were everyday -occurrences, and arose from the absence of any real administration of -justice.[727] - -To Humphrey was given all the hard work of keeping the peace, with none -of the rewards for those labours, or the prestige which would make his -influence efficient. As it was, the divisions in the government had -disastrous effects; the country was not ready for a divided sovereignty. -The only remedy for this state of affairs was that the central power -should be in the hands of one man, who should make his personality felt -at a time when personality had far more influence on men's minds than -any theory of government. We cannot suggest that Humphrey was the ideal -man to exert this personal power, yet we must not forget his past -attempts to administer the law for the benefit of the injured, or his -later efforts to prevent sedition and internal strife. He could not -belong to the House of Lancaster without inheriting some of the -administrative qualities of his family; to this was added his popularity -with the people, and his position as a member of the royal family. Owing -to this position his influence must be great, and it would have been to -the advantage of the country that this influence should be exerted on -the side of law and order, rather than at the head of a discontented -opposition. On paper the theories contained in the Lords' reply were -excellent, but in practice they needed a more advanced state of society -than that which obtained in fifteenth-century England. The country, -though it knew it not, was on the eve of a civil war of the worst kind, -and a man untrammelled by the limitations of a none too wise oligarchy -might have saved it many years of bloodshed. Humphrey was not a strong -character, yet with his advantages of birth to support him, he was no -weaker than any other individual of the time in England, and far -stronger than the divided rule of a Regency Council. - -As a mitigation of the rebuff of this refusal to increase his powers, -Gloucester was granted the payment for forty-eight days' service in -1415, which had hitherto been refused by the officials of the -Exchequer;[728] and when Parliament had ceased to sit he went off to -Merton, where he kept the Feast of Easter.[729] The King meanwhile was -taken to keep the Feast at Hertford, where he was visited by Warwick, -who had been brought back from France to fill a post wherein he might -act as another check on the power of the Protector.[730] The death of -the Duke of Exeter in January 1427 had left the post of tutor to the -King vacant, and hitherto this vacancy had not been filled. Now, -however, fearing that in the absence of an authorised tutor Gloucester -might influence his royal nephew, the Council determined to give to -Warwick the place of Exeter, thus fulfilling the wishes of the late King -in this respect, though they had lately refused to do so in the matter -of the Protectorate. On June 1 the writ empowering Warwick to exercise -the office of tutor to Henry VI. was signed by Gloucester and eleven -other Lords of the Council.[731] - -1428] DISTURBANCES IN THE MIDLANDS - -In the same month we find Humphrey hearing petitions in the Star Chamber -at Westminster with other members of the Council,[732] but he was called -away shortly afterwards to settle a dispute which threatened the peace -of the Midlands. From some paltry retainer's quarrel a feud had sprung -up between John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and John Holland, Earl of -Huntingdon, and matters had gone so far that each had collected a -considerable force, and a pitched battle seemed imminent. Hearing of -this the Protector hastened to leave London, and on August 19 reached -St. Albans, where the monks greeted him with the usual joyful -processions. He did not, however, delay here, but the next morning, -having paid his respects to the Holy Martyr, he set off in the direction -of Bedfordshire, so that he might get in touch with the two opponents, -and probe the reasons for their quarrel. Though an actual fight was -averted, no settlement could be arranged, as the Duke of Norfolk refused -to appear before the Protector.[733] Here again we find an instance of -the undesirable effects of government by the Privy Council. Both Norfolk -and Huntingdon were councillors, and naturally resented the interference -of a man whose power in the government was subordinate to theirs, but -their feelings of patriotism and responsibility were not enough to -induce them to keep the peace which they were supposed to enforce on -others. No better example could be found of the emptiness of -constitutional theory in those days of turbulence and violence. - -Finding himself powerless to restore peace in Bedfordshire, Gloucester -turned south, and by way of St. Albans reached London, where he prepared -to welcome his old rival Beaufort on his return from the Continent.[734] -This was the Bishop of Winchester's first appearance in England as a -cardinal, and he was met on September 1 outside London by the Mayor and -citizens 'reverently arrayed in red hoods and green vestments.' The -Abbot of St. Albans and many of the regular clergy were there also to -meet him, but of the bishops his Lordship of Salisbury was the only -representative.[735] Gloucester cannot have received the Cardinal with -unalloyed pleasure, for he thoroughly disapproved of the policy which -had allowed the acceptance of the cardinal's hat. However, he joined in -the official reception, when the Cardinal rode into the city with that -pomp and magnificence which he loved so well. - -1429] BEAUFORT'S CARDINALATE - -The year passed to its close without further incident, though on -November 19, the Eve of St. Edmund, King and Martyr, we find the -Cardinal again seizing the opportunity of displaying his newly acquired -dignity. A solemn procession round the city was headed by Beaufort, -accompanied by the two Archbishops, the Mayor, and the Protector -himself, who, for the time, seems to have been on good terms with his -uncle.[736] As Christmas drew near, Gloucester went down to Greenwich, -there to celebrate the festival in the house which he had acquired after -the death of the Duke of Exeter, and which he was later to transform -into a famous palace.[737] But with Beaufort in England once more, he -was on the lookout to curb the power of his old antagonist, and the -opportunity was offered him by the cardinalate which the latter had -accepted. - -It has been said that Beaufort made 'the great mistake of his life' when -he accepted this dignity;[738] at all events it gave the Protector an -excuse for attacking him. He had come back from the Continent with a -papal commission to raise men and money for the crusade against the -Hussites, and he was permitted to make an expedition to Scotland for -this purpose.[739] During his absence Gloucester raised the question as -to whether he had not vacated his bishopric by accepting the cardinal's -hat, since it exempted him from the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of -Canterbury,[740] and on his return the Cardinal, in order that the -matter might be settled forthwith, petitioned the King to be allowed to -exercise his functions as prelate of the Garter, by right of his -bishopric of Winchester, at the approaching Feast of St. George, the -patron saint of the Order and of the kingdom. The matter was discussed -before the King at Westminster on April 17, and the peers, prelates, and -abbots present agreed to ask the new cardinal to refrain from attending -the festival on this occasion at any rate.[741] - -By thus playing on the fears of the majority of Englishmen, who looked -with great dislike on any one who even seemed to suggest papal -interference in the country, Gloucester had made a skilful, if somewhat -revengeful, move, but we must not forget that Beaufort had taken the -first step that led to the state of mutual mistrust which prompted this -action. For the time Gloucester held the ascendence over his rival, and -in the hope of getting him out of the country again, raised no objection -to the permission granted to the Cardinal to raise forces for the -campaign against the Hussites,[742] and this in spite of the fact that -Bedford was asking for reinforcements. However, the defeat of the -English at Patay on the same day that the permission to Beaufort was -given could not be overlooked, and the Cardinal was induced to lead his -forces to the help of Bedford, and to postpone his crusading zeal.[743] -In June he crossed the Channel and landed in France.[744] - -1429] CORONATION OF HENRY VI - -Bedford, however, wanted more than reinforcements. In the face of the -French successes under the influence of the enthusiasm engendered by the -Maid of Orleans, and the favour with which Frenchmen generally were -beginning to look on the hitherto despised cause of the 'King of -Bourges,' it was necessary to do something to rehabilitate the -Lancastrian cause in France. It was with this object that the Regent -earnestly asked the English Council to send the little King to be -crowned at Paris.[745] When Parliament met on September 22 it agreed to -comply with this request, and preparations were rapidly made so that -Henry's coronation in England might first take place. Gloucester -naturally took a large share in these preparations; it was always with -zest that he arranged a great function. On October 10 he was appointed -to act as Steward of England for the occasion,[746] whilst he was -allowed to appoint a deputy to perform his duties as Great -Chamberlain.[747] - -It was on St. Leonard's Day, Sunday, November 6, that the coronation -took place, shorn of some of its glories by reason of the haste with -which preparations for it had been made. Archbishop Chichele, assisted -by the Cardinal Bishop of Winchester, who had returned from France for -the occasion, performed the ceremony, which ended with a banquet in -Westminster Hall, such as Gloucester had supervised nearly ten years -before on the occasion of Queen Catherine's coronation.[748] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [596] _Lond. Chron._, 166. - - [597] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 462. - - [598] See Monstrelet, 575; St. RA(C)my, 476; Waurin, iii. 188. This - last says that a demand for men and money made by Gloucester - was refused. - - [599] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 289. - - [600] _Ibid._ iv. 267-274. - - [601] _Ordinances_, iii. 169. The date of this gift is May 22, 1425. - - [602] See the tone of Bedford's letter to the Pope urging the - divorce of Jacqueline from the Duke of Brabant. Stevenson, - _Letters and Papers_, ii. 388, 389. - - [603] See Ashmole MS., 59, ff. 57-60, where Lydgate voices the - universal sympathy for Jacqueline, and also the action of the - London women below. - - [604] Commonly called Lord Cobham, because both his father and - grandfather had been summoned to Parliament, though he - himself never was. See Nicolas, _Historic Peerage_, and G. E. - C., _Peerage_, under his name. He is possibly the Reginald - Cobham who commanded part of Gloucester's retinue in 1417, - and served under him in the CA'tentin. - - [605] Monstrelet, 571; _Chron. Henry VI._, 7. - - [606] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198vo. Mons had already petitioned - Burgundy to take Jacqueline under his protection, that is, - assume control over her. _Cartulaire_, iv. 465. - - [607] Monstrelet says June 13, an obvious mistake. _Cartulaire_, iv. - 475. - - [608] Monstrelet, 573: Waurin, iii. 182, 183. In a letter written to - Jacqueline from Calais, on his homeward journey, he had - promised her to return to Hainault speedily. See - _ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses_, 112. - - [609] Waurin, iii. 183. - - [610] Monstrelet, 574; St. RA(C)my, 477. - - [611] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 277. - - [612] _Ibid._ - - [613] Monstrelet, 576, describes Burgundy's measures, 'tout en - abstinence de sa bouche, comme en prenant peine pour lui - mettre en haleine.' See also Waurin, iii. 190; St. RA(C)my, 477. - - [614] Monstrelet, 577. - - [615] Besides the attempt to settle the dispute by arbitration - before the campaign to Hainault which we have already - mentioned, Bedford had been in constant communication with - his brother, in the hope of bringing the incident to a close. - See Stevenson's _Letters and Papers_, Appendix to - Introduction, 1. pp. lxxxii and lxxxv; Devon, _Issue Roll_, - 390. - - [616] This Bull was published on May 1 at Rome; _Cartulaire_, iv. - 296. Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 412-414, gives the - date as April 24. - - [617] PlanchA(C), _Preuves_, IV. pp. lii, liii, Document No. XLVI. - Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 412-414, gives the date - of this decision as September 24. - - [618] Monstrelet, 577; St. RA(C)my, 477. Waurin, iii. 196, says that - both dukes were angered at this decision. - - [619] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 407-409. - - [620] Monstrelet, 577; St. RA(C)my, 480. - - [621] Dynter, iii. 465. - - [622] Rastell, 258; Waurin, iii. 200-204; Fabyan, 595. Monstrelet, - 578, gives the number of men as 500; Pierre de FA(C)nin, 604, - gives 1000; and St. RA(C)my, 480, estimates the expedition at - 1500 men. - - [623] _Ordinances_, iii. 167. The appointment is dated February 26, - 1425. - - [624] Beaufort himself confessed to this action of his when - answering his opponent's charges at the Parliament of - Leicester; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74vo, 75vo; Hall, - 131, 132. - - [625] _Ordinances_, iii. 174-177. - - [626] _Lond. Chron._, 114; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 34; - Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 72. - - [627] Gregory, 159; Fabyan, 595. - - [628] Gregory gives the date as September 29, but this is obviously - a mistake, for _Eng. Chron._, 53, and Cotton MS., Vitellius, - A. xvi. f. 83, both give October 29. It was the custom at - this time to elect the Mayor on the feast of St. Simon and - St. Jude (October 28), but falling as it did this year on a - Sunday the ceremony was postponed till the Monday. See - _Chronicles of London Bridge_, 235. Cf. Harleian MS., 2256, - f. 198vo. - - [629] Gregory, 159; _Eng. Chron._, 53, 54; Fabyan, 595, 596. See - also Monstrelet, 578, and _Chronicles of London Bridge_, 235. - - [630] _Short Eng. Chron._, 59. The authorities above cited all - emphasise Gloucester's popularity in London. For this, see - also _Chron. Henry VI._, 7. - - [631] October 31. - - [632] _i.e._ battle. - - [633] Hall, 130; Fabyan, 596; MSS. of the Duke of Sutherland, _Hist. - MSS. Report_, v. App. p. 213. Cf. Holkham MS., p. 28. - - [634] Ramsay, i. 361, asserts that Gloucester was the aggressor. - - [635] Ramsay, i. 362, note 3. The suggestion that this was a - commendable action, however, originates with the Bishop of - Winchester himself. See Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 80. - - [636] This is stated by Ramsay, i. 362, note 1, but he gives no - authority for the statement, nor can I find any. - - [637] _Ordinances_, iii. 178. - - [638] Gregory, 160. - - [639] _Ordinances_, iii. 179. - - [640] _Ibid._, iii. 197. - - [641] _Ibid._, iii. 210. - - [642] Gregory, 160; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 200; Hall, 130. - - [643] Fabyan, 596. - - [644] _Lords' Reports_, iv. 863. - - [645] These instructions to the messengers of the Council are to be - found in _Ordinances_, iii. 181-187. Cf. Fabyan, 596. - - [646] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 296. - - [647] Gregory, 160; Fabyan, 596. - - [648] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 296. - - [649] _Ibid._ - - [650] _Ibid._, iv. 297. - - [651] _Ibid._, iv. 298. - - [652] He had accompanied Gloucester to Hainault. - - [653] We find him at variance with Gloucester later. See below, pp. - 230, 234. - - [654] He resigned the treasurership at the same time that Beaufort - resigned the chancellorship, after the judgment. - - [655] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 72vo-74; Arnold's _Chron._, - 287, 288; Hall, 130, 131; Fabyan, 597. There is a copy of - these articles also in the MSS. of the Inner Temple, MS. 538, - 17, f. 45vo; _Hist. MSS. Rep._, xi. App. VII. p. 238. - - [656] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74, 75vo; Hall, 132. - - [657] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 68vo. - - [658] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 76, 77vo; Hall, 132, 133. - - [659] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 76. - - [660] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 78; Hall, 133. - - [661] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 78-80; Hall, 132, 133. Arnold's - _Chron._, 288-295, also gives the whole account. Holkam MS., - pp. 30-32. - - [662] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 298, 299; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. - 80-86; Hall, 135, 136; Arnold's _Chron._, 296-300. - - [663] _Eng. Chron._, 54. - - [664] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 299, says March 13 for Beaufort and March 18 - for Bath. _Ordinances_, iii. 212, 213, says March 16. - - [665] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 299. March 16, Rymer, IV. iv. 119. - - [666] _St. Alban's Chron._, i. 8, 9. - - [667] _Chron. Henry VI._, 9; Hall, 138 - - [668] _Rot. Scot._, ii. 256; Rymer, IV. iv. 121. - - [669] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 11. Exeter died in the last days of - 1426. After the obsequies at St. Paul's his body was taken to - Peterborough and buried there. See Harleian MS. 2256, f. 199. - - [670] _Ordinances_, iii. 327-329; _Rot. Parl._, v. 409, 410. - - [671] _Ordinances_, iii. 239, 240; _Rot. Parl._, v. 410. - - [672] _Ordinances_, iii. 240, 241. - - [673] Beaufort was about to accompany Bedford to France and to go on - a pilgrimage. See below, p. 192. - - [674] _Ordinances_, iii. 242; _Rot. Parl._, v. 410, 411. - - [675] _Ordinances_, iii. 195, 196. - - [676] _Lond. Chron._, 115; Fabyan, 597; _Chron. Henry VI._ 9; Short, - _Eng. Chron._, 59, 60; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 199vo. - - [677] Wharton, _Anglia Sacra_, i. 800. - - [678] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 12, 13. - - [679] _Ibid._, i. 13. - - [680] _Ordinances_, iii. 267. - - [681] _Paston Letters_, i. 12-17; _St. Albans Chron._, i. 16. Aslak - does not appear to have been one of the six men executed, for - he is spoken of in the _Paston Letters_ as alive after 1427. - - [682] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 16. - - [683] _Ibid._, i. 12-17. - - [684] _BibliothA"que Nationale MS. franASec.ais_, 2, f. 511. See Appendix - A. - - [685] _Paston Letters_, i. 24-26. - - [686] _Cartulaire_, iv. 539-541. - - [687] Waurin, iii. 213; Monstrelet, 584. - - [688] _Ordinances_, iii. 211. On March 16, 1426, the Pope's nephew, - Prospero de Colonna, was given permission to hold benefices - in England, a concession for which Martin v. had sought - Gloucester's good offices two years earlier; Rymer IV. iv. - 119. This was probably a propitiatory offering to Rome. - - [689] _Cartulaire_, iv. 579-582. - - [690] _Cartulaire_, iv. 590-593. Letter dated May 27. - - [691] Dynter, iii. 480; Monstrelet, 586; Waurin, iii. 223. - - [692] _Cartulaire_, iv. 598-601. - - [693] _Ibid._, iv. 601. - - [694] _Ibid._, iv. 614. - - [695] Rymer, IV. iv. 128. - - [696] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 139; _Ordinances_, iii. 271. - - [697] _Ordinances_, iii. 272-276. - - [698] Waurin, iii. 113, 114. - - [699] Pierre de FA(C)nin, 604; Waurin, iii. 212, 213; Monstrelet, 580. - - [700] _Cartulaire_, iv. 622-624, July 11. - - [701] _Ibid._, iv. 265, July 21. - - [702] _Cartulaire_, iv. 635, 636; August. - - [703] Monstrelet, 580; Waurin, iii. 212, 213. It is probably to - these messengers that the _St. Albans Chronicle_ refers, when - it says that about All-Saints'-Day (November 1), 1427, - foreign envoys appeared before the Council, asserting that a - peace between Burgundy and Jacqueline was a necessity; _St. - Albans Chronicle_, i. 19. The names differ from those of - Bedford's embassy. - - [704] _Cartulaire_, iv. 632. - - [705] _Ibid._, iv. 638, 639. - - [706] Monstrelet, 580; St. RA(C)my, 485; Pierre de FA(C)nin, 604, 605. - - [707] _Cartulaire_, iv. 648. - - [708] _Ordinances_, iii. 291, 292. - - [709] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, Introduction, p. lxxv, quoting Reg. K., - folio 50vo. Cf. Guild Hall Archives. - - [710] 'After Christmas and before Easter.' Easter fell on April 20. - - [711] The Market 'called the Stokkys' was begun in 1410. Fabyan, - 575. - - [712] _St. Alban's Chron._, i. 20. - - [713] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 35. - - [714] Rymer, IV. iv. 147. - - [715] A†neas Sylvius, _De Viris Illustribus_, p. 52; Waurin, iii. - 177. - - [716] Monstrelet, 585. - - [717] _Eng. Chron._, p. 59. This legend is copied by Robert Burton - in his _Anatomy of Melancholy_. Cf. Shakespeare and Drayton. - - [718] _Chron. Henry VI._, 7. - - [719] Hall, 129. - - [720] Monstrelet, 585. - - [721] Ashmole MS., 59, f. 592. - - [722] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 317. - - [723] _Ibid._, iv. 326. - - [724] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 19. - - [725] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 326. - - [726] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 326, 327. - - [727] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 335. 'Pro defectu justicie superhabundat - injuriarum et oppressionum nephanda perversitas.' - - [728] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320, 321. - - [729] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 20. - - [730] _Ibid._, i. 20-22. - - [731] _Rot. Parl._, v. 411; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 407. - - [732] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 334. - - [733] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 25. - - [734] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 25. - - [735] _Ibid._, i. 26; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 200vo. - - [736] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 31. - - [737] _Ibid._, i. 32. - - [738] Stubbs, iii. 108. - - [739] _Ordinances_, iii. 318; _St. Albans Chron._, i. 33, 34. - - [740] Beltz, p. lxv. - - [741] _Ordinances_, iii. 323, 324; Rymer, IV. iv. 143. - - [742] _Ordinances_, iii. 330-332. - - [743] _Ibid._, iii. 339. - - [744] Fabyan, 599. - - [745] _Ordinances_, iii. 322. - - [746] Cotton MS., Vespasian, C. xiv. f. 118, contains the original - warrant. Rymer, IV. iv. 150; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 275; - _Ordinances_, iv. 14. - - [747] Rymer, IV. iv. 151. - - [748] Gregory, 168. Fabyan, 599-601, gives a detailed account of the - banquet. _Eng. Chron._, 54; _St. Albans Chron._, i. 44. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -GLOUCESTER AS FIRST COUNCILLOR - - -The coronation of Henry VI. had its significance at home as well as -abroad; for Gloucester it meant the abandonment of the title which he -had held since the death of Henry V. The festivities were barely over -when Parliament declared that, since the King was now crowned, he had -taken the responsibility of the government on himself, and that -therefore the Protectorate was at an end: on November 15 Humphrey -resigned his office, stipulating that by this action he did not -prejudice the right of his brother Bedford.[749] In this premature -ending of the Protectorate we cannot fail to see the hand of Beaufort -and the jealousy of the Regency Council. To say that a child, who had -not attained the age of eight, had become capable of governing the -country simply because a ceremony, which might have been performed with -equal justice seven years earlier, had taken place, was on the face of -it absurd. It may be that Beaufort had suggested the coronation to -Bedford when he was in France with this end in view; certainly this -summary ending of the Protectorate shows that the Council were -determined to limit the power of the man who was nominally at the head -of affairs, thereby hoping to increase their own importance. The lords -had just told Gloucester that the title of Protector was nothing but a -title, and now they proceeded to take away even that, and to reduce him -to the rank of First Councillor. There was neither logic nor policy in -this action. Whilst it could not serve to help on the good government of -the kingdom, it only added another reason for the discontent and -factiousness of the man it was meant to curb. - -We find Gloucester's protest against his compulsory resignation of the -Protectorate in this very same Parliament, when it was questioned -whether a cardinal had a right to be a member of the Council. Beaufort -secured another victory when the Lords decided that not only was it -allowable but very desirable that he should attend the meetings of the -Council on all occasions, except when matters connected with the Papal -See were under discussion.[750] - -1430] THE FORTY SHILLING FRANCHISE - -The Bishop of Winchester had now considerably more power than his rival, -and we may see traces of the antipathy to Gloucester prevalent amongst -the Lords of Parliament in a famous measure passed in the second session -of this same Parliament. The representatives of the counties in -Parliament were chosen in the County Court, and Henry IV. had taken -steps to make this representation adequately reflect the wishes of all -who had access to that court. A reaction against this wide qualification -for the franchise now set in, and it was ordained that none but those -who possessed a freehold of the value of forty shillings a year, and -resided within the county, could vote for the knights of the shire who -sat in Parliament.[751] It is to be noticed that, whilst driving the -theory of constitutional government to an extreme, Parliament was now -limiting the possibilities of its claim to represent the nation: the -reason is obvious. The more limited the franchise, the more powerful -would be the lords who desired to rule the country, and the less -powerful would be Gloucester, who numbered his supporters amongst the -rank and file of the commonalty now excluded from the franchise. The -Bill spoke of the riot and disturbance caused 'by great attendance of -people of small substance and no value whereof every of them pretended a -voice equivalent, as to such elections, with the most worthy knights and -squires resident,'[752] and the true meaning of this complaint does not -lie far below the surface. Humphrey may be indicted on many counts, but -he cannot be said to have championed the lords against the people. What -strength he had was based on his personal popularity with the 'people of -small substance,' and his opponents were the men who, working under the -pretence of desiring a stronger Parliament, were attempting to secure -absolute domination over the country. Having secured a preponderance in -the kingdom, they proceeded to quarrel among themselves, since the -inevitable result of conciliar government was at this time civil war. -Gloucester, with all his faults, stood for the rights of the people, not -perhaps from disinterested motives, but because the people were ready to -support him. Neither lords nor commons had an exclusive right to govern -the kingdom during a minority, nor had they the political capacity to do -so, but this limitation of the franchise was a measure aimed by the -nobility at Gloucester and the commons at once. Supported by Beaufort, -who thought himself able to control them, the lords shut the door on -those who alone could check their turbulence, and weakened the position -of a man, who with a less limited power might have given strength to the -kingdom and dynasty, even although he was almost entirely selfish in his -aims. Beaufort was not able to control them, and the ultimate result of -their quarrels was civil war. - -1430] GLOUCESTER MADE REGENT - -While these measures to prevent the ascendency of Gloucester in the -councils of the nation were being taken, preparations were being made -for the journey of the young King to France; they were pervaded by a -spirit of precaution. The articles for the regulation of the Council, -which had been made in the first Parliament of the reign, were -re-enacted and expanded so that there should be no possibility of the -conciliar government being weakened by the machinations of the First -Councillor.[753] At the same time careful arrangements were made for the -government of the kingdom in the King's absence; all were agreed that it -was impossible to leave the kingdom in the hands of any one but -Gloucester, yet his powers as Regent must be limited. Cardinal Beaufort -was induced to escort Henry VI. to France, and the Council was divided -into two parts, one to accompany the King, the other to remain in -England. These two divisions were to be independent of one another -except in matters of the greatest importance, but the Regent of England -was prevented from turning the English Council into a body composed of -his own supporters by the provision that no councillor could be -dismissed save with the consent of both Councils.[754] At the same time -the weakness of the Council as a governing body was made manifest by the -steps taken to prevent the Duke of Norfolk and the Earls of Huntingdon -and Warwick from attacking one another whilst accompanying the King. -Humphrey took his own precautions to prevent armed dissensions in this -Council, and exacted an oath from these three lords that they would not -in person resent any injury done them, but bring any dispute among -themselves before the Council.[755] - -In spite of the proceedings of his opponents, it is evident that the -abolition of the Protectorate had not shorn Gloucester of all his power. -In this quarrel of the lords he had successfully asserted his right to -impose order and to keep the peace, and on December 23 of the previous -year he had secured a handsome allowance for his exertions as First -Councillor. For his attendance at the Council whilst the King was still -in England, he was paid at the rate of two thousand marks a year, and as -Regent in the King's absence he was to receive double that sum. A -proviso was also added that if he should be put to extra expense or -trouble in some matter in which he had the consent of the Council, he -was to have an extra grant, and if, by reason of the urgency of the -matter, he should be compelled to act without the consent of that body, -he was to be paid therefor at their next meeting.[756] - -Whilst the last preparations for the journey were being made, Gloucester -had accompanied his nephew as far as Canterbury on his way to the coast. -There Easter had been kept, and it was there also that Gloucester took -the steps already recorded towards securing peace amongst the lords who -were to accompany their young sovereign to France.[757] There, too, in -his capacity of Warden of the Cinque Ports, he had prepared for the -transhipment of the expedition by ordering ships to be in readiness to -carry the King across the Channel.[758] On April 23 his commission as -Regent during the King's absence was signed. By it he was authorised to -hold Parliaments and Councils, and with their assent to ordain such -things as were necessary for the welfare of the King and the realm. He -might also exercise the royal authority in all matters pertaining to -ecclesiastical elections, but he was to do everything by the advice of -the Council and not otherwise.[759] Next day the little King set sail on -his way to secure the empty honour of the crown of France, whilst his -uncle turned back to undertake the cares of that other kingdom, which -was in the end to prove an almost equally illusory possession.[760] - -The first year of Gloucester's regency passed without any incident of -interest. The government was quietly conducted, and the discussions -which continually arose when Beaufort was in the country were for the -time forgotten. Negotiations were carried on with Scotland, in which -Lord Scrope, a supporter of Gloucester, seems to have acted with energy -and ability.[761] But despite several journeys to the north, and a -seeming readiness on both sides to come to an understanding,[762] no -definite settlement was made, and he was again sent to Scotland in -November.[763] Thus the year passed quickly away, and there was found to -be no need for the summoning of Parliament till early in 1431.[764] - -1431] MEETING OF PARLIAMENT - -The session which then began was even more uneventful than that of the -preceding year, though Beaufort came over to attend it,[765] and the -lack of political quarrels speaks for the good government of the Regent -and the powerlessness of the Cardinal when his turbulent supporters were -absent in France. Only one event in Parliament is worthy of record, and -this points to the financial distress of the country and to the waning -affection for the war. In response to the Pope's efforts in the -direction of peace, the Lords and Commons joined with hearty goodwill in -an attempt to further his wishes by appointing the King's three uncles, -Bedford, Gloucester, and Beaufort, to treat of peace with the envoys of -France and of Rome, and by instructing them to agree to any terms they -might think reasonable, saving the liberties of the King's -subjects.[766] According to a later chronicler the powers thus conferred -were the occasion of an amicable meeting between the Regent and the -Cardinal on matters of foreign policy.[767] At any rate, Beaufort -returned to France without any fresh cause of dispute having arisen -between him and his nephew. - -1431] SEDITION OF 'JACK SHARPE' - -When Parliament had been dissolved Gloucester went down to Greenwich to -spend Easter, and on St. George's Day he presided at a Chapter of the -Order of the Garter at Windsor.[768] He was suddenly called away by -disturbances in the Midland Counties. A certain William Perkyns, -otherwise known as William Maundyvyll, who for the purposes of his -agitation called himself 'Jack Sharpe of Wygmoreland,' had lately been -distributing pamphlets in London, Coventry, and Oxford, which took the -form of a petition to the King and Lords of Parliament, showing the -waste which ensued from the possession of temporalities by the bishops, -abbots, and priors of the Church, and praying for their resumption by -the Crown. It was suggested that the proceeds of this confiscation -should be devoted to the endowment of a hundred almshouses and the -financing of a certain number of earls, knights, and squires, but that -the confiscations themselves should only affect the high dignitaries of -the Church.[769] The mention of 'Wygmoreland' savoured too much of the -House of Mortimer for the Regent to ignore the movement, while the -prelates were in a frenzy at this attack on their coveted possessions. -The idea thus propounded was no new one, for in the Parliament of 1410 -this resumption of ecclesiastical temporalities had been suggested, and -the future Henry V. had opposed it,[770] while at a later date Oldcastle -had circulated pamphlets recommending such a course.[771] In remembrance -of this incident the cry of heresy and Lollardy was raised, and it was -declared that Jack Sharpe with his 'fals feleshipp' wished to destroy -the Church.[772] Thus political security and religious orthodoxy both -summoned Gloucester from his ease, and he hastened to Abingdon, in which -neighbourhood the malcontents were said to be assembled. By the help of -one William Warberton, Jack Sharpe with many of his associates was -found in hiding at Oxford, where the Chancellor and bailiffs arrested -him on the Thursday before Whitsunday.[773] Brought before the Regent, -he was condemned to death and executed at Abingdon, and his head was -placed on London Bridge.[774] - -In the part he took in the suppression of 'Jack Sharpe' Gloucester was -actuated as much by a desire to enforce the arm of the law on all -disturbers of the peace, and on all who might be thought to threaten the -House of Lancaster, as by the claims of the higher clergy to be -protected. About this time, however, he further countenanced the -extinction of heresy by being present at the burning at Smithfield of an -old priest who denied the validity of the sacraments of the Church.[775] -In this he was merely carrying out the general policy of the Government, -for instances of the execution of Lollards and other heretics were of -comparatively frequent occurrence. - -The danger to Church and State was over, and the movement of the man of -'Wygmoreland' had been suppressed by the Regent's quick and decided -action, yet the very assumption of this name showed that the House of -Lancaster was not free from the danger which had threatened in the -Southampton conspiracy of 1415, and in the later pretensions of the Earl -of March. The inevitable dynastic struggle was only postponed till a -time when a weak and vacillating king in the hands of unintelligent -advisers should find himself unable to cope with a movement which this -time had been nipped in the bud. - -After the execution of 'Jack Sharpe' Gloucester visited several other -places in the kingdom, making inquisitions concerning certain heretics, -traitors, and rebels, and punishing them according to their -demerits.[776] Indeed during the Regency executions for illegal acts and -Lollardy were frequent; now it was a courtier punished for the misuse of -a patent seal, now a Lollard who by his faith threatened the House of -Lancaster. All through Humphrey's justice seems to have been firm and -true, and during the time of his government of the kingdom one -chronicler at least appears to hint at a more drastic and organised -government by the number of executions that he records.[777] At the same -time there is no record of any serious disturbance in the kingdom, and -the rising of Jack Sharpe is peculiar, not because of its existence, but -because of the summary justice meted out to it. By November Humphrey was -back again to London and in attendance at the Council. The days of the -Regency were now drawing to a close. The King was now, after many -delays, on the eve of his coronation in Paris,[778] and his return to -England at the beginning of the New Year was certain. With him would -come Beaufort and his supporters in the Council, and Gloucester feared -that fresh attacks would be made on his position. He therefore prepared -to meet them by a counter-movement, to be made whilst he was still -governing the country and had a complete ascendency over the Council, -and it was to this end that the question of Beaufort's cardinalate was -again raised. - -1431] INTRIGUE AGAINST BEAUFORT - -At a meeting of the Council on November 6 the King's Serjeant and -Attorney presented a petition which requested that Beaufort should be -deprived of his see of Winchester on the ground of his having accepted a -cardinal's hat. In support of this petition it was argued that -Archbishops Langham and Kilwardby had been deprived for this reason, and -that the good of the kingdom demanded compliance with these precedents. -The Regent, who evidently inspired this action on the part of the legal -officials of the Crown, asked the Bishop of Worcester whether it was -true that the Cardinal had procured from Rome an exemption for himself, -his city, and his see from the jurisdiction of the Primate. After much -hesitation the Bishop was compelled to acknowledge that the Bishop of -Lichfield had told him that he had acted for Beaufort in the purchase of -such an exemption from the Pope. After debate the matter was referred to -the judges, who were instructed to search the records and give their -decision on the legal point. Meanwhile nothing further was to be done -till the Cardinal returned to justify his action.[779] - -Though to us this attack may seem trivial, and its occurrence, at a time -when its object was not in the country to defend himself, unfair, we -must not forget that the Cardinal had laid himself open to the gravest -suspicion by invoking the interference of Rome in a matter of purely -English importance. It is also to be noticed that Beaufort had realised -the probability of losing his English benefices when created cardinal, -as at the time of his appointment he had procured a papal Bull which -enacted that 'he schuld have an reioyse all the benefyces spirituell and -temporell that he hadde had in Englond.'[780] Thus he had laid himself -open to the pains and penalties of the statute of Provisors, which -forbade the acceptance of letters from the Pope appointing people to -benefices in England, and showed that Gloucester's suspicion that he was -using the papal alliance for furtherance of his ambitions at home was -fully justified. Jealousy of papal power had ever been one of the chief -tenets of the Englishman's creed, and had a less powerfully connected -ecclesiastic than Beaufort ventured on such a step, his punishment -would have been swift and sure. Indeed the only voice raised in protest -against the action of the Council in this matter was that of the Bishop -of Carlisle,[781] a man well known to be a minion of the Beaufort party, -and one to whose appointment to his present see both Gloucester and Lord -Scrope had objected strongly only a few years before.[782] The decision -of the judges seems to have been hostile to the Cardinal, for on -November 20 the Council ordered writs of PrA|munire and attachment upon -the Statute to be sealed against him, though they were not to be -executed till the King came back.[783] - -Thus Gloucester thought that he had successfully clipped the wings of -his rival, and his ascendency in the Council was still further -emphasised by a movement to increase his salary as Regent. According to -the existing arrangement he received two thousand marks per annum as -First Councillor, and four thousand marks whilst he was Regent in the -King's absence. It was the Treasurer, Lord Hungerford, who now proposed -in the Great Council, on the same day as the writ of PrA|munire was -issued, that in consideration of the great expenses that Gloucester had -incurred in the past, both in preserving the kingdom from the malice of -rebels and traitors, and 'especially of late concerning the taking and -execution of the most horrible heretic and impious traitor to God and -the said Lord King, who called himself John Sharp, and of many other -heretical malefactors his accomplices,' he should receive an increase of -two thousand marks per annum for his services as Regent, returning to -his usual salary when the King came back.[784] - -1431] GLOUCESTER'S SALARY INCREASED - -That this was an evasion of a demand for increased pay by Gloucester -seems to be evident, as the Regency was drawing to a close, and -therefore no material benefit would accrue to the Regent by this motion. -Moreover, the excuse of the expense of putting down the rising of John -Sharp was merely a formal plea, as a payment of five hundred marks had -already been made in this respect on July 17.[785] It was not to be -expected that Hungerford should propose any measure of great advantage -to the Regent, for he had sided throughout with the Chancellor in -opposing Gloucester, even as he had been intended to do when appointed -to office by the influence of the Beaufort faction. Now he evidently -wished to conciliate Humphrey at small expense. Lord Scrope, however, -who was a steady supporter of the Regent, proposed an amendment to the -effect that Gloucester should have five thousand marks a year in his -capacity of First Councillor after the King's return, as well as the six -thousand marks of his proposed salary as Regent. After considerable -discussion this last suggestion was agreed to, though it was strongly -opposed by Chancellor Kemp, the Bishop of Carlisle, and Lords -Harrington, De la Warr, Lovell, and Botreaux. The Treasurer accepted the -amendment, probably in the hope of conciliating one who proved to have -such strong supporters. One qualification, however, was secured by -Gloucester's opponents, when it was arranged that the salary now voted -should cover all expenses he might incur in the King's service.[786] - -The result of all this was a decided victory for the Regent, and he was -made secure of an exceedingly handsome allowance, which he felt to be -necessary owing to his expensive and luxurious habits, and the charges -which he incurred as a patron of letters. The sum was not excessive, for -in the past both Bedford and himself had received annual salaries of -four to eight thousand marks as First Councillors.[787] Nevertheless -this was not a time to wring money from an already depleted exchequer. -The Lancastrians had always been poor, and now especially the constant -sinking of money into the bottomless morass of the French wars had -reduced the dynasty and kingdom to a very low financial state. Once more -Gloucester showed that personal gratification was more to him than -patriotic considerations. Throughout his regency he had shown the same -traits of character we have found in other parts of his career. -Administrative power, good government, a determination to punish -sedition and violence speedily and efficiently, all may be seen in this -brief tenure of office. Criminals were brought to justice; in the face -of seething discontent and the growing violence of the barons, peace -reigned. Yet, despite all this, the government was subordinate in -Humphrey's eyes to his own personal aggrandisement. He had used his -spell of power to strengthen his position in the kingdom irrespective of -his executive duties, which were treated more as isolated incidents than -as part of a constructive policy. He had taken advantage of the -Cardinal's absence to direct an attack on his position in the kingdom; -he had struck at the very foundation of Beaufort's power when he had -tried to deprive him of some of his possessions; he had levelled against -him a charge which, if successful, would entail his banishment from the -kingdom. At the same time he had taken steps to strengthen his own -position by increasing his income, and these monetary considerations -remind us of the new era that was dawning, the approach of that time -when no longer birth or hereditary position were to define a man's -power, but the length of his purse and his capacity to command the -services of others by purchase. Humphrey's Regency, therefore, is -important partly for the added indications of his power of -administration, but more so for the stage it marks in his attempt to -undermine the power of his great enemy. - -1432] RETURN OF HENRY VI. - -The increase of his income was the last important event for Gloucester -before the return of the King, who landed at Dover on February 9,[788] -and on Thursday 21 entered London in triumph. The Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, -and Aldermen, clad in their fur-lined scarlet cloaks, were there to -receive him, and amid song and pageant, in which champions with drawn -swords and 'maidens very celestialle' took part, Gloucester escorted his -nephew to St. Paul's and thence to Westminster.[789] A bright interlude -this in the struggles for ascendency which surrounded the boy-king's -throne, struggles which, dating from Henry V.'s untimely death, were to -continue with varied success, now to this side, now to that, for so long -a period. The rivalry of Gloucester and Beaufort had been the central -thread of the tangled web of the King's minority, and now that Henry was -a crowned King and claimed personal obedience in two countries, this -rivalry did not lose its importance. The internal history of England is -still the history of the faction fight which had marred the peace of the -first nine years of the reign. - -The struggle between, the two uncles enters at this period on a new -phase. Hitherto it had been chiefly confined to the sphere of Parliament -and the Council Chamber, now the interest centres more in the King's -person. Henry VI., though only ten years old, was beginning to assert -his position, for he was 'growen in yeares, in stature ... and also in -conceyte of his hiegh and royale auctoritee,' as his tutor, Warwick, -complained to the Council,[790] and under these circumstances it became -every year more necessary for each party to gain the King's ear. -Beaufort had not come back with the royal escort, so Gloucester had an -opportunity to use the King's return for his own ends. He was not at -all satisfied with the officers of state whom his opponents had placed -in office. Chancellor Kemp had opposed the increase of his salary, and -Hungerford, the Treasurer, had only assented to the measure at the last -moment; the first step, therefore, was to secure their dismissal, which -he had been unable to procure before under the terms of his regency -patent. No time was lost; on February 28, only four days after Henry's -arrival in London, Archbishop Kemp resigned the Seals to Gloucester, who -for the moment became Lord Keeper. On March 1 they were delivered to the -King, who handed them forthwith to the Bishop of Bath and Wells.[791] -Lord Scrope, the ardent supporter of Gloucester, succeeded Lord -Hungerford as Treasurer, while care was taken to displace men of -Beaufort sympathies from positions which entailed personal attendance on -the King. Accordingly Lord Cromwell was dismissed from the post of -Chamberlain in favour of Sir William Philip, and Lord Tiptoft, the -Steward of the Household, made way for Sir Robert Babthorp, who had -instructions to make all haste to take up his office at once.[792] Thus -with the greatest expedition possible the _personnel_ around the King was -changed, and the new officers were chosen, as far as possible, from -amongst those who would support Gloucester's claim to a preponderance in -the politics of the kingdom. - -These changes in the crown officials were safely effected before -Parliament met on May 12, by which date Beaufort had arrived in England. -The turbulence of the great nobles is illustrated by the fact that writs -were issued to the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Suffolk, Huntingdon, -Stafford, Northumberland, and Salisbury, together with Lord Cromwell, -enjoining them not to come to Parliament with more than their usual -number of retainers.[793] To say that this 'intimation under the -circumstances must have sounded very like a declaration of war' on the -part of Gloucester[794] is a total misreading of the matter. Precautions -of much the same nature had been taken by Bedford at the Parliament of -Leicester without provoking comment, and it was well known that at least -two of those to whom the writs were addressed were at enmity with one -another, and that Lord Cromwell was enraged at his loss of office. Added -to all this, Huntingdon was certainly not of the Beaufort faction, as he -subsequently appears as the supporter of Duke Humphrey.[795] It was -merely a precautionary measure, and serves to prove the unreliability of -those by whom the government of the kingdom was supposed to be -dominated, for these lords, with the exception of Salisbury, were all -Councillors. - -1432] DISCUSSIONS IN PARLIAMENT - -When Parliament did meet, Beaufort was there to look after his own -interests. On the second day Gloucester addressed the Lords, saying that -it was desirable that the Commons should know that the Lords spiritual -and temporal were in agreement, and that, therefore, a declaration to -this effect should be made. So far as he himself was concerned, though -by right of birth and by Act of Parliament he was First Councillor to -the King whilst Bedford was absent yet he would never do any state -business except with the consent of the Lords, or of a majority of them. -He therefore called upon his hearers to give their best advice, and he -would abide by it. To this suggested declaration the Lords assented, -promising their advice, and praying Gloucester 'for the reverence of God -and the good of the King and the realm to observe his part of the -agreement to the best of his ability.' The Commons were accordingly -solemnly informed of the state of absolute concord existing amongst -those whom they knew to be turbulent and divided.[796] The object that -Humphrey had in view was to secure an acknowledgment of his position, -and an acceptance of the state of things as they then stood. His -position was one of greater importance than he had enjoyed for some -years, and he wished it to be clearly understood that he would not -abandon that position without a determined struggle. At the same time, -if his power was not assailed, he would not ignore the opinions of -others. He could point to his recent successful regency as evidence of -the good results of his rule, yet he definitely promised not to go -outside his powers so long as his preponderance in the councils of the -nation was accepted. He had warned the turbulent nobles in the writ -addressed to them with respect to their retinues, and he now wished to -impress upon them collectively, that he stood for good government -against the divided rule of the Council. Whether this declaration was -entirely disinterested may well be doubted, and that his government -would be good in our sense of the word was hardly probable, but he was -choosing the least turbulent way of asserting himself, and his -administration could not well be worse than that of the faction that -opposed him. - -1432] BEAUFORT'S COMPLAINTS - -This warning Beaufort took as a challenge, and retorted in Parliament by -an assumption of injured innocence. He rose in his place and explained -that whilst on his way to Rome, a journey undertaken by the permission -of the King, he had been told that he had been accused of treachery to -his royal nephew. He now demanded that he should be confronted with his -accuser, and declared himself ready to meet him, however exalted his -rank might be--a broad hint at his rival, for no one but Gloucester in -England at that time was of superior rank to the Cardinal. The matter -was discussed in the King's presence, and finally Gloucester, as -representing the Councillors there present, declared the King's entire -belief in Beaufort's loyalty, and emphatically announced that no one had -accused him of anything, nor to the best of their knowledge did any one -desire to do so.[797] Whether there was any truth in the Cardinal's -statement, or whether he was referring to the writ of PrA|munire issued -against him, must remain uncertain. At all events his attempt to make a -scene failed, and with it his first attack on Gloucester's new position. - -But the Cardinal had another cause of complaint, and he proceeded to -ventilate this second grievance. Certain of the King's jewels pledged to -him for a loan had been seized by the royal officials when he landed at -Sandwich, and he now demanded their restoration.[798] On what plea these -jewels were confiscated we cannot discover, but that the Regent had some -just cause for his action may be argued from the fact that Parliament -only agreed to this restoration on condition that AL6000 more were -deposited for them, and a promise made by the Cardinal to lend the King -thirteen thousand marks in addition.[799] Beaufort had undoubtedly not -suffered any loss from the sums he had lent to the King in the past, and -it is possible that he had overreached himself in his desire for -increased profit; moreover, Gloucester himself seems to have had some -personal claim on the jewels,[800] which had probably been pledged to -him at some former time, but not fully redeemed, as had been the case -when four years earlier he had received a belated payment for the -campaign of 1415. If there was any insinuation that the Regent had been -robbing under the shadow of the law, it failed to reach the mark, and -the jewels were only secured by a heavy payment, though ultimately the -Cardinal managed to creep out of the engagements he had made.[801] -Taking all this into consideration, it is hard to deduce from these -proceedings in Parliament that Beaufort gained a victory over his -rival,[802] though he did secure an exemption from all liabilities -incurred by him under the Acts of Provisors and PrA|munire.[803] - -Yet another attack on Gloucester was made in this Parliament by his -opponents, when on June 10 Lord Cromwell complained before the Lords -that he had been dismissed from his office of Chamberlain contrary to -the Ordinances of 1429. He declared that it was a slight on his honour, -as no reason had been assigned for this action,[804] and he demanded to -be told for what fault he had been dismissed. It was not likely that, -where the Cardinal had failed, his follower would succeed, and Cromwell -was politely told by Gloucester that he had done no wrong, but was -removed merely because he himself and the Council wished it.[805] Thus -Gloucester had been successful all along the line. The various, scarcely -veiled, attacks made upon him in this Parliament had been repulsed, and -his power had been in no way lessened by the return of the King. His -position was recognised, and in October of the same year we even find -him described as 'Custode AngliA|' in an official document,[806] a title -of considerably greater importance than that of 'First Councillor.' - - * * * * * - -1433] NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE - -Gloucester had so far asserted his strength that no open attempt to -challenge his authority was made for some time, and in this interval of -security he spent what time he could spare from public affairs in -rebuilding his house at Greenwich in magnificent style, and making a -park around it of some two hundred acres.[807] From this pursuit he was -called away at the beginning of 1433 by the negotiations for peace which -were going on between England and France under the care of the Pope's -representative, the Cardinal of St. Croix. The French had requested -that the prisoners in England might be sent over to confer with their -fellow-countrymen on the question of peace, and the Council at length -agreed to send them as far as Dover, where every facility of -communication with their friends across the Channel would be given -them.[808] At the same time it was arranged that several important -councillors should proceed to Calais, there to discuss the matter with -accredited representatives of Charles of France. At their head went -Gloucester accompanied by the Chancellor, who deposited the Great Seal -with the Clerk of the Rolls on April 15th preparatory to his -departure.[809] Humphrey had been making his preparations to cross the -Channel ever since February,[810] and on the 22nd of April he started -out for Calais.[811] There he was met by Beaufort and Bedford, the -latter having brought with him his newly married wife. Anne of Burgundy -had died in November,[812] and her husband had delayed but these few -months before marrying Jacquetta of Luxemburg, sister of the Count of -St. Pol and niece of John of Luxemburg, the Duke of Burgundy's chief -captain. The Duke was much displeased at the action of the Regent of -France, not merely for the slight that it cast on his sister's memory, -but also because the marriage with his vassal's daughter had been -contracted without his leave.[813] Among the many influences that tended -to alienate Burgundy from England it must be remembered that the -marriage of John of Bedford played its part, though it was inferior in -importance to the earlier marriage of his brother Humphrey. - -At Calais Gloucester remained for a month, though no envoys came from -the French King, and consequently the business he had gone there to -perform could not be undertaken. Together with his brother he induced -Beaufort to lend another five thousand marks to the King,[814] and at -this time he seems to have been at peace with his uncle, a curious -interlude in the bitter rivalry. So far did this good feeling extend at -this time, that Humphrey issued a manifesto declaring his readiness to -submit his still outstanding differences with the Duke of Burgundy to -the arbitrament of Beaufort and Bedford.[815] This declaration is of -interest in itself, since it is possible that it was meant as an act of -conciliation towards Burgundy, who was obviously wavering in his English -alliance. If this interpretation be correct, it shows a strange turning -of the tables. Humphrey was now to try to undo the mischief caused by -John of Bedford's rash marriage. On May 23 Gloucester returned to -England,[816] to be followed in June by the Duke and Duchess of Bedford, -who crossed on Midsummer's Eve.[817] - -1433] BEDFORD IN ENGLAND - -The meeting of Parliament had been postponed owing to the absence of -Gloucester and the Chancellor in France, but on their return it was -summoned to meet in July. The session opened on the 8th of that month, -and on the same day Gloucester, who had surrendered his existing -life-peerage to the King, received it back entailed to the heirs male of -his body.[818] Bedford and the Cardinal both took their places in -Parliament, and on the 13th the former addressed the House, saying that -he had learnt that he had been falsely accused of treachery, and that -the English reverses in France were attributed to his neglect. As -Beaufort had done before him, he asked that he might be confronted with -his accusers.[819] On what authority Bedford made this statement we -cannot tell, whether he really had reason to suspect treachery on the -part of his brother, or whether it was merely the machinations of the -Cardinal, who had poured into his nephew's ear some invention of his -own, that induced him to make this protest, it is impossible to say. The -striking similarity of the method to that which Beaufort had adopted -would support the second supposition. It was not the first time that the -Bishop of Winchester had implanted distrust of Humphrey in Bedford's -mind to serve his own purposes. - -Whatever prompted the protest, it had no further effect than to satisfy -Bedford's honour, for he was assured by the Chancellor that no report -such as he spoke of had reached the ears of the Duke of Gloucester, the -Council, or even the King himself, who regarded his uncle as his -faithful and true liege.[820] Bedford was not satisfied, and, prompted -by Beaufort, he brought his influence to bear on the officials of the -Crown. Lord Scrope was compelled to yield his place to Lord Cromwell, -whilst the Earl of Suffolk supplanted Sir Robert Babthorp as Steward of -the Household;[821] changes which implied the substitution of men of the -Beaufort faction, who had been warned against turbulence only a year -ago, for men who were known supporters of Gloucester and his policy. -Under Bedford's guidance, however, Cromwell threw himself with energy -into the work of his new office, and proceeded to collect statistics -concerning the finances of the kingdom, which were in a very bad -condition. Meanwhile Parliament was prorogued through fear of an attack -of the plague till October 13.[822] - -Once again Bedford had come over to England to check his brother's -power, and it is more than probable that he had been instigated to take -this course by Beaufort, who however was this time too cunning to commit -to paper his appeal for help to the Regent of France. There was no -obvious excuse for this interference. The country was not suffering from -the rule of Gloucester, and therefore it is the more likely that it was -only the Bishop of Winchester's diminished power that caused this -intervention. Beaufort had been much abroad of late, and had had ample -opportunity to poison Bedford's mind against his brother, and the -latter's complaint in Parliament, coupled with the removal of all -Gloucester's friends from office, seems to show that some underhand -influence was at work. Strong man though he was, Bedford was unable to -grasp all the varied aspects of English politics. He knew his brother to -be ambitious and unsteady, but he did not realise that to curb his power -was to make him far more dangerous than when in a position of trust. -Beaufort was his banker and the source of the money with which he -conducted the French war; Beaufort had the gilded tongue of the wily -ecclesiastic, and so his suggestion that Gloucester in power spelt -anarchy at home and disaster abroad found a ready listener. Defeated in -his aims, the Bishop of Winchester reverted to his old policy of sowing -discord between the two Lancastrian brothers so as to advance himself, -and he continued this policy as long as Bedford was in England. - -When Parliament met again, the Commons insisted that the Lords should -sign a declaration against the maintenance of criminals. Bedford and -Gloucester both appended their signatures to this declaration,[823] but -there was a prevalent opinion that there was a still better method of -ensuring peace and quietness in the kingdom. The presence of Bedford in -England was felt as a quieting influence, and the turbulence of the -nobles was kept in check by the one strong man of his age.[824] He -alone of the great men of the time stood aloof from the party strife -which surrounded the throne of Henry VI. In all her troubles England -looked to the one man who would not play for his own hand, and who put -the safety, honour, and welfare of the country before any personal -advantage. - -1433] BEDFORD'S ATTITUDE - -It was because they realised this fact that the Commons declared in a -petition presented to the King on November 24, that the Duke of Bedford -was too precious to the kingdom to be allowed to return to France. The -country had been so well governed and so quiet since his return, that in -the hope of continued peace they desired above all things that he should -remain at the head of affairs. To this petition the King replied by -ordering the Chancellor to summon Gloucester, Beaufort, the Archbishops -of Canterbury and York, and certain other Lords to discuss the matter, -and their report induced the King to request Bedford to remain in -England.[825] This request and the action of the Commons must have been -gratifying to Bedford, and he was too great a statesman not to realise -the significance of the position thus offered to him. He saw that -England was divided into two camps, that on one side stood the Beaufort -interest, and on the other those who supported Gloucester; he saw that -it was impossible for either of these two parties to govern the kingdom -quietly and well, for the most honest intentions would be thwarted by -the factious opposition of the party not in power, and hampered by the -necessity of guarding against attack. Looking back over the eleven years -of the reign, short periods of comparative peace might certainly be -found, but they were times when the preponderance of Gloucester in the -affairs of the kingdom was undisputed, and when the Cardinal was posing -as a soldier-priest in the Hussite crusade, or devoting his energies to -one of his many other interests. No prolonged quiet was possible whilst -all political England was divided into two distinct and militant -parties, and it was evident to a man of Bedford's clear understanding, -that some one uninfluenced by these storms must guide the ship of state -through the troubled waters in which she found herself. So to the -petition of the Commons and the request of the King Bedford gave answer, -that he was the King's servant in all things, and entirely at his -disposal.[826] - -On the following day Bedford, in view of the low state of the finances -of the kingdom, agreed to accept an income of ALl000 a year as Chief -Councillor, with a provision of AL500 for every journey to and from -France,[827] and Gloucester hastened to follow suit, accepting AL1000 in -lieu of the five thousand marks (AL3333, 6s. 8d.) which he was then -receiving.[828] The lead thus given was followed by others who -voluntarily resigned their incomes, for the detailed report that Lord -Cromwell had presented to Parliament had shown a heavy deficit.[829] -These financial straits cannot be ascribed to maladministration, but -rather to the parsimony of Parliament, which by an annual grant of a -fifteenth could have placed the finances of the kingdom on a sure -footing.[830] Some attempt at organisation was made by appointing a -commission of revenue, whereby Bedford, Gloucester, and certain other -lords, including Beaufort and others named, were to examine the books of -the King's revenue, and to arrange how the yearly charges were to be -borne and the debts paid, and to whom preference in payment was to be -given.[831] - -1434] BEDFORD AND THE COUNCIL - -Having arranged his salary as Chief Councillor, Bedford proceeded to lay -down the conditions under which he would consent to carry on the -government of the kingdom. They were agreed to by Parliament, and it is -interesting to note the degree of power which he thought necessary for -himself, if he were to be able to govern the kingdom successfully. He -desired to know the names of those who would be chosen to serve on the -standing council, and stipulated that without his consent and that of -the Council none of them should be removed, thereby demonstrating that -he would not be content to be merely one of the Councillors with prior -rank, a position which when taken up by Humphrey was regarded with -suspicion by his contemporaries, and decried as self-seeking by later -historians. By insisting that he should be consulted, wherever he might -chance to be, on such matters as the calling of Parliament and the -appointment of bishoprics,[832] he showed that he desired a hold on the -government, which in Humphrey's case would have been dismissed as an -attempt to influence the elections, and to pack the episcopal Bench with -his supporters. Bedford saw that conciliar government was not what the -country needed, and while respecting the feelings of Councillors, he -insisted on a preponderance for himself in the councils of the nation. -We have no evidence beyond the well-known ambition of his character that -Gloucester desired more than this, though owing to the opposition he -encountered he had to invoke more questionable means of gaining his ends -than a mere demand laid before Parliament. - - * * * * * - -When Parliament was dissolved, the King went to spend Christmas at the -Abbey of St. Edmund at Bury, and probably Gloucester accompanied him. At -all events, when Henry returned thither for the Feast of the -Purification, and spent the whole of the Lenten season at the Abbey, we -find that Humphrey was there during the Easter celebrations, and that -when the time came to return to London, he and other nobles asked to be -admitted into the Fraternity. The request was gladly granted, and before -he left the monastery the King was induced by his uncle to repay the -Abbot for the expenses incurred in entertaining him and his suite.[833] - -1434] BEDFORD AND GLOUCESTER QUARREL - -Through all this time Gloucester had had no outlet for his energies, for -with his brother in possession of the government he had neither the -cares of office nor the excitement of opposition, so he turned his -attention to matters outside England, and began to evolve theories on -the conduct of the war in France. In a great Council held in the -Parliament Chamber at Westminster on a Saturday in April[834] he made -some observations on this subject, and Bedford, taking offence at what -his brother had said, demanded that it should be put into writing. This -accordingly was done, and on the following Monday it was read in full -Council, and provoked Bedford to demand a copy for himself, as he -considered that certain statements therein affected his honour; he added -that at a fit time he would declare his sentiments before the King and -the whole Council.[835] Gloucester's remarks seem to have contained an -offer, which he had also committed to writing, to serve the King in -France under certain unrecorded conditions, and the Council considered -the proposition. On May 5, however, they decided on the impracticability -of the suggestion, adding, however, that had it been possible, it would -have been most desirable. After great discussion the lords, knights, and -squires of the great Council had decided that the forty-eight or fifty -thousand pounds necessary for the undertaking could not be raised in so -short a time, especially as the commissioners lately appointed to raise -a loan in the shires had reported that no one was ready to lend, and as -the Treasurer, who of course would favour no scheme of Humphrey's, -declared the finances to be in a very bad state. They went on to say -that a rumour was abroad that Bedford and Gloucester had offered to -carry out the proposed expedition in such a way that neither 'taille nor -talliage' would have to be raised for many years, and that the great -Council had ignored this offer. If such a procedure were possible, they -would be only too pleased to consider it, if Gloucester would lay it -before them, and they concluded with a request that the King should -order the Chancellor to consult with Gloucester as to whether the people -of the land should be called 'in form accustomed to discuss the -matter.'[836] - -It would seem from this that Humphrey, with his large ideas and his -imperfect grasp of the details that alone make a scheme possible, had -propounded a plan which it was impossible to carry out, though we must -not therefore suppose that he had not an honest intention of serving the -King in France whilst his brother governed at home. The impracticability -of the idea does not, in Humphrey's case, prove a lack of genuine -intention, for he was a man who lived with great ideas, the essentials -of which he was incapable of understanding or of carrying out. Quite -unwittingly, in all probability, he had offended his brother by his -suggestion, and it is not unlikely that in view of the disastrous course -of the war Bedford was rather sore on the question of its conduct, and -looked on every suggestion of the new procedure as a slight on himself. -It is, of course, also possible that Humphrey was deliberately trying to -annoy his brother, and to discredit his policy. There is, however, -nothing to support this theory, save the Duke's known factiousness. It -is quite likely that he desired some new outlet for his energies, now -that the government was in the hands of a man whose prior claims he had -never denied, and there is nothing in the past relations of the two to -suggest that bad blood had ever before risen between them. - -The quarrel which originated in the scheme was not laid to rest by the -latter's rejection by the Council, and Humphrey probably considered the -refusal to accept it as instigated by his brother. On May 7, therefore, -he appeared in Council at a meeting held in the palace of the Bishop of -Durham, and desired that the observations that he had committed to -writing might be returned to him, a request which was granted, and the -next day Bedford sent in a written reply to Gloucester's remarks. These -were read in full Council by the Chancellor, and provoked a reply from -Gloucester, who in his turn asked for a copy of Bedford's answer, and -for a day to be appointed for his retort. On the advice of the Council, -however, the King declared that the matter must not proceed further, and -taking the statements of both parties in his hands, he declared them -null and void, saying, that in neither was there anything prejudicial to -the honour of either Duke, and that he considered them both to be his -affectionate uncles. The incident was thus closed, both Bedford and -Gloucester agreeing to sign the decision.[837] - -1435] DEATH OF BEDFORD - -This unfortunate misunderstanding came almost at the end of Bedford's -stay in England. He had already made up his mind to return to the scenes -of his former labours, for he could not stand by and see the kingdom -that Henry V. had won pass out of English hands, without doing his -utmost to prevent it. On June 20 he took leave of the Council,[838] and -shortly after left England for the last time.[839] His life's work was -done. Burgundy, who had been an unsatisfactory ally for many years past, -was drawing closer and closer to the French King, and the Pope, having -brought his influence to bear on the contending parties, induced them to -hold a European Congress at Arras in August 1435.[840] In spite of the -conciliatory offers of the French, Beaufort and the other English -delegates based their demands on the Treaty of Troyes--at this stage of -the war an absurdly impossible attitude--and, perceiving that a -Burgundian alliance with France was inevitable, they left the Congress -on September 5.[841] This alliance was completed by the end of the -month,[842] but not before Bedford's death on September 14.[843] - -With the death of Bedford and the defection of Burgundy, even the most -shadowy hope of retaining his hold on France passed from the King of -England, and the claims, first raised by Edward III., and resuscitated -by Henry V., were to end in the disaster which had been inevitable from -the first. Of all the men to whom Henry of Monmouth had confided the -care of his son and of his kingdom, Bedford alone was worthy of his -implicit trust. He had fought an uphill and impossible fight in France, -and on two occasions he had turned his attention to the internal affairs -of England. He had played a difficult rA'le with as much success as was -to be expected, and we can only guess at what might have been the -destiny of England had it secured his undivided attention. Had he been -settled in England as Protector, his power would doubtless have been -less than on the occasions when he came to readjust the balance of -parties in 1426 and 1433, for he would not then have received the -support of the Beaufort faction, which only looked on him as a useful -tool to use when Gloucester's ascendency became too secure. At his death -the one steadying and exterior influence in English politics was gone, -and the party strife, which had been the curse of England for the last -thirteen years, pursued its course unhindered. - -From the time of the death of Bedford and the Treaty of Arras onwards a -change comes over the internal politics of England. Hitherto the war in -France had been carried on by the French Regent almost without reference -to the authorities at home, and questions of foreign policy had not made -their way into the bickerings of Beaufort and Gloucester. But now that -the strong hand in France was removed, and the defection of the Duke of -Burgundy had at last become definite, it was impossible for the Council, -in the face of both occurrences, to ignore any longer the fact that the -country was at war. This was emphasised by the appearance of Burgundian -envoys in London, who came to announce the peace made between the Duke -of Burgundy and Charles of France, and to seek to procure peace with -England also.[844] The country in general was too angry with the Duke to -realise the advantages of his neutrality. His envoys therefore were -denied the privileges of their position, their peace propositions were -scouted by the Council, and they were not even vouchsafed a definite -answer.[845] Both Beaufort and Gloucester emphasised their objections to -peace with Burgundy, and the Treasurer pointed out what he considered to -be the insulting omission of the title 'souverain seigneur' in -addressing the King.[846] In Parliament, which met on October 10, the -Chancellor, John Stafford, delivered a virulent attack on Burgundian -policy, and the assembly was induced to agree readily enough to the -continued prosecution of the war, and to the inclusion of the Duke of -Burgundy among the King's enemies.[847] Council and Parliament -therefore, led by both Beaufort and Gloucester as well as by the rest of -the royal officers, threw down the gauntlet to Burgundy, and it is well -to remember this when in the light of subsequent events we find -Gloucester attacked for leading the nation to war at this time.[848] - -1435] GLOUCESTER LIEUTENANT OF CALAIS - -The death of Bedford naturally increased Humphrey's strength in the -kingdom. He now stood next in succession to the throne as -heir-presumptive to his young nephew, and he was freed from the -domination of a superior authority, to which in time of need his enemies -could appeal. His influence may be traced in the appointment of the Duke -of York to the command in France. Hitherto this Duke had not been seen -in English politics, being at this time only twenty-four years old, but -he had been brought into close contact with Humphrey, who had been -granted the administration of his land during his minority, and whose -good name he championed later in life. At this time men looked to the -Duke of Gloucester as the chief man in England, and it was to him that -the Bishop of Bayeux addressed himself when begging for help for the -distressed Duchy of Normandy.[849] - -Such being Gloucester's position, it was natural that he should receive -some of the offices and responsibilities vacated by his brother. His -former idea of taking the command in France was not resuscitated, as he -doubtless wished to guard his interests at home, but on November 1 he -succeeded Bedford as Lieutenant of the King in the town, marches, and -castle of Calais, to which were added the regions of Picardy, Flanders, -and Artois. The appointment bore civil as well as military obligations, -and was a challenge to the Duke of Burgundy in that certain of his -territories were included in the grant.[850] Calais itself was an -important command quite apart from strategic reasons. It was the town -where the wool staple was established, though this was a fact of -declining importance; more than this, it was regarded as the safeguard -of English trade, for so long as England kept the command of the narrow -seas between Dover and Calais, she might rule the world's commerce, as -all trade from north to south had to pass that way.[851] Besides the -government of Calais, Gloucester received another of Bedford's -possessions when on November 23 the Council presented him with the -islands of Jersey and Guernsey, in exchange for which Humphrey resigned -the annuity of five hundred marks, given to him by Henry V. for himself -and his heirs until lands of an equal value should be given him.[852] - -1436] RELIEF OF CALAIS - -For a time the political quarrels of the two factions were silenced by -their common anger at the desertion of Burgundy and by the pre-eminence -of Gloucester in the kingdom. Two instances of his preponderance -appeared in the following year, when his wife Eleanor received her first -public recognition as Duchess of Gloucester by being provided with robes -of the Order of the Garter wherewith to keep the Feast of St. George at -Windsor,[853] and when in the May following the Duke of Orleans was -transferred from the custody of the Earl of Suffolk, who had been -ordered to France, to that of Sir Reginald de Cobham, Gloucester's -father-in-law.[854] Matters other than those of home politics, however, -were to occupy Gloucester in the near future. Early in June it was known -in London that Burgundy had begun hostilities, and was advancing against -Calais, and preparations were hurriedly made to save the city which -Englishmen cherished above all their other possessions in France. Orders -were given for the preparation of supplies and munitions of war for the -garrison, and provisions for an army which was being mustered to serve -under Gloucester.[855] The Earl of Huntingdon was commissioned to raise -men to accompany the expedition,[856] the Cardinal was induced to lend -nine thousand marks to defray the costs, armourers and victuallers were -forbidden to raise their prices in view of the demand on their wares, -and all men who wished to serve under Gloucester were ordered to be at -Sandwich by the 22nd of July.[857] Delays, however, were inevitable, and -it was not till the 27th that Gloucester received his special commission -as Lieutenant-General of the army going to the defence of Calais, -followed three days later by a writ conferring on him the County of -Flanders.[858] By the 2nd of August all things were ready, and on that -day he transported his army in five hundred ships from Winchester to -Calais.[859] - -Humphrey had been retained to serve the King, with one Duke besides -himself, two Earls, eleven Barons, twenty-three Knights, four hundred -and fifteen men-at-arms, and four thousand and forty-five archers,[860] -but the full number of his army when joined by the retinue of the Duke -of Norfolk and the Earls of Huntingdon, Devon, Stafford, and -Warwick[861] who accompanied him, is uncertain. The chroniclers estimate -the strength of the army variously between ten thousand and sixty -thousand men,[862] of which the lowest figure is probably nearer the -truth, since it was given by one who himself saw the army,[863] and at -such short notice it would have been impossible to raise a force in any -way approaching the larger estimate. - -When Gloucester reached Calais he found the siege already raised. -Burgundy with thirty thousand men[864] had invested the place on July -9,[865] but from the first the valiant defenders, under their captain, -Sir John Radcliffe,[866] had had the best of the encounter. An attempt -to obstruct the harbour failed, and a blockade was out of the -question,[867] so the besieged were able to supply themselves with every -necessity from the sea,[868] a state of affairs which encouraged them to -make several sorties, and to capture a bastion raised against them and -held by the men of Ghent.[869] The majority of Burgundy's army consisted -of raw Flemish levies, who were constantly in a state of -insubordination,[870] and their discontent increased when the Earl of -Huntingdon and Lord Camoys relieved the garrison with troops levied for -the French war.[871] Moreover, the further reinforcements with -Gloucester were expected, for the Duke had sent a challenge to his old -enemy, calling on him to do battle before Calais, though excusing -himself from fixing a date as wind and weather could not be reckoned -on.[872] However, when news came that their approach was imminent, the -Flemings incontinently broke up their camp and fled leaving stores and -guns as prizes for the enemy.[873] - - 'For they had very knowyng - Off the duk off Gloceters cumyng, - Caleys to rescue.'[874] - -And another rhymer tells how - - 'Ffor fere they turned backe and hyede feste; - Mi lorde of Gloucestre made hem so agaste - Wyth his commynge.'[875] - -[Illustration: THE SIEGE OF CALAIS IN 1436. - _From a Drawing._] - -It was a bitter pill for Duke Philip to be compelled to follow his -disorderly troops, fleeing as he did before the man whom above all -others he had learned to hate, and whom he had boldly promised to meet -in arms before the city.[876] - -1436] RAID ON FLANDERS - -Gloucester had declared through his herald that, if Burgundy were not -before Calais to meet him, he would pursue him,[877] and on hearing that -the Duke had retired to Lille, and had fortified the border -fortresses,[878] he prepared to fulfil his word. Leaving Calais on -August 3,[879] he advanced to Merck in the neighbourhood of Oge, and -there spent the night in the fields, passing on the next day to the -neighbourhood of Gravelines.[880] On August 6 he crossed over into -Flanders, even as he had done nearly twenty years before to meet John -the Fearless in midstream, and led his army to Mardyke, which was -pillaged and burned. The reason for thus making for the coast may have -been to open communications with the fleet, which had been ordered to -cruise off the coast of Flanders and to co-operate with the invading -army, but the sailors, unsupported by men-at-arms on board, feared to -encounter a hostile fleet, and put back into the harbour of Calais.[881] -Unable, therefore, to draw supplies from the fleet, Gloucester turned -due south, and marched inland, meeting with no resistance,[882] but -followed by a detachment from Gravelines, which sought to pick off -stragglers and to take the invaders unawares. The excellent order kept -by the invaders thwarted their plans, and the detachment returned to -Gravelines. - -Meanwhile Gloucester pursued his way to Bailleul, burning everything as -he went,[883] and throwing out a part of his troops under the Earl of -Huntingdon to take and sack Poperinghes on his left.[884] Arrived at -Bailleul, he lodged outside the walls, at the Abbey of St. Anthony, -which was spared, though the town where his men lay and the surrounding -country were utterly devastated. Retracing his steps from this point, he -picked up the detachment under Huntingdon at Poperinghes, where much -booty had been secured, and passing by Neu-ChActel, he burnt Rimesture -and Valon-Chapelle, then entering Artois he met with some slight -resistance. Skirmishes were fought round Arques and Blandesques, till -the army reached St. Omer, burning and harrying all that came in its -way, so that Duke Philip from his refuge at Lille could see the light of -the fires on the horizon, though he was quite powerless to help those -who cried to him for aid, as the soldiers he had summoned had not yet -arrived.[885] - -The English did not penetrate into the town of St. Omer, as it was -securely held, but Gloucester lodged at the Abbey of Blandesques -outside the walls, whilst his men were encamped along the banks of the -river Aa, where Waurin himself saw them, when he stole out from -Gravelines on the night of August 15.[886] Some attempt was made to -harass the invaders as they lay here, and the captains both of St. Omer -and Arques tried to pick off the stragglers, but with little success, -for Gloucester was so careful that he could not be taken by surprise. On -the morning of August 15 the English moved on with care for fear of -ambushes,[887] and having met with somewhat more determined resistance -than they had hitherto experienced from the captains of Tournehem, -Espreleques, and Bredenaide, they found their way to Guisnes somewhat -distressed by a sickness caused by a lack of bread.[888] Everywhere the -supporters of Burgundy had been pillaged, and large herds of cattle and -other booty had fallen into the hands of the soldiers, but so distressed -were the latter for the lack of bread, that to some women, who presented -them with a little, they gave large herds of cattle, which, by reason of -the bands of the enemy that followed behind them, were more an -encumbrance than an advantage.[889] At Calais Gloucester was received -with joy, and, having rested his men a while, about August 24 he -recrossed the Channel with much booty, leaving his prisoners behind in -safe keeping. - -On landing the troops were dismissed, and Humphrey proceeded to London, -where he was given a great reception,[890] for he had struck a heavy -blow at the prosperity of the Burgundian territories, and the anger felt -by the English against their recent ally was appeased when they thought -of Gloucester's expedition, and how - - 'In Flanders he soght hem fer and ner, - That ever they may yt rew.'[891] - -Though, we cannot look on this devastating campaign of Gloucester's as a -great military achievement, yet it is not necessary to dismiss it with -the contempt it has received on the authority of the rhyming chronicler: - - 'The protectour with his flete at Calys then - Did lande, and rode in Flaunders a little waye, - And little did to counte a manly man.'[892] - -We have the evidence of an eye-witness to prove the skill with which he -protected his men from falling victims to the enemy's bands, and the -strict discipline which he kept in his ranks. Even if it was but for a -short time that he defied the Duke of Burgundy, we must not forget that -his men were only enlisted for a month's service,[893] and that they -were probably raw recruits, since the experienced soldiers had all gone -to make up the contingents of York and Mortain. Nay more, as it is -unfair to blame Gloucester for the nature of this campaign, so it is -equally unfair to blame him for allowing the Earl of Mortain to relieve -Calais before him.[894] His preparations had only been begun after the -news of the investment of Calais had reached England. His commission was -signed on July 27, and he was in Calais on August 3. On the other hand, -the Earl had been preparing his troops as far back as the previous -October, and was naturally quite ready to take the offensive after so -long a period of preparation. Humphrey was not a great general, but, -within the restricted limits of such a commission as this, there was no -other captain in England who could have excelled him. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [749] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 337; Rymer, IV. iv. 151. - - [750] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 338. - - [751] _Ibid._, iv. 350. - - [752] 8 _Henry VI._, c. 7; _Statutes_, ii. 243. - - [753] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 343, 344. - - [754] _Ordinances_, iv. 35-38; _Rot. Parl._, v. 416-418. - - [755] _Rot. Parl._, v. 415. - - [756] _Ordinances_, iv. 12; Devon, _Issue Roll_, p. 44. - - [757] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 48-50; _Rot. Parl._, v. 415. - - [758] Rymer, IV. iv. 159. - - [759] _Ibid._, IV. iv. 160. The commission was approved in Council - on April 21. Ordinances, iv. 40, 41. - - [760] _Eng. Chron._, 54; _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 273. - - [761] _Ordinances_, iv. 16. - - [762] _Ibid._, iv. 53, 73-75. - - [763] _Ibid._, iv. 68; see also Polydore Vergil, 46. - - [764] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 367. - - [765] _Ordinances_, iv. 79. - - [766] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 371. - - [767] Polydore Vergil, 45. - - [768] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 413. - - [769] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 63. The petition is printed in the - Appendix to _St. Albans Chron._, i. 453-457. - - [770] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 61-63vo; Walsingham, _Hist. - Angl._, ii. 282, 283; Redmayne, 24, 25. - - [771] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 121. - - [772] _Eng. Chron._, 54. - - [773] May 17. - - [774] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 37; _St. Albans Chron._, i. - 63, 64; _Ordinances_, iv. 107; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 415; - Ellis, _Original Letters_, 2nd Series, i. 104, 105; William - of Worcester, 455, 456; Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. - 93vo. - - [775] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 61. - - [776] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 412; _Ordinances_, iv. 91. Gloucester - also sent one of the judges to put an end to the rebels round - Kenilworth and Coventry; _ibid._, iv. 89. - - [777] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. ff. 36vo, 37vo. - - [778] Henry was crowned at Paris on December 11, 1431; _Chron. Henry - VI._, 13. - - [779] _Ordinances_, iv. 100, 101; Rymer, IV. iv. 174, 175. - - [780] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 35. - - [781] _Ordinances_, iv. 101; Rymer, IV. iv. 175. - - [782] _Ordinances_, iv. 8. - - [783] _Ibid._, iv. 105. - - [784] _Ibid._, iv. 104; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 414, 415. - - [785] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 412. - - [786] _Ordinances_, iv. 104-106; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 414, 415. - - [787] _Rot. Parl._ iv. 424. - - [788] _Chron. Henry VI._, 13. - - [789] _Chron. Henry VI._, 13. The entry into London is described in - a poem by Lydgate printed at the end of the _London - Chronicle_, 235-248. A prose account is to be found in - Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, pp. 244-248, No. CCCLXXXII., giving the - date as February 20. Cf. Fabyan, 603-607. - - [790] _Rot. Parl._, v. 433. - - [791] Rymer, IV. iv. 176. - - [792] _Ibid._, IV. iv. 177. - - [793] _Ordinances_, iv. 112. - - [794] Ramsay, i. 439. - - [795] See Gloucester's indictment of Cardinal Beaufort below, p. - 262. - - [796] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 389. - - [797] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 390, 391. - - [798] _Ibid._, iv. 391. - - [799] _Ibid._, iv. 391. - - [800] _Ibid._, iv. 392. - - [801] See _Ordinances_, iv. 238. - - [802] So Stubbs, iii. 115, copied by Ramsay, i. 441. - - [803] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 392. - - [804] He had been dismissed for 'certain reasons' not specified. See - Rymer, IV. iv. 177. - - [805] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 392. See also _Miscellaneous Rolls_, Bundle - xix. No. 3. - - [806] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 396. - - [807] _Ordinances_, iv. 136-138. - - [808] De Beaucourt, ii. 462. - - [809] _Ordinances_, iv. 158. - - [810] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 290. - - [811] Rymer, IV. iv. 194; Gregory, 176. - - [812] Monstrelet, 666. - - [813] _Ibid._, 673; _Lond. Chron._, 120; Leland, _Collectanea_, i. - 491; Polydore Vergil, 47. - - [814] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 425. - - [815] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 417, 418. This document, - which is undated, is put under the year 1428 by the editor, - though no reason is assigned for so doing. The fact that - Beaufort is alluded to as a cardinal, and the mention of - Bedford, confines the possible date of the manifesto within - 1427 and 1435. This was the only occasion between these two - dates that Gloucester set foot in Calais, where this document - was signed. - - [816] Rymer, IV. iv. 194. - - [817] _Lond. Chron._, 120. - - [818] _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 277; G. E. C., _Peerage_, iv. 44. - - [819] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 420. - - [820] _Ibid._, iv. 420. - - [821] _Ordinances_, iv. 175. - - [822] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 420. - - [823] _Rot. Parl._, vi. 422. - - [824] See the evidence of a contemporary; _Chron. Henry VI._, 14. - - [825] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 423. - - [826] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 423. - - [827] _Ibid._, iv. 424. - - [828] _Ordinances_, iv. 186. - - [829] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 132-139. - - [830] See Stubbs, iii. 117, 118. - - [831] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 439. - - [832] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 424. - - [833] _Register of Abbot Curteys_, part of which is printed in - _ArchA|ologia_ for the year 1806, vol. xv. pp. 66-71. - - [834] Probably April 24, the last Saturday in the month. - - [835] _Ordinances_, iv. 210, 211. - - [836] _Ordinances_, iv. 213-215. - - [837] _Ordinances_, iv. 211-213. - - [838] _Ibid._, iv. 243-247. - - [839] His quarrel with Gloucester never seems to have been made up, - for in his will, made in 1435, the name of his brother does - not once appear, and the chief executors were the Archbishop - of York and Beaufort--two of Gloucester's most determined - opponents. _Testamenta Vetusta_, i. 242. - - [840] English envoys were appointed July 20, 1435; _Cal. of French - Rolls_, Rep. 43, App. 306. - - [841] Waurin, iv. 69-84. - - [842] _Ibid._, iv. 84, 85. - - [843] _Chron. Henry VI._, 15. - - [844] Waurin, iv. 94, 95. - - [845] _Ibid._, iv. 96-101. - - [846] _Ibid._, iv. 97, 98. - - [847] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 481. - - [848] Ramsay, i. 475. - - [849] _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 209-294. - - [850] Rymer, IV. i. 23; Carte, ii. 285; _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. - 48, App. 306, 307. Parliament agreed to Gloucester's - indentures for the command on October 29; _Rot. Parl._, iv. - 483, 484. - - [851] 'Libel of English Policy,' _Political Songs_, ii. 157-205. - - [852] _Ordinances_, v. 5. - - [853] Beltz, p. ccxxiii. - - [854] Rymer, V. i. 36. - - [855] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 313. - - [856] Rymer, V. i. 31. _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 322, - calls it 1438. - - [857] Rymer, V. i. 32. - - [858] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 134; Carte, ii. 289; - Rymer, V. i. 34; _Lords' Reports_, v. 234. - - [859] _London Chron._, 122, 172; _Short English Chron._, 62; Fabyan, - 610. Gregory, 179, gives July 26, and is followed by Holkham - MS., p. 37--obviously the mistake of a week. Cotton MS., - Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 53vo, gives July 27. - - [860] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. xlix. - - [861] _Brief English Chron._, 63; _Chron. Henry VI._, 16. The Earl - of Devonshire is included only in _Lond. Chron._, 122, but - his indenture survives. - - [862] Ten thousand, Waurin, iv. 200; Monstrelet, 473: fifteen - thousand, Basin, i. 130: forty thousand, Gregory, 179: sixty - thousand, Rede's _Chron._, Rawlinson MS., C. 398; _Brief - Latin Chron._, 165: fifty thousand, William of Worcester, - 458. The payments in the Issue Roll printed in Stevenson, - _Letters and Papers_, ii. pp. xlix _seq._, give Gloucester's - retinue as 4497 men, and those of the lords who accompanied - him as 4132, in all 8629 men. This approximates to the 10,000 - estimate. - - [863] Waurin. See his _Chronicle_, iv. 185, 201. - - [864] Waurin, iv. 160. Fourteen thousand exclusive of camp-followers - and two or three thousand Picards, etc., Basin, i. 126, 127. - Fifty thousand men, _Chron. Henry VI._, 15. - - [865] _Lond. Chron._, 121. - - [866] _Engl. Chron._, 55. - - [867] Waurin, iv. 176-178. - - [868] _Ibid._, iv. 171. - - [869] _Ibid._, iv. 175-180; Basin, i. 128. - - [870] Waurin, iv. 172, 173; Monstrelet, 740. - - [871] Rede's _Chron._, Rawlinson MS., C. 398; _Brief Latin Chron._, - 165; _Chron. Henry VI._, 16; _Engl. Chron._, 55; Hardyng, - 396. - - [872] Waurin, iv. 173, 174. - - [873] _Ibid._, iv. 186-188; Basin, i. 128, 129; Gregory, 179; - Fabyan, 610, 611. - - [874] Contemporary ballad on Siege of Calais; _Political Songs_, ii. - 156. - - [875] 'The Libel of English Policy,' written before 1437; _Political - Songs_, ii. 170. - - [876] Waurin, iv. 174; Monstrelet, 738. A good account of the siege - by an eye-witness is found in a poem entitled 'The Siege of - Calais,' _Political Songs_, ii. 151-156. - - [877] Monstrelet, 738; Waurin, iv. 173. - - [878] Basin, i. 130; Waurin, iv. 192. - - [879] Monstrelet, 743, says next day to landing, _i.e._ August 3. - Gregory, 179, and Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 53vo, say - he rested Friday, Saturday, and Sunday at Calais, and started - on the Monday, _i.e._ the fourth day after landing. _London - Chron._, 122, however, says that Gloucester crossed the river - at Gravelines on the fourth day after coming over, which - would not prevent his having left Calais on August 3, and - that he only entered Flanders on August 6. William of - Worcester, 458, also gives August 6 as the day of entry into - Flanders. The confusion arises from the divergence of the - chroniclers as to where the campaign started, and this is - obvious as William of Worcester gives the campaign as lasting - nine days (Gloucester was back at Guisnes on August 15), - whereas others compute it at eleven or twelve days, counting - in the time spent between Calais and Gravelines. _Brief Latin - Chron._, 165; _Chron. Henry VI._, 16; _London Chron._, 122. - _Short Engl. Chron._, 62, gives August 13 as the day of - leaving Calais. - - [880] _Short English Chron._, 62. - - [881] Waurin, iv. 201; _Short Engl. Chron._, 62. - - [882] Monstrelet, 743. - - [883] Waurin, iv. 201, 202. Waurin himself marched out from - Gravelines. - - [884] _Brief Latin Chron._, 165. - - [885] Waurin, iv. 203; Monstrelet, 743. - - [886] Waurin, iv. 204. He gives the day as 'Nostre Dame de - Septembre,' _i.e._ the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, September - 8. It is obviously a mistake for the Assumption in August. - Gloucester was back in England in September; _Brief Latin - Chron._, 165. - - [887] Waurin, iv. 204, 205. - - [888] Monstrelet, 743. - - [889] _Ibid._ - - [890] Waurin, iv. 205, 206; _Brief Latin Chron._, 165. - - [891] Contemporary ballad; _Political Songs_, ii. 156. - - [892] Hardyng, 396. Cf. Ramsay, i. 488. - - [893] See Issue Roll printed in Stevenson's _Letters and Papers_, - ii. p. xlix. - - [894] Cf. Stubbs, iii. 123. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -DISGRACE AND DEATH - - -The expedition to Calais and Flanders was the last military enterprise -undertaken by the Duke of Gloucester, indeed the active part of his life -abruptly ends with his return to England. Hitherto there had been no -question of public policy which had not attracted his attention, his -boundless restlessness had made his biography the mirror of the English -history of his time. Henceforth, however, the habits of his life undergo -a change, the last stage of his career has been reached. With all the -limitations put upon him, and with all the opposition he had -encountered, he had always maintained a position of importance in the -kingdom, and the national policy had at all times been largely under his -influence. In spite of his inconsistency of method he had never relaxed -his attempts to dominate all who came in his way, but now his energies -in this direction seem to slacken. His character does not alter, but his -struggles, like those of a dying man, became more intermittent, and in -spite of occasional bursts of energy, his interests were not chiefly -confined to matters political. That this sudden change was entirely due -to a loss of physical power is hardly likely; it is possible that with -his usual impetuosity he had devoted himself to other pursuits, and that -politics no longer occupied the prominent place in his thoughts that -they had hitherto enjoyed. - -On his return to England Gloucester rested from his labours, and -together with his Duchess went down to his house at Greenwich. They both -received New-Year's gifts from the King. To Gloucester was given 'a -tabulet of gold with an image of oure Ladye hanging by three cheynes,' -whereon were six imitation diamonds, six sapphires, and one hundred and -sixty-four pearls, whilst his wife's present consisted of a 'brouche -maad in maner of a man garnished with a fayre great ball,' set with five -large pearls, one large diamond, and three 'hangers' adorned with rubies -and pearls--by far the finest and costliest gifts among the numerous -New-Year's presents given on that occasion by the King.[895] The return -of Gloucester did not herald more dissensions in the Council. He was for -the time predominant in the country, and the death of the Queen-Mother -on January 2, 1437, removed one who might have counteracted his -influence with the King.[896] Indeed at one time Catherine had evinced a -desire to marry Edmund Beaufort, Earl of Mortain, but Gloucester, -fearing increased importance would accrue to the Beaufort party thereby, -induced the Council to forbid it. At her death, however, it transpired -that she had not been content to remain single, but had married a simple -gentleman named Owen Tudor, and by him had had three sons and daughters. -Owen was arrested by Gloucester on the strength of the Act which forbade -such a marriage without permission under the penalty of forfeiture of -life and possessions, but he succeeded in making his escape.[897] - -1437-9] INACTIVITY OF GLOUCESTER - -Throughout the year 1437 Gloucester's name occasionally appears in -official records as though his influence in the kingdom was -considerable, and a special room was set apart at the end of Westminster -Hall for himself and his council.[898] In Parliament, which met in -January, the Speaker, in declaring the grant of a fifteenth and a -tenth, added some words of strong commendation of his recent action with -regard to Calais, and of his campaign in Flanders,[899] and the Commons -took up the question of the payment of the soldiers at Calais, when the -Duke complained that they were not being paid in accordance with the -indentures under which he held the command of that town.[900] - -The session passed without any signs of party strife, and we see little -of Gloucester during the rest of the year. In August both he and his -Duchess attended the funeral of yet another Queen of England, Joan, the -unfortunate second wife of Henry IV.,[901] to whom in the past Humphrey -had shown some courtesy in spite of her virtual imprisonment and -disgrace at Langley. In November he seems to have been at Calais -arranging some matter concerning his command there,[902] and he was -probably not in England when on the thirteenth of the month the King -assumed the government of the kingdom, and appointed his own Council to -advise him. At the head of these Councillors stood Gloucester and -Beaufort, and the former was to draw a salary of two thousand marks a -year for life, other members of the Council receiving payment on a much -lower scale.[903] - -The next two years passed by without any signs of internal dissension -among the King's chief Councillors, and the name of the Duke of -Gloucester is not met with frequently during this interval. In March he -was appointed chief guardian of the Truce for nine years with -Scotland,[904] but undoubtedly most of his time was spent in the -collection and study of those rare manuscripts which about this time he -began to give to the University of Oxford.[905] Never consistently -pursuing any particular course of action for long, he had abandoned the -stormy scenes of party politics, never more to enter the lists again -save in a sudden outbreak of energy and anger, yet the one real passion -of his life, interrupted though it had been by his political ambitions, -still remained, and in his retirement he used the lull in the political -tempest to 'study in Bookys of antiquyte,'[906] and to encourage the -advancement of the new learning as it found its way feebly and slowly to -England. - -In this retirement, however, Gloucester did not forget that a patron of -letters needs a long purse, and he secured several additions to his -already large possessions. His ferm of the lands of the young Duke of -Norfolk, which he had held since 1432, expired about this time,[907] but -he acquired the Hundred of Wootton and the Manors of Woodstock, -Handborough, Stonesfield, and Wootton, all in the neighbourhood of -Oxford; while in Norfolk he was given the Manor of Stanhoe, situated -near Burnham; near Tunbridge he received the Manors of 'Jevele,' -'Havendencourte,' and Penshurst,[908] at the last of which he spent some -portion of his time amongst his precious books.[909] From this period of -peace Gloucester roused himself in 1440 to protest against a policy -which he considered most injurious to the welfare of the kingdom, and to -stir up the turmoil of party warfare once more by an attack on his old -rival, Cardinal Beaufort. - -1440] NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE - -The opinions of the King's advisers had changed since the days when, in -blind fury after the defection of the Duke of Burgundy at Arras in 1435, -they had determined on war to the death, and it was realised that peace -with France was the only solution of the monetary difficulties of the -King and the universal distress throughout the kingdom. As early as -March 1438 plenipotentiaries to discuss the basis of a peace had been -appointed,[910] and during June, July, and August of the following year -an embassy under Cardinal Beaufort had treated with French envoys under -the mediating supervision of the Duchess of Burgundy. The terms demanded -by the English were ridiculously pretentious, and in spite of -considerable modifications therein, negotiations were broken off; Henry -VI. and his Council could not realise how desperate was the cause of -England in France, and that terms, which would have been humiliating in -the days of Henry V., were now almost generous.[911] - -The failure of these negotiations has been unhesitatingly attributed to -Gloucester, but his share in their rejection is by no means proved, and -is chiefly suggested by the facts of his later conduct. Be this as it -may, Beaufort had entirely changed his front, and though he clamoured -with the rest for war in 1435, he now, four years later, was the most -prominent advocate for peace. Gloucester, on the other hand, was the -leader of the party which desired the war to continue, but it is unjust -to jump to the conclusion that it was merely to oppose his old rival -that he adopted this attitude. He, almost alone of those who stood at -the head of the nation, could remember the fleeting glories of the reign -of Henry V., and he naturally could not bring himself to agree to the -surrender of that which he had helped to acquire. To the day of his -death, Bedford had never favoured the withdrawal of the Lancastrian -claim to the throne of France, and his brother, born and bred in the -same school, shared his opinion. The Cardinal, though an older man, had -had no share in the military exploits of his nephew's reign, and had -contented himself with posing as a soldier of Christ in the army which -in the name of religion had fought for the restoration of Sigismund to -his Bohemian throne. He was a politician and, when he liked a -statesman, and his keen insight taught him to apprehend the situation -free from all the prejudices of the men of his own generation. In his -desire for peace he was undoubtedly justified, but this does not condemn -the morality of those who opposed him. - -Though he had failed in his first attempt to negotiate, Beaufort was not -the man to despair, and his next step was to urge the release of the -Duke of Orleans, who had been a captive in England ever since the battle -of Agincourt, in the hopes that his mediation might help to bring about -the much-desired peace. There was yet a deeper intention than lay on the -face of this suggestion, for the Duke of Burgundy favoured the scheme, -hoping that Orleans might join the league of Princes which he was trying -to form with the object of limiting Charles VII.'s growing power and -that of his bourgeois officials.[912] - -1440] ATTACK ON BEAUFORT - -To a man who had seen half France conquered owing to the dissensions of -the French Court this method of crippling England's enemy must have -seemed a chance not to be missed. Whatever the unacknowledged motive of -the project, the question of the moment was the release of Charles of -Orleans, and it was this which brought Humphrey from the seclusion of -his books, once more to mix in the party politics which he had for the -time abandoned. However honest Gloucester's objection to the peace -policy might be, his dislike of his uncle, and the traditions of fifteen -years' faction fight, could not be forgotten; he strongly resented the -position of authority which the recent negotiations had given Beaufort -in the councils of the nation, and his first step towards asserting -himself once more in party politics was to draw up a heavy indictment of -the Cardinal, his policy, and his adherents.[913] He drew up a lengthy -document, in which--probably as a taunt to the Duke of Burgundy--he -styled himself Duke of Gloucester, Holland, Zealand, and Brabant, Earl -of Pembroke, Hainault, and Flanders, and addressed the King with a -warning that some were imposing on his youth, 'in derogation of your -noble estate.' He began his attack by a renewal of the old complaint -that Beaufort had accepted the Cardinal's hat which Henry V., well -knowing his pride and ambition when merely a Bishop, had denied him. He -took his stand on the rights of the see of Canterbury, declaring that -Henry V. would not have objected to one who was not a Bishop becoming a -Cardinal. Though the King might summon a Cardinal to his Council Board, -yet in Parliament he ought to be present merely as a Bishop and in no -other capacity; moreover, the Statute of Provisors had been infringed by -the licence to retain his bishopric obtained by Beaufort from the Pope. -The Cardinal had manoeuvred to get the crown-jewels into his -possession by encouraging the war, and he had secured rights in -Southampton in such a way as to constitute a standing danger and -disgrace to the kingdom. He had procured the release of James of -Scotland without the consent of Parliament, and had turned this to his -advantage by marrying his niece to the Scotch King; he had wrongfully -recovered his jewels when forfeited to the Crown; he had evaded paying -the dues of his cathedral church at Winchester, and by securing grants -of land he was rapidly stripping the King of his possessions. From -whence came all this wealth, which could not be drawn from his see, nor -from an inherited patrimony which he did not possess? He had become -wealthy from the sale of offices in France and in England, and, grown -arrogant by these ill-gotten gains, he had assumed the pomp and -magnificence of royalty, though he neither had nor could have any -interest in the Crown. - -Together with Beaufort in this indictment was included the Archbishop of -York, who also had recently received a Cardinal's hat. It was generally -accepted in the country, so Humphrey maintained, that together they were -practically governing the kingdom, and had estranged the King from -himself, the Duke of York, the Earl of Huntingdon, and the Archbishop of -Canterbury, the last of whom by his position ought to be counted amongst -the King's chief advisers. The policy of these two men was injurious to -the kingdom, for had they not procured the sending of ambassadors to -Arras, where the only results had been an enormous expense to the nation -and the reconciliation of the Duke of Burgundy with Charles of France? -More recently other envoys had been sent to Calais, without his -knowledge or sanction, where Burgundy and Orleans had been allowed to -make up their differences. Had not also the Archbishop with the -connivance of Beaufort encouraged the King to renounce all his claims on -France, when the French ambassadors were lately at Windsor, and what but -evil results could come from the forthcoming negotiations in March, for -it was rumoured that these two prelates intended to release the Duke of -Orleans, whom Henry V. had ordered in his will to be kept in confinement -till the conquest of France was complete? The whole foreign policy of -the King's advisers was unwise and corrupt, for, though he himself had -frequently offered his services for the defence of France, Beaufort had -always secured the refusal of the offer, sending in his stead favourites -of his own with unfortunate results. This long 'complaynte' concluded -with an urgent appeal for the dismissal of the two Cardinals from the -Council.[914] - -No stronger evidence than is afforded in this indictment could be found -to prove Beaufort's complete ascendency over the policy of the nation, -and though we may hesitate to acquit the Cardinal of many of the charges -off-hand, the whole document betrays the hopeless incapacity of its -composer to take a broad and statesmanlike view of affairs, and shows -him to be the mere politician which he had already proved himself. The -inquiry as to whence came the Cardinal's wealth is pertinent, and has -never been adequately answered; in his contention that the Bishop had -been despoiling the King of his possessions, Humphrey was supported by -that eminent observer, Sir John Fortescue,[915] but the question of the -cardinalate had been discussed and settled, and no useful end could be -reached by its resuscitation, and the attempt--if attempt it was--on the -part of the Cardinal to increase the power of his house by the marriage -of Joan Beaufort to the unhappy King of Scotland had ended in such -dismal failure that it might well be left out of the reckoning. It was, -however, in the matter of foreign policy that Gloucester so patently -showed his lack of insight. Without touching on the question of the -release of Orleans, to which reference will be made later, it cannot be -denied that the Cardinal's peace policy was wise, and if so far it had -not met with success, it was owing to misfortune rather than to any -inherent defect, whilst Gloucester's opposition to it was based on a -blind misreading of the lessons taught by past events. Nevertheless the -inference to be drawn from the language of the indictment is that -hitherto the Duke had had but little part in the rejection of the French -terms, though he acknowledged that he had refused his consent to the -suggestion that Henry should surrender his title of King of France. The -complaint as to the waste of money at the Congress of Arras was amply -justified, for the fabulous sum of AL22,000 was spent on the -Conference.[916] Still it must be confessed that the document as a whole -is violent beyond the limits of judiciousness, and it seems to be the -appeal of an angry man to a larger audience than that to which it was -addressed.[917] In view of Gloucester's recent retirement from active -life it is inexplicable, unless that retirement was the result of -compulsion and not of choice, and together with his protest against the -release of Orleans, which quickly followed, it stands as the last cry of -a disappointed and helpless man. - -1440] RELEASE OF ORLEANS - -No answer was vouchsafed to this ebullition of wrath, but more attention -was paid to the protest which followed it. The release of the Duke of -Orleans was already decided upon, and in June Humphrey demanded that his -objections to such an act should be registered under the Great Seal, for -he declared that, were it not officially made quite clear, no one would -believe that a step of such importance would be taken without his -consent. 'I protest'--so runs this document--'for myn Excuse and my -Discharge, that I never was, am, nor never shall be Consentyng, -Conseiling, nor Agreyng to his Deliverance or Enlargissement, nor be -noon other manere of Meen, which shuld take effect, otherwise than is -expressed in my seid Lord my Brother's Last Will (whom God assoille), or -els suerte of so grete good whereby my Lorde's both Realmes and Subyetts -shuld be encresed and easid.' Clearly and succinctly he detailed the -reasons which compelled him to oppose the policy of the King's advisers -at a time when Charles of France wanted men of 'discretion and judgment -to order his affairs.' The advent of Orleans to his councils would give -the necessary stability to the government, and help to reconcile those -factions at the French Court which so greatly aided the English cause. -Moreover, when once released, Orleans would be confronted with the -alternative of breaking either his oaths to Henry, or his oaths to the -man whom he considered to be his own sovereign, and if the articles of -agreement between the two Kings were not observed, what remedy had Henry -got? The English were defenceless, for it was more than probable that -the men of Normandy, who had been put to great expense in carrying on -the war, would revolt when the news of Orleans' release reached them, -whilst the recall of Huntingdon left Guienne, 'his Majesties ancient -heritage,' defenceless. Besides this, the King had no alliance with any -Christian prince save the youthful King of Portugal, a fact which -emphasised the folly of releasing one who was likely to prove a 'capital -enemy' to the crown of England. The project was not only contrary to the -expressed wish of the late King, but was inimical to all the best -interests of the kingdom, and if release was necessary, at least there -might be an exchange of English prisoners for this prince of the blood -royal of France. In any case such a step should not be taken without -some kind of consultation with the French and Norman subjects of the -King.[918] - -Such were the arguments Gloucester brought against the release of -Orleans from his confinement in England. It is easy to feel pity for the -prisoner of war, who through no fault of his own had been kept in bonds -in a strange country for the last twenty-five years, but it was no -humanitarian spirit which suggested to the King's advisers the project -of his release. The war had become both a failure and a burden, and most -men were agreed that some means of ending the long struggle must be -found. The people had long since ceased to pine for those military -glories which the sanctimonious ambition of the late King had taught -Englishmen to regard as their birthright, and Humphrey could not be -expected to be heard by willing ears if he preached a policy of mere -aggression. In this second manifesto, therefore, there are no signs of -that cry against all movement towards peace, which had characterised the -indictment against Beaufort. On the contrary, the need for peace is -treated almost as though it were a necessity, and objection is taken -only to the method employed to reach that end; the success of the French -forces is so far recognised that Charles is alluded to as the King of -France. Humphrey has changed his ground; the Jingo policy of war to the -bitter end has been abandoned, and the attack is levelled at the -methods, not at the aims of his opponents. Viewed in this light it would -be hard to deny that Gloucester was right; though the most disastrous -result which he predicted would follow the release did not come to pass, -none of the advantages urged by the other party resulted. The Duke of -Orleans patched up his old quarrel with the House of Burgundy, and -cemented it with a marriage; he received as a result the cold shoulder -at the Court of his royal master, and he then retired to the quiet of a -country retreat, and became famous as the centre of one of the most -literary and polite societies of his age. His release did no good to -England, whilst his retention might have been a strong card in the hands -of English negotiators, and though we may rejoice that a simple soul -found freedom, we must not, with modern sentimentality, condemn the man -who did his best to spoil the idyll of the Court of Charles of Orleans. - -Though Gloucester's indictment of Beaufort and his opposition to the -policy of peace had left the country cold, his arguments against the -release of the Duke of Orleans had produced an effect, which the men who -controlled the King hastened to counteract.[919] The King drew up a -manifesto, impelled thereto, so he said, by the report that his people -were complaining that so important a prisoner had been set at liberty. -He desired it to be understood quite clearly that what had been done had -been done at his own initiative, and that no one else was responsible -for it, an assertion so emphatic and so contrary to his character, as to -raise our doubts as to its veracity. His one object, he asserted, was to -bring to an end this war, 'that longe hath contyned and endured, that is -to saye, an hundreth yeeres and more,' and his arguments in favour of -peace were obvious and convincing. Edward III. had failed, his father -had been checked before he died, and his own efforts had met with but -poor success. The best way to secure peace was to release Orleans, who -would use his influence in the French councils to this end, and would -remove the desire for a continuance of war amongst those in power in -France, who only looked on the prolongation of the struggle as a means -of keeping Orleans safely out of the way as a prisoner abroad. He argued -that Orleans knew nothing of English plans, and therefore could not -betray them even if he so desired, and he concluded with a pious -declaration about the immorality of keeping a prisoner of war in -perpetual confinement, probably the only sentiment uninspired by others -in the whole manifesto.[920] - -The fact that this refutation was considered necessary points to a -strong public opinion in support of Gloucester, but the advocates of -release had their way, and on All-Saints' Day a solemn service was -held, whereat Orleans swore on the Sacrament never to bear arms against -England, in the presence of the King and the assembled Lords. Gloucester -was there too, but to mark his disapproval of the whole proceedings, -'qwan the Masse began he toke his barge,' and left the scene of what he -considered to be an act which could only assist the undoing of his -country.[921] On November 3 the indentures were signed, and the Duke of -Orleans was ready to return to his native land.[922] - -1441] DECLINING IMPORTANCE - -Though defeated in the matter of foreign policy, Gloucester was still a -power to be considered, for he was an active member of the King's -Council,[923] and possessed no inconsiderable following in the country. -To pacify his anger at his reverse he had been made Chief-Justice of -South Wales in February,[924] a post which was no sinecure owing to the -disturbed state of that district, and which necessitated a visit thither -in August and September, when assizes were held in Cardigan and -Carmarthen. Even when most in disfavour at Court, use was made of -Humphrey's well-known ability in the suppressing of disturbances, and a -special grant of two hundred marks for his exertions in this direction -was given him.[925] At this time, too, his influence was instrumental in -procuring the renewal of the charter to St. Albans Abbey,[926] and there -was even some idea of employing him in the French wars. At any rate, the -Council of Rouen was informed that he was shortly to be sent over to -France, and his non-appearance created great discontent in the Duchy of -Normandy.[927] That the Council ever seriously contemplated such a step -must remain very doubtful, especially when we find that in the beginning -of the next year he was superseded in his Calais command by his namesake -Humphrey, Earl of Stafford.[928] Nevertheless his influence was -sufficient to secure the appointment of his friend the Duke of York to -be Lieutenant-General of France and Normandy for five years, though no -steps were taken to enable him to take up his command immediately.[929] -Humphrey therefore, in spite of his decreased importance, had some share -in the management of the kingdom, but his lack of perseverance and his -impetuous nature had caused him to throw away the natural advantages of -his position. His power had appreciably diminished in the four years -which had passed since his invasion of Flanders. The fire had gone out -of his life, and he was now to receive the most severe check he had ever -experienced. His wife Eleanor had never been a help to him in his -political ambitions, now she was to expose him to the barbed shafts of -his enemies. - -The old order was passing away in fifteenth-century England, yet there -was very little of the modern spirit in the mental attitude of the -majority of Englishmen. It came, therefore, as no surprise when it was -rumoured abroad that proceedings were to be taken against certain -practisers of the Black Art, who had been conspiring to kill the young -King by means of incantations and witchcraft. The age was superstitious, -and only a year earlier than this crowds had surrounded the scene of a -Lollard burning, and the people had offered money and waxen images -before the ashes of the victim, Richard Wyche, whom they considered to -be a saint.[930] The monkish chronicler Walsingham, writing a few years -later, gravely describes the appearance of the Devil in a church in -Essex, and the thunderbolt which struck the building while the evil -spirit was there,[931] whilst still more circumstantial is a story told -by the St. Albans chronicler. A Lollard tiler was burnt at Waldon in -1430, and afterwards a neighbour picked up one of his bones, which had -not been consumed by the flames. With this bone he accidentally pricked -his finger; his hand and arm immediately swelled up, and his life was -only saved by the prompt removal of the limb--a sign of remarkable -vindictiveness on the part of that Lollard, says our chronicler.[932] -Public opinion was therefore quite prepared to turn the full force of -its indignation on those who had invoked the powers of darkness to -procure the death of the young King, who had won his way to the hearts -of his subjects, though he was never able to command their respect. - -The accused were two clerks, Roger Bolingbroke, an Oxford priest, and -Thomas Southwell, canon of St. Stephen's, Westminster. The accusation of -using the 'crafte of egremauncey' against the life of the King was -prepared against Roger as the principal, and Thomas as the assister and -abettor. Both men were cast into the Tower, and on Sunday, July 16,[933] -the former was brought out, and placed in the midst of his instruments -of magic on a platform erected in St. Paul's Churchyard, where, after -the sermon, he abjured the Black Art. Such a public penance drew men's -attention to the matter, but the real interest in the case was not -revealed till three days later the news got abroad that Roger, under -examination before the King's Council, had confessed that he had been -instigated to the course of action in which he had been discovered by no -less a person than the Duchess of Gloucester, who that same day had fled -to sanctuary at Westminster.[934] At once the matter assumed a political -importance it would never have reached had the accusation been confined -to two insignificant priests. Roger was known to have some connection -with the household of Gloucester, and his statement that the Duchess had -instructed him to find by divination 'to what estate in life she should -come,' together with the consequent implication that she had sought to -procure the death of the King by witchcraft, and thus procure for her -husband the crown which she desired to share with him, gained ready -credence. - -1441] DISGRACE OF DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER - -Steps were immediately taken to bring Eleanor to justice, for sanctuary -was no protection for the crimes of heresy and witchcraft of which she -was now accused. On July 22 she was cited to appear before the -Archbishops of Canterbury and York and the Bishops of Winchester and -Salisbury, and though she essayed to find safety in flight down the -river, she was captured while making the attempt, and brought before her -judges on the 25th in the Chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster. Many -charges of heresy and witchcraft were laid against her, and Roger, -brought from the Tower for the purpose, gave evidence. The charges were -considered so serious that a remand was ordered till October 21, when -she was to appear again before the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the -meanwhile she was committed to the Castle of Leeds in Kent under the -care of Sir John Stiward and Sir John Stanley, whither she was removed -on August 11.[935] - -While active proceedings were thus postponed, a special commission, on -which the Earls of Stafford, Suffolk, and Huntingdon, together with -Lords Cromwell, Fanhope, and Hungerford, and certain judges of both -benches served, was appointed to inquire into all matters of sorcery; -and before them Bolingbroke and Southwell were arraigned together with -Eleanor as an accomplice. Herein we may trace an effort on the part of -Gloucester's enemies to bring his wife into the clutches of a secular -court. - -At this trial yet another accomplice was produced in the person of the -'Witch of Eye,' whose sorceries Eleanor had long used, and from whom, it -was said, she had procured love-potions wherewith to ensnare the -affections of Humphrey. Before this court had come to any decision, -interest shifted to the Ecclesiastical Court, before which Eleanor was -brought to stand an independent trial on October 21. Her judges here -were the Bishops of London, Lincoln, and Norwich, commissioned thereto -by Archbishop Chichele, who excused himself from further participation -in the trial; the prosecution was in the hands of Adam Moleyns, the -clerk of the King's Council. Moleyns read out an exhaustive list of -accusations, to the gravest of which the Duchess returned an -uncompromising denial, without, however, denying her guilt on all the -counts, that is, she acknowledged recourse to the Black Art, but denied -the treasonable encompassing of the King's death. The trial was -prorogued to the 23rd, when witnesses were heard and the verdict of -guilty returned, since she refused to contradict the evidence brought -against her, and 'submitted only to the correction of the Bishops.' Four -days later she abjured her heresies and witchcraft before the Bishops, -who ordered her to appear before them on November 9, when sentence would -be passed.[936] - -The punishment that was ordered was no light one, and consisted of -public penances through London on three different days. On Monday, -November 13, she came down the river on her barge to Temple Stairs, and -thence, by way of Temple Bar, she walked on foot to St. Paul's, 'openly -barehede with a Keverchef on her hede beryng,' and 'with a meke and a -demure countenance'--so the Bishops ordained--bearing in her hand a -taper of two pounds in weight, which she offered at the High Altar. On -two subsequent days similar pilgrimages were made to different churches. -On the following Wednesday she landed at Swan Stairs in Upper Thames -Street, and by way of Bridge Street, Gracechurch Street, and Leadenhall -she came to Christchurch, Aldgate, whilst on the Friday she landed at -Queenhithe, 'and so forth she went unto Chepe, and so to Seynt Mighell -in Cornhull.' On each occasion the Mayor of London with the Sheriffs and -craftes of the City met her at the place of landing, and escorted her -along the road of penance.[937] Of her companions in misfortune, -'Margery Jourdemain,' known as the 'Witch of Eye,' was burnt at -Smithfield; Bolingbroke underwent the full sentence of hanging, -beheading, and quartering; whilst Southwell found a mercifully early -death in prison.[938] On the completion of her penance, Eleanor was -committed to prison for life under the care of Sir Thomas Stanley[939] -and Sir John Stiward. At first she was confined in her original place of -detention, Leeds Castle in Kent,[940] but early in the New Year she was -removed to Chester,[941] whence she was taken in October or December -1443 to Kenilworth.[942] In July 1446 Sir Thomas Stanley was directed to -take her to the Isle of Man,[943] and in the following year we find her -a prisoner somewhere in Wales,[944] probably in Flint Castle, where she -died after eighteen long years' imprisonment.[945] Her confinement was -probably no more than honourable detention, for she was provided with a -large number of personal servants, and with a private allowance of one -hundred marks a year.[946] Her relations with her jailers seem to have -been quite cordial, and to at least one of them she made a present of -one of her trinkets,[947] but as a personality she had passed from -history, and as an individual her rank was not recognised, for she is -described in all official documents as 'Eleanor, lately called Duchess -of Gloucester.'[948] - -The disgrace of Gloucester's wife is a strange story, and in spite of -the ample evidence to be found in contemporary chroniclers, it must be -accepted with some reserve. It was the _cause cA(C)lA"bre_, of the period, -and even chroniclers who pass over the years with the scantiest summary -of events pause awhile to tell of the fall of a great lady. Yet not once -is Humphrey mentioned, and it is only a sixteenth-century historian who -tells us that 'the Duke of Gloucester toke all these thyngs paciently -and said little.'[949] Nevertheless there is a strong presumption that -Humphrey did make some efforts to save his second wife, in spite of his -base desertion of Jacqueline, a presumption which is fortified by an -edict forbidding interference with the proceedings against Eleanor,[950] -and by the abstention of Chichele--Gloucester's friend and ally--from -taking part in the later proceedings. Moreover, the greatest care was -taken to guard the prisoner on her way to the scene of her confinement, -as though some effort at rescue was feared.[951] - -Any defence of the Duchess was hampered by her own confession to the -truth of some of the charges, and by the strong evidence against her. -That she was guilty of dabbling in the Black Art can hardly be doubted, -and it is more than probable that she had used the sciences to foretell -the future, an act which, though not in itself treasonable, might -nevertheless be regarded with strong suspicion in one who was only -divided by one frail life from the position of Queen. There still exists -one of her books, a semi-medical, semi-astrological work translated from -the original Arabic,[952] and it is undoubtedly established that -Humphrey himself was interested in those sciences which bordered on the -heretical. Roger Bolingbroke had a great reputation for knowledge of the -Black Art, and his connection with Eleanor was known long before any -suspicion of treason arose.[953] One of the accusations, too, seems -probable in the light of Humphrey's knowledge of the ancient classics, -for it was said that the time-worn system of roasting a waxen image of -the doomed King before a fire had been one of the treasonable -witchcrafts employed,[954] a system which is to be found described in -all its details in the classical authors which Duke Humphrey studied. - -Behind Dame Eleanor stood her husband, and his character and reputation -could not but have their influence on public opinion. It is to be -remembered that both husband and wife had been friends with Queen Joan, -who had been accused on a similar charge, and those who could cast their -memories back to the early years of Henry VI.'s reign might remember -another incident which might suggest that Humphrey took an interest in -witchcraft and sorcery. When in 1425 he had almost come to blows with -the Bishop of Winchester, one of the causes of quarrel was that he had -removed from custody a certain 'Ffrere Randolff,' who had been in prison -for treason. Friar Randolph was the man who had played the part of -Bolingbroke in the Queen Joan scandal, the practiser of the Black Art, -who was accused of casting spells to encompass the late King's -death.[955] Is it surprising, then, that men were ready to believe that -the Duke of Gloucester was indeed guilty of practising witchcraft, when -he had in the past championed one of its votaries in so autocratic a -manner? It is more than probable that Humphrey devoted himself to a -study of the art from a purely scientific point of view. All branches of -learning--if, indeed, we may so call it--appealed to his inquiring mind, -but he most likely approached it from the same standpoint as many at the -present day approach spiritualism. His wife, being of a lower mental -calibre, interested herself in the study of her husband, but treated it -in a practical and not in a theoretical spirit. With this dangerous -weapon in her hands it would be in no way surprising if she used it for -concrete ends, and little by little came to try its efficacy in -restoring some of the lost power of her husband. There is no evidence or -suggestion that Humphrey himself knew of these treasonable practices, -or that, had he known, he would have taken them seriously. - -Evidence and probability therefore both speak for the guilt of the -Duchess, who increased the appearances against her by her flight to -sanctuary instead of bravely facing the charges; and though the people -sympathised with her in her trouble,[956] they do not seem to have -doubted for a moment that she was guilty. Her pride and ambition were -well known, and were dwelt on in the poem entitled 'The Lament of the -Duchess of Gloucester,'[957] whilst another contemporary rhymer writes: - - 'Thy ladye was so proud and highe of harte - that she hur selffe thought pereless of estate - and yet higher faynd she wold have starte - butt sodenlye she ffell as was hur fate.'[958] - -Whatever we may think of Eleanor's guilt, it is obvious that the whole -case was exploited by Gloucester's enemies to injure the man who had so -lately opposed their plans. The Duchess was known to have considerable -influence over the King,[959] who at the time of her trial showed a -great desire to save her life,[960] and we have seen how the object of -both parties was to secure the royal ear. To strike Eleanor was to -strike her husband, for in spite of the inauspicious beginning of her -connection with Gloucester, she had succeeded in establishing her -position as the first lady of the kingdom. Of late grants to Humphrey -had been made to himself and his wife;[961] she had been permitted to -wear the robes of the Garter; she was petitioned as one who held a -position of importance, and had interfered in matters of state -administration;[962] the Pope had acknowledged her position and had -issued a Bull in her favour;[963] the Monastery of St. Albans had -admitted her into its fraternity;[964] she had been singled out for -particular favours by the King when distributing his New-Year's gifts. -She was indeed no weakling whose insecure position might be safely -attacked, but a woman who had claimed, and had justified her claim, to -be accounted of in the kingdom. - -To convict Eleanor of treason, then, was to injure her husband in no -small degree, and the whole history of the case points to the fact that -it was engineered by his enemies. Unusual publicity was given to the -charges against Bolingbroke; he was publicly paraded before the citizens -of London; and then, when the ground had been carefully prepared, the -charge was extended to the first lady in the land. Special commissioners -were organised, and every effort made to bring her under the secular -arm, and if she escaped with her life, it was not through any fault of -her accusers. To strengthen this contention it is well to take the -striking parallel of Queen Joan. The charge of sorcery was often used in -the fifteenth century as a means to remove political opponents; the -trumped-up charge against the Maid of Orleans is an obvious -instance;[965] but the fate of Henry IV.'s unhappy Queen bears too -striking a likeness to the disgrace of Eleanor Cobham to be lightly -passed over. She, too, was accused on the confession of her chaplain, -Father Randolph, of having 'compassed and imagined the King's death in -the most horrible manner that could be devised,'[966] and to this end -she was said by the chroniclers to have used sorcery, which Randolph -practised at her suggestion.[967] She, too, was imprisoned for life, -but the more ignominious part of Eleanor's punishment was spared her, -and she was later released from confinement. - -It was the public penance, perhaps, more than anything else, which -betrayed the political animus which lay behind the condemnation of -Gloucester's wife, and which justifies the assertion of Fabyan, that the -attack on the Duchess was part of an organised plan to overthrow the -Duke.[968] Eleanor had doubtless made many personal enemies. Born of a -family of no great standing, she had not by her early conduct improved -her position. Since her marriage to a Prince of the blood royal, her -pride, fanned by the success of her ambitions, had increased, and had -given offence to many who regarded her as an upstart. But this was not -enough to account for the degrading details of her fall. It was her -husband at whom the blow was aimed, and it was he that suffered as well -as his wife. - - 'Now thou dost penance. Look! how they gaze. - See! how the giddy multitude do point, - And nod their heads, and throw their eyes on thee.'[969] - -The loss of prestige to Humphrey was very great,[970] and it came at a -time when his power in the kingdom was beginning to wane. Never again -does he appear as a man of influence in the councils of the King; all -the old fire of the days of the Protectorate is gone, and it is probable -that he leaned far more on his wife than has ever been suspected. Till -her disgrace young Henry seems to have had a strong affection for his -uncle, but thereafter the simple-minded King, separated from the woman -who had influenced him, turned from his uncle to other advisers, who had -fewer claims to his regard, and no wiser heads than the discredited -Humphrey. Indeed this incident is a definite milestone on the road to -complete disgrace which the Duke was now treading. Ever since the time -when he began to drop out of public life his influence in the kingdom -had been slowly passing away. He had tried to reinstate himself in the -popular favour, and thus strengthen his hands against his enemies, by -his attack on Beaufort and on the policy of releasing Orleans, but the -attempt missed its mark, and had only provoked this act of retaliation -from his opponents. Hitherto the cry against him had been merely one of -mismanagement and factiousness, but here we find the first signs of the -charge of treason, with which he was ultimately assailed. It would seem -that the Beaufort faction had now decided not only on his humiliation, -but on his ultimate removal, for if he were to succeed to the throne, -their power would be gone. Humphrey had not the determination nor the -strength to meet this new attack, and he gradually gave way before the -organised assault he had now to face. He had come to the critical time -of his life, and his weak character, still further weakened by his moral -failings, was unable to cope with the situation. His face was set -towards the shadows, he knew it, and yet he had no strength to fight his -way back to light and power. Though his physical capacities were -unimpaired, all signs of moral force had disappeared from his character. - -1442-4] LOSS OF INFLUENCE - -Gloucester continued to attend the Council, but we see very little -recorded beyond his mere presence; occasionally he would act as a -guarantor for a loan from that prince of money-lenders, Cardinal -Beaufort,[971] or throw in sarcastic comment when the same cardinal used -his position to exact special conditions under which the loans were -made.[972] Most of his time was probably spent at his manor of -'Plaisance' at Greenwich, in the house on which he had spent so much -money, and surrounded by the park which he had himself enclosed. It was -here, at any rate, that in September 1442 he dated his decision in the -matter of a dispute which had arisen at the Monastery of St. -Albans.[973] For the rest, he seems to have devoted his attention to the -care of his soul. He was already assured that masses would be said for -him in perpetuity at Oxford, and in 1442 we find him in the rather -strange company of the Archbishop of York and others, securing by the -gift of certain manors a perpetual chaplain to pray for the souls of the -donors themselves and of their children at the Church of St. Katharine -at Gosfield.[974] The bitterness of strife was over, the political game -was passing into other and younger hands, and these two old rivals made -up their differences in a united hope for eternal salvation.[975] A year -later Humphrey determined to devote the alien Priory of Pembroke, which -had been given him by Henry V., to the same purpose of masses for his -soul, but there seems to have been some doubt as to where he should -place the gift. Adam Moleyne, Dean of Salisbury--he who had acted for -the Council in accusing Eleanor--had the intention of securing the -Priory of Pembroke for the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, and went so -far as to request and obtain from the Council a licence for this -transfer.[976] Humphrey, however, refused to be driven to alienate his -property in any way of which he did not approve, and three months later -we find a charter assigning the alien Priory of Pembroke to the Abbey of -St. Albans in accordance with a Royal Licence obtained as far back as -1441.[977] In spite of his inactivity, Gloucester did not entirely -retire from public life, but his influence was gone, and the petition of -the Parliament of 1442 that ladies of rank should have the same -privilege as their husbands, and be tried by the peers for indictable -offences,[978] shows his weakness, for this petition, which became a -statute, is by way of a censure on the judicial system that had allowed -the Duchess of Gloucester to escape with her life. - -1442-4] MARRIAGE OF HENRY VI. - -But if Gloucester was passing into the background, so were also the -chief actors who had flourished with him on the political stage, though -no cloud hung over them as over the late Protector. Archbishop Kemp, as -we have seen, was beginning to think more of the next world than of -this; Lord Cromwell's day was passing, and the great Cardinal himself -was now content to direct others in scenes where he had been formerly -the chief actor. The Beaufort party was now represented in the forefront -of the battle by the Duke of Somerset and the Marquis of Dorset, both -nephews of the Bishop of Winchester, and in close alliance with them was -William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk. This last had served in the French -wars ever since the death of his brother at Agincourt, but of late he -had been turning his attention to home politics. He had steadily -increased the importance of his position, and by his connection with the -House of Beaufort he now found himself one of the chief of those who so -jealously surrounded the King. He it was, therefore, who was chosen to -be head of an embassy to France,[979] which was to carry through a piece -of Beaufort manoeuvring. The King had reached a marriageable age, and -it was considered advisable that he should look to France for a bride. -The question remained, to whom should overtures be made? The embassy to -France was to pave the way for the carrying out of a scheme proposed by -the Duke of Orleans, that Henry should marry Margaret of Anjou, -daughter of RenA(C), Duke of Lorraine and titular King of Sicily and -Jerusalem. Though a man of no personal possessions, RenA(C) was in the -innermost circle of the French Court, owing to the fact that his sister -was Queen of France, and his brother, Charles of Anjou, one of the -King's chief advisers. Such a marriage, therefore, presupposed some kind -of agreement between the nations at war, and Suffolk was chosen to -procure such an agreement. - -The idea of the marriage was unpopular in England, as Suffolk himself -acknowledged,[980] and it is probable that this unpopularity was based -on the resistance to the match made by Gloucester. This time it was no -factiousness in Gloucester that led him to oppose the plans of his -opponents, for he was adhering to a policy which he had favoured from -the first, when he warmly supported the project of a marriage with one -of the daughters of the Count of Armagnac. This match, as well as the -Anjou alliance, had been proposed by Orleans at a time when he was in -alliance with the discontented Princes of the Praguerie, and was -intended to draw Armagnac into an alliance with the English, part of a -large scheme for uniting the discordant elements of the French kingdom -with the English invaders. This idea was the product of the Beaufort -policy which had released the Duke of Orleans, a reversion, in fact, to -the methods of Henry V., who had won France with the help of Burgundy. -Steps had been taken to open negotiations, and in 1442 an embassy, of -which Thomas Beckington, formerly Gloucester's Chancellor and now the -King's Private Secretary, and Sir Robert Roos, one of the Duke's -literary friends, were the heads, was despatched to Bordeaux for this -purpose.[981] The French forces had invaded Gascony, and John of -Armagnac, with the enemies of England encamped on his borders, had to -tread warily in the matter of an English alliance. Delay was inevitable, -and in spite of the best intentions on the Armagnac side, the -negotiations were for the time abandoned.[982] - -Gloucester had heartily supported the whole idea, since it was conceived -in the same spirit as that alliance with Burgundy which had helped to -bring half France under the dominion of Henry V. Though we may well -doubt the wisdom of this plan, we must acknowledge that it was -consistent with Gloucester's past policy, and that in this instance he -did not sacrifice what he thought to be right to his desire to oppose -his rivals. It may be that he had learnt wisdom; it may be that recent -events had taught him his increasing weakness, and had led him to a less -narrow view of party politics. He certainly espoused this plan put -forward by the party he had opposed so long, and took a personal -interest in details of the embassy, for he was kept informed of the -progress of affairs by Beckington, who, as soon as he returned, went -down to Greenwich to tell him what had been done and what had been left -undone.[983] - -Humphrey, therefore, had chosen the better part, and had concurred in a -policy of which he was not the originator, but the Beaufort party showed -no signs of following this good example. They knew that Henry's marriage -would have an immense bearing on home politics, and that his wife would -probably be able to influence him as she liked. They must therefore -provide him with a bride entirely of their own choosing, and one who -would not be acceptable to Gloucester, whose influence was to be -counteracted by their nominee to the position of Queen of England. It -was for this reason that they had changed their policy, and now were -advising the marriage with Margaret of Anjou. Notwithstanding the -popular opposition, Suffolk carried out his instructions; the marriage -was arranged, and a truce was signed with France,[984] but it was no -good augury for the usefulness of this marriage alliance that it could -not be brought to form the basis of a final peace. To the last Humphrey -urged that it was dishonourable to abandon the negotiations begun with -the Count of Armagnac,[985] but when matters were finally settled, he -determined to accept the situation, and was the most prominent of those -lords and gentlemen who escorted Margaret to London after her marriage -at Titchfield Abbey.[986] On this occasion he had with him a guard of -honour consisting of five hundred men, dressed in his livery.[987] -Later, too, when Suffolk was thanked in Parliament for his recent -labours in negotiating this marriage, Humphrey delivered a speech in -favour of the man who had brought to England one who was to prove a -firebrand in the country, and to be numbered amongst his own chief -opponents.[988] - -This sweet reasonableness is not a trait hitherto found in any of Duke -Humphrey's actions, and it suggests that more and more he was coming to -realise that he was playing a losing game. He thought it best to bow -before the storm, for we cannot believe that, had he thought it to his -own personal advantage, he would have abandoned a plan merely for the -sake of the internal peace of the kingdom. We have here yet another -indication that he was unable to summon to his aid even one of those -fitful bursts of energy which earlier he had commanded, but if we are to -believe the report of an historian who wrote in the early part of the -sixteenth century, his natural impetuosity led him to give the lie to -his weak behaviour, and to show that he still held by the principles -with regard to English policy on the Continent that he had always -voiced. We are told that he delivered a speech in Parliament, urging -that it was necessary to defy all conventions and break the truce agreed -to, which was, he declared, a mere subterfuge on the part of France to -gain a breathing space, an interval during which to recoup her -strength.[989] - -1445] MARRIAGE OF HENRY VI. - -There is, however, no absolute inconsistency between his recent actions -and this speech. He had accepted the state of affairs when he welcomed -Margaret to her new English home, but that did not necessarily imply a -cessation of the war; marriage, which the historian generally accepts as -the final confirmation of the treaty of peace, was in this case regarded -as a mere preliminary to a possible, but rather improbable pacification. -The truce was short, and the end of the war was not to be yet. The -marriage of Margaret to Henry was an isolated incident, not part of a -policy, in its effect at least, though it might be in its intention. - -1445] GLOUCESTER'S WAR POLICY - -Humphrey had all along argued for the continuance of the war; he -believed in its righteousness and in its advantages at home as well as -abroad. Even as it was rumoured that Henry V. had embarked on foreign -conquest as an antidote to internal dissension, so Humphrey, feeling the -spirit of strife which was abroad--a spirit, be it confessed, that he -had fostered--looked to the war to distract the nobles from conflict at -home, and a French chronicler of the time was the first to realise this -aspect of the Duke's policy.[990] It was not a new idea. It had been -Henry V.'s, as we have seen; more important still, it was mentioned as a -maxim of government in one of those books which it was Gloucester's joy -to study. A†gidius, in his _De Regimine Principium_, writes: 'Guerra enim -exterior tollit seditiones, et reddit cives magis unanimes et concordes. -Exemplum hujus habemus in Romanis quibus postquam defecerunt exteriora -bella intra se ipsos bellare coeperunt,'[991] and a copy of this book -was among Humphrey's gifts to the University of Oxford. It is a wrong -principle; to us it is even absurd; but the absurdity was not then -obvious. It contains the too common fallacy of confounding cause and -effect, for though the war for a time might distract the turbulent -noble's attention, it made him all the more turbulent when his new -employment, the cause of his distraction, was removed. But -contemporaries did not see this. Basin, the historian, who divined the -motives of Gloucester's war policy, has nothing but praise for the -underlying principle.[992] Suffolk was no enthusiastic advocate for -peace, and the Beaufort faction had espoused a peace policy in the past -merely because it suited their private plans--plans, too, which were not -to increase the internal peace of the kingdom--and because their -nominees were totally incapable of carrying on the war, as had been -lately proved by the failure of the incompetent Somerset.[993] If -Gloucester followed the wrong policy in advocating war, we could not -expect it to be otherwise when we remember his early training. It is a -truism--like so many truisms, too often forgotten in practice--to say -that a man must not be judged by the standards of an age that is not his -own, and it is absurd to condemn Humphrey's war policy when we look at -the attitude of his contemporaries to the same subject. Advantage there -was none for him to be reaped from the continuance of the war; -factiousness is no longer a possible explanation of his motive; his -attitude therefore may be attributed to a desire for the good of the -kingdom, for the good of the House of which he himself and his poor, -weak nephew were the last representatives. - -Whether Gloucester had really delivered himself of these opinions on the -war with France or no, he had succeeded in making his enemies -desperate. Queen Margaret was not long in grasping the situation of -parties in England, and she naturally leaned on Suffolk, the man who had -brought her to the position she held, the man who from the first had -declared himself her friend and servant. Together they scanned the -political horizon, and only one obstacle could they see to the success -of their plans, and that obstacle was Duke Humphrey. Though discredited -at Court, and bereft of the influence he had once held in the councils -of the nation, he had still a definite position in the kingdom as heir -to the throne, and did not lack supporters among certain classes. -Moreover, the Duke of York, a firm opponent of Beaufort influence, -gained what little power he had from the support of Gloucester. Together -these two had to be considered as the leaders of a party of some -importance. It was the old story of Gloucester and Beaufort still, for -the new party headed by the Queen and Suffolk was but a new version of -that formerly led by the Cardinal Bishop of Winchester, and had the -support of the Beaufort interest, that is, of the Earl of Somerset, Lord -Say de Sele and Adam Moleyns.[994] Margaret, the centre of the -confederacy, was an ambitious woman, with more ingenuity than -common-sense. Young and inexperienced, she had alighted suddenly on a -hotbed of intrigue and party strife. At once her mind was made up: she -would be the predominant influence in English politics, and this by -means of her ascendency over the weak mind of her husband, an ascendency -so easy to procure. Suffolk was bound by every call of self-interest to -play the game of the Queen; his claim to regard must be based on the -Queen's success; and with the impetuosity and cunning inherited from his -mercantile ancestors, he drew the whole Beaufort faction with him. In -opposition to this strong combination, whose various private interests -impelled them to act together, stood Gloucester, almost alone, but with -one very strong card in his hand. Suffolk whilst in France had been -inveigled into agreeing to the cession of Maine to that country,[995] -but that this was generally known at the time is very doubtful. At any -rate, when it should become known, as known it must be sooner or later, -there would be a very stiff storm to be weathered by Margaret and her -friends, and if Gloucester were still to the fore, this storm might well -cause shipwreck to her party.[996] Possibly the knowledge of this fact -had produced Gloucester's speech against the truce, but it is more -likely that as yet it was a danger which lay concealed in the womb of -the future. If this were so, Gloucester must be humiliated, perhaps -removed, before the truth became known. Every effort was made, -therefore, to alienate the King from his uncle;[997] suspicions as to -his intentions were hazarded, and by degrees suggestions developed into -direct accusations. The mind of Henry, already bordering on the brink of -madness--a state in which suspicion is quick to arise--yielded readily -to the treatment to which it was submitted. Gloucester, he came to -believe, was plotting against his life from fear that an heir to the -throne would be born; his preparations were being made. Everything, so -Henry was told, pointed to this, for the deeds of Eleanor Cobham could -not be disassociated from her husband. The one menace to the peace of -the kingdom was Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.[998] - -1445-6] PARTY HOSTILE TO GLOUCESTER - -The drama of Gloucester's life is drawing to a close, and the tragedy of -its end is in sight. Any lingering regard for his uncle in the mind of -the King had passed, and his attitude during the visit of the French -embassy which came to England in 1445 illustrates the success of the -tactics employed by Margaret. It was on July 15 that the ambassadors -came before the King, whom they found supported by Suffolk, Dorset, the -Cardinal of York, the Chancellor, Adam Moleyns, Gloucester, Chester, and -Warwick. Henry greeted them most warmly, and assured them of his great -desire for peace, shooting glances of defiance all the time at -Gloucester, and when he had finished his greeting he turned to Suffolk, -and exchanged a smile of understanding with him. It was also reported -that he had pressed the Chancellor's hand, and had said that he was very -glad that some present had heard his words, and that they seemed so -little at their ease.[999] Margaret had been successful indeed. The King -was entirely alienated from his uncle, and he delighted to show his -contempt for his former adviser's counsel, even as all small minds -delight to show a contempt they have no right to indulge. Suffolk was -even more outspoken than his royal master. He openly and loudly declared -that he cared not what the Duke of Gloucester thought, or whether he -opposed him or not, for his power was gone, and the King no longer -regarded him.[1000] - -1448] PARLIAMENT OF BURY - -Humphrey's career was over. The King denied him access to the Court, and -he was removed from the Privy Council.[1001] Indeed in the later -chroniclers we read of an attempt to bring him to justice, and of an -indictment before the Council. He was accused, it is said, of -malpractices during his Protectorate, especially of having caused men -adjudged to die to be put to other execution than the law of the land -allowed. A brilliant speech, if we are to believe the report, refuted -the charges so successfully, that they were allowed to drop.[1002] This -partial success, however, availed the Duke nothing, as his enemies had -decided to remove him from their path, and for this purpose it was -proposed to call a Parliament to which he was summoned, 'the which -parliament was maad only for to sle the noble Duke of Gloucester.'[1003] -Suffolk, it seems, had laid certain accusations against him,[1004] and -he had induced the King to summon this assembly, to crush the only man -that stood in his way. At first Parliament was summoned to meet at -Cambridge, but it was ultimately transferred to Bury St. Edmunds, a -place where Suffolk was strong,[1005] and Gloucester weak, apart from a -certain support from the Abbey there.[1006] Gloucester's fate was -sealed. With cunning ingenuity Suffolk spread a report that a rising led -by Duke Humphrey might be expected any day, and he made elaborate -preparations for guarding the King at each stopping-place on the way to -Bury. Besides this, the almost incredible number of forty or sixty -thousand men was collected and stationed round the town.[1007] -Gloucester was ordered to attend the Parliament, and all waited to see -whether he would come.[1008] Totally ignorant of the elaborate -preparations for his reception, yet knowing the dangers which beset his -path, Humphrey set out for Bury.[1009] Far from making any show of -resistance,[1010] or coming to Parliament in a spirit of bravado, and -followed by an overwhelming retinue, he came all unsuspicious that a -trap had been laid for him, like an innocent lamb--so the chronicler -quaintly puts it[1011]--hoping that he might be able to procure pardon -for his imprisoned wife.[1012] The same chronicler, who was not one of -those who sang the praises of Duke Humphrey, says that he was conscious -of no evil in himself, and suspected nothing as he rode out on his last -ride,[1013] accompanied by some eighty horsemen,[1014] no extraordinary -retinue for a prince of the blood royal on a long, and possibly -dangerous journey. - -1448] DEATH OF GLOUCESTER - -Parliament had been opened on February 10 with a speech from the -Chancellor, Archbishop Stafford, who declared with suspicious unction, -that 'blessed was the man who walked not in the counsel of the -ungodly,'[1015] but it was not until the 18th that the Duke of -Gloucester arrived. When within half a mile of the gates of the town, he -was met by two officers of the King's household, who told him that the -King wished him to go straight to his lodgings, and not visit the Court, -since the weather was so cold for travelling; at least so was the -message reported subsequently by some of the Duke's retinue. It was -eleven o'clock in the morning when Gloucester rode into the city by the -south gate, and passing through the 'horsemarket,' turned to his left -into the Northgate Ward. Here he passed through a mean street, and as he -rode along, he asked a passer-by, by what name the alley was known. -'Forsoothe, my Lord, hit is called the Dede Lane,' came the answer. Then -the inborn superstition of 'the Good Duke' asserted itself; so with an -old prophecy he had read ringing in his ears, and a word of pious -resignation on his lips, he rode on to the 'North Spytyll' outside the -Northgate, otherwise called 'Seynt Salvatoures,'[1016] where he was to -lodge. Having eaten his dinner, a deputation came to wait upon him, -consisting of the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquis of Dorset, the Earl of -Salisbury, Lord Sudley, and Viscount Beaumont. This last in his capacity -of High Constable placed the Duke under arrest by the King's command. -Two yeomen of the guard and a sergeant were appointed to take charge of -the prisoner, who was removed from the care of his own immediate -servants, some of whom, including Sir Roger Chamberlain, were arrested -the same evening between eight and nine o'clock. The arrest passed off -quietly, but three days later about twenty-eight more of Gloucester's -retainers, including his natural son 'Arteys,' were arrested and sent to -divers places of confinement. This was on Shrove Tuesday, but it was -unknown to their master, who was lying in a state of coma, so that for -three days he neither moved nor had any feeling. Towards the end of this -time, however, he recovered sufficiently to confess his sins, and to -receive the last rites of the Church, and then sinking again he died, so -it is related, about three o'clock in the afternoon of Tuesday, February -23, 1447.[1017] - -Next day the news of his death was proclaimed, and his body was exposed, -so that all might see that no mark of violence was upon him.[1018] His -corpse was visited by many during the day, and towards evening he was -disembowelled, placed in a 'seryd cloth, and layd in a lead chest,' -encased in a coffin of poplar-wood. On the Saturday, just a week after -his arrival in the town, Humphrey's body was carried to the Grey -Friars' Monastery at Babwell,[1019] escorted thither by twenty torches -borne by members of his own entourage; indeed, apart from the three -crown officials who had been his gaolers, none but his personal -retainers accompanied the cortA"ge. On the Sunday the Abbot of St. Albans -'dede his dirge,' and the next day, after a mass had been said for the -repose of his soul, his earthly remains were carried out on their last -journey. By slow stages the coffin was carried to St. Albans, resting by -night at Newmarket, Berkway, and Ware, and arriving at its destination -on Friday the 21st. Here again was a dirge said for him, followed by -Mass, and on the Saturday the body was placed in the 'Feyre vout,' -prepared for him in his lifetime, amidst the lamentations of many of his -faithful servants, and in the presence of the crown officials, who were -the only outward evidences that a king's son was being laid to -rest.[1020] The whole ceremony of interment was that of a private -individual, not that of a prince;[1021] the outward glamour of the pomp -and circumstance which had accompanied his three brothers to the grave -was absent. Humphrey died a prisoner, a disgraced politician, but he was -followed to the grave by a band of genuine mourners. All the artificial -adjuncts of his life, all the pride of power and position which had -conspired to make him a great prince, had vanished, and he was laid in -his last resting-place by loving hands, who took a mournful pleasure in -thus honouring their dead master without any of that formal and unlovely -ceremonial which disguises death as a pageant. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [895] _Excerpta Historica_, 148-150. - - [896] Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 54. There is no evidence that - Catherine did oppose Gloucester. She appointed him a - supervisor of her will. _Rot. Parl._, iv. 506. - - [897] _Chron. Henry VI._, 17; _Polychronicon_, f. 336; cf. Stow, - 377. - - [898] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 431; _Ordinances_, v. 15. - - [899] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 502. - - [900] _Ibid._, iv. 496-499. - - [901] _Ordinances_, v. 56. - - [902] _Ibid._, v. 80. - - [903] _Rot. Parl._, v. 438, 439: _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 280. - - [904] _Rot. Scot._, ii. 303. Rymer, V. i. 17, gives date as 1437. - - [905] There is a hint of a gift in 1435; _Epist. Acad._, 114. The - first important gift of one hundred and twenty vols. is in - 1439; _Epist. Acad._, 117-119. - - [906] Lydgate's Prologue to _The Falls of Princes_. - - [907] _Ordinances_, iv. 132. - - [908] _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 280; Dugdale, ii. 199. - - [909] See the autograph inscription at the end of Oriel MS., xxxii. - - [910] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 322. - - [911] See the 'Diary of Beckington' printed in _Ordinances_, v. - 335-407. - - [912] See Beaucourt, iii. 149-151. - - [913] This document is printed by Stevenson, and is called 'A - protest against the enlargement of Orleans'; Stevenson, - _Letters and Papers_, ii. 440. He copies the title and - document from Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 392-405, but the title is - a mistake. This is an indictment of Beaufort and the - Archbishop of York, his ally, and the reasons against the - release of Orleans are to be found on ff. 405-412 of the same - MS. In Arnold's _Chron._, pp. 279-286, where this same - document is printed, the title runs more correctly 'A - complaynte made to Kynge Henry VI. by the Duke of Gloster - upon the Cardinal of Winchester.' - - [914] Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 392-405, printed in Stevenson, _Letters - and Papers_, ii. 440-451; Arnold's _Chron._, 279-286. The - indictment must have been written in January or February - 1440, as the month of March is referred to in the future. - - [915] Plummer's _Fortescue_, p. 134. - - [916] Plummer's _Fortescue_, notes, p. 318. - - [917] Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 102, says that these - articles were laid to the charge of Beaufort in the - Parliament which met on January 14, 1440. - - [918] Ashmole MS., 856, ff. 405-412: Speed, 660, printed from a copy - in the chronicler's possession; Rymer, V. i. 76, 77. Cf. - _Hist. MSS. Commission_, App. to Report iii., 279. - - [919] Stubbs, iii. 126, and Ramsay, ii. 25, both regard the first - manifesto by Gloucester as the one that influenced public - opinion, but the opening words of the King's reply to his - uncle confute this theory. These two historians also fail to - distinguish clearly between Gloucester's two manifestoes, and - imply that the second followed on the King's indication of - his policy. - - [920] Ashmole MS., 856 ff. 417-423; Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, - ii. 451-460. - - [921] _Paston Letters_, i. 40. - - [922] Rymer, V. i. 97. - - [923] _Rot. Parl._, v. 311. - - [924] February 19, 1440; _Rot. Pat._, 18 _Henry VI._, Part ii. m. 25. - - [925] _Ordinances_, v. 138, 139. - - [926] Amundesham, _Annales_, ii. App. D. 295. - - [927] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 604. Cf. de Beaucourt, - iii. 179, 180. When the Duke of York was appointed - Captain-General in France in 1440, he was given the same - powers as the Duke of Bedford used to have 'or as my Lord of - Gloucester, or shulde have had now late.' So it seems that - the plan of commissioning Gloucester to undertake the French - war had gone some way.--Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_ - (William of Worcester collections), ii. [586]. - - [928] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 48, App. 347. This appointment - was not finally confirmed until August 28, 1442. Thomas Kyrel - acted as Lieutenant of Calais in the interval, _Ordinances_, - v. 205. - - [929] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. [586]. - - [930] _Eng. Chron._, 56. - - [931] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 249, 250. - - [932] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 50. - - [933] _Eng. Chron._, 57, gives Sunday July 25, but in 1441 Sundays - fell on July 16 and 23, and the former seems the more likely - day in view of subsequent dates. Moreover, the same - chronicler gives July 22 as the date of Eleanor's subsequent - summons before the ecclesiastical commissioners. - - [934] The Eve of St. Margaret, July 19; William of Worcester, 460. - _Eng. Chron._, 58, gives July 25. - - [935] _Eng. Chron._, 58; _Chron. Henry VI._, 30; Rymer, V. i. 110; - Gregory 183, 184; William of Worcester, 468; Cotton MS., - Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 58vo, _Political Songs_, ii. 207; Stow, - 381. There is considerable doubt as to who Stanley was. In - the various chronicles and official documents there is - mention of a Sir Thomas Stanley, a Sir John Stanley, and a - John Stanley, Esquire. Probably these were two men bearing - the same surname, and were both concerned in the matter. - - [936] _Eng. Chron._, 58, 59; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 59; - _Lond. Chron._, 129; Stow, 381. - - [937] _Lond. Chron._, 129; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 59, - 59vo; Gregory, 184; William of Worcester, 460, 461; Stow, - 182. - - [938] _Lond. Chron._, 129; _Eng. Chron._, 59, 60; William of - Worcester, 461; Gregory, 184; Fabyan, 614; Stow, 581. - - [939] Sir Thomas Stanley was an officer of the King's household and - King of the Isle of Man (Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. - 102vo). Later he played a subordinate part in the arrest of - Gloucester at Bury. - - [940] William of Worcester, 461; _Eng. Chron._, 60. - - [941] Ellis, _Letters_, 2nd Series, i. 107; _Lond. Chron._, 130; - Devon, _Issue Roll_, 441. - - [942] Rymer, V. i. 127; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 448. - - [943] _Ordinances_, vi. 51; Fabyan, 614; Holkham MS., p. 10. - - [944] _Brief Notes_, 154. - - [945] _Chron. Henry VI._, 31. - - [946] Devon, _Issue Roll_, 448. - - [947] _Excerpta Historica_, 278, Will of Sir John Steward. This, - however, does not prove that Eleanor was confined at Calais, - as the editor of this will thinks, for Steward or Stiward was - one of the two gentlemen appointed to take care of her at - Leeds Castle, and in her later confinement. - - [948] See Ellis, _Letters_, 2nd Series, i. 107; Devon, _Issue Roll_, - 441. - - [949] Hall, 202. See also 'Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester,' a - contemporary ballad, 'A word for me durst no man say,' - _Political Songs_, ii. 206. - - [950] Rymer, V. i. 110. - - [951] Lansdowne MS., i. f. 79. - - [952] Sloane MS., 248. See App. A. - - [953] William of Worcester, 461. - - [954] Fabyan, 614. - - [955] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 68vo, 75. Randolph seems to - have had considerable connection with Gloucester, and to have - been one of his literary followers. There still exists - amongst a collection of astrological tables certain 'Canones - pro tabulis ejus (_i.e._ Humphrey) astronomicis secundum - Fratrem Randolfe'; Sloane MS., 407, ff. 224-227. - - [956] _Eng. Chron._, 60. - - [957] _Political Songs_, ii. 205. - - [958] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, ff. llvo, 12, a - sixteenth-century collection of songs, but this one by - internal evidence was evidently written by a contemporary. - - [959] _Chron. Henry VI._, 30. - - [960] See _Political Songs_, ii. 207. - - [961] See _e.g. Cal. Rot. Pat._, 277. - - [962] _Ancient Correspondence_, vol. lvii. No. 97. - - [963] _Add. Charters_, 44, 531. - - [964] Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154 (June 25, 1431). - - [965] Bedford described Joan of Arc as 'a disciple and Lyme of the - Feend called the Pucelle that used fals enchantements and - Sorcerie'; Rymer, IV. iv. 141. - - [966] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 118. - - [967] _Lond. Chron._, 107; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 331. See - also Harleian MS., 2256, f. 193vo. - - [968] Fabyan, 614; Holkham MS., p. 10. - - [969] Shakespeare, second part of _King Henry VI._, Act II. Scene - iv. - - [970] 'But then he fell into a foul error, Moved by his wife Eleanor - Cobham, To truste her so men thought he was to blame.' - - This is how the incident struck the rhyming chronicler Hardyng, 400. - - [971] _Ordinances_, v. 199. - - [972] _Ibid._, v. 280. - - [973] Amundesham, _Annales_, ii. App. B. 289. We find him at - Greenwich in the following year also (Dugdale, _Monasticon_, - ii. 245), and again on another occasion (_Beckington - Correspondence_, ii. 244). See also _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry - VI._, Part i. m. 16. - - [974] _Inquisitiones_, A.Q.D. File 449, No. 1 (June 13, 1442). - - [975] We find Gloucester and Kemp adopting the same attitude with - regard to the prosecution of the war in 1443; _Ordinances_, - v. 224. Kemp was alienated from the Beaufort counsels by the - advent of Suffolk, with whom he could not agree (see Ramsay, - ii. 115). - - [976] _Ordinances_, v. 266. - - [977] Charter printed in Dugdale, _Monasticon_, ii. 244, 245. The - transfer was completed, for reference is made to it in 1454; - _Rot. Parl._, v. 253. - - [978] _Rot. Parl._, v. 56. - - [979] Rymer, V. i. 130. - - [980] _Ordinances_, vi. 32; cf. Rymer, V. i. 130. - - [981] Rymer, V. i. 112. - - [982] _Beckington Correspondence_, ii. 177-248. - - [983] _Ibid._, ii. 212-215, 244. - - [984] _Eng. Chron._, 61. The writ to Gloucester as Warden of the - Cinque Ports to observe and proclaim the truce is dated - January 2, 1445; Rymer, V. i. 153. - - [985] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, i. 123. See also - _Polychronicon_, f. 337; Fabyan, 618; Grafton, i. 624; - Holinshed, iii. 207. - - [986] Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 104. - - [987] _Polychronicon_, f. 337vo; Fabyan, 617; Holinshed, iii. 207; - Stow, 384; cf. _Chronicles of London Bridge_, 275; Carte, - _Hist. of England_, ii. 727. - - [988] _Rot. Parl._, v. 73. - - [989] Polydore Vergil, 69. - - [990] Basin, i. 189. - - [991] A†gidius, _De Regimine Principium_, III. ii. 15. - - [992] Basin, i. 150, says that the subsequent events justified - Gloucester's wish to continue the war. - - [993] Basin, i. 150, says that Somerset's secrecy was so great, that - it is doubtful whether at the end of his campaign his - intentions were known even to himself. - - [994] Waurin, iv. 351, 352. He says the Bishop of Salisbury was one - of this party, but he probably means Moleyns, who was Dean of - Salisbury. - - [995] For an account of this see T. Gascoigne, _Loci e Libro - Veritatum_, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers (Oxford, 1881), p. - 190. - - [996] This is the fear ascribed to Gloucester's enemies in Fabyan, - 619, and Leland, _Collectanea_, I. ii. 494. _Eng. Chron._, - 63, hints at some plan which the common people did not know - of as yet, and which Suffolk and his party could not carry - out until Gloucester should be out of the way. Basin, i. 189, - also suggests that Gloucester's known hostility to the - cession of Maine had something to do with his suspicious - death. - - [997] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Hall, 209; Polydore Vergil, 71. - - [998] _Chron. Henry VI._, 33; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Whethamstede, - i. 179. Cf. Hardyng, 400. - - [999] Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, i. 110, 111. - - [1000] _Ibid._, i. 116, 123. - - [1001] _Chron. Henry VI._, 33; Waurin, iv. 353. - - [1002] Polydore Vergil, 72; Hall, 209; Holinshed, iii. 210, 211; - Holkham MS., p. 58. - - [1003] _Eng. Chron._, 62. - - [1004] _Hist. Croyland. Contin._, i. 521. - - [1005] Stubbs, iii. 135. Cf. Carte, _Hist. of England_, ii. 727. - - [1006] Gloucester was a member of the Fraternity. - - [1007] _Brief Notes_, 150; Richard Fox, 116. - - [1008] _Eng. Chron._, 62; _Chron. Henry VI._, 33; _Short Eng. - Chron._, 65; _Lond. Chron._, 135. - - [1009] From a pardon to one of Gloucester's servants of a later date - it seems that the Duke came to Bury straight from Greenwich - (Rymer, V. i. 179). Stow, 386, followed by Holkham MS., p. - 59, says he came from 'his Castle of Devizes in Wiltshire.' - _Brief Notes_, 150, says he came from Wales. - - [1010] Ramsay, ii. 73, says, 'Gloucester made a show of resistance, - a crowning act of folly, of which his adversaries made the - most.' I can find no authority to justify this statement. - - [1011] _Chron. Henry VI._, 33; _Lond. Chron._, 135, says 'he mekely - obeied' when put under arrest. - - [1012] _Brief Notes_, 150. - - [1013] _Chron. Henry VI._, 33. - - [1014] Richard Fox, 116. - - [1015] _Rot. Parl._, v. 128. - - [1016] The ruins of St. Saviour's Hospital can still be seen on the - road leading from Bury to Thetford. - - [1017] Richard Fox, 116, 117; _Eng. Chron._, 62, 63; Gregory, 188; - _Chron. Henry VI._, 33, 34; Hardyng, 400; William of - Worcester, 464; _Lond. Chron._, 135; _Brief Notes_, 150; - Stow, 386; _Hist. Croyland. Contin._, i. 521; _Short Eng. - Chron._, 65. An entry on the verso of the last folio of - Lincoln MS., 106, records the death of Gloucester. Holinshed, - iii. 211. - - [1018] _Brief Notes_, 150; Fabyan, 619. - - [1019] _Brief Notes_, 150, erroneously states that he was buried - here. The site of this Franciscan monastery can still be - traced about half a mile outside Bury St. Edmunds on the - Thetford road. Lewis, _Topographical Dictionary_, i. 659. - - [1020] Richard Fox, 117, 118. - - [1021] Mathieu de Coussy, 31, is the only contemporary writer to lay - stress on this. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -SOME ASPECTS OF GLOUCESTER'S CAREER - - -In spite of the circumstantial story which records the events of the -last few days of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, there hangs over the -manner of his death a cloud which no existing evidence can entirely -remove. Was he murdered, or was his death the result of natural causes? -Such is the question to which the circumstances surrounding his last -days give rise. Of contemporary chroniclers who give their opinion the -Englishmen mostly agree in a quiet acceptance of the idea that arrest -and disgrace so worked on an already weakened frame, that some kind of -seizure was followed by collapse and death. Richard Fox, who gives the -most detailed account of the tragedy of Bury, never for a moment -suggests foul play, whilst Wheathampsted, the friend and follower of the -dead man, clearly states that he died of sickness brought on by grief at -his arrest.[1022] Hardyng carries this theory still further by -describing the disease of which the Duke died as a sort of 'parlesey,' -stating that he had been similarly attacked before,[1023] but an -anonymous chronicler of Henry VI.'s reign, while describing the illness -much in the same way as Fox and Hardyng--a paralysis of both mind and -body--does not hesitate to hint fairly broadly that the disease did not -take its origin from the natural state of the Duke's health.[1024] The -author of the _English Chronicle_ reserves judgment. The truth about -Gloucester's death, he declares, is not yet known, but he quotes the -Gospel to prove that there is nothing hid which shall not be made -manifest;[1025] the London chronicler declares darkly that he was -treacherously treated.[1026] Foreign contemporary writers go still -further, and with one voice proclaim that Gloucester was murdered. -Waurin states this as a bare fact, but his statements are not beyond -dispute, for he adopts the same version as the continuator of the -_Historia Croylandensis_, who says that the Duke was found dead in bed -on the morning after his arrest.[1027] Mathieu de Coussy and Basin, both -of whom were alive at the time, aver that it was a case of murder, and -so it was generally believed on the Continent.[1028] - -NATURE OF GLOUCESTER'S DEATH - -As time passed on, the growing unpopularity of Suffolk unloosed men's -tongues, and the idea that Gloucester had been murdered gradually arose, -and became a firm belief. It was obvious to all that the Duke's death -had been desired by Suffolk to increase his power, and within three -years of the Parliament at Bury another Parliament was clamouring for -the disgrace of this upstart, who with the help of the Queen had -monopolised the government of the kingdom, and it was but a very thinly -veiled accusation of murder which lay behind the articles of impeachment -that he 'wase the cause and laborer of the arrest, emprisonyng and -fynall destruction of the most noble valliant true Prince, your right -obeisant uncle the Duke of Gloucester.'[1029] That this was no more -than an accusation of complicity in Humphrey's disgrace which -indirectly produced his last illness is an interpretation which the -words cannot bear when we consider the facts of the case, for at the -same time Gregory records that among the charges brought against Suffolk -that of murdering 'that nobylle prynce the Duke of Gloucester' was -one.[1030] Whatever the words of the impeachment may imply to us, it is -plain that they bore but one meaning to the men of the time, and in view -of the coming disgrace of the Queen's favourite, public opinion was -beginning to assert itself, for it is to be noticed that, when recording -the death of Humphrey, Gregory ignored any question of murder.[1031] - -We may well suspect that the murder of Suffolk by the sailors of the -Kentish coast had for its prompting some thought of revenge for the -death of the man who had held the command of Dover and the Cinque Ports. -The people were beginning to find their voices, and when the Kentish men -followed Jack Cade in his march on London, they invoked the wrongs of -Duke Humphrey, as one of the reasons of their rebellion. They demanded -the punishment of the false traitors 'which counterfetyd and imagyned' -Gloucester's death, and they declared the charges which had been brought -against him at Bury to be false.[1032] Moreover, in one of the popular -songs connected with this rising there is distinct mention of 'two -traitors ... Pulford and Hanley that drownyd ye Duke of -Glocester,'[1033] a possible allusion to the two yeomen of the guard who -were Humphrey's custodians after his arrest, and who may have been more -than suspected of being the instruments of his enemies' treachery. It -was at this time also that Lord Saye de Sele met his violent end at the -hands of the mob, who accused him of many acts of treason 'of whyche he -knowlachyd of the dethe' of Gloucester.[1034] As hostility to the -existing regime increased, the belief in the murder grew -proportionately, and became complete assurance on the triumph of the -Yorkist party. Thus one of the political poems which paved the way for -this turn of events declared roundly that 'This Fox (Suffolk) at Bury -slowe our grete gandere' (Gloucester),[1035] and the manifesto which the -Duke of York issued from Calais referred to 'the pytyous shamefulle and -sorrowfulle murther to all Englonde, of that noble werthy and Crystyn -prince Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, the Kynges trew uncle, at -Bury.'[1036] - -A few years later a political song stated that - - 'The good duc of Gloucestre, in the season - Of the Parlement at Bury beyng, - Was put to dethe,'[1037] - -and the general acceptance of the fact of murder was so universal that -under the year 1446 (O.S.) a compiler of historical notes, writing in -the latter days of the fifteenth century, put down without comment or -hesitation 'interfectio ducis Gloucestriae.'[1038] Fabyan, another -writer of this period,[1039] mentions the theory that Humphrey had been -put to death as an accepted fact, adding that 'dyverse reportes ar made, -which I passe over.'[1040] Subsequent writers and historians have all -followed this opinion,[1041] till within recent years some doubts have -been cast on this universally accepted reading of the events. - -We cannot accept the verdict of murder as conclusive without an -examination into the facts of the case. Obviously it may have been more -a political move than a firm conviction of the murder that induced the -Yorkist party to throw out these accusations with regard to Gloucester's -end, but in this respect it cannot have been very fruitful, and it is -stated in a manner which implies that the facts of the case were common -property. To support the theory there is the strong hint of the Latin -chronicler of Henry VI.'s reign, and the suspiciously judicial attitude -of the author of the _English Chronicle_. The testimony of Wheathampsted -as the friend of Gloucester deserves attention, yet we must remember -that the late Abbot of St. Albans had passed entirely into private life -in 1447, and did not emerge therefrom till four years later when he -resumed the Abbacy. Moreover, his information was probably gained from -Richard Fox of the House of St. Albans, a man who brought no critical -power to bear on his narrative, and who merely recorded the official -account of the Duke's last illness; all personal access to the prisoner -had been forbidden save to the royal officials, who had him in charge, -and at the best Fox must have recorded what he was told at the time by -those who had the care of his master. Evidence of a more definite and -less refutable kind is the statement of John Hardyng. By him the illness -is given a definite name, and allusion is made to earlier attacks. This -is supported by a report on the Duke's health made some twenty-three -years earlier by his physician, which describes him in a weak state of -health, though the details of the report do no more than point to -certain excesses in his manner of living, and a temporary lack of -health, and do not in any way suggest a hopelessly decayed constitution, -which some would deduce therefrom.[1042] Only once do we hear of the -Duke suffering from illness, and the activity of his life, in which he -combined the avocations of a soldier, a politician, and a man of -letters, in itself refutes the suggestion. Humphrey showed no signs of -bodily decay; he was perfectly well, and able to make a long journey on -the eve of his imprisonment, and if his health was so undermined at the -age of thirty-four, how was it that he survived to more than complete -his fifty-seventh year, no mean age at that time? He survived all his -brothers; one died in battle, Henry at the age of thirty-six succumbed -to an attack of camp fever, Bedford only attained his forty-sixth year, -while his grandfather, John of Gaunt, who was looked on as an old man -for his time, lived but one year longer than himself, and his father -only reached the age of forty-seven. Indeed of all his relations -Cardinal Beaufort alone lived to be really old, though his exact age is -uncertain. The statement of Hardyng must not, therefore, be considered -as entirely corroborated by the physician's report, and by itself it -stands as a statement of no more value than those which roundly assert -that Gloucester was murdered, for the chronicle was written about the -year 1463 by a man who had served the House of Lancaster from the battle -of Shrewsbury onward. Perhaps the strangest of all evidences on this -point is that given by Chastellain, the Burgundian chronicler, who wrote -_Le Temple de Bocace_ for Margaret of Anjou when in 1463 she retired -into exile in the county of Bar. In this collection of stories dealing -with the sad fate of many famous people, a sort of continuation of -Boccaccio's Latin work which was introduced to English readers by John -Lydgate's _The Falls of Princes_, a terrible picture of Humphrey's -violent end is drawn, and the methods used to give the appearance of a -natural death are described. When we remember that Margaret was a -prominent member of the faction at whose bidding such a deed must have -been performed, the version of the story here given is the more -startling.[1043] - -Apart from all statements of chroniclers, whether contemporary or -otherwise, there lies the probability of the case. Gloucester was in the -way of the plans of Suffolk and Margaret; he had already been accused of -treason, an accusation which might be hard to prove; armed preparations -had been made against him; he was under arrest at the time of his death. -More important than this is the way he was isolated from his followers; -his chief retainers were arrested, and his personal servants were -removed from attendance on him,[1044] and thus the officers appointed by -his enemies could arrange what they liked. The way his body was exposed -after death to prove that no violence had cut short his days was itself -an invitation to suspicion, and this negative method of proof was not -unknown in the cases of other royal victims of political murder. The -whole story of the case supports the supposition that some kind of slow -poison was used, a method of assassination quite possible under the -circumstances, and for which it would almost seem that provision had -been made. Murder, therefore, is the most probable explanation of the -Duke's sudden demise, his relapse into a comatose state might very well -be the result of a poison taken with his food, and when an unscrupulous -party so desired his death, the conclusion is obvious. - - 'Who finds the partridge in the puttock's nest, - But may imagine now the bird was dead, - Although the kite soar with unbloodied beak? - Even so suspicious is this tragedy.'[1045] - -Whatever opinion is held with regard to the immediate cause of -Humphrey's death, it is beyond doubt that his destruction was planned, -if not carried out. On Suffolk and Lord Saye de Sele falls the chief -suspicion, and in the latter's case the count is strengthened by the -fact that he received on the very next day after the death of the Duke -some of the offices which the victim had held.[1046] 'Pole' that 'fals -traytur' was openly accused of part responsibility,[1047] and Fabyan -says, 'The grudge and murmour of ye people ceased not agayne the Marquis -of Suffolke, for the deth of the good duke of Gloucester, of whos murdre -he was specially susspected.'[1048] Foreign chroniclers all attribute -the murder to the 'faction of Suffolk,'[1049] and in this indictment the -Queen cannot be excepted. She, together with Suffolk and Lord Saye de -Sele, shared in the lands and emoluments which reverted to the King on -his uncle's demise,[1050] and girl though she was, she had a -predominating influence among those who had allied themselves against -Gloucester. One more fact both points to the existence of a -determination to make away with their rival on the part of the dominant -party of the Court, and strengthens the suggestion of murder; so -complete were the preparations in view of the death, that on the very -day that Gloucester died, a grant was made of his property to Henry's -foundation of King's College, Cambridge,[1051] and further grants of the -same kind were made on the following day.[1052] - -Final proof of the care with which Gloucester's death was organised is -to be found in the treatment meted out to his followers, of whom in all -forty-two were arrested and imprisoned in thirteen different -castles.[1053] On July 8[1054] five of these men, including the Duke's -natural son Arthur, were arraigned before Suffolk at Deptford and -condemned to be drawn to Tyburn, hanged, disembowelled, beheaded, and -quartered for plotting treason against the King. The charge against them -was that they had held a seditious meeting at Greenwich on February 7 -last, where they had agreed to kill King Henry VI., and place Gloucester -and his imprisoned wife upon the throne. Four days later, having -collected a large body of men, they had marched out towards Bury, hoping -that the country would join them.[1055] Besides this definite charge, -rumours were spread abroad that Humphrey had been organising a rebellion -in his own favour in Wales,[1056] a legend based on nothing more -substantial than the fact that many of the imprisoned retainers bore -Welsh names,[1057] but sufficiently elaborated to induce the Parliament -at Bury to re-enact 'all statutes made against Welshmen.'[1058] - -The absurdity of the whole story is obvious. A great army this escort of -eighty men to start a rebellion of all England, and to bring about the -removal of the King! There is not one shred of evidence to prove even -the likelihood of such a plot. We are definitely told that Humphrey came -to Bury with a clear conscience,[1059] and had his intentions been -treasonable he would not have entered the town after the warning he -received from the King's message. He made not the slightest show of -resistance, save, if we can except the statement of a foreign -chronicler, that he used strong language to his jailers about those who -dominated the King.[1060] If the plot had been hatched on February 7, -why was it that Suffolk had collected an army of 60,000 men at Bury some -time before the opening of Parliament on February 10, and had gone -through the form of taking elaborate precautions for the safety of the -King on his way thither? The details of the trial of these retainers -also give cause for suspicion, for no office that Suffolk held entitled -him to sit as judge at Deptford, and he was probably acting under a -special writ, issued to ensure the condemnation of the prisoners. The -whole proceeding was meant to throw dust in the eyes of those who might -question the manner of Gloucester's death, and to remove the possibility -of any one championing the fallen Duke, who was thus proved to have died -with the guilt of treason on his conscience. Having established his -case, Suffolk tried to win favour with the people by appearing at the -execution and producing a reprieve from the King. Though already strung -up at Tyburn, when the reprieve was read they were promptly cut down, -and their lives were saved.[1061] They and the rest of the prisoners -were set at large, and their goods were returned to them.[1062] Had -there been any truth in the charge for which they were condemned, the -men would certainly not have been reprieved, and this bid for popularity -proved fruitless, for in spite of it 'the grudge and murmur of ye people -ceased not agayne the Marquys of Suffolke.'[1063] Violence was not one -of Humphrey's crimes; he had appealed to force of arms once only, and -then it was merely to act on the defensive. This imagined plot was -totally at variance with all his former conduct. Plot there was, but it -was formed by Suffolk and his partisans to destroy their rival, whose -death becomes still more suspicious in the light of their vain attempt -at justification. - - * * * * * - -EFFECTS OF GLOUCESTER'S DEATH - -With Gloucester dead, and his memory tainted by an accusation of -treason, Margaret and Suffolk thought they had secured safety for their -plans and security for the House of Lancaster. But this was far from -being the case. Besides casting an indelible slur on the dynasty which -had connived at the disgrace and removal of one of its own -representatives, they had inaugurated a period of strife and disaster -that ended only with the triumph of the rival claimants to the throne of -England. A foreign observer of English politics dated all the -disturbances which followed from the time of Gloucester's death,[1064] -and an English chronicler wrote: 'Thus began the trouble of Engelonge -for the deth of this noble duke. All the comyns of this reame began for -to murmure, and were not content.'[1065] A political ballad writer, too, -saw how things had gone when he wrote, that since the tragedy of Bury - - 'Hath been in Engeland, gret mornyng with many a scharp schoure - Falshode, myschef, secret synne upholdyng, - Whiche hathe caused in Engeland endeley langoure.'[1066] - -The government of Henry VI., or rather that of those who had his ear, -was already unpopular, and we have seen how still more hostile to it the -nation became after 1447, and how Humphrey's reputation increased as -that of his opponent's diminished. Jack Cade invoked the name of -Gloucester as one of the justifications of his hostility to the -Government, and it is a significant fact that the three men who were -suspected of complicity in the murder, namely Suffolk, Adam Moleyns, and -Lord Saye de Sele, all met violent deaths at the hands of the people. - -But mere unpopularity was not the worst danger which the Government had -to fear, as a result of Gloucester's death, and to understand this -aspect of the matter we must recall the history of the two parties in -the State since the death of Henry V. The reign of Henry VI. had opened -with a declaration of party war. From the first there had been two -distinct parties in the kingdom, each fighting to secure the supreme -control, the one headed by Gloucester, the other by Cardinal Beaufort, -both of whom were members of the House of Lancaster, though the latter's -family was excluded from succession to the throne. Gloucester's position -as 'lymyted protector,' as a contemporary ballad writer calls it,[1067] -had been at once a source of some strength to him and a point of attack -for his enemies. Throughout the period of the King's minority the -struggle had been for the control of the Council of Regency, Gloucester -asserting his privileges as Protector, Beaufort denying them and trying -to secure further limitations of his power. So the struggle had worn on -with varying success, till with Henry's coronation in 1429 the -Protectorate had come to an end. Thenceforward the contest had been -between the same parties on a somewhat different field. Henry, as he -gradually increased in understanding and knowledge, had been besieged by -Gloucester and Beaufort, each trying to influence him in his own favour, -and so it had continued till the great triumph of the Beaufort policy in -the release of the Duke of Orleans and the marriage of the King to -Margaret of Anjou. Hereafter the scene had changed. The Bishop of -Winchester had passed out of public life,[1068] leaving the control of -his party to his two nephews, John and Edmund, successively Dukes of -Somerset. The Earl of Suffolk, apart from the fact that he was the -ablest member of the Beaufort faction, is a negligible quantity in this -history of party division. On the other hand, the Duke of York had come -to the front as the opponent of the Beauforts and as a follower of Duke -Humphrey, though he never came anywhere near to supplanting the latter -as leader of the opposition to the existing state of government. - -Throughout this long struggle, hostile as it was to the peace of the -kingdom and to the good government of either party, there had never been -on either side any suggestion of hostility to the House of Lancaster as -such. Were not both leaders members of that House, and were not their -best interests bound up with the preservation of the throne to Henry -VI.? The fall of the King would have meant annihilation for both of -them, and not for a moment had the possibility of such a thing occurred -to the rivals. They had forgotten the shakiness of the Lancastrian -House; they had forgotten the claims of York; they had forgotten that -the present Duke of York was the son of a condemned plotter against the -throne. Their rivalry had been merely one of ambitious men who strove -for the mastery, the one with the claim of seniority, the other with -the claim of a personal stake in the welfare of the kingdom. The story -of that long-protracted struggle is not creditable to either Beaufort or -Gloucester, though we must remember that the challenge had come from the -former, who was excluded from the succession and had no such claim to -have a preponderating influence in the kingdom as had the brother of -Henry V. The Cardinal Bishop of Winchester has appealed to the sympathy -of posterity by reason of his supposed constitutional attitude, but his -pose cannot be taken seriously. Keen to see his own advantage, he had -supported the rights of the Council merely as a means to curtail the -power of the Protector, and thereby increase his own, but whether we -take his constitutional attitude seriously or not, we must condemn his -policy. On the other hand, Gloucester inadvertently had stumbled on a -policy, which was the only possible one that could save England from -internal disorder. In claiming the fullest powers as Protector he had -probably no idea beyond asserting what he considered to be his just and -legal rights, and obtaining a position which would satisfy his ambitious -nature; but his policy was sound. The one hope for England was a -government concentrated in the hands of one man, who would not be -hampered by opposition at the very fountainhead of justice, who would be -able to deal out summary retribution to the wrong-doer. Under these -conditions the government of Henry VI.'s favourites would not have -become a byword in the country, and have given a handle to the rival -House of York. - -Thus the rivalry of Beaufort and Gloucester was more personal than -political, in no sense was it dynastic, and though it weakened the hold -of the House of Lancaster on the country, yet in itself it did not -threaten the throne of Henry VI. Still less was this the case when the -Beaufort faction had won their final victory, and had definitely placed -Gloucester in permanent opposition, where he acted as safety-valve to -the reigning dynasty. Just as so many years later the House of Hanover -was strengthened by the opposition of successive Princes of Wales, so -did Gloucester's opposition secure the House of Lancaster. He, it must -be remembered, was heir to the throne, for the marriage of Henry VI. had -not yet produced a son who would supplant him. Round him the -discontented elements in the nation circled, the Duke of York and his -following owned him as their leader. In the country at large he was -still popular, and no faction could rise to drive Henry from his throne -with any prospect of success if it had not the support of 'the good Duke -Humphrey.' On the other hand, the Duke of York and his claim had to be -kept in the background so long as Gloucester stood as heir to the throne -and leader of the opposition to the maladministration of the governing -clique. Moreover, the adhesion of York to Gloucester's party was a -guarantee against civil war, for those two men who worked together had -totally antagonistic claims to the throne of England. - -We have here the chief reason why the death of Humphrey was at the same -time the death-blow to the House of Lancaster. The Duke of York was not -dangerous so long as Humphrey lived, for though their interests in the -kingdom were divergent, they had acted together through the last years -of Beaufort's domination. Both alike had been excluded from the Council -of the King, and both alike had made common cause in the name of order -and a different policy. We have seen the various shifts which had been -used to minimise Gloucester's influence with the King, York had been -intrigued against by the Beauforts whilst in command in France, and -finally he had been sent off to Ireland, so that he could not make his -voice felt in the councils of the nation.[1069] His connection with the -King's uncle was of long standing. Gloucester had held the guardianship -of the lands that he inherited from the Earl of March, he had supported -him in 1437, when it was proposed to put the Earl of Warwick in his -place as Commander-in-Chief of the army in France,[1070] and he had -complained bitterly in his indictment of Cardinal Beaufort that the Duke -of York had been alienated from the King.[1071] In return for this the -Yorkist party had supported Gloucester in opposition; after his death -they helped to bring home the guilt of his murder to those who had -contrived it, and as soon as they obtained the ascendency they -vindicated his memory by a public act. In the Parliament which met after -the first battle of St. Albans, under the auspices of the Duke of York, -the question of Humphrey's good fame, which had often been -unsuccessfully mooted before, was again raised; a petition was framed by -the Commons asking the King, in remembrance of his uncle's services to -the Crown, and of the fact that he had been accused of treason by -certain wicked persons, to declare the aspersions cast on his good name -to be unfounded. This petition, quite spontaneous on the part of the -Commons, was taken up by the Duke of York, and by his help and favour it -was granted.[1072] This attitude on the part of York has its -significance. It was a declaration that the policy which he espoused, -the policy of good government and justice, was the policy of Humphrey; -it was a party cry too, an appeal to the favour of the people, who -believed that the good Duke had done his utmost for the good government -of the kingdom. - -HAINAULT POLICY - -When we come to examine the facts of the case, and the right which -Gloucester had to the reputation for good government, we must confess -that, though the adulation of the seventeenth-century chroniclers may -seem excessive, it is no more exaggerated than the obloquy which has -been heaped on his memory by more recent historians. His campaign in -Hainault and his whole policy in that matter, quite apart from his -behaviour to Jacqueline, is worthy of the heaviest censure. Blind to the -effects of his actions, he did nothing to minimise them when he had -tardily realised the possible alienation of Burgundy from the English -Alliance. He had allowed his personal interests and ambition to take -precedence of the advantage of his native country. Yet even here we must -reflect before we ascribe all the failures of the English in France to -his action. Signs are not wanting after the death of Henry that the Duke -of Burgundy was not the warm supporter of his English allies that he had -been in the past; the English also were not devoted to the Burgundian -alliance, the Earl Marshal made no objection to leading the Hainault -expedition, and the Earl of Salisbury, enraged by an outrage offered to -his wife, came over to offer his services to Gloucester.[1073] Nor did -the Council treat the matter very seriously. Humphrey on his return -received no reprimand, despite the statement to this effect by certain -foreign chroniclers. If Gloucester erred, he did so along with much of -the public opinion of his time, and had he proved more faithful to the -course he had undertaken, one might be inclined to judge his line of -action in Hainault less hardly. Nevertheless, apart from all matters of -foreign policy, he must be condemned for leaving his infant nephew at -home unguarded save by a man whom he most profoundly distrusted. This, -far more than the more obvious count of alienating Burgundy, must -condemn him in our eyes, if we look at the matter from his point of -view. - -Apart from this lapse from honour and wisdom in his government of the -country as Protector, what shall we say of Gloucester's action in home -policy? To deny the evil effects of the struggle for power between -himself and the Cardinal Bishop of Winchester would be to blind -ourselves to a clear historical truth, but we must remember--and in the -light of the modern judgment on Humphrey it cannot too often be -reiterated--that the struggle did not originate with him. He claimed the -Protectorate as his right, even as Bedford did, and it cannot be said to -have been a more ambitious move on the part of the one brother than on -that of the other. It was the late King's wish that he should be -Protector, and it was a wise arrangement. He distrusted Humphrey's -capacity as a general with an independent command, but he had reason to -believe that the man who had governed England quietly and well for him, -was the proper person to whom to confide the kingdom during his son's -minority. Apart from that disastrous struggle for supremacy over his -uncle the Cardinal and his party, how did Humphrey comport himself as -Protector, and later as chief Councillor? - -HOME POLICY - -The details of Gloucester's home government are hard to extract from the -central theme of party strife, but more than once we find him the -fearless supporter of the arm of the law. The kingdom was in a state of -potential upheaval all through the period of his power. Henry IV. might -say to his son, when speaking of the crown of England: - - 'To thee it shall descend with better quiet, - Better opinion, better confirmation; - For all the soil of the achievement goes - With me into the earth.'[1074] - -But this was not true of Henry IV.'s grandson. 'De male acquisitis non -gaudebit tertius heres,' quotes an old chronicler,[1075] and leaving the -ethics of the case aside, this was undoubtedly true of poor misguided -Henry VI. Ever since the feudal barriers which restrained the great -lords had begun to disappear, the too powerful subject had been a -problem to be faced. Henry IV. had found this when confronted with the -insurrection of the men who had helped to place him on the throne. The -wars of Henry V. had aggravated the danger by increasing the wealth of -the nobles, who made fortunes by means of the armed men they provided -for the King. With a minor on the throne this development became still -more dangerous, and Humphrey had to meet it. He did his best. The -pretensions of the Earl of March were nipped in the bud by his dismissal -to Ireland: later the quarrel which almost grew into a private war -between Norfolk and Huntingdon was interrupted by his action, and his -appearance in the neighbourhood doubtless restrained these lords. He -issued warnings against the use of retinues of unnecessary strength, and -took a personal interest in the precautions which were to ensure peace -between the lords who accompanied the King to France. His reputation as -an enforcer of the King's peace must have been great, for at the time -when power was slipping from his hands, his enemies agreed to his -appointment as Chief-Justice in South Wales, a difficult and unsettled -district, and he held the same office at Chester[1076] on the -border-land, where the work of the Justice can have been no sinecure. In -minor breaches of the peace, such as those of 1427, he showed himself -eager to put down all kinds of lawlessness, and by his prompt action he -nipped the movement of Jack Sharp in the bud, a movement which, in spite -of its insignificant appearance in the pages of history, might well have -developed into a rebellion against the House of Lancaster. In all these -instances it was by no deputed power that Humphrey enforced the majesty -of the law, but by personal exertions and visits to the centres of -disturbance. - -Nothing bears greater testimony to the success of Gloucester's rule than -the change which came over the state of the country as soon as he was -driven from power. Under his government there had been disturbances, -but nearly always for some definite reason. When Beaufort became -supreme, however, the country degenerated steadily into anarchy, not on -account of personal claims or dynastic troubles, but simply because the -central government had lost all control over the people. In the west a -private war of some magnitude raged between the Earl of Devon and Sir -William Bonville, Wales was in revolt, York and Norwich were the scenes -of considerable disturbances, Northampton was at war with Lord Grey of -Ruthyn, riots occurred in London, Salisbury, and Derbyshire. Beaufort's -firm ally, Archbishop Kemp, was attacked by the men of his diocese and -the Earl of Northumberland, whilst to still further complicate affairs, -the finances were in an even worse state than when Gloucester was in -power.[1077] If Gloucester was not an ideal ruler, Beaufort and his -faction fell still further short of that ideal, and if we judge by -results, we must conclude that England was happier and better governed -under the ex-Protector, than under the party which supplanted him. - -CHARGES OF OPPRESSION - -Stern represser of revolt, and enforcer of the law, was Gloucester -himself a defaulter in these respects? Accusations to this effect there -are, but few and of doubtful importance. In Parliament, together with -other lords, he was complained of as illegally exacting the royal right -of purveyance,[1078] but his position as heir to the throne may form -some excuse for his action, and the complaint was made at a time when -his enemies were closing their coils around him. More detailed and -circumstantial is an account of how one John Withorne had his lands -seized by Gloucester, who claimed him as _nativus suus_, and was taken -off to spend the remaining seven years of his pretended master's life in -prison in Wales. At the end of that time, blind, decrepit, a wreck of -humanity, he was released by the order of the King.[1079] The story may -be true, but it dates from immediately after the death of Gloucester, -and looks suspiciously like an attempt by his enemies to justify their -opposition to him, a theory supported by the mention of Wales, that wild -land whence he was to lead his mythical hordes to dethrone the King, and -establish himself in his nephew's place. Further there are the charges -of undue severity imposed on prisoners recorded as part of his -indictment by some later chroniclers,[1080] but the strongest argument -against this and all other charges is to be found in the fact that there -are not the slightest signs of a genuine detailed indictment of the Duke -by his enemies, who had to rest content with poisoning the King's mind -with regard to his uncle. Nevertheless some truth may be found in the -story of the imprisoned villein, for rapacity was a vice which Humphrey -shared with his uncle of Winchester, and an anonymous chronicler tells -us how his wife Eleanor wrongfully deprived the Hospital of St. John of -Pontefract of certain lands belonging to them.[1081] This fact is -attested by a grant dated February 27, 1447, whereby certain lands in -Norfolk, including the Manor of Sculthorpe, lately belonging to -Gloucester, were given to the Hospital of St. John,[1082] and when we -remember that Sir Robert Knollys, the founder of this institution, lived -and died at the manor-house of Sculthorpe, the probability of the charge -becomes a certainty. - -Only one other complaint do we find of Gloucester's behaviour, and that -is by the unknown continuator of the Croyland chronicle, who complains -that, when interviewing the Protector on several occasions with regard -to a lawsuit with the men of Spalding, the Abbot of that monastery was -harshly and unjustly treated by him.[1083] That this means anything -more than that the Abbot failed to substantiate his case we may well -doubt; at all events, even were all these charges true, they are but a -mild indictment of a man who lived in the first half of the fifteenth -century amidst so many temptations to excess, a man, too, against whom -any accusations would have been welcomed by the faction in power during -the last few years of his life. - -Before concluding this estimate of his public character as Protector and -heir to the throne, let us remember that, when issuing an edict -forbidding certain lords to come to Parliament with too extensive -retinues, he named Huntingdon among the number, a man who supported him, -and consequently found himself neglected and estranged from the King in -the days when Humphrey made his famous protest against the -administration of the Bishop of Winchester. Personal motives, therefore, -did not always overrule his sense of justice; it cannot be for nothing -that Gloucester earned the title of the 'Good Duke,'[1084] and it is -impossible to believe that he would have been so popular with the -people, if he had been guilty of frequent acts of oppression. Taken with -the facts of his career, it is more likely that this popularity sprang -not from a mere charm of manner, but from the fact that he alone of the -great men of his time tried to curb the licence of the nobles and the -depredations of the lawless. He was not the inspirer of disturbances, -nor the author of the Wars of the Roses. By his very existence he was -what Sandford calls 'a grand prop of the Red Rose tree,'[1085] and -this--strange paradox--by reason of his alliance with the leader of the -White Rose cause. Gloucester was not the first Yorkist--his instincts -and his interests alike prevented this; he was not the subverter of the -Lancastrian dynasty. On the contrary, it was his death that created the -Yorkist party, and paved the way for the downfall of his nephew. - -TRIBUTE OF GLOUCESTER'S SERVANTS - -Humphrey was no traitor to his King, nor enemy of his father's House, -quite the reverse. He had done services to his country, which are -forgotten amid the factious surroundings of his career. Biassed though -they may be, there is much to be said for the truth of the statements -made in the lament put into the mouths of his followers, when they had -buried their master. 'Now,' they cried, 'the right hand of the King has -gone, the right arm of his strength has withered, he has lost him, who -in the day of his necessity was both wall and rampart to him. Who but -his uncle put down internal risings against the throne when they -occurred, or went forth to fight, when enemies from without threatened -him? He at last has laid aside his arms, and has retired to that region -where there is peace and rest, and sorrow is no more. Who but the Duke -of Gloucester, during the King's infancy, drove the Duke of Burgundy -from Picardy? Who but that Duke, during the same King's boyhood, brought -the enemies of the Cross of Christ to destruction? Who but he, in the -King's full age, gave peace to the people in every quarter? Who but he, -in a word, throughout the King's nonage, was his faithful foster-father -and foster-mother alike? And now he is said to be a traitor, he who in -the past had so many opportunities to do that which he is accused of -doing in the present. Nay, that accusation is a lie most false, devised -by those greedy devourers, who kill virtue when it is exalted, and who -seek occasion to suffocate the innocent, that they may increase their -plunder! Wherefore shall we his servants, who moved in the same -surroundings as he, who were cognisant of all his secrets, who knew all -his actions, shall we then allow a prince so illustrious, a duke so -tireless in doing his duty, a soldier so trusty and prudent, one too -guiltless of any crime, to be thus torn by dogs, thus stung by -scorpions? Be this thought far from us and from those who favour justice -and piety, for the great Duke himself both loved, nurtured, and enforced -justice, and it is a pious work to champion one who can no longer -defend himself.'[1086] - -Such is the one estimate of Gloucester's services to the body politic, -but we must not look merely on one side of the picture. Humphrey claimed -to guide the ship of state, and in many cases his policy was right, and -his actions were just, but he lacked that touch of greatness which might -have lifted him above the wrangles of party politics. His statesmanship -was at fault. He had no power of gauging a man's worth, or weighing a -policy in the balance. He rushed blindly into a compromising war at -Hainault, a position from which there was no retreat, and he cut but a -sorry figure when he abandoned the whole enterprise. He could not -sustain a definite line of action, and drive steadily to the end he had -in view. He complicated his policy with too many endeavours, and brought -none of them to good effect. He could not keep an unswerving course, as -Protector, or disassociate himself from the tricks of party warfare; in -opposition he could not maintain a steady attack, but contented himself -with fitful outbursts of impotent wrath. - -WAR POLICY - -Yet, apart from this, his policy had a consistency which his actions -lacked. When the second stage of the Hundred Years' War was about to -begin, he adopted an attitude which he maintained throughout his life. -He then voted against the Burgundian alliance; at St. Omer he showed his -dislike of such an alliance in the scant courtesy with which he treated -the Count of Charolais; he defied the same Count when Duke of Burgundy -with an animosity both personal and political; he encouraged the -defiance which England flung at this same Duke after the congress of -Arras; he resisted the release of Orleans partly because it was a -Burgundian suggestion. Again, in 1415, he favoured an Armagnac alliance, -and we find him voicing the same principle when it was a question of a -marriage for Henry VI. with a daughter of the Armagnac or Angevin House. -In the matter of the war, too, he was consistent to the extent of folly. -His active life had begun in the French wars; he had accompanied his -brother Henry V. on his expeditions to France. Henceforth he accepted -the war as part of his political creed, and would not move one -hair's-breadth therefrom. At a time when no useful advantage could be -gained by the prolongation of hostilities, he opposed the wise, pacific -movement of Cardinal Beaufort, and did much to defame his political -character with posterity by this dogged persistence of principle. Yet he -could not devise a scheme for carrying on the war, and though he offered -to undertake the command, he did not persist in his suggestion. - -There is a possible view of Gloucester's war policy, which may explain, -if not justify, his attitude. In a political poem of the period, well -known as the 'Libel of English Policy,' the principle, that command of -the narrow seas was necessary for the safety of English commerce, is -insisted on at some length.[1087] This command, it is to be presumed, -was only to be maintained by a secure hold on both sides of the Channel, -and the continuance of the war was considered necessary for this -purpose. Calais, however, even in those days, was a sufficient guarantee -for the openness of the Channel; but the supposition that trade -considerations had their influence on Gloucester's war policy is -strengthened by his well-known connection with trade interests in the -country. His popularity with the Londoners must have taken its origin -from this side of the Duke's policy, and from certain discussions at the -Parliament at Leicester in 1426 it seems likely that the riotous -tendencies in London, that led to the garrisoning of the Tower in 1425, -had some connection with a movement against foreign traders in the -capital.[1088] Gloucester, it will be remembered, had supported the -Londoners in their objections to the garrison, and we may perhaps deduce -from this a tendency to, what we may call, an 'All British Policy,' a -trace of the modern Jingo politician. Humphrey had other connections -besides this with the trading interests in the country. He had some -intercourse with the weavers of York,[1089] and his wife was interested -at one time in a petition from one of the glovers of that city.[1090] We -also find a letter addressed to Gloucester during the reign of Henry VI. -from an English merchant at Amiens, asking for his protection in matters -commercial.[1091] The Duke had realised the strength of that new power -which was arising in England, the power of the middle classes, the -traders, and herein he foreshadowed the subsequent commercial policy of -the first Yorkist King. - - * * * * * - -Gloucester began life as a soldier, he ended it as a politician. In the -first capacity he showed ability to adapt himself to the new methods of -warfare. His military skill was greater than subsequent historians have -realised; he was a trusted Captain of Henry V.'s army, and was specially -skilful in the management of a siege--the story of his attack on -Cherbourg is a sufficient guarantee of his power in this sphere. But -again his lack of persistency marred an otherwise promising talent, and -as an independent general, save in short, detached expeditions, he was a -dismal failure, coming near to be suspected of downright cowardice. But -it is as a politician that he will be remembered, as the man who -struggled with Cardinal Beaufort, the man whose ambition led him to -demand what his fellows would not grant him. The world of politics was -the scene of Gloucester's greatest failure, for a failure his life -certainly was. A man with more strength of character would have risen -triumphant over the difficulties placed in his way, he would have -secured the substance, if not the appearance of power. As it was, his -ambition, his craft, his domineering instincts were called into play, -and all the petty weaknesses of his character came to the front. We -follow him from one poor shift to another, all aimed at satisfying his -desire to be supreme over his rival. Herein lies the tragedy of his -life. A man of great abilities, and destined by birth to take a -prominent part in the affairs of his country, he nevertheless wasted his -life in an endeavour to satisfy his personal ambitions. He cast aside -the splendid opportunity to rise triumphant over opposition, and in a -world of pigmies he failed to dominate them by his personality. He was -not that great man who 'aiming at a million misses an unit'; he was not -even that low man who 'goes on adding one to one.' He spent his life and -his abilities in aiming at the petty gratification of his lust for -power, and in so doing failed to grasp the grand opportunity of being -the saviour of the Lancastrian dynasty. - - * * * * * - -ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY - -No comprehensive view of Gloucester's policy can be attained without -some reference to his relations with the various ecclesiastical bodies -and the church problems of his time. Above all things, through thick and -thin, in the midst of the vagaries of a lax life, and the uncanonical -marriage that he made with Jacqueline, he was essentially orthodox. His -seventeenth-century biographer spends much time in combating this -opinion, and states that from his youth up he 'favoured those that hold -the opinion of Wickliff';[1092] indeed at the end of the treatise it is -evident, that its main object is to prove that its hero was the morning -star of the Reformation. This contention is obviously absurd. 'Amator -virtuties et rei publicA|, sed principue clericorum promotor -singularis'[1093] is the character given to Humphrey by a contemporary, -who therein gave utterance to the opinion of his day. It could hardly be -otherwise. As a boy the future Duke of Gloucester had been surrounded by -those whose orthodoxy was part of their political programme. Henry IV. -had snatched his crown from the head of Richard, who was strongly -suspected of Lollardy, and he resolutely refused to comply with the -movement in favour of remitting the statutes passed against the -Lollards.[1094] His successor had adopted the rA'le of God's messenger to -the wicked Frenchmen, and had kept up his part all through his campaign, -so much so that in 1418 he had retired to Bayeux to keep Lent, whilst -his brothers fought his battles for him. In earlier years, too, as -Prince of Wales, he had played the missionary to heretical -criminals.[1095] No wonder, then, that Humphrey adopted the orthodox -attitude of his House, and was punctilious in the performance of his -religious duties.[1096] - -[Illustration: A PAGE FROM THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER'S PSALTER.] - -ORTHODOXY - -Gloucester was not only orthodox himself, but also a stern opponent of -the Lollards, and more than once we have seen him following the example -of his brother Bedford, who as Regent condemned Oldcastle to death, and -executing summary justice on those who attacked the Church. In this he -doubtless looked to the political as well as the religious side of the -Lollard movement, but this only confirms the fact, that his private -opinion and the interests of the dynasty alike impelled him to adopt a -strictly orthodox attitude. The story of the condemnation of his wife -may seem to some to contradict this statement, but whether Gloucester -had any part in the witchcraft or not, it was not in those days -impossible to combine the grossest superstition with the strictest -orthodoxy. That Humphrey dabbled in alchemy and astrology there is no -doubt, but he did so in company with the monks of the strictly -orthodox House of St. Albans.[1097] It was after the disgrace of -Eleanor Cobham that the University of Oxford wrote, that the greatest -splendour attaching to his name came from his persistent suppressions of -the enemies of Holy Church,[1098] and when dedicating his _Commentary on -Genesis_ to his patron, Capgrave did not hesitate to call him 'the most -glorious defender of the Faith and diligent extirpator of -heresies.'[1099] Moreover, it was not only in England that Gloucester -owned a reputation for orthodoxy, for when writing to him on behalf of -Pier Candido Decembrio, the Archbishop of Milan, devoted about half his -letter to bewailing the strife and dissension within the Church, ending -with a fervent appeal that his correspondent would use his influence to -restore peace, since he was known everywhere as the chiefest friend and -preserver of Holy Church.[1100] - -With regard to Humphrey's marriage to a lady who already possessed a -husband, we must remember that a very plausible and strictly legal case -was made out against the legality of her earlier marriage. We have no -evidence that an answer to Gloucester's argument was ever filed, and the -history of the proceedings at Rome, where Robert Sutton and Vincent -Clement represented his interests,[1101] points to the fact that the -legal aspect of the case was never given a thought, and that the whole -matter was decided by intrigue and personal considerations. The long -delay in giving a decision convicts Martin V. of neglecting the rights -and wrongs of the case, for had it been a mere matter of law, no such -delay was necessary. - -THE POPE AND PRA†MUNIRE - -The secret history of these negotiations at Rome is unknown, and will -probably never be revealed, but subsequent events point strongly to the -intervention of Beaufort influence. The key to the whole matter is to be -found in a quarrel which began some years later between the Pope and the -Archbishop of Canterbury. The Bishop of Winchester was no stranger to -Martin V.; indeed, the Pope had every reason to be grateful to one who -had had no small share in his election, for it was the arrival of Henry -Beaufort at Constance, when the College of Cardinals could come to no -decision, that turned the tide in favour of Oddo Colonna. An intimacy -probably sprang up between the two, and the Pope was anxious to bestow a -Cardinal's hat on his friend, but this Henry V. refused to allow. We -hear no more of Beaufort's ecclesiastical ambitions during the rest of -this reign, but when troubles and disturbances began to surround the -Court of the younger Henry, then Beaufort was to the fore. He had not -lost touch with the Court of Rome, and it cannot be doubted that his -handiwork may be seen in a letter which in 1427 the Pope wrote to -Archbishop Chichele. Martin V. had exalted ideas as to the importance of -the papal power, and on this occasion he wrote in severe terms with -regard to the existence of the statute of PrA|munire, which limited his -powers in England. Chichele was not blind to the meaning of this attack, -which blamed him for placing patriotism to his country before loyalty to -his Church.[1102] In his reply he did not beat about the bush, but -plainly told the Pope that both the Duke of Gloucester and he himself -had been maligned, if His Holiness regarded them as hostile to him in -any way whatsoever. He added that were he able to undertake the journey -he would gladly visit Rome, and explain the evil intentions of that -faction which was attempting to drive him from his See.[1103] It was -useless for the Pope to retort with increased anger that Chichele had no -right to introduce the name of his 'beloved son Humphrey, Duke of -Gloucester,' as no charge had been made against him.[1104] The inference -is obvious. The faction of which the Archbishop complained was clearly -the Beaufort party, else Gloucester would not have been mentioned as -sharing the brunt of the attack made upon him. Chichele had not the -unlovely graces and deceptions of diplomacy, and he retorted frankly to -the spirit and not to the letter of the papal communication that he had -received. - -Moreover, the Pope was at the same time harassing the Duke on the same -subject. In a letter, dated October 13 of this same year, he complained -bitterly of the ill treatment and imprisonment which his Nuncio and -Collector, John de Obizis, had experienced in England, and he declared -that he understood that the Protector was the instigator of these -proceedings. Beaufort had doubtless stirred up this cause of quarrel, -and was also at the bottom of the demands with which the letter -concluded. Martin asserted that the King had promised to call a -Parliament to consider 'the execrable statute against ecclesiastical -liberty,' and urged Gloucester, as next in importance to the King, to -use his influence on the side of repeal.[1105] Thus was Humphrey drawn -into the quarrel, and though it would seem that he tried to pacify the -Pope by releasing the papal collector,[1106] there are no signs that he -abandoned his old friend Chichele on the question of PrA|munire. The tone -of the papal letter addressed to the Protector, though couched in civil -language, contains a decided threat, especially when we remember that -the case of Jacqueline's divorce was still pending at Rome. It is -therefore impossible to doubt from the evidence before us that the -attack on Humphrey and the offenceless Archbishop was the work of the -Bishop of Winchester, meant to serve his own personal ends, and to -gratify his political ambitions in England. - -The excuse and foundation for this attack on Archbishop Chichele are not -far to seek. The Bishop of Lincoln had been recently translated to the -See of York by papal provision, and had been indicted for accepting this -promotion under the statute of PrA|munire. However, he had come to terms -with the Lords of the Council, and in return for a promise to stay all -proceedings against him and to reappoint him to the See of Lincoln, he -had agreed to renounce all claims to the See of York, and to do his -utmost to expedite the cause of the Duke of Gloucester at the Court of -Rome, the cause being the divorce of Jacqueline, as yet undecided.[1107] -This action on the part of the Council had enraged the Pope and annoyed -Beaufort, the former because the statute of PrA|munire had been employed -to curb his power in England, the latter because it spoke of the -influence which his rival had over the Council. Moreover, the Bishop had -no desire to see the objectionable statute made use of against himself, -for he had just been nominated a Cardinal for the second time,[1108] and -was looking for a favourable opportunity to accept the honour without -incurring the penalties of the law, penalties which would incur not only -loss of power in the kingdom, but also the forfeiture of all those -worldly possessions which he loved so dearly. He therefore used this -opportunity for his advantage, and urged the Pope to attack Chichele, -and through him Gloucester, who, with characteristic cunning, was not -mentioned in the accusing letter. - -The details of the struggle are, from Gloucester's point of view, -unimportant, as his name was sedulously excluded from the later stages -of the controversy. Blustering epistles and the threat of an interdict -shook Chichele's resolution, but the nation stood firm, and beyond the -personal satisfaction of having caused the Archbishop considerable -anxiety, Martin gained nothing by his interference.[1109] Not so the -Beaufort faction. The compromise with regard to the See of York was -finally settled by the appointment of John Kemp, Bishop of London, a man -who had made some show of friendship for Gloucester,[1110] but who was -to join the party of his opponents before very long; besides this, the -Bishop of Winchester was ultimately enabled, by means of the influence -exercised on Bedford, to accept the cardinalate without incurring the -penalties of PrA|munire. - -RELATIONS WITH PAPACY - -In connection with this episode in the struggle between Gloucester and -Beaufort, a correspondence, which took place between Humphrey and the -Pope in the year 1424, may have some bearing. The Duke complained that -one, Simon da Taramo, papal collector in Ireland, had been traducing him -to the Pope, and he had also exchanged letters with Simon on the -subject. Simon declared that he had a complete answer to the -charge,[1111] but he had undoubtedly meddled in Jacqueline's divorce -suit, and seemingly had made unauthorised promises in the name of -Gloucester, possibly at the instigation of Beaufort.[1112] It is likely, -though no definite opinion can be given on the subject, that this -complaint made by Humphrey had some connection with the later attack on -Archbishop Chichele, and that the intrigues of Beaufort were first -levelled direct at his chief rival, and then diverted into fresh -channels in an attempt to reach this rival through his friend and -supporter. In detail the story is obscure, but the deduction is -obvious. Regardless of the national spirit, which had asserted the -independence of the Anglican branch of the Church Catholic from undue -papal interference from the very earliest days of English history, -Beaufort had entered into alliance against the long-established -ecclesiastical liberties of England; he had disregarded the patriotic -scruples of other great Englishmen, and had embarked on a policy in -which patriotism was subordinated to private interest. Are we to blame -Humphrey if he tried to prevent the government of the kingdom from -falling into the hands of such an one as this? On the other hand, -Gloucester himself had adopted a line of action in accordance with the -accredited policy of England, he had shown himself the upholder of a -method of procedure in which orthodoxy refused to yield to patriotism, -even as earlier he had caused Martin V. to complain of his lack of -energy in procuring the Archdeaconry of Canterbury for another papal -nominee.[1113] This attitude was not chosen with any idea of gaining -popularity in the kingdom, for he did not thrust his share in the -quarrel to the front, and was content to limit his action to quiet, -unobtrusive resistance to papal claims.[1114] - -Later in life we see Gloucester's interest in matters ecclesiastical -exemplified in his relations to the Council of Basel.[1115] On July 4, -1437, he wrote a letter to the Council telling them of the excellent -manner in which their emissaries had conducted themselves in England, -and of the despatch with which he had secured an audience for -them.[1116] Though strife was running high at the time between Pope and -Council, their disputes had not yet reached the last extremity, so we -cannot deduce from this evidence that Humphrey supported the Council -against the Pope. Probably he was slow to withdraw the sympathy he felt -for the Council, for we find a letter written to him in the following -February by Eugenius IV., setting forth the reasons of his action in -summoning the Council to sit at Ferrara,[1117] which would lead one to -believe that he was trying to convert his correspondent to his views. -However, there seems no reason to doubt that Gloucester's hereditary -orthodoxy led him to follow the example of the English King, who -protested strongly against the action of the Council in refusing to -acknowledge the Pope,[1118] and at a later date referred to the 'rageous -demenyng of theyme of Basyle.'[1119] - -RELATIONS WITH MONASTIC HOUSES - -Humphrey's ecclesiastical interests were mainly devoted to the monastic -foundations of England. He was a member of the Fraternity of St. Edmund -at Bury;[1120] it was to him that the Priory of Launceston appealed -when, in 1430, there arose a dispute on the election of their -Prior,[1121] and from him also the Prior of Binham Abbey sought support -when the Bishop of Norwich found cause of complaint against that -foundation.[1122] In this last case Wheathampsted, the famous Abbot of -St. Albans, had acted as intermediary between the Prior and the Duke, -since Bynham was a cell of St. Albans, and it was with this man, and the -Abbey over which he ruled, that Gloucester had the most intimate -connection of all. - -The Abbey of St. Albans was one of the most fashionable monastic -establishments in England. Queen Joan was accustomed to visit it from -her palace at Langley; the Duchess of Clarence--Gloucester's -sister-in-law--was its friend and patroness, and was received into its -Fraternity; Cardinal Beaufort visited it more than once, and was -received with processions and rejoicings as befitted a prince of the -Church; the Earl of Warwick, too, was here nursed by the monks through -an attack of tertian fever.[1123] But Gloucester was the most consistent -visitor of all; we have frequently seen him entertained by the -monastery; he and his two wives were admitted to the Fraternity, and at -one time he resided at the Manor of the Weald, on the hill close by, -which at the present time practically corresponds to the parish of St. -Stephen's.[1124] From time to time he gave costly presents to the Abbey, -and even in 1436 these had assumed considerable proportions. He had made -eight distinct presentations, mostly of vestments and hangings for the -altar, culminating in the gift of a shrine with a figure of the Virgin -bearing her Son in her arms in the centre, and several figures grouped -around standing on an ornamental pedestal, all surmounted by the -Crucifixion, with the Virgin and St. John standing on either side.[1125] - -Besides gifts to the Abbey, Humphrey gave some of his goods into the -keeping of the monks, and at the time of his death many of his jewels -were found in their hands.[1126] The presents were not all on his side; -we find many entries in the accounts of the monastery recording payment -made to the Duke and to his retainers at the time when the renewal of -the charter of the Abbey was procured through his mediation with the -King.[1127] Soon after this Wheathampsted resigned the Abbey, but before -long Humphrey was summoned as chief patron to adjudicate between the -late Abbot and his successor, John Stoke, since they had quarrelled over -the former's right of maintenance out of the revenues of the -Abbey.[1128] After the retirement of Wheathampsted there is no recorded -visit of Gloucester to the Abbey; he seems to have been there for the -last time to celebrate the renewal of the Charter in 1440; but he did -not forget the monastery of his choice, and less than four years before -his death he bequeathed to it the alien Priory of Pembroke, in return -for which masses were to be said for his soul and for that of Eleanor -his wife.[1129] - -ST. ALBANS MONASTERY - -As we have seen, it was in St. Albans Abbey that Gloucester found his -last resting-place, in a tomb built for him before his death by Abbot -Stoke at the considerable cost of AL433, 6s. 8d.[1130] The tomb is still -to be seen at the south side of the shrine of St. Alban, and though -considerably mutilated on the north face, it still remains a very fine -specimen of Perpendicular workmanship. It bears Humphrey's arms with -supporters, and the canopied niches above have once held figures, still -to be seen on the south side, but impossible to identify, more -especially as they seem to have been moved from their original places. -It is possible that they are meant to represent the royal benefactors of -the Abbey, most of whom would be in some way related to Humphrey. In -1703, while digging a grave for Mr. John Gape, the vault of the tomb was -discovered, and the Duke's body was found 'preserved in a kind of -pickle' and enclosed in coffins of lead and wood.[1131] The tomb and -body became thenceforth one of the sights of the place, and Lady Moira -recounts that in 1747 she 'took from the skull of Humphrey, Duke of -Gloucester, in his vault at St. Albans Abbey a lock of hair which was so -perfectly strong that I had it woven into Bath rings.'[1132] Others were -no more particular about spoiling the dead than Lady Moira, and in 1789 -only the lead coffin and bones were left,[1133] and even some of the -last have been removed, and are to be found in the possession of private -persons. There are still some of the remains of Humphrey, Duke of -Gloucester, lying in the vault in which they were reverently laid by -those who knew and who loved him, and there still may be seen the faded -remains of a picture of the Crucifixion painted on the wall at the foot -of the coffin. - -PRIVATE CHARACTER - -Of Gloucester's personal appearance we have little information. No -contemporary gives us any description of him, and though we have some -fairly authentic portraits, they are not sufficiently definite to give a -clear conception of his personality.[1134] The utmost we can be sure of -is that he had a somewhat emaciated face, and was clean shaven. His -countenance, so far as we can know it, bears no sign of his -individuality, and we must fall back on the scanty notices of the -chroniclers for a description of his character. Later generations -regarded Humphrey almost as a saint; he is eulogised in the pages of -Camden;[1135] all the virtues he obviously lacked are attributed to him -by Holinshed;[1136] Hall and Sandford unite in calling him the father of -his country;[1137] his biographer, John Cooper, not to be outdone, -declares that he was a 'miracle of wisdom and goodness.'[1138] There -seems to have been no divided opinion on the subject, probably due to -his undoubted popularity with the people, and a writer who was perhaps -born soon after the Duke's death speaks of his 'honourable fame' and of -his 'liberalite.'[1139] Amongst his contemporaries, too, there is no -lack of praise for his merits, though the unrestrained style of later -centuries is modified. Mathieu de Coussy declares him to be the wisest, -most powerful, and best loved prince in all England,[1140] and even -Waurin, the follower of the Duke of Burgundy, turns aside from his -account of the quarrel of Gloucester and Duke Philip, to say, 'car pour -veritA(C), sans personne blasmer, il estoit prince de grant virtu, large, -courtois sage et trA"s vaillant chevallier de corps, hardy de -ceur.'[1141] Wheathampsted, his friend and supporter, was possibly -biassed in his favour when he says: - - 'Fidior in regno Regi Duce non fuit isto. - Plus ne fide stabilis, aut maior amator honoris.'[1142] - -It cannot be doubted that Humphrey had many knightly qualities, and that -there are many actions in his life which may be regarded as creditable, -if not great. His personal character was spoilt by an entire lack of -concentration and purpose. He had no philosophy of life, and no -substitute for one. He accepted certain canons of policy and conduct, -but could not live up to them, and this weakness was entirely due to the -taint in his moral character which made him the victim of his passions. -A weakness in itself, this indulgence drained all the life-blood from -his actions, and increased year by year his inability to carry out a set -purpose. He became more and more a producer of high-flown phrases, which -sounded large and meant little owing to the lack of power behind them. -This was especially evident in those sporadic bursts of energy during -the last few years of his life, and there is much truth in the verdict -of Pope Pius II., who declared him to be more suited to a life of -letters and lust than to a life of arms, and accused him of never -justifying his vast pretensions and of caring more for his life than -for his honour.[1143] This unfavourable summary of his character was -provoked by Humphrey's actions in Hainault, and therefore was made under -circumstances most unfavourable to him, and at a moment when his -conflict with the canon law would colour the judgment of a papal writer. -Nevertheless, Pius II. with unerring instinct placed his finger on the -weak spot in the Duke's character, and laid stress on just that element -which spoilt his whole life. - -CHARACTER - -Equally to the point is the sketch given by an anonymous chronicler who -wrote in England, one that bears the impress of truth from its obvious -impartiality, and sums up the situation in the best possible manner. -'Duke Humphrey excelled all the princes of the world in knowledge, in -comeliness of appearance and in fame, but he possessed an unbalanced -mind, was effeminate and given over to sensual pleasures, a tendency -which vitiated all his actions, prompted though they were by his many -other good qualities. Moreover, he did not desist from his sensual -indulgences either at this present time (the time of his marriage to -Eleanor), or in the future, for which he received his due reward.'[1144] -There could be no juster estimate of the man. That he had exhausted -himself by indulgences, even as early as his twenty-fifth year, is -established by the testimony of his physician Kymer,[1145] though too -much emphasis may be laid on this dietary, for Humphrey was probably -passing through a stage very common to young men in his position. To -expect strict morals from him in the age in which he lived is to create -a public opinion which did not exist, and we must remember that both his -brothers Thomas and John left illegitimate children. Nevertheless, much -of that instability of character which wrecked his life may be traced -to indulgence in his besetting sin, an indulgence which seemed excessive -even to his contemporaries, and it may well have been with his great -patron in his mind that Lydgate penned the words: - - 'Loke wel aboute, ye that lovers be; - Let not your lustes lede you to dotage.'[1146] - -We must not gather from Humphrey's volatile nature that he had no strong -affections; even as he had a hatred of the Duke of Burgundy, so had he, -in spite of his infidelities, a strong affection for his second wife. He -did not forget her even after her disgrace, and set out on his last -journey to Bury in the hope of obtaining her release from prison. She -had been his evil genius since the day he met her among the ladies of -Jacqueline. Ambitious and haughty, she had mixed in affairs of -state,[1147] she had performed illegal acts, the effects of which were -felt by her husband, and in her disgrace she brought the heaviest blow -that had yet fallen upon him. She left no legitimate issue, but she may -have been the mother of the two children who called Humphrey father. The -son, Arthur, was one of those arrested at Bury, but neither before nor -after this is there any trace of him.[1148] Of the daughter we know -more. In accordance with her father's classical tastes she was named -Antigone, and in 1437 she married Henry Grey, Earl of Tankerville, a -peer of no importance, who was never summoned to Parliament.[1149] Their -son dropped the title, and the last of the line married the daughter of -Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.[1150] Antigone survived her husband, -and a year after his death we find her the wife of Jean d'Amancier, -Esquire of the Horse to Charles VII of France.[1151] It is a strange -paradox that Humphrey's daughter should marry a man in the service of -the King with whom he had advocated an endless war. - -Besides incontinence, there are other blots on the Duke's private -character, and they also had their influence on his public career. If he -was not habitually oppressive, he was none the less rapacious. His -expenses as a prince who loved display, and a patron who kept many -scholars in his service, were very great, and he never lost an -opportunity of adding to his rent-roll, or of securing money by other -more dubious methods. We have seen him accepting a heavy bribe from the -Abbey of St. Albans for his services in securing for them a renewal of -their charter; in his earlier days he had accepted another bribe from -the Earl of Berkeley for his good offices with Henry V. in obtaining the -Castle of Berkeley for that Earl;[1152] he tried to use his powerful -position and the value of his protection to induce the Prior of Ely to -disburse money for the Hainault campaign;[1153] and the Cinque Ports, of -which he was Warden, had to pay him in hard cash for the renewal of -their charter from the King.[1154] His rapacity in an age which produced -Cardinal Beaufort was not unique, yet it shows a lack of restraint, and -explains how much the tendencies of his private character moulded his -career as a statesman. - -Together with rapacity Humphrey harboured a pride which dictated many of -his most unfortunate actions, and this pride was closely connected with -an impetuosity which led him to discard wisdom for the pleasures of the -moment. In battle he exposed himself to every danger, and even his -epistolary style became infected with this characteristic, for in -speaking of Simon da Taramo he alludes to the 'venomous suggestion of -this second Judas.'[1155] All through his life Gloucester was governed -by his emotions, and he always obeyed the impulse of the moment, were it -good or bad. Thus his love of order and his disgust at any kind of -outrage so possessed him when he discovered that his retainers had been -poaching at St. Albans, that he seized the nearest weapon to his hand -and belaboured one of the wretched criminals as he sat in the -stocks.[1156] Indeed the secret of the Duke's character lay in the -preponderating influence his emotions possessed over every action of his -life. This partly explains his unstable nature, and accounts for his -high-flown ideas and ill-considered plans, but when the power of the -emotion had passed, all the vitality had gone from his undertakings. His -emotions took him to Hainault, and their reaction produced his failure; -his emotions produced those fitful attacks on his great rival Beaufort, -but were not enough to construct for him a definite policy. The energy -of his life all went to waste, because there was no strength of will to -control his impressionable nature. Yet there were times when this -impetuosity led to good results as well as to ill. It helped him to -quell all tentative efforts at sedition, it kept him going in his -warlike undertakings when they were not too prolonged; above all, it -enabled him to broaden his interests, and to embrace the life of a -patron of letters as well as that of a soldier and a politician. Yet -sometimes he was able to restrain his ardour. During the CA'tentin -expedition he showed unexpected determination, and on occasions he could -try persuasion when force was useless. The man who could burst into fits -of rage under the influence of political disappointment, and jeopardise -the safety of his country for the whim of the moment, could also stoop -to argue with an irate prelate, and 'doff his cap' to the Bishop of -Norwich when interceding for the liberties of the Prior of Binham.[1157] - -The man who is governed by his emotions is seldom worthy of respect, but -he has a charm which is all his own. This charm Gloucester undoubtedly -possessed. Though in many ways a sore trial to Bedford, he did not lose -his brother's affection till an impetuous outburst produced a quarrel, -which was never healed. All through the Hainault trouble the French -Regent had borne with his brother, and his letters had shown affection -even when they found fault. Even after the Parliament of Leicester he -had manifested a tactful feeling for his brother's tastes, and had sent -him a beautifully adorned volume from the famous royal library of -France.[1158] Others who had been brought into close contact with Duke -Humphrey were warm in their praise of him; Wheathampsted and his St. -Albans friends were faithful to him even after his death.[1159] The -Bishop of Bayeux spread glowing reports of his generosity and kindliness -throughout Italy, as is attested by more than one Italian -humanist,[1160] and his personal charm exerted a strong influence on -such men as Piero del Monte. This last spoke in warm terms of the happy -intercourse he had had with the Duke of Gloucester while in -England,[1161] and it was not therefore mere fulsome flattery which made -Lapo da Castiglionchio declare that in conversation he was courteous and -kind, and in every walk of life affable and genial.[1162] We have more -than one indication of the goodness of Humphrey's heart, apart from the -possibly suspect statements of admirers, and it was no mere caprice that -made him befriend the unhappy Queen Joan, who was left to eke out a -life of honourable detention totally neglected by all the other -prominent personages in the kingdom. - -As we turn the last page of Humphrey's political life, it is with a -feeling of regret that we remember his career. We see brilliant -abilities and immense possibilities for useful work all thrown away -because the fire of genius burnt only in fitful gleams. Moral stamina -was denied to an otherwise promising character, and the concentration -which might have moulded his life's work into a useful policy was -lacking. He had done nothing to carry England further along the -high-road to strength and fame, he had lived in a decadent age and had -been overwhelmed by the spirit of his times. Yet his life was not in -vain. No man has left a greater mark on the progress of English thought -than this Duke Humphrey, and in the realm of ideas, whither we must now -follow him, he did the good work he failed to do in the realm of action. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1022] Whethamstede, i. 179. - - [1023] Hardyng, 400. Another rhymer of the same period says: - 'For shame and anguishe off whiche jealousy - It toke hym sone after and soo lowe brought hym dawne - That in short while after it caused hym to dye.' - - Rawlinson, MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 12vo. - - [1024] _Chron. Henry VI._, 34. - - [1025] _Eng. Chron._, 63. Cf. _Polychronicon_, f. 338vo. _Short Eng. - Chron._, 65, says, 'And sone after he disseyed, the sykness - howe God knoweth.' - - [1026] _Lond. Chron._, 135. - - [1027] Waurin, v. 3. Cf. _Hist. Croyland. Contin._, i. 521. - - [1028] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. The latter adds that a - report that he died of natural causes was circulated to - disarm suspicion. - - [1029] _Rot. Parl._, v. 226. - - [1030] Gregory, 189. - - [1031] It is possible that this second allusion to Gloucester's - death is the work of Gregory's continuator. - - [1032] Stow's _Memoranda_, 97, evidently the transcript of an - original document. Cf. Stow (_Annales_), 390, and also a - proclamation by Jack Cade at the same time. 'It is a hevy - thynge that ye good Duke of Gloucester was apeched of treason - by a fals traytour alone, and so was murderyd and might never - come to his answer.' Stow's _Memoranda_, 95. - - [1033] 'The Dyrge of the Commons of Kent,' printed in _Three - Fifteenth Century Chronicles_ (Camden Series), p. 103. - - [1034] Gregory, 193. - - [1035] _Political Songs_, ii. 224. - - [1036] _Eng. Chron._, 88. - - [1037] _Political Songs_, ii. 268. - - [1038] _Brief Notes_, 149. - - [1039] He is said to have finished his chronicle in 1493. - - [1040] Fabyan, 619. - - [1041] See, for instance, Polydore Vergil, 73; Hall, 209; Leland, - _Collectanea_, I. ii. 494; Speed, 622; Weever, _Ancient - Funeral Monuments_, 555; Tanner, _Bibl. Brit._, 421; - Sandford, _Genealogical Hist._, 309. Cf. Cotton MS., - Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 210. - - [1042] See Kymer's _Dietarium_ in _Liber Niger Scaccarii_, ii. - 550-559. Cf. Sharon Turner, ii. 299, note 35. - - [1043] George Chastellain, _OEuvres_ (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, - Bruxelles, 1865), vii. 87. - - [1044] Ramsay, ii. 76, giving as a reference _Eng. Chron._, 118 (the - account of Fox), says, 'It is more material to point out that - two Chaplains and twelve gentlemen of the Household remained - with Gloucester through his illness and followed him to his - grave.' The writer quoted does not say this, he merely states - that these retainers followed the body to St. Albans, and it - is definitely established by Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. - f. 105, that all Gloucester's servants were removed from - attendance on him after his arrest. This is not contradicted - by the assertion that some of them followed him to the grave - after his death. It may be noticed, by the way, that the - account of Fox is not quite accurate, for he places Richard - Nedam among the mourners who followed the coffin, a man who - was then under arrest at Winchester, and later condemned to - death and reprieved. - - [1045] Second Part of Shakspeare's _King Henry VI._, Act III. Scene - ii. - - [1046] _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry VI._, Part ii. m. 1. - - [1047] Stow's _Memoranda_, 95. - - [1048] Fabyan, 619. - - [1049] Waurin, v. 4; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. Cf. - _Chron. Henry VI._, 34. - - [1050] Suffolk as his share of the plunder received the title of - Earl of Pembroke with some of Gloucester's possessions in - South Wales, including Pembroke, Tenby, and Kilgerran - Castles; _Lords' Reports_, v. 254, 255; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, - 285. He was also created Chamberlain; _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry - VI._, Part ii. m. 35. The same membrane gives his appointment - as Constable of Dover and Warden of Cinque Ports in - succession to Gloucester, but another membrane gives the - appointment of Lord Saye de Sele to this office on the same - day, which is more probably the effective gift; _Rot. Pat._, - 25 _Henry VI._, Part ii. m. 1. Margaret's share consisted of - the Manor of Middleton and the Hundreds of Middleton and - Merden, the Castle and Lordship of Colchester and the Hundred - of Tendring, the Castle, Town, and Lordship of Marlborough, - with the forest of Savernake and the office of Constable of - Gloucester Castle. All these had belonged to Humphrey. Rymer, - V. i. 170. See also _Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various)_, - Bundle v. No. 8. - - [1051] _Rot. Parl._, v. 132. - - [1052] _Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, 25 _Henry VI._, No. 26, m. 8; - _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry VI._, Part ii. m. 1 and m. 35; Rymer, - V. i. 170. Another grant of Gloucester's possessions was made - on February 27; _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry VI._, Part i. m. 5. - - [1053] Ellis, _Letters_, 2nd Series, i. 108. Gregory, 188, says 38 - servants. - - [1054] So Rymer, V. i. 179, but Gregory, 188, says July 14 at - Westminster. - - [1055] Rymer, V. i. 179; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 290; Gregory, 188; _Short - Eng. Chron._, 65; Leland, _Collectanea_, I. ii. 494. - - [1056] _Eng. Chron._, 62. Eleanor was at this time imprisoned in - Wales, so the accusation may have seemed plausible at first; - _Brief Notes_, 154. - - [1057] See list of prisoners in Ellis, _Letters_, 2nd Series, i. - 108. - - [1058] _Statutes of the Realm_, ii. 344. - - [1059] _Chron. Henry VI._, 33. - - [1060] Mathieu de Coussy, 30. - - [1061] Gregory, 188; Richard Fox, 118; _Short Eng. Chron._, 65. For - pardons see Rymer, V. i. 179, and _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 290, 291. - Cf. _Excerpta Historica_, 281-390. - - [1062] Richard Fox, 118. - - [1063] Fabyan, 619. - - [1064] Mathieu de Coussy, 30. - - [1065] _Polychronicon_, f. 338vo. Whethamstede, i. 182, says much - the same thing. - - [1066] _Political Songs_, ii. 268. Cf. Leland, _Collectanea_, I. iv. - 494. - - [1067] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 126. - - [1068] His last recorded presence at the Council Board was in June - 1443. - - [1069] _Chron. Henry VI._, 35; Waurin, iv. 353, 354; _Ordinances_, - vi. 89. - - [1070] Beaucourt, iii. 10. - - [1071] See above, p. 262. - - [1072] _Rot. Parl._, v. 335; Whethamstede, i. 181. Cf. Speed, 667. - - [1073] Stow, 365, puts this event as the first sign of the breaking - up of the Burgundian alliance. - - [1074] Shakespeare's Second Part of _King Henry IV._, Act IV. Scene - v. - - [1075] Waurin, ii. 423. - - [1076] Harleian MS., 139, f. 206; _Rot. Pat._, 5 _Henry VI._, Part - ii. m. 16. - - [1077] For this state of anarchy and distress see Ramsay, ii. 51-53. - - [1078] _Rot. Parl._, v. 115. - - [1079] _Rot. Parl._, v. 448. - - [1080] Polydore Vergil, 72; Holinshed, iii. 211. - - [1081] _Chron. Henry VI._, 30. - - [1082] _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry VI._, Part i. m. 5 and m. 19. - - [1083] _Hist. Croyland. Contin._, i. 517. - - [1084] Gregory, 188. - - [1085] Sandford, _Genealogical History_, 309. - - [1086] Whethamstede, i. 179-181. A free translation of the Latin - original. For a like opinion, cf. Rastell, 262. - - [1087] _Political Songs_, ii. 157, 205. - - [1088] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 300, 301. - - [1089] _Accounts (Exchequer Q. R.)_, Bundle 515, No. 7. - - [1090] _Ancient Correspondence_, vol. lvii. No. 97. - - [1091] _Ibid._, vol. xliv. No. 40. - - [1092] Holkham MS., p. 27. - - [1093] William of Worcester, 463. - - [1094] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._ ii. 283. - - [1095] _Ibid._, ii. 282. - - [1096] Cf. _St. Albans Chron._, i. 31, _et passim_. - - [1097] See Ashmole MSS., 1796, in the Bodleian Library, a book - dealing with astrological subjects, written at St. Albans. - - [1098] _Epist. Acad._, 217. It is perhaps worth noticing that when - addressing letters to Bedford and Gloucester in support of - the candidature of Thomas Chace to the Bishopric of Meath, - the University of Oxford dwelt at some length in the letter - to Gloucester on the energy with which this man, when - Chancellor of the University, had extirpated heresy, but did - not allude to this favourable trait in his character to - Bedford; _Epist. Acad._, 105. This would seem to imply that - Gloucester's orthodoxy was known to be more rigid and - unbending than that of Bedford. - - [1099] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo. - - [1100] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, f. 7. - - [1101] _Paston Letters_, i. 24; _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 223. - - [1102] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. 471. - - [1103] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. 472. - - [1104] _Ibid._, iii. 473. - - [1105] _Papal Letters_, vii. 36. - - [1106] A papal collector was released from the Tower in 1427. _St. - Albans Chron._, i. 16, 17. - - [1107] _Ordinances_, iii. 211. - - [1108] May 24, 1426. See Creighton's _Papacy_, ii. 158. - - [1109] The letters exchanged are to be found in Wilkins's - _Concilia_, iii. 471-486. See also Creighton's _Papacy_, ii. - 158, 159, and Hook's _Lives of the Archbishops of - Canterbury_, v. 91-103. - - [1110] See _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 281. - - [1111] See various letters in _Beckington Correspondence_, i. - 279-284. - - [1112] _Papal Letters_, vii. 29. - - [1113] _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 284, 285. - - [1114] However, Wheathampsted, Gloucester's friend, wrote to Martin - V. excusing the Archbishop's conduct, Cotton MS., Claudius, - D. 1, f. 1, and 1vo. - - [1115] He was evidently interested in the conciliar movement, for - among his books was a volume containing records of all the - doings, both public and secret, at the Council of Constance. - Cotton MS., Nero, E. v. - - [1116] MartA"ne and Durand, _Amplissima Collectio_, viii. 816, 817. - Cf. Harleian MS., 826, f. 15. - - [1117] Add. MS., 26, 784 f. 30vo. - - [1118] _Beckington Correspondence_, ii. 37. - - [1119] See Henry's justification of the release of Orleans, - Stevenson, _Letters and Papers_, ii. 451-460. - - [1120] Register Curteys, in _ArchA|ologia_, xv. 70, 71. - - [1121] Tanner MS., 196, f. 40vo. - - [1122] Amundesham, _Annales_, i. 308. - - [1123] _St. Albans Chron._, _passim_. - - [1124] Newcome, _Hist. of the Abbey of St. Albans_, 510. - - [1125] Amundesham, _Annales_, ii. 189, 190. - - [1126] _Ibid._, i. 65; _Rot. Parl._, v. 307. - - [1127] Amundesham _Annales_, App. A, ii. 265; App. D, ii. 295. Cf. - Arundel MS. 34, ff. 66vo, 67, and Whethamstede, i. 26. - - [1128] Amundesham, _Annales_, App. B, ii. 278-290. - - [1129] Charter printed in Dugdale's _Monasticon_, ii. 244, 245; - Whethamstede, i. 94. - - [1130] Cotton MS., Claudius, A. viii. f. 195. Gough, in his addition - to Camden's _Britannia_, i. 348, wrongly attributes the - building of this tomb to Wheathampsted. - - [1131] Camden's _Britannia_ (Gough's additions), i. 348; Grainger's - _Biographical History of England_, i. 121. - - [1132] _ArchA|ologia_, viii. 104. - - [1133] Camden's _Britannia_ (Gough additions), i. 348. - - [1134] See App. E. - - [1135] Camden's _Britannia_, ii. 73. - - [1136] Holinshed, iii. 211, 212. - - [1137] Hall, 212; Sandford, _Genealogical Hist._, 308. They follow - Polydore Vergil. - - [1138] Holkham MS., p. 63. - - [1139] Fabyan, 619. - - [1140] Mathieu de Coussy, 30. - - [1141] Waurin, iii. 214. - - [1142] Whethamstede, i. 183. - - [1143] _Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi Commentarii_ (Rome, 1584), - 414. - - [1144] _Chron. Henry VI._ A paraphrase of the original Latin. - - [1145] See his Dietary printed in _Liber Niger Scaccarii_, 552-559. - Cf. Hearne MS. Diary, cxvii. ff. 136, 137, and cxvii. f. 37; - Sharon Turner, ii. 299, _n._ 35. - - [1146] 'A Ballade: Warning men to beware of Deceitful Women,' by - John Lydgate. Printed in _Chaucerian and other Pieces_, - edited by W. W. Skeat as a supplement to _The Complete Works - of Chaucer_. - - [1147] _Ancient Correspondence_, vol. lvii. No. 97. - - [1148] _Chron. Henry VI._, 30. - - [1149] Sandford, _Genealogical Hist._, 311; Brooke's _Catalogue of - the Nobility_, 170; Doyle, iii. 511. - - [1150] Dugdale, ii. 284. - - [1151] List of letters of legitimisation printed in Beaucourt, v. - 331. - - [1152] _Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire - ArchA|ological Society_, iii. 308; Dugdale, i. 362. Dugdale - quotes an old MS. in Berkeley Castle as his authority. - - [1153] MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Ely, _Hist. MSS. Rep._, xii. - App. IX. 95. - - [1154] MSS. of the Corporation of Hythe, _Hist. MSS. Rep._, iv. 435. - - [1155] _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 279. - - [1156] _St. Albans Chron._, i. 139. - - [1157] Amundesham, _Annales_, i. 308. - - [1158] BibliothA"que de Sainte GeneviA"ve, MS. franASec.ais, 777. - Inscription on last folio. - - [1159] Whethamstede, i. 179. - - [1160] See Chapter IX. - - [1161] Bodley MS., 3618. f. 2. - - [1162] _Cod. Laurentiano_, Plut., lxii. 30, f. 2. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE IN ENGLAND - - -No period of English history is less romantic than that in which -Humphrey of Gloucester's life was cast. Apart from the fleeting glories -of Agincourt, there is no outstanding event of transcendent interest, no -episode of which Englishmen may be honourably proud. A disastrous and -ill-conducted war abroad, bitter political dissensions at home, a feeble -regency followed by a still feebler King, personal ambitions rampant, -patriotic and unselfish action lost under the enervating influence of a -false idea of foreign conquest, a nation that had outgrown its strength, -a nobility that knew not the meaning of honour or disinterestedness-- -such was the state of England during the first half of the fifteenth -century. This chaotic state was only to be wiped out by a long and -disastrous civil war, yet working underneath all this seething mass of -lost ideals there were forces which were to influence the formation of -modern England as it emerged from this state of transition. It may be -said that in one sense every age is one of transition, that the history -of the world is the story of a great development, in which the old order -is ever changing, giving place to the new; nevertheless we can note the -spirit of change more clearly in some periods than in others. Gloucester -lived at a time when the mind of man was broadening into a new phase of -intellectual development. Already Petrarch had lived and died, declaring -that he stood on the confines of two eras, looking back and looking -forward; already Italy had realised that the long sleep of the Middle -Ages was over; already that movement, which for lack of a better name -we call the Renaissance, had begun. The traditional scholarship and the -hereditary superstition which had dominated the Dark Ages was being -superseded; a new field of human knowledge had been opened for Western -Europe when Greek ceased to be an unknown tongue with the advent of -Chrysoloras; the true meaning of that prophecy which had sprung from the -lips of Joachim of Flora was dawning on men's minds--'the Gospel of the -Father is past, the Gospel of the Son is passing, the Gospel of the -Spirit is yet to be.' A spirit of uneasiness was abroad, a spirit which -proclaimed the emancipation of man from the bonds of ignorance and -tradition, a spirit which was to proclaim his individuality, and to -break down the trammels which had restrained the assertion of self. -Morally, as well as legally, man was passing from status to contract. - -INFLUENCE ON GLOUCESTER - -Humphrey felt the full force of this movement; his life was moulded -thereby. His activity and many-sided energy found their origin in this -new spirit. His fervid imagination, which led him into impossible -projects, his love of display, above all, his desire to stamp his -individuality on the politics of his country, all sprang from the new -realisation which was vouchsafed to him--the realisation of his own -individuality. In England, the new spirit was more manifest politically -than in isolated individuals; the country was throwing off the feudal -system, her merchants and traders were demanding the acknowledgment of -their importance, peasants and townsmen alike were preparing for that -long, uphill struggle which has culminated in the parliamentary system -of the nineteenth century. Humphrey, with all his senses ready to -receive the message of the Renaissance movement, did not, however, grasp -its true significance in England. The friend of the struggling masses, -he nevertheless had no real sympathy with the popular movement; he was -cast far more in the Italian than in the English mould. Though devoid of -the cunning, the lack of scruple, and the conscienceless criminality of -Machiavelli's _Principe_, he nevertheless in his ambitions anticipated -the type. He practised the art of popularity; he tried to make the -nation feel that he, and he alone, was essential to the welfare of the -kingdom, that the success of his policy was the only safeguard of the -state. He failed, and failed egregiously, but the idea was the same as -that which inspired the Florentine secretary; he had the idea, but in -that he had not the weight of personality necessary for the typical -tyrannus, he failed. More than this, the Italian type was not suited to -English methods of thought; England had not progressed far enough along -the road of new ideas to welcome despotism as the salvation of the -nation. What the Tudors accomplished was impossible to Humphrey, both on -account of his nature and on account of the temper of the people. - -STATE OF ENGLISH SCHOLARSHIP - -The comparison of Humphrey to the Italian despot must not be followed on -the same lines, as in the case of his great successor, John Tiptoft, -Earl of Worcester. The tyrannus who passed gaily and naturally from -cold-blooded murder to the society of the philosophers and poets of his -court, found no parallel in his career; violence and determined cruelty -were not among his characteristics. Indeed these are later -manifestations of the Renaissance movement, bastard products of a too -self-centred individuality. In Humphrey the Renaissance was manifested -in its first youth, and even then incompletely; it was not till after -his death that the new ideas began to be fully understood in England; he -led the van of the army which set out to conquer the realms of -knowledge, and perished before possession was assured. In no other -Englishman of the time do we find the same love of the ancient classics -which characterised Gloucester. His father had given books to the -University of Oxford, but only such as dealt with mediA|val lore;[1163] -the Duke of Exeter had studied at an Italian University, but there the -traditions of mediA|valism, based on a study of law, lasted long after -Petrarch and Boccaccio had pointed to the past as the teacher of the -future. Henry V. showed considerable interest in literature, and -possessed numerous books.[1164] Not once, however, is there mention of a -work of classical origin. That prolific versifier Lydgate translated the -Psalms of David into 'heroicall English metre' for him, and thus they -were sung in the royal chapel;[1165] the same writer dedicated his poem -_The Death of Hector_ to him, and it was at his request that this work -was undertaken;[1166] the same is true of the _Booke of the Nativitie of -our Lady_ from the same unskilled pen.[1167] Hoccleve, too, wrote at the -King's bidding, and bore testimony to his master's love of books, and -his enjoyment of a 'tale fresh and gay,'[1168] tastes which never -extended beyond the ephemeral literature of a decadent age, though -Hoccleve's _Regiment of Princes_, which was dedicated to Henry when -Prince of Wales, might boast of a distant classical ancestry.[1169] To -Henry also Walsingham dedicated his _Ipodigma NeustriA|_[1170] and at his -death we find him in possession of three books, the _Chronicles of -Jerusalem_, the _Voyage of Godfrey of Bouillon_, and a copy of the -_Works_ of St. Gregory.[1171] - -Henry V., however, had no interest in the new learning which heralded -the Renaissance; his interests were confined to the productions of -inferior court poets, and works on theological questions. Indeed -theology, together with law, was the staple diet of the mediA|val -scholar. Humphrey's originality lay in the fact that he looked to the -works of the Greeks and early Romans for his mental food, and therein -showed the distinction which lay between the old and new learning. It -was to Greece and her literature that both Petrarch and Boccaccio had -stretched out their hands, to the literature of an age which had passed -out of the ken of the mediA|val scholar. Students during the Dark Ages -had known of Aristotle only through incomplete and erroneous Latin -translations, Plato was to them but a name, most of the works of Cicero -were lost, and only the later writers of decadent Rome were really -familiar to them. The new movement taught that the secret of progress -was to be found by enlarging the mental horizon, and by looking back to -the great writers who had written before the advent of Christianity, and -who taught the gospel of the goodliness of humanity--a gospel entirely -unknown under the sway of the scholastic theologians. As by degrees a -knowledge of Greek philosophy spread over Europe, men began to realise -that there was a goodliness in life which they had not hitherto -imagined. A love of beauty, a love of nature, a respect for humanity, -were all found in the works of the Greek authors, and these were the -ideas that revolutionised the mental attitude of the Western world. All -this realisation of self, which we have found so strongly developed in -Humphrey, was borrowed from ancient Greece; modern individualism is but -a reversion to an earlier civilisation. All the grandeur and the joy of -life and its surroundings flooded the imaginations of the new scholars; -a definite basis from which to leap into the future was secured; the -past was invoked to give birth to the future. - -Thus the encouragement of scholars and the patronage of authors was not -the distinguishing mark of the Renaissance; it was the nature of the -studies thus encouraged which gave a tone to the movement; the -Humanists--the students of the _litterA| humaniores_--were the heralds of -the new era. Humphrey stood almost alone amongst the Englishmen of his -time in encouraging the new kind of learning. Cardinal Beaufort, it is -true, brought back Poggio Bracciolini, famous as a Humanist, and as a -diligent searcher after the lost writings of classical days, from the -Council of Constance, but he did not show any real appreciation of the -movement which was mirrored in his great follower, and though he -supplied books for the Cathedral Library at Canterbury, he himself seems -to have had but little respect for classical studies.[1172] Poggio, -though he soon tired of the somewhat chilling atmosphere of England, did -not sever all connection with his English patron, and during the last -year of the Cardinal's life wrote to him two letters calling himself his -'servitor et antiquus familiaris.'[1173] However, his impression of the -intellectual life of England was not very favourable, and in later life -he was accustomed to descant more on the wealth and the wonderful eating -power of Englishmen, than on the men of learning he met during his -sojourn in this country. As to the scholars, such as they were, he -declared that they showed their learning in dialectics and disputations -such as the old schoolmen had loved, not in a love of the doctrines of -the new learning.[1174] - -Nor was Bedford any more imbued than his uncle with the spirit of the -new learning, though he showed considerable taste for artistically -adorned manuscripts, and collected a library at Rouen, of which the -basis was the fine collection of books which Charles V. had made at -Paris. His tastes were almost entirely confined to works studied by the -old schoolmen, and to French translations of Latin or late Greek -authors. Thus we find a treatise by the Greek medical writer Galen on -the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, another man of medicine, and a work by the -Arabian astronomer Aboo-l-Hassan on the stars--both translated into -French--amongst his books, not to mention that most beautiful -_Salisbury Breviary_, which will always rank amongst the marvels of -fifteenth-century French art.[1175] The only book of genuine classical -interest which we find in his possession was a French translation of -Livy, and this he presented to his brother Humphrey as more suited to -his tastes than to his own.[1176] - -GLOUCESTER'S EDUCATION - -Gloucester therefore struck out a new line of thought when he turned to -the study of the Humane as well as the Divine letters, and laid -posterity in England under an obligation, which it is slow to -acknowledge. The impulse which led him to this course is impossible to -discover. His natural endowments were not calculated to produce a -scholar. His early active life was spent in camps and sieges, his -lightness of character and volatile nature promised to make him a -courtier and a politician, not a student; his many-sided political -ambitions would presuppose an absorption which would forbid a cult of -letters and learning, yet even amidst the distractions of court life, -the tumults of war, and the disturbances of an eventful political -career, he found time for study, and the encouragement of -scholars.[1177] The fact that he was in many ways the typical -Renaissance prince does not necessarily presuppose a natural aptitude -for this rA'le; his actions in this respect are more the result of the -new influences to which he resigned himself, than the causes which led -him to become a patron of letters. On the other hand, it is probable -that in his early years his education was not neglected. We have shown -reason to believe that Bale's statement that he was educated at Balliol -College, Oxford, is founded on fact, and that there he imbibed a love of -learning, which later blossomed out into the cult of the new forms of -study then spreading over Europe. His brother Henry was also a student -at this University; indeed, all the four sons of Henry IV. were -carefully educated, and showed an aptitude for learning.[1178] There are -many circumstances, too, which point to the likelihood that Humphrey was -destined for a less active career than his brothers. Though only three -years younger than Thomas, and by one year the junior of John, he took -no part in the active life of the kingdom in which they largely shared -during the reign of Henry IV. Both these brothers held important -administrative posts under their father, and the eldest of all, Henry, -played no insignificant part before he succeeded to the throne. Humphrey -alone of the four is never mentioned either in official document or by -contemporary chronicler; he passed his time in seclusion and retirement -far from the gathering storm which was even then threatening the safety -of the House of Lancaster. HENRY IV. was by no means lacking in interest -in scholastic studies, and it is possible that he had destined his -youngest son for an ecclesiastical career, in which these studies would -rightly play a large part. In no other way can the absence of Humphrey -from public life, long after the age for beginning an active career, be -explained. Henry may have learnt the lesson of the dangers which had -resulted from the long list of royal princes who descended from Edward -III., and he may have wished to prevent a similar danger arising from -his offspring by devoting one son to a career in which descendants were -an impossibility. Certainly Humphrey, during this enforced seclusion, -had ample opportunity for study and reflection, his education was more -probably that of a scholar than of a politician. - -Whatever may have been the plans of Henry IV. for his youngest son, they -ceased to be effective on his death. Almost immediately after that event -we find Humphrey carving out an active life for himself, and embarking -on that varied and interesting career which was only to end with the -tragedy of Bury. Yet the seeds had been sown. Never throughout his life -was the scholar quite swamped by the politician; his scholarly -instincts, nurtured in youth, survived to form a source of refreshment -and interest in the days of political misfortune. Nevertheless this -early training gives no clue to the originality of Humphrey's genius as -a scholar. Whence was it that he drew the inspiration which enabled him -to begin a new era in the development of the human intellect in England? -He had been trained in the dry-as-dust learning of the Middle Ages--no -other system was then known in England--he had been brought up on a -mental diet of law and theology seasoned with rhetoric; to our knowledge -he never had any opportunity of imbibing the new ideas which slowly and -feebly were climbing the Alps preparatory to the conquest of the Western -world; at that time he had never been out of England, he was never to -visit Italy. Yet stage by stage he outgrew the teaching of the ancient -schoolmen, and reached out to pick the fairest flowers of Greek -learning. In him we find a new spirit of inquiry, a desire for a wider -knowledge of the human mind. He was a son of the Renaissance before ever -that movement had sent its missionaries to the last outpost of mediA|val -lore. There was no teacher to point the way for Humphrey, and we must -fall back on his inherent originality to explain the phenomenon. With no -promptings from the scholars of the new methods, he devoted himself to -their patronage; he himself became a teacher before ever he was taught. -As an apostle of progress Humphrey stands alone among his -fellow-countrymen, and we must hesitate to deny him a place amongst the -honoured disciples of Petrarch. What Petrarch did for the world, -Humphrey did for England. - -GLOUCESTER AND THE ITALIANS - -Dead and cold as England was to the new message which the Renaissance -had to teach humanity, it was natural that Humphrey should look to Italy -for help in his endeavours to study the forces which were being reborn -to give a character to the history of the future. Perhaps the most -interesting page in his history, therefore, deals with his relations to -the Italian humanists of his day; from them he borrowed something of the -spirit which was then becoming the most important element in Italian -life, something of that polish of refined scholarship which marks out -the humanistic scholar from the student of the Middle Ages. The effect -on English scholars of his time was visible, and A†neas Sylvius was not -slow to notice it. Writing to Adam Moleyns in answer to a letter from -that distinguished Englishman, he complimented him in somewhat -condescending language on his style; he marvelled how the reformed Latin -style had thus early reached England, and then proceeded to give praise -where praise was due. 'For this progress'--he wrote--'thanks are due to -the illustrious Duke of Gloucester, who zealously received polite -learning into your country. I hear that he cultivates poets and -venerates orators, and hereby many Englishmen have become really -eloquent. For as are princes so are servants, who improve by imitating -their masters.'[1179] A†neas showed no inclination to dwell on the -virtues of Humphrey when narrating his relations with Jacqueline, so -this praise from him deserves close attention, doubly so, as it must -have been in no way pleasant to the recipient of the letter, who was one -of the faction so bitterly opposed to Gloucester. - -Humphrey, therefore, was instrumental in bringing the fruits of the -Italian scholarship to England, and he did this in two ways. He induced -some of those who had drunk of the new spring of intellectual life which -flowed from the teaching of Chrysoloras to come to England and enter his -service, and he also entered into communication with some of the -leading humanists who remained in Italy, and employed them on -translations of the Greek classics which were sent to England. In -England Greek was an unknown language, even as it had been in Italy -until the last decade of the fourteenth century, and it was only by -means of translations made by men who had a competent knowledge of -Greek, that the great philosophical treatises of Aristotle and Plato -could be read by Gloucester and his friends. Italy at this time was -embarking on that period in the history of Humanism which we may call -the age of translation and arrangement, the age when a minute knowledge -of the language of ancient Greece and a new critical faculty, born of -the emancipation from the hereditary theology of the Middle Ages, -produced a band of scholars who devoted their time to interpreting the -ideas of the past to the awakening intelligence of the present. These -men, with all their ardour for study, were not, and could not afford to -be, entirely disinterested in their work; to live, they must be paid for -their translations, and in an age when the art of printing had not come -to simplify the reproduction of books, they were compelled to appeal to -some particular patron to reward them for their toil, and to him in -return they dedicated their books. Many such patrons were to be found -among the princes of Italy, but outside that country they were not -common, and Humphrey stood out prominently amongst those patrons who -were not Italians. We cannot tell what first led him to embark on this -career, for he had, it would seem, no knowledge of Italy or the -Italians, when Poggio came to England, and he had probably at this time -evinced no desire to embark on the most interesting phase of his later -life. Not once does Poggio make even the most distant allusion to -Gloucester, either during his visit to England or after his return to -Italy in the autumn of 1423,[1180] and we cannot attribute this -entirely to his connection with the Duke's great rival. - -ZANO OF BAYEUX - -Humphrey's introduction to the Italian Humanists was due to his -friendship with Zano Castiglione, Bishop of Bayeux, a Frenchman by -birth, but descended from a famous Italian family. This prelate had -visited England, and had there become acquainted with the man who was to -be instrumental in bringing Italian scholarship to this country. A token -of their friendship is still extant at Paris in a manuscript collection -of the letters of Cicero presented by Zano to the Duke of -Gloucester.[1181] - -In 1434 Zano was sent to the Council of Basel as representative of Henry -VI., and he took with him a commission from Humphrey to purchase for him -as many books as he could, especially such as had been written by -Guarino, the famous schoolmaster of Ferrara, and by Leonardo Bruni, the -biographer of Dante and Petrarch, whose reputation had already reached -the Duke in London.[1182] At Basel the Bishop came to know Francesco -Picolpasso, Archbishop of Milan, a scholarly ecclesiastic, who had -relations with all the leading Italian Humanists; and when he followed -the adjourned Council to Florence, this acquaintance became particularly -useful to him in view of his commission. In Florence Zano spent a year, -and we gather from the statements of Italian scholars, later to be -detailed, that he there devoted much of his time to singing the praises -of the English prince who took such an interest in literary matters. Of -his commission to buy books we hear no more, though it is probable that -when he returned to England especially to see Humphrey,[1183] he did not -go empty-handed. It is possible that Gloucester, though already a -collector of books, had not as yet thought of becoming the direct -patron of foreign scholars, and that his commission to Zano bore far -other and more important fruit than he had contemplated. Thus his -original interest in scholarship was moulded by the turn of events, and -the chance which took Zano from Basel to Florence laid the foundations -of one of the most important phases of the Duke's career. From this time -forward Humphrey continued to be in close relationship with several of -the best-known Humanists of the Italian Renaissance. - -LEONARDO BRUNI - -The first of these scholars to correspond with the new English patron -was Leonardo Bruni, better known by his title of Aretinus, taken from -Arezzo, the city of his birth. We have no evidence that Zano's visit was -the direct cause of his connection with the Duke, but the fact that the -latter had specially mentioned a desire for his works when Zano went to -Basel points to a strong probability that this was the case. It is -probable that Zano had sent over to England this author's translation of -Aristotle's _Ethics_; at any rate, it was after reading it that Humphrey -wrote and suggested that Bruni should undertake the _Politics_,[1184] -and in due course they were translated and dedicated to the Duke. In a -manuscript copy of this translation in the Bodleian Library we find the -dedication, and following it a letter from the author to Gloucester, -which is in no sense a dedicatory epistle, but evidently written after -the despatch of the volume to its destination, and later placed at the -beginning of a copy of the original work. - -In this letter Bruni rejoices to hear of the arrival of his translation -of the books of Aristotle, which he had undertaken at the Duke's request -and suggestion, and to know that both Gloucester's desire, expressed in -several letters, has been fulfilled, and his own promise redeemed. He is -convinced that Gloucester will have already read the book, and he may -be sure that he has therein read the very words of Aristotle. To -Gloucester's action is due any value to the world in general that this -translation may have, for it was undertaken at his request, and finished -under pressure from him. In its completed form it stands as a monument -to Gloucester's love of learning.[1185] Throughout this letter we can -see the shadow of Gloucester's character; eager and impetuous in matters -political, he displayed the same characteristic when he turned his mind -to scholarship and learning; the same enthusiasm which took him to -Hainault led him to harass Bruni till the coveted book was ready. -Perhaps his eagerness to keep this shifty humanist to his work was well -advised, else he might not have got the book at all, for almost -immediately afterwards the dedication was changed, and that which Bruni -had declared would be a monument to Gloucester's glory, became by a -stroke of the pen a monument to the glory of Pope Eugenius IV.[1186] The -reason for this sudden change of patron is probably to be found in the -almost universal greediness of the Italian Humanists, though the -gossiping old bookseller Vespasiano ascribes it to the fact that Bruni -thought that his work was not sufficiently appreciated[1187]--perhaps a -polite way of putting the same truth. - -PIER CANDIDO DECEMBRIO - -Leonardo's own explanation of the incident is to be found in one of his -letters, and this throws light on the origin of the connection which -Humphrey about this time began with another well-known Italian, Pier -Candido Decembrio. This scholar, a native of Vigevano, near Pavia, was -at this time secretary to Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan, whose life he -ultimately wrote. Already famous as a translator of the Greek classics, -he now saw an opportunity of gaining an important patron, and wrote a -letter to Humphrey, in which he dwelt at some length on the fame which -the Duke had already attained in Italy as a patron of letters, owing to -the untiring praises of him which Zano had sung. Having heard, he -continued, that Bruni had dedicated his translation of Aristotle's -_Politics_ to the Pope instead of to the Duke as he had promised, he had -resolved to offer his services in his place, and to suggest that he -might translate Plato's _Republic_ for the distinguished Englishman of -whom he had heard so much, though he had never seen his face.[1188] -Being personally unknown to Gloucester, Candido determined to get an -introduction to his future patron, and so forwarded this letter to his -friend Rolando Talenti, a noble youth of Milan, who was at that time at -Bayeux, probably on some diplomatic errand.[1189] Talenti was willing to -do his friend a kindness, and promptly wrote to the Duke, enclosing -Candido's letter, and strongly advising him to accept the offer therein -contained. - -This recommendation must have carried weight, although Talenti did not -at once receive an answer to his letter. The anxious humanist could not -brook delay, and though he had received assurance from his correspondent -that his work would not be done in vain, he wrote once more to Talenti -asking him to find out definitely from the Duke what he had decided to -do with respect to his offer to work for him. It was obviously of -considerable importance to Candido to know if his work was to procure -any reward, for though he was to prove more faithful than Bruni, he was -none the less greedy of gain.[1190] Talenti accordingly wrote once more -to Gloucester, asking him to let him know his decision about the offer -lately made to him.[1191] After characteristic delay Humphrey replied -to Talenti in enthusiastic terms, saying that he would gladly welcome -the translation of Candido, who would never have reason to regret the -offer of his services to a foreign patron.[1192] With this communication -he enclosed a reply to Candido, dating it February 7, the year, which is -omitted, being probably 1439.[1193] Herein he gladly accepted the offer, -and with his usual impetuosity urged his newly made friend to hasten the -completion of the translation; he gave devout thanks that there was in -Italy such a devoted band of scholars, who not only had restored the old -style of the Latin tongue, which had been altogether lost, but also had -brought to light those long-forgotten philosophers of Greece, and their -invaluable maxims for good living. He concluded with a warm assurance of -affection, and a hearty promise of acceptance of anything new which -Candido or any one else should bring to his notice.[1194] - -Talenti accordingly forwarded the Duke's acceptance to Candido, and in -two successive letters to him urged that scholar to be industrious and -to hasten the work to its completion, so that his patron might be able -to appreciate to the full the depth of his scholarship.[1195] -Accordingly, Candido set to work with a will, and soon after wrote to -Zano, telling him of his undertaking and announcing the completion of -the fifth book. The Bishop of Bayeux was also to be used as an -intermediary between the Italian scholar and the English prince, for in -the same letter he was informed of the author's intention to forward the -translation, when completed, to him for transmission to -Gloucester.[1196] Zano was delighted at the news, and praised his -correspondent's intention, assuring him of a speedy reward for his work, -and ample recognition from his new patron.[1197] Both Talenti and Zano -therefore showed no slight respect both for Gloucester's literary taste -and for his generosity to those who worked for him, and this in spite of -the fact that they both knew the story of Bruni's relations with the -Duke. They would hardly have encouraged their friend to undertake this -work had they not been amply assured of his receiving an adequate -reward, and neither for a moment doubted the sincerity and ability of -this English patron. The readiness with which Gloucester's literary -interests were ministered to in Italy proves that his reputation must -have been very great, else the Italian humanists would not have been so -eager to work for a prince who dwelt in a land which was regarded as the -home of ignorance, and which visitors like Poggio Bracciolini had -painted in such unfavourable terms. - -Zano and Talenti were not the only Italians to correspond with Humphrey -about Candido's translation. The completed fifth book was intrusted to -Francesco Piccolpasso, Archbishop of Milan, to be forwarded to England -as a sample of the whole work. In his covering letter this new -correspondent gave still further evidence of Gloucester's high repute in -Italy, telling him that ever since his brother Gerardo Landriani, then -Bishop of Lodi, had returned from a visit to England, he had been fired -with a desire to know that country, or at least to correspond with its -most famous son. So we see that Zano was not the only one to introduce -the Italian scholars to a knowledge of Gloucester's literary tastes. -Francesco then recapitulated the story of how Candido first thought of -translating the _Republic_, when he heard that Bruni had been breaking -his word, and added some words of commendation of the former, who, he -said, was equally well versed in Greek and Latin. It was merely with -the idea of pleasing Humphrey that Candido had undertaken the task of -translating the _Republic_, of which the fifth book, the first to be -translated, was now sent as a foretaste of the feast that was to come. -Francesco was delighted to be commissioned to send to the Duke a work of -such value, and he trusted that it would be approved, so that the -translator might be inspired to continue his work. He urged him further -to allow Candido to occupy the place lately held by Bruni, and, when -this work should be completed, to give him other commissions, which he -was sure would be right well performed. The letter closed with a -petition to Gloucester to use his influence to restore peace to the -Church.[1198] - -LEONARDO BRUNI ENVIOUS - -This letter, though, written in the first place to please a friend, -deepens our impression of the respect Humphrey had already obtained in -Italy, and also bears witness to the desire of Candido to take the place -of Bruni with regard to the Duke. It was therefore probably about this -time that this last-named humanist wrote an expostulatory letter to the -Archbishop of Milan, in which he betrayed his chagrin at having lost his -English patron, and gave his version of the change of dedications, of -which Candido had made such good use. He complained that he had received -copies of letters written by Francesco to Gloucester, informing the Duke -that he (Bruni) was dead, and to Candido slandering his good name; -besides this, the Duke had been told that his former translator was a -promise-breaker. In every case there were misstatements, prompted -probably by Candido. In justification of this assertion he gave a -summary of his relations with Gloucester, how the Duke had urged him to -translate the _Politics_, because he was so sensible of the use that -his earlier translation of the _Ethics_ would be to students. This Bruni -promised to do, and fulfilled his promise by sending the first copy of -his work to his lordship, who had asked him to undertake the translation -for the good of the community, and not that it might be dedicated to -him; indeed it was unlikely that the dedication thereof could have given -any pleasure to so great a prince. In conclusion, Bruni emphatically -stated that he never had received a penny from Gloucester for the work -he had done. 'I never sold my studies, nor made merchandise of -books.'[1199] - -This last statement we may well doubt, else why should Bruni be so -angered at Gloucester being wrongly informed of his death? The case was -probably the reverse of what he stated, and he had calculated on -obtaining double payment for his work by securing for it two patrons, -who were so distant from one another that the deception would not be -discovered. The story told by Candido and the Archbishop of Milan, and -borne out by the statement of Vespasiano, is probably nearer the truth, -though Candido himself seems to have behaved in a somewhat underhand way -in trying to secure a monopoly of the Duke's favours. At all events, -henceforth Candido was Gloucester's chief literary representative in -Italy, and we can trace their relationship by means of their -correspondence, of which a part has been preserved. - -Considering the facts which had enabled Candido to replace Bruni in the -service of Duke Humphrey, it is rather extraordinary that he had the -temerity to forward the first sample of his work without an inscription -to his new patron. This omission was promptly noted by Gloucester, and -in his reply to the letter of the Archbishop of Milan he complained -about it, and with memories of the action of Bruni fresh in his mind, -he asked his correspondent to urge Candido not only to hasten the -completion of the translation, but also not to forget to dedicate it as -he had promised.[1200] He wrote much in the same strain to Candido, -expressing some surprise that the book was not dedicated to him, but -supposing that this was so because it was only a portion of the whole -translation. Again he urged Candido to renewed efforts, and promised -that his friendship would not be unprofitable.[1201] Candido replied to -this in most effusive terms. Giving devout thanks for the existence of a -prince endowed with such an excess of virtue, he replied that though the -whole work was to be dedicated to Gloucester, yet three separate books -were to be dedicated to three other friends; the fifth to Giovanni -Amadeo, a lawyer of Milan; the sixth to Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos; and -the last to the Archbishop of Milan.[1202] The fervour of the praises -lavished on the Duke in this letter suggest a fear on the part of the -writer that offence might be taken at these subsidiary dedications, and -still further to propitiate the Duke another letter followed almost -immediately, announcing the despatch of the first five books of the -translated _Republic_, which were already read to the honour and glory -of Humphrey not only throughout Italy, but also in Spain. Happy would he -be were he able to place his gracious patron's name in all his -books.[1203] - -TRANSLATION OF THE 'REPUBLIC' - -The translation of the first five books had been sent according to -promise to Talenti, who was to have them carefully copied and sent to -the Duke. At the same time Candido had promised that, when the whole -work was completed, he would have all the books copied into a single -volume and sent to his patron, and showing some distrust of -Gloucester's appreciation of his work, had asked his friend to convey -his assurances of devotion.[1204] In due course this portion of the -translation reached its destination, bearing a long dedicatory epistle, -in which Candido once more laid stress on the way Zano had made -Gloucester's name a household word amongst the Italian Humanists. The -dedication concludes with an account of the origin of the translation, -telling how it was originally the work of Chrysoloras, but by reason of -his defective Latin style was passed on to the writer's father, who died -before its completion, leaving it to be finished by his son.[1205] This -genesis of the translation probably explains why Candido was able so -quickly to prepare the first five books, for they must have been -completed some time before they were sent, if their contents were -already known throughout Italy and also in Spain; most likely the fifth -book, which he had first sent to Gloucester, was the only one of the -first five which was entirely his own translation. - -[Illustration: THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER'S AUTOGRAPH IN HIS COPY OF - DECEMBRIO'S TRANSLATION OF "THE REPUBLIC" OF PLATO.] - -[Illustration: LABEL ON THE FLY-LEAF OF A BOOK GIVEN BY THE DUKE OF - GLOUCESTER TO THE OXFORD LIBRARY.] - -GLOUCESTER AND DECEMBRIO - -Gloucester's acknowledgment of the first five books of the _Republic_ -shows him to have been so thoroughly imbued with the peculiar spirit of -the Renaissance scholars, that it is well to give it in full. 'We have -received your longed-for letters with the books of Plato,' he writes, -'which have given us much pleasure. Nothing could give us more pleasure, -especially since they will reflect honour and glory on us, as you say. -We are therefore very grateful to you for having done so much hard work -in our name, whence both we and you will receive great praise. The books -are of such a kind that they invite even the unwilling to read them; -such is the dignity and grace of Plato, and so successful is your -interpretation of him, that we cannot say to whom we owe most, to him -for drawing a prince of such wise statesmanship, or to you for labouring -to bring to light this statesmanship hidden and almost lost by our -negligence. You have chosen a noble and worthy province which cannot -be taken from you in any age, nor be lost by any forgetfulness, that is, -if what the wisest men say be true, and glory is indeed immortal. We -have read and re-read these books, and with such pleasure that we have -determined that they shall never leave our side, whether we be at home -or on military service, for if your translation cannot be compared to -the divine eloquence of Plato, nevertheless in our opinion it is hardly -inferior. These books shall be always kept at hand, so that we may ever -have something to give us pleasure, and that they may be almost as -counsellors and companions for so much of our life as is left to us, as -was the wisdom of Nestor to Agamemnon, and that of Achates to A†neas. On -the same page Plato and Candido can be read and admired together, and -the latter, no less than ourselves, be seen labouring to increase our -dignity. We exhort, and would compel you to labour hard at the -completion of the other books which we await impatiently. Do not think -that anything can give us more pleasure than that which relates to -learning and the cult of letters. You have and shall have whatsoever you -wish from us, who have always favoured your studies. We possess Livy and -other eminent writers, and nearly all the works of Cicero which have -been hitherto found. If you have anything of great value, we beg of you -to tell us.'[1206] - -This letter is a typical example of Humphrey's style, and the Latin has -an unexpectedly classical tinge, though this was doubtless the work of -one of his secretaries. The sentiments betray a love of learning for its -own sake, and a genuine pleasure, not only in the possession of this -translation of the _Republic_, but also in reading and re-reading it, -for Humphrey was never one of those ignorant book-collectors who are -made to writhe under the scornful lash of Lucian of Samosata. Still more -interesting is the almost childish desire for fame and glory, that -desire to live in the memory of posterity. Though to us this seems small -and unworthy of either a great prince or a famous patron of scholars, we -must remember that the desire to establish an unforgetable name was -typical of the earlier Humanists, and sprang from a far from ignoble -motive. In the Middle Ages man had looked on life as a weary pilgrimage, -a disagreeable though necessary preliminary to a life of eternal bliss; -the men of the new world looked on the happy side of things, and -rejoiced in the goodliness of that life which God had given them. Man's -actions, therefore, became more important--more to be praised or blamed -as the case might be. Thus to live a famous life, and to be remembered -after death, were among the chief desires of the scholars of the new -learning, desires which became intensified when the gospel of man's -individuality was more clearly understood. The glorification of the -individual was part of the glorification of the world; and before the -cult of the world became a mere striving after sensual indulgence, this -desire for glory was a worthy ambition. In Humphrey this ambition is not -the last phase of a selfish egotism, as the story of his life might -suggest, but part of that new spirit of self-realisation, which had led -Petrarch and Boccaccio to seek for fame as the only justification for -their existence. - -GLOUCESTER'S CHOICE OF BOOKS - -Candido was well pleased with his patron's praises, and was able to -reply with the grateful news that the other five books had just been -finished, though the transcribing of a copy for the Duke would still -take some time, especially as all ten books were to be copied into one -volume, with the translator's latest additions and corrections. Every -care was to be bestowed upon it, to make it one of the most elegant -works in the Latin language.[1207] In the meantime, however, Candido was -not idle, since he had already received a commission to act as -Humphrey's literary agent in Italy, for there was no hope of getting -translations of the Greek classics, or even faithful copies of the works -of Latin authors, in England. He had by him some books which Humphrey -had ordered, and in their purchase he had had a free hand, as his patron -had declared that he was not to be deterred by any price, though in -their selection he was guided by Humphrey's choice. The Duke had a clear -idea as to what he wanted in the way of books, and was in no way -inclined to submit to what Candido cared to advise. Accordingly he sent -a list, of which the chief items were the works of Cornelius Celsus, the -medical writer of the Augustinian age, the _Natural History_ of the -elder Pliny, the _Panegyricon on Trajan_ of the younger Pliny, and the -works of Apuleius, the famous pagan philosopher, whose chief attraction -was probably his treatise on the philosophy of Plato, and as many of the -works of Varro, the friend of Cicero, as could be found, especially his -treatise _De Lingua Latina_[1208]--a list which showed considerable -catholicity of taste. Other books, too, Gloucester had ordered, but they -had seemingly not found favour, as fit objects of purchase, with -Candido. The Duke, however, insisted on his choice, 'although we know -them to be wrong frequently, owing to an absurd interpretation of the -authors, yet they cannot be disregarded, if only on account of their -authority and their proved learning'; at any rate, Candido would not -suffer from their purchase, for he was bidden to send the prices of the -various books whether ready copied, or to be copied in the future, and -the money would be forwarded to him through those Italian merchants who -made banking one of the chief branches of their trade.[1209] - -At a later date Humphrey sent the catalogue of his library to his -correspondent, who was genuinely surprised at the wonderful variety of -the books therein detailed, but he modestly suggested that it lacked at -least a hundred books which were indispensable for a collection that -aimed at such completeness, and which he was quite prepared to procure. -'You know my diligence and trustworthiness in this matter,' he wrote -with the usual guile of the Italian humanist, 'I who desire nothing but -your honour and glory, and that your name be handed down to everlasting -repute as far as I can make it so.' Truly this man knew how to win the -heart of Humphrey, and wanted more of those lucrative commissions from -the open-handed Duke. He went on to explain that the books could not be -bought in a day, but they could be ordered, so there would be always -some treasure coming to hand with which he could delight his -patron.[1210] - -Gloucester welcomed this list of desirable books, and therefrom compiled -another list of volumes which Candido was to purchase for him; the rest -he declared were in his possession, though not mentioned in the -catalogue he had sent lately. This last statement reads as if he were -asserting his own power of criticism, and did not choose to have all the -books that his friend pressed upon him. At the same time Humphrey wrote -to Filippo Mario Visconti, explaining to him how he was using his -secretary, so that no difficulties might be placed in the way of -Candido's purchases, and that access to the Ducal Library at Milan might -be allowed him.[1211] Copyists were promptly set to work to fulfil the -Duke's order, but as there was 'no small love of libraries' in Italy, -the work progressed slowly, for the scribes had more than they could do. -However, in May 1442 a small parcel of books was handed to the Borromei -merchants for transmission to Gloucester.[1212] About this time, too, -Zano returned from Florence, bearing with him manifold messages of -fidelity from Candido, which he delivered in person to the Duke.[1213] - -The books arrived quite safely, and with them the copy of Candido's -translation of the _Republic_, which had been long delayed owing to the -author's illness at the time of the completion of the translation, which -had prevented him from revising and correcting the text as he had -wished.[1214] This last volume was delivered in person by Scaramuccia -Balbo, a personal friend of the translator and a servant of the Duke of -Milan.[1215] When writing about the final completion of the _Republic_, -in a letter which probably accompanied the book, Candido gives us an -insight into the scholarship of Duke Humphrey. Casting aside all -personal appeals or unctuous flatteries, he writes as one scholar to -another, and declares that he had neither added to nor detracted from -the work of Plato, he had simply put that work within the reach of those -who knew no Greek.[1216] Humphrey was equally restrained when -acknowledging the receipt of the completed work, declaring that he had -had an immense desire to study the 'great and broad mind of Plato, which -indeed we find to be a heavenly constellation.' At the same time he -recorded the arrival of nine other volumes, and told Candido that he -awaited the rest with great impatience, most especially Cicero's _De -Productione et Creatione Mundi_; the complete works of Aulus Gellius, -the author of the _Noctes AtticA|_, a copy of which was included in the -books given to Oxford in 1439; Cerelius, _De Natali Die_;[1217] -Appuleius, _De Magia_; and the books of Lucius Florus. Amongst others, -he desired Columella's famous treatise on ancient agriculture, and that -on architecture by Vitruvius; the works of the geographer, Pomponius -Mela; Ptolemy's _Cosmographia_ and his treatise on the heavenly bodies; -Pomponius Festus, _De Vocabulis_, and a book on the dignities and -insignia of the Roman Empire.[1218] In a later letter he thanked Candido -for sending a selection of the books he had ordered, together with some -declamations written by the translator himself.[1219] These last were -probably the two volumes of letters dealing with the controversy which -had raged round Candido's translation of the _Ethics_, which the author -had dedicated to his English patron.[1220] - -Four more books followed these in quick succession, but they were -acknowledged in a somewhat curt letter in which Gloucester told his -correspondent not to confide any more books to the merchants who had -brought them, as they had been unduly long in fulfilling their -commission.[1221] A year passed without further interchange of letters, -and then the Duke wrote reproachfully, complaining of Candido's long -silence and the cessation of the supply of books. With thinly veiled -sarcasm he attributed this to ill-health on the part of his agent, and -concluded: 'On this account we have determined to write this letter to -you, in which we ask you to complete the work you have begun, and not to -let our long silence about the reward of your labours affect you, for in -the end, perhaps, you will get what you thought at the beginning, as we -have never let any one who has done work for us go unrewarded.'[1222] - -QUARREL OF GLOUCESTER AND DECEMBRIO - -The tone of Gloucester's letter is distinctly arrogant, but he was -undoubtedly right when he conceived that it was a matter of reward which -had risen up between him and his correspondent. On receiving the -completed translation of the _Republic_ he had written to Candido, -saying that he wished to reward him for his exertions, and had decided -to settle on him a salary of one hundred ducats a year. Having made all -the preliminary arrangements, it occurred to him that this might give -offence to Candido's master, the Duke of Milan. In fear, therefore, of -doing his friend more harm than good by this action, he had determined -to postpone the idea till he had consulted Candido himself, whom he had -asked to give his opinion.[1223] In a later letter Humphrey had written -again to much the same effect, saying that he feared that Candido -distrusted his honest realisation of the obligation he owed him. He -urged him not to listen to empty rumours, and repeated the substance of -what he had said before.[1224] It seems that Candido refused this offer, -and in its place desired to be given what he called 'Petrarch's -Villa'--possibly the house once owned by Petrarch at Gavignano near -Milan. In making this request he was probably influenced by the fact -that the scholar Filelfo had just received such a gift from Duke Filippo -Maria, and by a desire to be equal with this great rival, who had so -lately come to Milan. Be this as it may, Humphrey ignored his request, -not vouchsafing an answer one way or the other. All this Candido stated -in his answer to the Duke's complaint of silence, and he pointed to his -disinterested services in the past, and to the way he had spent three -long years in translating the _Republic_, merely to win his patron's -friendship. It was not forgetfulness, but fear, caused by the Duke's -ignoring his request, that had induced his long silence, and in -refutation of Gloucester's suggestion of failing strength, he pointed to -the fact that he was not yet forty years old, an age when Plato declared -that a man was not past his prime. For himself, he was ready to continue -to serve his old patron, and though busy at Rome of late, he had, -during the time of silence, secured Columella's treatise on agriculture -and all the works of Apuleius in an emended transcript, besides other -works, but since exception to sending them by merchants had been taken, -there was no means of despatching them to their destination. If a means -of conveyance were to be suggested by Gloucester, he would gladly avail -himself thereof. This letter of great dignity and of veiled reproach -ended on a pathetic note. 'It is your silence, not the fear of no -reward, that disturbs me, so I will not ask of you anything but -friendship and kindness; my fidelity I will keep unshaken, and though my -affairs are in no sound condition, I will pass that over. Nothing can be -worse than to lose your favour.'[1225] - -Thus ends one of the most interesting series of letters of the period, -and we are left in the dark as to the ultimate decision of the matter. -It seems probable, from the absence of any further letters, that -Humphrey never replied to this, though the obvious loss of letters -earlier in the correspondence makes this deduction inconclusive. If -Candido's statements are true, the Duke appears in a very unfavourable -light. Some payments, of course, must have been made by him, and it is -possible that they were sufficiently large to wipe out any obligation he -might owe to the man who had worked so well for him, but it is equally -possible that the exceeding liberality, of which he makes boast, was -mostly confined to words. Instability--that canker which lay at the root -of the 'Good Duke's' character--had again asserted itself. He had -disappointed Bruni of his hopes, he now did the same by Candido. Is this -a true estimate of his relations with the Italian Humanists? We must -remember that as a race these men were proverbially greedy, and that in -both cases we have no definite statement of Humphrey's case. How far -with respect to Candido was the danger of alienating Filippo Maria of -Milan a reality? More perhaps than we might think, for a few months -after Gloucester's death we find Candido petitioning for some -recognition of his services from the governors of Milan, and he bases -his claim on long and faithful service to the Visconti, to serve whom he -had refused and contemned many valuable efforts made by both Humphrey, -Duke of Gloucester, and the King of Spain.[1226] When it served his -purpose, therefore, Candido stated the case more in favour of his -English patron than his last letter would lead us to believe possible. - -We can form no exact estimate of the number of books sent over by -Candido to Gloucester. We hear of the safe arrival of at least -thirty-one,[1227] and there is mention of many more in the -correspondence. For the most part they were books by Latin authors, and -those not always of the Golden Age of Latin literature. However, they -show a great advance on the studies of the Middle Ages, and display a -wonderful breadth of interest. We have no evidence that it was for -practical purposes that Humphrey evinced a peculiar interest in -agriculture, but his known liking for astrology is represented, and his -wish to possess the treatise of Vitruvius on Architecture shows that he -had an intimate knowledge of the writings of the past. Of these books -and their indication of the tastes of their owner more will be said -later. - -PIERO DEL MONTE - -Humphrey was acquainted with other Italian scholars less famous than -Bruni and Candido. Among these was Piero del Monte, a learned Venetian, -who had been a pupil of Guarino, and had studied at the Universities of -Paris and Brescia. Appointed apostolic protonotary to Eugenius IV., he -was sent to England as papal collector about 1434, being recommended to -Cardinal Beaufort, who does not seem to have taken any interest in his -scholarly visitor.[1228] Unlike Poggio, however, Piero became acquainted -with Humphrey, of whom he conceived a very high opinion. On his return -to Italy at the end of his mission, he dedicated to the Duke a moral -treatise, which was the solitary product of his pen, if indeed a work, -in which Guarino, Francesco Barbaro, and Andrea Giuliano were all -collaborators,[1229] can legitimately be put down to any one man's -authorship. The title runs 'Petrus de Monte ad illustrissimum principem -Ducem Gloucestrie de virtutum et viciorum inter se differentia,' and the -dedicatory epistle is full of Gloucester's praises. In this case we have -no reason to suspect the genuineness of the laudatory remarks, for the -writer was not one of the regular Italian translators and authors who -looked to secure further employment by means of the fulsomeness of their -dedications. Piero had a secure position and a fixed salary, and was -compelled to bow down to no prince to eke out a precarious livelihood. - -The very first words of the dedication strike the right note of genuine -friendship, when Humphrey's position as a prince among men by reason of -birth is set aside, and his true title to respect is based on his -scholarly interests. 'You have no real pleasure,' writes Piero, 'apart -from the reading of books.' Still more stress is laid on the Duke's -energy, which enabled him to take an active part in the affairs of -state, as well as to be a man of letters--a very unusual combination, so -says the author. In this respect he is compared to Julius CA|sar, who -waged war and wrote his _Commentaries_ at the same time; to Augustus, -and to Theodosius, who fought and judged by day, and wrote books by -night, for, unlike his compatriots, he did not spend his leisure in -hunting or pleasure, but preferred to ponder over books in some -library.[1230] This versatile activity which characterised Humphrey was -part of the Renaissance spirit which brightened his imagination. The -men of the new birth were vigorous and enthusiastic in the days of their -mental youth, no obstacle daunted them, no branch of life's interests -seemed unworthy of their attention. It is the astounding versatility of -these men of the Renaissance which causes our wonder, even more than -their enlightened originality, and it was the same inspiration which -enabled men like Leonardo da Vinci to be painters, poets, musicians, -inventors, and scientists all in one, that also enabled the English Duke -to combine an active military career and vast political ambitions with -an enthusiastic study of the ancient classics. - -The latter half of Piero's dedication again lays stress on Humphrey's -many interests, his delight, 'not only in one art and science, which -might be considered sufficient, but in nearly all of them.' We also get -an interesting sketch of Humphrey as he appeared to a man who had spent -much time in his society. His power of discussing literary matters, we -are told, was great, and the tenacity of his memory for all he both read -and heard was astounding, and so accurate that he could quote chapter -and verse in support of his statements. His kindness to Piero had been -very great, and it was in memory of the happy days spent in his company -that the present work was hesitatingly, yet hopefully, dedicated to -him.[1231] - -After Piero had returned to Italy he seems to have kept up a -correspondence with his friend in England, at least so we gather from -the one letter which survives. Indeed, Humphrey had commissioned him to -procure something for him in Italy, books for his library probably, -though Piero, it seems, forgot what he had been asked to do. However, on -his own initiative he got some manuscripts copied for the Duke, though -we have no evidence that they were ever despatched.[1232] It is to be -deplored that this correspondence has not been preserved even to the -imperfect extent that the letters which passed between Humphrey and -Candido have survived. In the latter case the connection was between -master and servant, between employer and employed, who had no personal -knowledge of each other. In the case of Piero del Monte the relationship -was of a different order. Two scholars with similar tastes and -aspirations had struck up a friendship based on a strong intellectual -sympathy, and the mercenary motives, which obtruded themselves where -Candido was concerned, were here absent. We can listen to the praise of -Del Monte without any nauseating suspicion of the reality of the -sentiments expressed. - -LAPO DA CASTIGLIONCHIO - -Yet another Italian scholar do we find sending books from Italy to -Humphrey in the person of Lapo da Castiglionchio, a pupil of Filelfo, -and a great translator of Lucian, Xenophon, Isocrates, Demosthenes, and -Plutarch. His abilities were recognised by his contemporaries as of the -highest order, and for his work of translation he possessed the -essential equipment of an excellent Latin style; but a premature death -cut short what promised to be a brilliant career. Lapo was one of those -numerous poor scholars, who were compelled to appeal to powerful and -wealthy patrons for the means of subsistence, and he numbered among -these Eugenius IV., Cosimo de' Medici, and the Cardinals Vitelleschi, -Cesarini and Orsini, ultimately becoming secretary to the papal -court.[1233] It was through Zano that he came to think of Gloucester as -a possible patron, and in both the dedications, which he inscribed to -the Duke, he made mention of the Bishop. Of the _Lives_ of Plutarch -translated by Lapo, at least one, the _Life of Artaxerxes_, was -dedicated 'Ad Illustrissimum Principem Enfridum, Gloucestrie Ducem et -Pembrochie Comitem,'[1234] and his original treatise, _Comparatio -Studiorum et Rei militaris_, is addressed to the same person. The -question discussed in this second work is one of great difficulty, so -says the author in his dedicatory preface, and fittingly inscribed to -one who is renowned not only in England, but also in France, Germany, -Spain, 'Besia,'[1235] and Italy, as a famous soldier, and who at the -same time surpasses all other contemporary princes in 'learning, -eloquence, and the humane studies.' With all humility the attempt to -compare these two spheres of human activity is therefore submitted to -his criticism. Together with this treatise Lapo sent 'three orations of -Socrates,' one of which instructed youth in the way of virtue, whilst -the other two dealt with the relations of prince and subject, all of -which the translator thought would be useful to one who had the charge -of a youthful king, and was busied with the government of a great -kingdom.[1236] - -The _Life of Artaxerxes_ was translated for the Duke at a later date -than this, and together with it Lapo sent other translations from the -Greek of Plutarch, including the Lives of Theseus, Romulus, Solon, -Publicola, Pericles, Fabius Maximus, Themistocles, Camillus, and Aratus. -The dedication is too highly coloured to be taken seriously, and the -list of virtues possessed by the Duke, according to the conversation of -Zano as recorded by the author, only speaks to the writer's ingenuity. -Yet there are some signs of real feeling beneath this fulsome flattery, -and the praise accorded the Duke for his interest in all study, -especially that of the humanities, rings true. It tells how Humphrey -devoted to the acquisition of learning much time that others spent in -feasting and pleasure, and how therein he resembled some of the most -celebrated men of the past, both Greeks and Romans. This alone would -account for Lapo's decision that, though the men of the present compared -very poorly with those of the past, an exception must be made in the -case of the 'illustrious Duke of Gloucester.'[1237] The sifting of the -chaff from the wheat in this dedication is not so hard a task as it -might at first seem. Zano had evidently spoken in no measured terms of -the greatness of his princely friend, and the literary leanings of this -patron had appealed to the inflammable imaginations of the Italian -scholars. Lapo was speaking with knowledge when he alluded to the Duke's -love of learning, of hearsay only when he embarked on a personal and -political eulogy, and whilst we may accept as genuine his admiration of -Gloucester's scholarship, we must ignore his statements as to his -patron's other virtues. Further evidence as to the relations between -Lapo and Humphrey we do not possess, though doubtless, did we but know -it, a correspondence passed between them. Castiglionchio at any rate was -not the least of that band of Italian scholars who acknowledged this -English patron. - -The list of those men who worked for Duke Humphrey in Italy ends with -the name of Antonio Pasini of Todi, well known for his Latin -translations of Plutarch, which were much sought after, and were -frequently reproduced by the early Italian printers, there being at -least seven complete editions of them between 1470 and 1558. His -translation of the _Life of Marius_ was dedicated to the Duke, and in -his preface we find that he, like so many of his fellow-scholars, had -been induced to work for him by the way Zano had spoken of his patronage -of learning. It seems, too, that it was due to Zano that Humphrey -possessed so great a military reputation in Italy, which is alluded to -by nearly all his Italian scholar friends. Still more is said in a -somewhat fulsome strain about the kindness and generosity of the Duke, -and the usual eulogy of his literary tastes is naturally -emphasised.[1238] This somewhat trite and commonplace effusion is the -least interesting of all the dedications to Gloucester still extant: -there is a servility and a lack of genuine feeling which shines through -the flattering words. Of all the Italians, Pasini wrote most obviously -for lucre and not for love. - -ALFONSO OF NAPLES - -Besides the professional Italian Humanists Humphrey numbered at least -one of the princes of Italy amongst his friends and correspondents, for -in the Vatican Library there is preserved a copy of a letter written by -him to Alfonso, King of Aragon and Naples. This prince, though of -Spanish origin, had asserted his right to the crown of Naples, and had -become more Italian than the Italians themselves, just as a later -Spanish importation in the Chair of St. Peter was to be. He was one of -the most devoted patrons of the Renaissance in Italy, converting his -court into an assembly of scholars, and even when on a campaign refusing -to be separated from his beloved books. To this typical prince of the -Italian Renaissance Humphrey wrote as a man of like sympathies, dating -his letter from Greenwich on July 12, 1445. The tone of this letter -would lead us to believe that the two princes had already corresponded, -and that some agent or follower of the King of Naples had lately visited -the Duke, who strangely enough praises his correspondent in very similar -terms to those used by Lapo da Castiglionchio of himself, alluding to -the great reputation which Alfonso possessed both as a soldier and as a -scholar. Chancing to be reading a French translation of Livy when Philip -Boyl arrived,[1239] he happened on a passage that dealt with learning, -which convinced him that the book would form an ideal present for -Alfonso, and he accordingly sent it to him as a token of his great -esteem.[1240] No present could be more acceptable to the King of -Naples, who, it is said, treated one of the bones of Livy, sent to him -by the Republic of Venice, as a mediA|val churchman would have treated -the relic of a saint. Strangely enough, another great prince of the new -learning presented a copy of Livy to Alfonso, for this was the present -with which Cosimo de' Medici made a friend of a former opponent.[1241] -The copy which Humphrey sent was probably that one which Bedford had -presented to him, and which is now in the BibliothA"que de Sainte -GeneviA"ve at Paris; for when Charles VIII. of France invaded Naples, -Alfonso's fine library was dispersed, and it is therefore possible that -this item found its way back to the land of its origin by this -circuitous route. - -ANTONIO DI BECCARIA - -Humphrey was not content merely to correspond with the Italian -Humanists; he brought several of them over to England to assist him in -the study of the books he procured from their fellow-countrymen. So well -known was this custom of his, that A†neas Sylvius, when writing to -Sigismund of Austria, alluded to it in laudatory terms.[1242] No more -striking evidence of the great reputation which the Duke of Gloucester -possessed in Italy is to be found, than the way that this distinguished -scholar, who, as far as we know, was personally unknown to him, on more -than one occasion alluded to his literary qualities. Of the foreigners -whom we find in connection with Humphrey from time to time some mention -must be made of Vincent Clement, who represented him for some time at -the papal court. A Spaniard by birth, but an Italian by education, -Vincent was a man of considerable scholarly interests, a friend of -Gloucester's chancellor Beckington, and at one time favoured by Henry -VI., who recommended him to Oxford as a suitable recipient of academic -honours.[1243] A certain Maufurney, of French origin, acted as -Humphrey's private secretary for a considerable time, and in that -capacity received the honour of naturalisation in 1426.[1244] Also among -the Duke's secretaries we find Antonio di Beccaria, a native of Verona, -who had studied under that prince of Renaissance schoolmasters, -Vittorino da Feltre. He was one of Filelfo's many friends, and devoted -his attention to writing erotic verse and to the translation of Greek -authors, amongst whom mention may be made of Dionysius Periegetes, whose -geographical poem appeared in a Latin translation under the title of 'De -Situ Orbis.'[1245] For the Duke of Gloucester Beccaria translated -several of the less well-known treatises of St. Athanasius, which are -contained in two volumes now bound as one, and preserved in the British -Museum.[1246] At the end of each an inscription by Humphrey records that -they were translated for him by Antonio, his secretary, but some words -in the opening preamble of the second volume lead us to believe that -this latter work was finished after the translator had returned to his -native land.[1247] Yet another of Antonio's translations of -Athanasius--in this case the famous tract against the Arian heresy--was -dedicated to Humphrey,[1248] who, however, did not employ this secretary -for theological purposes alone. - -The Renaissance scholar had wide interests, and from Athanasius Antonio -turned at the bidding of his master to the translation into Latin of one -of Boccaccio's works. This was one of the poet's minor poems, probably -little read at the present day, though not without its importance in the -fifteenth century. The 'Corbaccio' or 'Laberinto d'Amore' is a bitter -tirade against women, and is described by the translator as 'Corvaccium -adversum mulieres' with a commendable frankness, for which he apologises -to the sex generally towards the end of his dedicatory letter. It was -written originally for the purpose of humiliating a certain lady who had -not welcomed Boccaccio's advances, and it may be possible that it was -with somewhat similar feelings that Duke Humphrey bade his secretary -translate the work, though Antonio is at some pains to emphasise that it -was the literary form, not the sentiments, that appealed to his -master.[1249] The existence and the origin of the translation, which -have been hitherto unknown, throw considerable light on Gloucester's -literary tastes, and we gather from the wording of the dedicatory -epistle addressed to him, that he had a considerable knowledge of the -Italian writings of this famous scholar, and been especially anxious for -a translation of this particular poem. Though this is the only Italian -work we know to have been translated for him, its existence suggests -that it was not a unique example, and that, unlike most Renaissance -scholars, the Duke took an interest in Italian literature, and refused -to ignore the poetry of Boccaccio in favour of his scholarly works, as -did Villani and Domenico of Arezzo when selecting that poet's niche in -the temple of fame. - -Antonio's dedication follows the worthy traditions of other Italian -writers, and exalts Duke Humphrey in no measured terms, but it is almost -entirely confined to a description of his literary tastes, and passes -over his personal virtues and political triumphs. The translator knew -England well, and was fully conscious of his patron's unique position in -that country. He describes him as learned in the humane letters, and -well versed in the literature of other countries besides his own. He -touches on his knowledge of history past and present, his energy in -procuring translation of the Greek classics, not sparing trouble or -expense; his diligent study, which led him to waste no moment of his -time; but the greatest stress is laid on the fact that in an age of -darkness he shone forth as the one true light. Julius CA|sar and Augustus -might deserve their meed of praise as students and patrons in times when -to be unlearned was a disgrace, but to Humphrey fell the greater glory -of having recalled scholarship and literature 'from death unto life' at -a time of literary decadence and decay.[1250] Undoubtedly Antonio was -fully justified in selecting this point of view as the most important -aspect of his master's career, and it shows that the problem, whence -came the inspiration which led the Duke to become a patron of letters -and a friend of the new learning, was as inexplicable to his -contemporaries as it is to us. - -TITUS LIVIUS OF FERRARA - -One of the best known of Gloucester's Italian followers in England was -the man whose name, obviously partly borrowed from the famous Roman -author, varies as it occurs in different places. On the title-page of -his history it appears as 'Titus Livius Forojuliensis,'[1251] whilst in -an official document of the year 1437 he is called 'Titus Livius de -Fralovisiis de Ferraria.'[1252] He has been called in modern times 'Tito -Livio of Forli'[1253] and 'Tito Livio of Friuli,'[1254] but we have his -own statement as evidence that he was born at Ferrara.[1255] He is -described as 'poet and orator' of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and -himself tells us that poverty and love of travel drove him to leave his -native place, and to come to England, where he applied to Humphrey for -patronage and support. By him he was welcomed and honoured, and it was -at the suggestion of his patron that he undertook to write the _Vita -Henrici Quinti_, which still remains one of the most important -authorities for the reign of that King.[1256] He must have been in -Gloucester's service before 1437, for on March 7 of that year his -patron secured his naturalisation by letters-patent.[1257] For long it -was thought that this scholar who settled in England was totally unknown -to the humanists of his native land,[1258] but it now appears that he -was a correspondent of Pier Candido Decembrio. From a still extant -letter of his to this translator we gather, that he was in communication -with certain humanists in Italy, and that he had a complaint against -some Italian prince, which probably was the original reason for his -leaving Italy. He showed himself to be interested not only in literary -studies, but also in physics and medicine, and was the subject of -compliments on the part of the scientists of Tolsa. Like his master, he -commissioned Candido to procure him books, mentioning as his chief -desiderata the works of Celsus, the distinguished writer on rhetoric, -agriculture, and medicine, whose treatise _De Medecina_ is the only -product of his pen still extant, and of Galen, the Greek physician, who -was patronised by Marcus Aurelius.[1259] Of his relations with Humphrey, -beyond the bare facts already stated, we know nothing, but it is -interesting to find among the followers of the 'Good Duke' the first -Italian who contributed anything towards the study of English -history--the precursor of the Italian Polydore Vergil, who came to -England as a papal collector, and stayed to write the history of the -English people. - -GLOUCESTER'S PHYSICIANS - -The interest that Livius--to use the name by which we have quoted him as -an authority for the reign of Henry V.--showed in medical lore was only -a reflection of one of the branches of knowledge which attracted his -patron, for throughout his life Humphrey studied both the theory and -practice of medicine. Many medical works are to be found in the list of -the books that he gave to Oxford, and the description of his own health, -which is preserved in the _Dietarium de Sanitatis Custodia_, already -cited, probably owes its immense detail to his proclivities in this -direction; indeed, it is conceivable that this should be considered as a -scientific treatise, more than as a faithful report of the Duke's -health. The author of this dietary was one Gilbert Kymer, who seems to -have held an important position in the household of the Duke of -Gloucester--'Celsitudinis vestre clericum,' as he is called by the -University of Oxford.[1260] It was this Kymer who was responsible for -conveying to Oxford the gift of books made in 1439;[1261] and he it was -whom the University petitioned to use his influence with the Duke at a -time of internal trouble,[1262] and only a few months before -Gloucester's death the same University re-elected this physician to be -Chancellor, in order that he might suggest any steps which they might -take to give pleasure to their friend and constant patron.[1263] Yet -another physician was an inmate of Gloucester's house, for he took steps -to bring over from Italy Giovanni dei Signorelli, a native of Ferrara, -whom he attached to his household in this professional capacity, and -whose naturalisation he secured in 1433.[1264] - -With the name of this man ends the long list of Italian scholars and -students with whom Humphrey came in contact. They are sufficiently -numerous to give him the proud title of being the first Englishman to -bring the Renaissance influence to this country by introducing the -learning of Italy to his fellow-countrymen. His patronage of letters had -given him a great reputation in the Italian peninsula, for apart from -the flowery praises of those who sought his financial sympathy, the -fact remains that he was well enough known to be cultivated by men who -could find patrons in almost every town in Italy, and this at a time -when communication with any one at such a distance was arduous and -dangerous. Humphrey renounced the circumscribed limits of the old -schoolmen, and appreciated the new learning and the new spirit thereby -engendered, yet he was perhaps not wholly conscious of the great step he -had taken. When he first brought Italian scholars and Italian -scholarship to his native land, he originated a movement which has not -ceased to have its influence even in the twentieth century, though many -may be as unconscious of the true origin of this movement, as was he of -its far-reaching effects. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1163] Macray, _Annals of the Bodleian_, 4, 5. - - [1164] We find payments made for covering the King's books in velvet - and satin; Rymer, IV. ii. 155. - - [1165] Stow, 344. He tells us that he had himself seen copies of - these translations. - - [1166] Tyler, _Henry of Monmouth_, i. 394-400, where the poem is - printed. - - [1167] Ashmole MS., 59, f. 135. - - [1168] Tyler, _Henry of Monmouth_, 331. - - [1169] Hoccleve's _Works_, iii. 75. - - [1170] _Ipodigma NeustriA|_, 1-5. - - [1171] Rymer, IV. iv. 105. - - [1172] Voigt, ii. 254-256. - - [1173] _Vatican Transcripts_, v. 34-42, copied from Bibl. Vat. MS., - 5221. - - [1174] Vespasiano, 547, 548. Cf. Voigt, ii. 255. - - [1175] Delisle, _Sir Kenelm Digby_, Paris, 1892, p. 11; Delisle, - _Cabinet des Manuscrits_, i. 52, 53. - - [1176] BibliothA"que de Sainte GeneviA"ve, MS. franASec.ais, 777. - - [1177] See Bale, 583, and the testimony of several Italian - humanists. - - [1178] Monstrelet, 265. - - [1179] A†n. Sylv., _Opera_, 548, _Epistola_ lxiv. - - [1180] For this date see Voigt, ii. 256. For Poggio's visit to - England see Shepherd's _Life of Poggio_, 136. - - [1181] BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. latin, 8537, f. 300. - - [1182] _Archivio Lombardo_, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 62. - - [1183] _Engl. Hist. Review_, xix. 519. Letter of Candidus to - Gloucester. - - [1184] Leonardi Bruni, _EpistolA|_, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6. - - [1185] Bodley MS., 2143 (Auct. F., v. 27), f. 1. The dedication is - printed in _Chandler Catalogue_ of the editions of Aristotle, - 41-44. - - [1186] This dedication can be seen in Bodley MS., Laud. Lat., 60. No - mention is made of Gloucester. - - [1187] Vespasiano, 437. Gloucester is mixed up with John Tiptoft, - Earl of Worcester, by Vespasiano, who ought to have known - better, as he was the latter's friend. - - [1188] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 512-513. A summary of the letter is - given in _Bibliographia_, i. 325, 326. - - [1189] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 55. - - [1190] _Ibid._, ff. 55vo, 56vo. - - [1191] _Ibid._, f. 57vo. - - [1192] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 58. - - [1193] Voigt, ii. 259, says that Gloucester's relations with Candido - dated back from the time when he translated the _Vita Henrici - Quinti_ of Livius into Italian. As this was done in 1463, - after Gloucester's death, it cannot exactly be said to have - originated his connection with the translator. See _TabulA| - Codicum Palatina Vindobonensi_, ii. 106. - - [1194] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 513, 514; _Bibliographia_, i. 326. - - [1195] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, ff. 59, 60. - - [1196] _Ibid._, f. 13vo. - - [1197] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 31vo. - - [1198] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, ff. 6, 7. Since securing a transcript - of this letter I find that it has been printed by Dr. W. L. - Newman, in _Eng. Hist. Review_, xx. 496-498, together with a - discussion of the rest of the correspondence between - Gloucester and Candido. Cf. Sassi, _Historia - Literaria-Typographica_, p. ccc. - - [1199] Leonardi Bruni, _EpistolA|_, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6, pp. - 119-122. - - [1200] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 61vo. - - [1201] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 514; _Bibliographia_, i. 326. - - [1202] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 514, 515; _Bibliographia_, i. 327. - Two of these dedications--those to the sixth and tenth - book--are in Durham MS., C. iv. 3. - - [1203] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 515. - - [1204] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 60vo. - - [1205] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 525. - - [1206] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 515, 516. Dated March 23, 1439 - (1440, New Style), in Durham MS., C. iv. 3. This is not a - literal translation of the letter. - - [1207] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 516. Letter of Candido to - Gloucester. - - [1208] Of these the two volumes of the two Plinies and the Varro - were in Gloucester's last gift of books to Oxford; _Epist. - Acad._, 235, 236. - - [1209] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 517. Letter of Gloucester to - Candido. - - [1210] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 517, 518. Letter of Candido to - Gloucester. - - [1211] _Ibid._, xix. 518-520. Letter of Gloucester to Candido. - - [1212] _Ibid._, xix. 519. Letter of Candido to Gloucester. The same - merchants had brought Bruni's translation of the _Politics_ - to Gloucester; Leonardi Bruni, _EpistolA|_, vol. ii. liber - VIII. No. 6. - - [1213] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 520. Letter of Gloucester to - Candido. - - [1214] _Cod. Riccardiano_, 827, f. 82vo. - - [1215] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 524. Letter of Candido to - Gloucester. - - [1216] _Ibid._, xix. 519. Letter of Candido to Gloucester. - - [1217] Probably the third-century grammarian, Censorius, who wrote a - still extant work, _De Die Natali_, is here meant. - - [1218] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 524. Letter of Gloucester to - Candido. - - [1219] _Ibid._, xix. 522. Letter of Gloucester to Candido. - - [1220] Sassi, _Historia Literaria-Typographia_, 293. Letter of - Candido to Nicomedus Tranchedinus. - - [1221] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 523. Letter of Gloucester to - Candido. - - [1222] _Ibid._, xix. 523. Letter of Gloucester to Candido. - - [1223] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 524. Letter of Gloucester to - Candido. - - [1224] _Ibid._, xix. 522, 523. Letter of Gloucester to Candido. - - [1225] _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 520-522. Letter of Candido to - Gloucester. - - [1226] _Archivio Lombardo_, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 432. Letter of - Candido to the governor of Milan. - - [1227] _Ibid._, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 66; _Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. - 523, 524. - - [1228] Agostini, _Scrittori Veneziani_, i. 346-372; Voigt, ii. 259. - - [1229] Voigt, ii. 39. - - [1230] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), f. 1. - - [1231] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), f. 2. - - [1232] _Eng. Hist. Review_, x. 100, 101. Letter of Piero del Monte - to Gloucester. - - [1233] _Cent Dix Lettres Grecques_, 25-28; Voigt, ii. 37, 176, 177. - - [1234] _Cod. Laurentiano_, Plut., lxiii. 30, f. 1vo. Cf. _Cent Dix - Lettres Grecques_, 25. - - [1235] This is undoubtedly 'Besia' in the MS. I cannot suggest an - interpretation. - - [1236] Bodley MS., 3618 (E. Museo, 119), ff. 116-118. - - [1237] _Cod. Laurentiano_, Plut., lxiii. 30, ff. 1vo., 2vo. - - [1238] Magdalen MS., 37, ff. 1, 2. - - [1239] I presume from the way this man is alluded to without comment - or explanation that he had come from Alfonso, or at least - that through him the two friends had become acquainted by - letter. - - [1240] _Eng. Hist. Review_, x. 102, 103. Letter of Gloucester to - Alfonso V. of Aragon. - - [1241] This MS. is said to be now in the library of Holkham Hall. - See Roscoe, _Life of Lorenzo de Medici_ (London, 1846), 64, - 485. - - [1242] A†n. Sylv., _Opera_, 602, _Epist._ cv. - - [1243] _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 223, _et passim_. - - [1244] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 314. - - [1245] See Giuliani, _Della Letteratura Veronese_, 66; Warton, iii. - 51; Voigt, ii. 258. - - [1246] Royal MS., 5, F. ii. - - [1247] 'Postquam, serenissime princeps, ex peregrinatione mea redii, - quam in visendo hac tua clarissima patria suscipam, etc.' - Royal MS., 5, F. ii. f. 92. - - [1248] King's College, Cambridge, MS., 27, f. 3. - - [1249] MS. in a private library, f. 1vo. - - [1250] MS. in a private library, ff. 1, 2. - - [1251] _Titi Livii Forojuliensis Vita Henrici Quinti_, ed. Th. - Hearne, Oxon., 1716. - - [1252] Rymer, V. i. 37. - - [1253] Einstein, 4. - - [1254] Warton, iii. 51. - - [1255] Livius, 2. - - [1256] _Ibid._ - - [1257] Rymer, V. i. 37. - - [1258] Voigt, ii. 258. - - [1259] _Archivio Lombardo_, vol. x. Anno. xx. p. 428. Letter of - Livius to P. C. Decembrio. - - [1260] _Epist. Acad._, 256. - - [1261] _Ibid._, 177. - - [1262] _Ibid._, 116. - - [1263] _Ibid._, 256. Kymer had been Chancellor formerly for two - years (1431-1433); on this occasion he did not resign till - 1453. Anthony Wood, _History of Oxford_, App. 44, 51. - - [1264] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 473. A certain 'John Swanwych,' who is - described as a 'Clerk' of Gloucester, was also a Bachelor of - Physick. Rymer, IV. iv. 84. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE REVIVAL OF ENGLISH SCHOLARSHIP - - -Had the Duke of Gloucester confined his patronage to scholars of foreign -birth, and taken no part in the intellectual life of England as a whole, -he would deserve only a passing mention by those who would trace the -development of English thought. His praises, however, were not sung by -Italian humanist and French ecclesiastic alone. In England he was the -acknowledged leader in the world of letters, the centre round which -native scholar and poet alike revolved, and his patronage was extended -to all who took an interest in intellectual pursuits. He therefore -became the medium of introducing the new ideas from Italy to the English -scholars, though it must be admitted that the latter were very slow to -accept the message of the new movement. They were reared in an entirely -different atmosphere to the Italians, and in most cases showed little or -no interest in the new learning. Even Wheathampsted of St. Albans, who -seems in some ways to have acted as the Duke's literary adviser, showed -but scant sympathy with the scholarship fostered by his friend and -patron. On the whole, it is probable that this Abbot was more a -political than a literary friend to Gloucester, and it has been -considered significant that he resigned the Abbacy in 1440, just when -his friend and supporter was losing his hold on the politics of the -country.[1265] Wheathampsted, however, was associated with the Duke in -literary matters, and was employed by him to adorn and increase his -collection of books, though our authority for this statement seems to -suggest that this was only part of his policy of securing his patron's -favour.[1266] He showed a distinct interest in books apart from his -relations with Duke Humphrey, himself building a library for his -monastery out of his own pocket,[1267] and presenting at least one book -to the students at Oxford, probably to the foundation of Gloucester -College, which was connected with the House of St. Albans.[1268] From -time to time we find gifts of books to Humphrey entered in the accounts -of the monastery, one of which alone cost AL6, 13s. 4d.,[1269] a fact -which may help us to estimate the enormous sums which the Duke must have -spent in collecting his great library. On another occasion we hear of -the gift of three books to the Duke of Gloucester, one of them being a -_Cato Glossatus_, which we may identify with the _Catonem Comentatum_ -presented to Oxford in 1443,[1270] probably an annotated copy of Cato's -famous treatise _De Re Rustica_. The other two books of this gift were -of the Abbot's own compilation,[1271] probably two parts of his -three-volume work, the _Granarium de Viris Illustribus_, which we also -find included in the Oxford gifts.[1272] From his connection with -Wheathampsted and his Abbey of St. Albans Humphrey may have imbibed that -love of astrology which was so unfortunately shared by his wife, but -there is no recorded gift of a work on this subject to him, though -Bedford received a treatise of this kind at the hands of these monks, -who were famous for the study of the occult sciences.[1273] - -JOHN CAPGRAVE - -Amongst monkish scholars to be found in the Duke's following was John -Capgrave, a native of Lynn, in Norfolk. He studied at Oxford, Cambridge, -and London, and was for a time a tutor in the first-named University, -ending his days as a member of the Augustinian community in its -monastery at Lynn. He was a prolific writer on theological and -historical subjects, and also a composer of English verse, into which he -translated a _Life of St. Catherine of Alexandria_, attributed by some -to St. Athanasius.[1274] He is said to have been intimate with Humphrey, -who retained him to discuss matters of philosophy when the mood was upon -him.[1275] It is interesting to note that Capgrave was one of the first -monkish chroniclers to use the vulgar tongue for historical purposes, -and his _Chronicle of England_ is one of the most useful contributions -to the history of his times still extant. This adoption of English as a -medium for the writing of history casts an interesting gleam of light on -the position of Duke Humphrey in the Renaissance movement, one of the -most important aspects of which was the abolition of 'Christendom' as a -political term, and the development of the nationalities of Europe, a -development which is mirrored by the adoption of the vernacular -languages for scholarly purposes. - -It was probably at the instance of Humphrey that the _Chronicle of -England_ was compiled, as well as the _Commentary on Genesis_ which was -dedicated to him. To this book, of which the original copy is preserved -in the Library of Oriel College, Oxford, is prefixed a dedication to -Duke Humphrey, in which he is described as the extirpator of heresy and -the protector of the poor. The author goes on to say that no one was so -worthy as Gloucester to receive the gift of such a book, for -'flourishing in the vigour of a most subtle intellect you give yourself, -as is reported, with the greatest earnestness to the study of the works -of ancient authors.' Most especially was the Duke famous for his studies -in the Scriptures, and, much in the spirit of the Italian Humanists, -Capgrave thanks God that such a prince should devote himself to the -pursuit of knowledge, especially in an age when even ecclesiastics -abandon the cloister for the field of politics, and without studying -themselves, discourage studies in other people.[1276] Had he set out to -paint Humphrey in relation to his times, this author could not have -drawn the picture more accurately than he has here done. The scholars of -the Middle Ages had lost all traces of enthusiasm; their scholarship was -in that state of decay which preceded its entire abolition. To such a -state of affairs came Humphrey, the first of that long line of laymen -who were to usurp the place which the Church could no longer hold in the -vanguard of the pursuit of knowledge. The domination of the -ecclesiastical mind over the intellectual development of the world was -about to pass away; no longer would it be possible for a Gregory the -Great to order the destruction of a library of ancient classics, for a -poet such as Alcuin of York to declaim against heathen authors, or for -any one to cry in the words of Gregory of Tours, 'Let us shun the lying -fables of poets, and forgo the wisdom of sages at enmity with God, lest -we incur the doom of endless death by sentence of our Lord.' Humphrey -and Capgrave were both faithful sons of the Church in which they had -been born, yet they did not hesitate to denounce the scholarship of the -mediA|val ecclesiastics which had developed into a science of -superstition, and to herald a new era in which knowledge was to be the -birthright of all men, a means whereby they might perfect their lives by -a realisation of the goodliness of humanity. - -[Illustration: CAPGRAVE PRESENTING HIS COMMENTARY ON GENESIS TO THE DUKE - OF GLOUCESTER.] - -An equally interesting feature of this dedication is that Capgrave -commends this commentary on Genesis to his patron on the ground that -in it is to be found the science of judging literature.[1277] The new -science of theology was to discard the crutches of tradition, and to -take its place side by side with the other interests of the human mind. -No longer was it to be a science apart, but rather one branch of a great -and growing literature, which had for its object the improvement of -man's state, both mentally and morally. In these words of Capgrave may -we not see some indication of that critical faculty, which plays so -large a part in the new birth of the mind of man? That Humphrey could be -addressed after this manner clearly shows the position that he held -among those who aspired to more freedom of thought; it is significant -that a theological treatise should be dedicated to him on the ground -that in it full play was given to the critical faculty. - -It seems likely from the wording of the dedication of this _Commentary -on Genesis_, that Capgrave was not at that time patronised by Humphrey, -for he alludes to the Duke's love of learning as a matter of report and -not of personal knowledge. Probably this book and its dedication served -as an introduction for its author, even as the _Republic_ of Plato had -served for Pier Candido Decembrio, and from the autograph at the end we -gather that it was personally presented by Capgrave in the year 1438. We -have no other work by Capgrave with a dedication to Gloucester, though -four books written by this author, including this same copy of the -_Commentary on Genesis_, were presented to Oxford; yet we know of one -which would have been of immense interest had it survived, for it seems -an undoubted fact that Capgrave wrote a _Vita Humfridi Ducis_. In his -_De Illustribus Henricis_ he tells us that such a work was in -contemplation,[1278] and it was known to exist in the days of Bale and -Pits, the last of whom declares that in his time it formed part of the -Library of Balliol College, Oxford.[1279] - -Among other English authors patronised by Duke Humphrey we must place -Nicholas Upton, a Fellow of New College, Oxford, who dedicated his work -_De Studio Militari_ to 'Excellentissimio et illustrissimo Principi meo -singulari, Humfrido.'[1280] It is a work of heraldic rather than of -military interest, and bears more on the public than on the literary -side of Gloucester's character. Also a host of quite forgotten men, -mostly clerics, circled round this famous prince and patron, such as -John Homme, Canon of Hereford, and at one time the Duke's -secretary;[1281] Richard Wyot, his Dean of the Chapel;[1282] John -Everdon, who successfully petitioned for a Canonry in the Collegiate -Church of Hastings;[1283] and one Henry Abingdon, who for services -rendered received an annuity of AL8 per annum.[1284] All these probably -were employed at one time or another in copying books for their master, -and all found the reward they sought at the hands of their employer, a -fact which leads us to believe that the complaints of Bruni and Candido -were based more on cupidity than on justice. - -ENGLISH POETS - -More a friend than a follower was Thomas Beckington, a man of some -political importance, at one time Lord Privy Seal, Private Secretary to -Henry VI., and ultimately Bishop of Bath and Wells. He was elected a -Fellow of New College, Oxford, in 1408, a position which he held till -1420, about which time he probably became Gloucester's chancellor, for -he is alluded to as such in a letter written by Henry V. to Pope Martin -V.[1285] He was a man who leant towards the new learning, led thereto -probably by the example of his friend, and we find him in communication -with Italian Humanists, such as Flavio Biondo of Forli and Piero del -Monte, while at home he was connected with such scholars as Adam -Moleyns, Thomas Chandler, and William Grey,[1286] the last of whom was -the first great scholar churchman of England whose enthusiasm for the -new learning was anything but a passing fancy. It may be that, through -Beckington, Humphrey had some connection with these men, though all -trace of this has vanished; at least he probably knew Grey, who claimed -a distant relationship with the royal House. Lastly, it has also been -stated that Reginald Pecock, the famous heretical Bishop of St. Asaph, -was patronised by Gloucester, and we are told that he was 'quiet and -safe, and also bold to dispute and to write his mind' so long as his -patron was alive.[1287] Moreover, he is said to have been appointed -Master of Whittington College, London, in 1431, through the influence of -Duke Humphrey.[1288] The original authorities for these statements -cannot be found, but it is significant that Pecock began the propaganda -which ended in his disgrace immediately after the death of the man who -is said to have been his patron. It may be that the orthodoxy of -Humphrey acted as a restraint on the Bishop so long as he lived. -However, this cannot be anything but supposition, as there is no real -authority on which to base this hypothetical connection. - -While speaking of the English writers patronised by the Duke of -Gloucester, some mention must be made of a small band of poets--or -perhaps it would be more correct to term them writers in verse--who had -some relation with Gloucester. The fifteenth century was entirely barren -of English literature. After the bright sun of Chaucer had set, a period -of darkness arose, unrelieved by the slightest gleam of brilliancy or -genius. An unheroic age produced a race of unheroic versifiers, men who -slavishly followed in the steps of Chaucer, hailed him as their master -in all their works, and exemplified the law that a literature which -looks for its ideals to the age that has just passed must be devoid of -all originality and of all real power. Interested as he was in the -rediscovery of the lost literature of the past, Humphrey did not -patronise the poets with the fervour he showed in reading the ancient -classics, yet most of the versifiers of the day seem to have had some -connection with him. Most famous of these was John Lydgate, who was -responsible for about fifteen thousand of the worst lines of poetry that -have ever been produced. He acted as a self-appointed poet-laureate, -writing a poem to celebrate every important national event. Thus he -described the triumphant entry of Henry V. into London after Agincourt; -he welcomed the attempts at peace in 1443; Queen Margaret's advent and -the truce she brought with her were celebrated in the same manner.[1289] -His output of bad verse is amazing, and, with the exception perhaps of -his 'London Lyckpenny,' it is totally devoid of interest whether -literary or personal. The greater part of his life was spent as an -inmate of the great Benedictine monastery at Bury St. Edmunds, and it -was probably here that he first met Gloucester. Several of his all too -frequent poems were written to celebrate Duke Humphrey. He produced one -of these on the occasion of his patron's first marriage, and entitled it -'A comendable balade by Lydgate dame John at ye reverence of my lady of -Holland and of my lord of Gloucester to fore ye daye of there maryage in -the desyrous tyme of their true louynge.'[1290] In another poem he -bewailed the sad fate of Jacqueline in a way which was not very -complimentary to Humphrey, though this production of his has not -survived in a complete state, two whole folios being mercifully -missing.[1291] Finally, he lived long enough to write the 'Epitaphium -Ducis Gloucesterie,' a piece of doggerel which almost surpasses its -predecessors.[1292] - -JOHN LYDGATE - -Apart from these original poems, Lydgate produced one work commissioned -by the Duke. This was a verse translation of Boccaccio's encyclopA|dic -Latin work _De casibus Virorum et Feminarum illustrium_, though a French -translation by Laurent de Premierfait and not the original was used by -the English versifier. The title runs, 'Here beginneth the book callyd I -Bochas, descriuyng the falle of Pryncys, pryncessys, and other nobles, -translated into Inglish by John Ludgate, monke of the Monastery of Seynt -Edmundes Bury, after commaundment of the worthi prynce Hunfrey duk of -Gloucestre, beguning at Adam and endyng with Kyng John taken prisoner in -France bi Prince Edward.'[1293] Humphrey showed considerable interest in -the works of Boccaccio, for he possessed other translations of this -master's writings. To his copy of the _Corbaccio_ we have already -alluded, and a French version of the _Decameron_ was presented to him by -the Earl of Warwick.[1294] His appreciation of Italian literature was -not confined to these items, though it is evident that he had no -knowledge of the Italian language. To Oxford he gave a copy of Dante's -works, and a commentary thereon, together with several volumes of -Petrarch and Boccaccio, all in Latin, but these may well have contained -translations of the Italian compositions of these writers, as well as -those originally written in the scholarly language of the time. Italian -literature was undoubtedly known in England before Humphrey's day. -Richard of Bury had been the friend of Petrarch, who, together with -Dante, was the acknowledged inspiration of Chaucer's poetry,[1295] and -so there is no occasion for surprise at finding that these works formed -part of the literary equipment of the Duke of Gloucester. - -The translation of Boccaccio's work must have cost the Duke dear, for -in the midst of the translating he received a rhymed communication from -Lydgate, urging penury as an excuse for a request for money, and asking -him at least to give a moment, - - 'To so th' entent of this litel bille, - Whiche whan I wrote my hand felt I quake.'[1296] - -There is something peculiarly modern in this appeal, and to judge by the -fervent thanks in the text of the work, it was not in vain. A tribute is -paid to the munificent patron of the work in the Prologue, which is -interesting as evidence of what was the general opinion about Humphrey's -humanism in England. His ability and energy in governing the kingdom -occupy two stanzas, and still more space is devoted to his exertions in -support of Holy Church, which were so successful, - - 'That in this londe no lollard dar abide.' - -The greatest stress, however, is laid on the Duke's literary qualities: - - 'He doth excelle - In understandyng alle othir off his age, - And hath gret joie with clerkes to commune, - And no man is more expert off language. - Stable in study alwey he doth contune, - Settyng a side alle changis of fortune. - Duc off Gloucestre men this prynce calle, - And notwithstanding his staat and dignite, - His corage never doth appalle - To studie in bokis off antiquite. - Therin he hath so gret felicite - Vertuously himselff to ocupie - Off vicious slouthe to have the maistrie.'[1297] - -Strangely enough, this encomium on the literary character of Gloucester -runs on very much the same lines as the praises of the Italian -Humanists, and though it may have been written by a grateful poet about -a munificent patron, yet there is a certain restraint about it, unusual -in Lydgate's verses, which leads us to believe it is prompted by genuine -feeling. It would seem that the book was not dedicated to the Duke, -though undertaken at his request, and these lines occur unheralded in -the midst of the prologue to the reader. - -SOME OTHER POETS - -Lydgate was not the only English poet who owned Gloucester as a master, -though there is no other mention of poetical work being either composed -at his request, or dedicated to him when finished. On the title-page of -his _Boke of Nurture_, John Russell describes himself as 'Sum tyme -seruande with Duke Ufrey of Glowcetur, a prynce fulle Royalle, with whom -Uschere in Chambur was I, and Mershalle also in Halle,' and in the -course of the poem, which is interesting as an indication of -contemporary manners and customs, we read: - - 'Pray for the soule of John Russelle that God do hym mede. - Sum tyme seruande with duke umfrey due of Glowcetur in dede,'[1298] - -a couplet which gives a clear indication of the poetical qualifications -of Gloucester's usher. George Ashley, who was clerk of the signet to -Queen Margaret, and compiled a moral poem for the instruction of her -ill-fated son, Prince Edward, was also at one time in Humphrey's -service, at least so we would gather from a statement made by his -mistress that at the time of his death the Duke owed him money.[1299] - -A closer connection existed between Humphrey and Thomas de Norton, who -was his chaplain[1300] and chancellor of his house.[1301] This post was -probably one of importance, for he assisted materially in securing the -renewal of the St. Albans charter, and was in correspondence with Abbot -Wheathampsted on this subject. Norton was a man of more eminence than -these other English versifiers, though he was probably but a young man -when his master died. A native of Bristol, he became one of the most -noted alchemists of his day, and embodied his knowledge in a poem called -the 'Ordinal,' using this form and the vernacular, in order that he -might instruct the unlearned in a science so useful to them,[1302] a -reason which bears some affinity to the remarks made by Dante to the -Prior of the Convent of Santa Croce when explaining his use of Italian -in the _Divina Commedia_. It was most likely in his primary capacity as -a scientist, and not as a poet, that Norton appealed to Humphrey, who -died long before this poetical scientific treatise was written. - -ENGLISH VERSION OF PALLADIUS - -There is still one more versifier to be mentioned in connection with the -Duke of Gloucester, though his name has not survived, and perhaps, -considering the quality of his verse, he was wise not to betray his -identity. Indeed, he is so conscious of his feebleness as a poet that he -alludes to it more than once in the prologue which precedes his verse -translation of the _De Re Rustica_ of Palladius.[1303] This prologue, -which, consists of sixteen stanzas, is not directly addressed to the -Duke, nor is there any formal dedication of the poem to him. -Nevertheless, frequent mention is made of the writer's patron, and in a -few introductory verses to the second book of the work it is obvious -that the translation was undertaken for him. - - 'I wul assay hem up to plowe and delue; - A lord to plese, how suete is to laboure,'[1304] - -writes this rhymester, and there is no doubt as to the identity of this -lord, for he tells us plainly, - - 'My blissed lord, mene I the duc homfrey.'[1305] - -The writer was well acquainted with the life of his 'blissed lord,' most -especially with his literary leanings, and he devotes nearly two whole -stanzas to retailing his benefactions to Oxford, and the nature of the -books given to that University.[1306] He also mentions the famous men in -the Duke's following, making special allusion to Wheathampsted, Piero -del Monte, Livius, and Antonio di Beccaria, and he further gives us a -speaking picture of the extensive field which his master's studies -covered.[1307] He also makes the somewhat startling statement that 'he -taught me meter make,'[1308] which we may well discount as a poetical -exaggeration, not to be taken too literally. Doubtless it was at the -Duke's bidding that the translation was undertaken, and the author was -probably a member of the foundation of St. Albans. This last supposition -is suggested by the placing of Wheathampsted first on the list of -Humphrey's literary friends, and by an allusion in the course of the -prologue to the robber Wawe, whose crimes were only of local importance, -and would be unknown to us save for the account of them given by the St. -Albans chronicler.[1309] The poem must have been written between the -years 1439 and 1447, that is, after the first gifts to Oxford, and -before the death of the writer's patron, who was obviously still alive -at the time of writing. The literary form of the poem cannot enhance -Gloucester's reputation, but it bears interesting testimony to the -important position held by him amongst the scholars of the kingdom. - -The list of English poets connected with Duke Humphrey is not brilliant, -but this was not his fault. There was no great light in the poetic -firmament whom he could patronise in the way his grandfather had -patronised Chaucer, though it may seem a strange omission that this dead -poet was totally unrepresented as far as we know, in his library, We -must qualify our surprise by remembering that we possess no complete -list of Gloucester's books, so that a copy of Chaucer may have been -among them, but at least we have sufficient evidence to prove that he -did not despise the vernacular languages as did so many of the earlier -humanists. True, we can only directly connect three books written in -English with his name, and he seems to have found French more natural to -his use than the language of his native land, since all the inscriptions -in his books are written in that language, but practically all the -writers of his age who wrote in English enjoyed his patronage, and we -have the evidence of the University of Oxford to prove that he -encouraged the production of books in the national language.[1310] -Humphrey was not so busy in the rediscovery of the forgotten poets and -philosophers of the past, as not to realise that the knowledge he was -acquiring was to be the basis of the vernacular literature of the -future, that the spirit of the new learning, while it liberated men's -minds from bondage, must also find a means of expression for itself. -Though intent on building the foundations, he did not fail to consider -the nature of the edifice which should crown his labours. - - * * * * * - -THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD - -The historian of Literature is little more than the historian of -exploded reputations; the great men with whom we must deal are the great -men who no longer loom large on the horizon, and this is doubly true of -a patron of literature. Humphrey's reputation as scholar and patron, -though it flourished in his day in countries far distant from England, -is now not even a distant memory, save perhaps in that society which -frequently in his lifetime expressed the conviction that his fame would -be immortal, not so much for his military or political glories, though -indeed they were great, as for his constant liberality to its members, -and that the University of Oxford would ever be the home of his -glory.[1311] In Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Oxford found one of her -most generous and constant patrons of any age, one who laid the -University under an obligation which not all her sons are ready to -recognise. Certainly no contemporary of the 'Good Duke' could rival his -generosity to the 'clerks of Oxenford,' though they were not destitute -of important patrons. Henry IV. was numbered amongst the benefactors of -the early library;[1312] Henry V. took an interest in the welfare of the -University, on one occasion making special ordinances to be proclaimed -and observed therein,[1313] and at his death bequeathing certain books -to the Library.[1314] It is said that he had intended to found a great -college there, and though this plan was never carried out, Archbishop -Chichele built and endowed his foundation of All Souls in memory of his -royal master. Of Henry's sons, Bedford had the intention of founding -lectures in the seven liberal arts and the three philosophies, but it is -uncertain whether this project was ever brought to fruition.[1315] Henry -VI. was but a churlish friend of the University in spite of the -obsequious flattery he received therefrom, and on more than one occasion -we find him as a harsh landlord raising the rent of 'Bedel Hall,' or -cutting down the hard-earned fees of the masters teaching in the -arts.[1316] On the other hand, Queen Margaret was the founder of a -lectureship in theology,[1317] whilst Cardinal Beaufort, who had -neglected his Alma Mater during his life, thought it well to add to his -chances of eternal salvation by bequeathing five hundred marks towards -the completion of the Divinity School, in return for which he was to be -remembered in all the University prayers.[1318] - -GLOUCESTER AND OXFORD - -Oxford, therefore, was a fashionable subject of interest, though the -benefits gained were not in proportion to the giving capacity of the -donors. Humphrey was not only a liberal benefactor, but a faithful and -trusted friend to the University. We may smile at the servility of the -eulogies, and the extravagances of the compliments in the letters -addressed to him, and also at the obvious suggestion in these utterances -that there was a distinct hope of favours to come, yet with all this we -can trace a note of genuine admiration and respect in these flowery -effusions. For many years the Duke of Gloucester was the 'great -protector'[1319] of Oxford outside the confines of the University, a -power in the land who would stand up for the privileges and rights of -Chancellor and Proctors in a way that was far more valuable than many -liberal donations at a time when the majesty of the law was a very venal -sovereign. In a case of trouble or danger, whether from within or from -without, the University would invariably appeal to her good patron, and -did not find him wanting. Even when it was a matter of a quarrel with -the members of the Benedictine order, of whose monasteries he was -acknowledged to be _quasi fundator_, the University did not hesitate to -appeal to the Duke to use his influence with the Chancellor in stopping -the proceedings instituted by these monks in the Court of Arches against -the usual payment of six shillings and eightpence made by each student -to the master whose lectures he attended. At the same time he was -besought to bring the presidents of the Benedictine order, namely the -Abbots of St. Albans and Abingdon, to reason in this matter.[1320] The -appeal was probably successful, for Humphrey's sense of justice was -seldom subordinated to his predilections, and he had already upbraided -the Prior of the monks in Oxford for unseemly behaviour towards the -scholars of Glastonbury.[1321] At any rate, no further appeal was found -necessary, so that it may be presumed that the monks were compelled to -yield the point. The incident recalls an interesting aspect of -Gloucester's relations with Oxford, in that he devoted his sympathies to -the University as a corporate body, and neglected the separate -foundations which made up the whole, even to the extent of having no -connection with Gloucester College, the home of these monks of the -Benedictine order, and the offshoot of his beloved monastery of St. -Albans. - -But while Gloucester favoured Oxford, he was not unduly partial, and in -one case at least the University had to compromise. A certain friar, -William Mussilwyk, had been deprived of his doctor's robes, and his -supporters had been suspended, whereupon Gloucester wrote to -remonstrate. The University declared that their patron had been -misinformed as to the rights of the case, but after considerable -correspondence with him on the subject, a compromise was arranged, and -it was agreed that the disgraced friar was to be reinstated if he -acknowledged his fault; it was, however, emphatically explained that -this course was adopted merely as a personal favour to the Duke, and was -in no way a confession of error.[1322] - -The University had reason to be grateful to Gloucester, for he had taken -it under his special protection, at least so one would gather from the -phraseology of a letter written to him in 1430, wherein elaborately -worded thanks are given him for his great generosity towards it ever -since he had been its protector.[1323] He was not the man to give his -protection without his interest, and he wrote to the University in 1431, -requesting that certain reforms which he suggested should be carried -into effect. An evasive reply explained that at present this could not -be done, as so many members of the University were then absent from -Oxford, and the time was too short for so important a question to be -decided; however, it was hoped that a more definite answer could be -sent before Christmas.[1324] Of this promised answer there is no trace, -and the event passed into oblivion as one of no importance, save that it -might suggest a marked continuity in the history of the University. This -is the only record of unsolicited interference in the internal history -of Oxford on the part of Humphrey, and it comes somewhat as a surprise -that a man who has the reputation of being overbearing and interfering -should not have tried to stamp his individuality more clearly on the -University of which he was the protector. - -Throughout the earlier years of the connection between Humphrey and -Oxford it is the latter that invokes aid, not the former who would press -his own wishes. Each may occasionally ask the other's help for a -friend,[1325] but the letters addressed by the University to their -patron were mainly written in pursuit of some benefit from outside, or -in the hope of the pacification of some internal quarrel. At one time -the Duke is besought to use his influence in securing for them the books -bequeathed by Henry V.;[1326] at another, as protector of the realm, he -is asked, together with the King's Council, to advise as to the -treatment of certain defiant heretics, who are preaching 'uncircumcised -and seditious words';[1327] or again he is appealed to in matters of -purely internal concern--the disputes between Town and Gown, or the -insubordination of the members of the University themselves. Thus in -1434 the authorities sought aid in enforcing a statute which had been -passed in the interests of peace, which was meant to satisfy both the -townsmen and the scholars, but the opposition thereto threatened to -render it a nullity.[1328] The very next year a claim made by the -Bachelors to be called Masters threw the University into a state which -bordered on civil war, and caused a total cessation of lectures and all -teaching. Urgent letters were written to Gloucester asking his -assistance in quieting these disturbances, and Kymer was petitioned to -use his influence with the Duke to beg him to grant their -supplication.[1329] No sooner was the town reduced to quiet than the -scholars of Devon and Cornwall organised a riot, and bearing off the -image of St. Peter from a parish church, they placed it in the monastery -of St. Frideswide, and desired all other scholars to attend Mass there. -An attempt on the part of the University authorities to allay the tumult -resulted in armed resistance, in which the law-students took the lead. -Oxford, in a state of anarchy, once more appealed to its patron.[1330] -We have none of the replies to these various petitions, but from a -subsequent letter from the University it would seem that Gloucester had -shown sympathy, and had intervened, for peace, though not entirely -restored, was then at least in sight.[1331] - -Interesting though they are, Gloucester's relations to the University in -his capacity of a great prince have not the importance of his -intercourse with her as a man of letters. Noisiness and a tendency to -tumult have not always been signs of decay in Oxford, but at this moment -they were the outward tokens of inward debility. Poverty, 'the -step-mother of learning,' was the bane of university life, and we have -seen the efforts of some students to escape paying their fees. A large -percentage of the letters written by the University had this lack of -money as their theme, and it was not greediness for more of the good -things of life, but a desire for mere necessaries, that obliged them so -to write. The University was as Rachel weeping for her children--so says -a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1438: once she was famous in -the world, and students flocked to her from all parts; then she -possessed many men learned in the arts and sciences, her schools were -not depopulated, nor were her halls empty. Now there was a scarcity both -of food and money, and learning was so little rewarded that few came to -acquire it; scarcely a thousand scholars and masters remained in the -University, doors were locked, the buildings in ruins. Those who still -remained had to be content to see ignorant and unlettered men promoted -over their heads in the world outside, whilst they were left to -starve.[1332] - -Oxford had indeed fallen from her high estate, and was experiencing a -period of affliction. The scholarship of the Middle Ages was worn out, -the gospel of the New World had not yet been preached to her, but when, -as in all its troubles, the University turned for help to the Duke of -Gloucester, it had taken the first step towards better things. To him -its grievances were told, and it was his generosity that resuscitated -the lectures on the seven liberal arts and the three philosophies.[1333] -Still, there was not sufficient for their continual maintenance. The -lectures were carried on for some time, till the expense was more than -could be borne, and again an appeal was made to the Duke. It was -imperative that they should have a permanent foundation for three more -lecturers, and they must have books, and money to buy more. Yet another -important corollary to these demands was that more suitable appointments -should be made by those in authority in the kingdom, and that a man who -had been educated at Oxford should not be at a disadvantage by reason of -his superior knowledge.[1334] We have here the grievance in a nutshell. -University education was unpopular, no one was ready to provide the -means for that education, and the existing means were at present wholly -inadequate. - -GIFTS OF BOOKS TO OXFORD - -Probably the lack of books was the greatest want, for beyond a very few -volumes in the chests of the Library named after Bishop Cobham, and some -others possessed by masters more wealthy than their fellows, there were -no books at all in the University. The students had no access to books, -all the teaching had to be done orally, and hence the knowledge acquired -was of that purely hereditary type which could not be enlivened by the -infusion of new ideas. To a lover and student of books such as Duke -Humphrey this defect in the equipment of both teachers and taught must -have come home very strongly, and his reply to the appeal, which was -made in April 1438, was not tardy. Already his name, together with those -of his father and brothers, was written on that tablet in the Oxford -Library which recorded the benefactors of that institution,[1335] and in -1435 he had presented both money and books to the University, for which -he had received the warmest thanks, and a promise of renewed diligence -in study, as recognition that it was his wisdom that had brought about a -revival of learning in Oxford.[1336] In answer to the direct appeal he -had received in 1438, he forwarded what must have been an important part -of his library, in the shape of one hundred and twenty-nine -volumes,[1337] 'a more splendid donation than any prince or king had -given since the foundation of the University,' valued as it was at more -than AL1000.[1338] The letter of thanks spoke in naturally high terms of -the Duke's wisdom and learning, and compared him to Julius CA|sar, who -founded a library in Rome, for he, like Gloucester, combined the -attributes of a great soldier with those of an enthusiastic -scholar.[1339] Not content with their own thanks, these grateful -scholars wrote to Parliament, urging its members to thank the Duke, -since both they and their relatives had been, or in the future would be, -beholden to the University for their education[1340]--a request which, -it is hardly a surprise to find, went unheeded. On November 5, 1439, an -indenture in receipt of the books was drawn up, and thereon were -inscribed the first word or words occurring on the second folio of each -volume, so that identification in case of loss might be possible.[1341] -This last precaution, which was customary in most libraries of that -period, is still of immense value in verifying the authenticity of -manuscripts said to have formed part of the donations of Duke Humphrey -to Oxford. Two more gifts followed in 1441, the first consisting of -seven, the second of nine books, of which we have only the names of the -latter preserved.[1342] It is noticeable that on both these occasions -the books were conveyed to Oxford by Sir John Kirkby, a soldier who had -served under Humphrey in the campaign of 1417. Finally, in 1444, came a -gift of one hundred and thirty-four volumes, which were indented for in -the usual manner.[1343] - -Gifts of books in such numbers were unique in the history of the -University, and continued to be so for some time to come. Other donors -there were, amongst whom may be numbered Bedford, Wheathampsted, the -Duchess of Suffolk, Thomas Knolles, and John Somersett.[1344] These, -however, were all either small collections or single books, and even a -gift by Henry VI. to the foundation of All Souls only numbered -twenty-three volumes.[1345] Throughout, Duke Humphrey had led the way in -the patronage of the University. He had befriended it at a time when it -sadly needed support, and he now endowed it with a library, which in -numbers compared very favourably with any similar collection in -England. It was a deed of open-handed generosity, which well deserved -all the thanks it provoked, for in all he must have given quite three -hundred volumes to the University[1346]--by no means an insignificant -collection of books when all had to be copied by hand. They were drawn -undoubtedly from his own private library, as there had been no time -between the request and the donations to collect for the purpose, and -the gift becomes thereby all the more interesting to us, and all the -more honourable to the donor. Humphrey cared not for books merely for -the sake of collecting them; he valued their teaching, and did his -utmost to give them every opportunity of spreading their gospel abroad -among the students of the land. - -Special arrangements were made by the University for the preservation of -these additions to their Library. Already since 1412 there had been a -Librarian, who cared for the books collected in the room over the porch -of St. Mary's Church. He was in receipt of a salary of one hundred -shillings per annum, besides six shillings and eightpence for every -university Mass that he said, and the right to receive robes from every -beneficed graduate at the time of his graduation. Only graduates and -members of the religious orders who had studied philosophy for eight -years were given access to the Library, though certain exceptions, as in -the case of sons of members of Parliament, might be made. Oaths must be -taken by all readers not to mutilate the books by erasures or blots, an -ordinance, let us hope, which was observed more carefully at that time -than it is now in modern libraries. The Library was open from nine to -eleven and from one to four o'clock, except on Sundays and certain -specified days, including the Librarian's holiday of one month in the -long vacation.[1347] - -Fresh provisions were drawn up in 1439 in view of the recent additions. -All books were to be entered on a list kept in the Library, and their -titles were to be clearly marked on the first page with a list of the -contents; none were to be alienated or removed from the Library, save -for the purpose of rebinding, though the Duke might borrow any volume -after having submitted a written request to that effect. The books were -to be kept in chests for the use of lecturers and masters, and in the -absence of lectures students might have access to them. In case of loss -the loser was to pay to the University the sum marked on the book, which -was to be in excess of its real value.[1348] - -The possession of a useful library did much to restore the old position -of the University. From having almost no books--so wrote the authorities -to Gloucester--they now had plenty, so that both the Greek and Latin -tongue was there studied--that is, both the Greek and Latin authors, for -no Greek books were included in the gift. Men from all lands came to -study in Oxford now, as they had done before, and the letter concludes -with a phrase couched in more intimate terms than had been hitherto -customary; 'we wish you could see the students bending over your books -in their greediness and thirst for knowledge.'[1349] So great were the -crowds that used these volumes, that the accommodation afforded by the -old library was insufficient, and so the University wrote to Gloucester, -suggesting that the new Divinity school, then in course of construction, -should be used for the purpose. It was in every way suitable for a -library, being retired and quiet, and the idea that this new home for -his books should be called by his name was submitted to the donor -thereof for his approbation.[1350] Herein we may see a polite hint that -money as well as books would be acceptable. We have no evidence that the -Duke responded to this appeal at the moment and he died before the -building was completed by the munificence of Thomas Kempe, Bishop of -London, who gave one thousand marks for the purpose. With a conveniently -short memory the University alluded to the finished Library as _tuam -novam librariam_ when writing to Kempe in 1487.[1351] - -LAST RELATIONS WITH OXFORD - -This last request of Oxford, though only suggested, did not go -unanswered, for Humphrey appeared in the House of Congregation, and -publicly promised to give the rest of his Latin books to the University -together with AL100 towards the new Divinity school, a promise which he -renewed just before his death. But this promise was never fulfilled, and -in spite of numerous letters to the King, the executors of the Duke's -will and many other influential persons, neither the books nor the money -ever found their way to Oxford.[1352] Even as the library bequeathed by -Petrarch to Venice in the preceding century never reached its -destination, so did Oxford never benefit by the last promise of her -friend and patron. - -It was with genuine regret that Oxford learned the death of the Duke of -Gloucester, and an invocation, inspired by sorrow and fear for the -future, appears in their letter-book.[1353] His obsequies were performed -with great pomp,[1354] and an ordinance was issued enjoining all -graduates to pray for him at the beginning of all sermons preached -before the University, at St. Paul's Cross, and at St. Mary's Hospital, -Bishopsgate.[1355] Every year Mass was said on the anniversary of his -death for the repose of his soul, and later of that of his wife -Eleanor.[1356] - -[Illustration: THE OLD DIVINITY SCHOOLS AND DUKE HUMPHREY'S LIBRARY AT - OXFORD.] - -The Oxford masters had reason to be grateful to Gloucester, and in the -later epistles to him we can trace a growing simplicity and a growing -genuineness in their tone--'unable to repress our feelings, we pray you -of your goodness accept our simple gratitude.'[1357] Like the Italian -Humanists, they dwelt on that great combination of qualities which made -him a great soldier and a great man of letters in one,[1358] and -speaking of his books given to them, they cried, 'Statues, sculpture, -and graven brass will not so long preserve the memory of the great, as -will the living records of history.'[1359] The prophecy was justified, -but later events mitigated the exactitude of its operation. When the -ecclesiastical reformers, whom Humphrey had suppressed, won their final -triumph in the unlovely days of Edward VI., the tangible evidences of -the 'Good Duke's' benefactions to his University were lost. How or -exactly when this happened we cannot tell, but of the original -manuscripts not one was left in the Library. A fanatical abhorrence of -illuminations and rubricated initials, combined with a mediA|val -disregard of the intellectual side of life, destroyed, scattered and -lost, in most cases for ever, these interesting relics of an interesting -personality.[1360] The student of the early Renaissance in England has -good ground of complaint against the Protestant Commissioners of King -Edward VI. Yet in the University which educated him, and which he helped -to educate, the memory of Duke Humphrey is not entirely forgotten. For -long it treasured a silver-gilt belt known as 'le Duke Humfrey's -gyrdyll' as a remembrance of their benefactor,[1361] and to this day -every preacher in the University pulpit still recalls to his hearers the -bounty of this fifteenth-century prince. The building which was erected -to contain his manuscripts, now the central part of the larger room in -which the present students 'studie in bokies off antiquite,' still bears -his name, and beyond that barrier where visitors dare not--or rather -should not dare to--tread lies 'Duke Humphrey's Library.' Though Oxford -may call her Library by the name of its restorer, Sir Thomas Bodley, yet -there is an older tradition which never dies, the tradition of the man -who, with all his faults and with all his vices, did not forget his debt -of gratitude to his Alma Mater--'literatissimus princeps, amicissimus -noster.'[1362] - -GLOUCESTER'S LITERARY TASTES - -All that we know of Gloucester's literary career tends to prove that his -patronage of Oxford was only one branch of his scholarly activities. It -is evident that he had an extensive collection of books over and above -those that he gave to the University, and it is the loss of nearly all -knowledge regarding this private library which is our most serious -disadvantage when estimating his literary tastes. We have but little -evidence of the nature of the books which belonged to the Duke and never -reached Oxford, or of the subjects of a less classical bias that he -studied; had we even the catalogue of books in his possession that he -sent to Candido, we might be able to estimate his position in the -literary life of his age more justly, but this also seems to have gone -to that bourne from whence no knowledge returns. Apart from the zeal of -the reformers and the carelessness of the ignorant, we doubtless owe the -loss of many of these books to that discovery which has helped to -perpetuate the learning of the past. Humphrey stood on the threshold of -the age of printing, that age when the multiplication of printed books -cast their written forebears into the lumber-room. A manuscript of which -the contents had been printed was then regarded as a cumbrous method of -imbibing learning; its historical value was not recognised. Humphrey's -library was not long to remain as a monument to his memory, as the -University of Oxford had predicted that it would; it no longer remains -to help us to gauge with any hope of exactitude the breadth of his -interests, or the nature of his talents. That he loved his books, and -took an interest in them for what they contained, is beyond dispute, -though in those copies that survive there is no evidence that he wrote -in them 'Moun bien mondain,' as Leland asserted, and Hearne either -copied or confirmed.[1363] - -GLOUCESTER'S LITERARY TASTES - -The fact that a large proportion of the books which once belonged to -Humphrey, and are still extant, did not form part of the gift to Oxford, -leads us to believe that a considerable part of his library must remain -unknown to us, even as to the titles of the various volumes. From the -Oxford lists, however, it is evident that the scholarship of the Middle -Ages had but little interest for him. Theology holds an important place -among the gifts to Oxford, but the schoolmen are but scantily -represented on the list. Bede, William of Occam, Pietro Damieno, and -Albertus Magnus, the master of Thomas Aquinas, are there, but there is -no trace of the writings of Aquinas himself, Peter Lombard, Bradwardine, -Duns Scotus, and many other famous schoolmen. The early Fathers are -well represented, some only by volumes of letters, others by their -better-known works, and these last seem to be more the imaginative than -the doctrinal theologians of their day. Taken as a whole, the theology -of Humphrey's library betrays a tendency to ignore mediA|val -doctrinaires, and to turn to the early Fathers, who wrote before -Imperial Rome had passed into final decay. MediA|val law shared the fate -of mediA|val theology, and even more markedly. Hardly any of the numerous -treatises on a subject which formed part of the staple food of the -mediA|val mind appear on Humphrey's lists; canon law is but sparsely -represented, civil law is almost entirely neglected. - -Humphrey's library was fairly well supplied with historical writers. We -find the works of Suetonius, the historian of the twelve CA|sars, the -Jewish historian Josephus, Tragus Pompeius, and Cassidorus; among later -historians Eusebius and Vincent of Beauvais, Bede, and Higden. Among -other historical works were a copy of the _Flores Historiarum_, an -_Eulogium Historiarum_, a volume entitled _Tripartita Historia_, a -_Polycronicon_, the _Granarium_ of Wheathampsted, and other anonymous -chronicles. These were a goodly number of historical books for the times -in which Humphrey lived, but more remarkable is the large quantity of -medical and astronomical treatises. A long list of books from the pens -of doctors ancient and modern belonged to him, beginning with the early -Greek writers on medicine, and ending with the compilations of his own -physician-in-chief, Gilbert Kymer. Side by side with these stand all the -leading authorities on astronomy and astrology, including the works of -the chief Arabian philosophers and Roger Bacon's _De Celo et Mundo_. No -mention is made of Bacon's _Opus Majus_, nor are there any traces of any -scientific treatises outside those known to the mediA|val scholars. The -interest evinced by the Duke in medicine is both interesting and -unusual; his knowledge of astrology proved one of the most fatal of his -accomplishments in the days when his wife was accused of sorcery. A word -should be said about the recurrence of several works on agriculture, -both in Humphrey's library and amongst the books he requisitioned -Candido to procure for him. Whether this points to a practical interest -in agriculture we cannot tell, though the probability is against it, and -there seems no reason to believe that the Duke anticipated that other -disappointed politician, who forgot grief at the loss of power in the -useful, if unheroic, occupation of growing turnips. - -Humphrey's chief distinction as a collector of books lies in the -possession of those copies of the ancient classics which he had procured -from Italy. Though the _Cosmography_ of Ptolemy, the _Politics_ of -Aristotle, and the _Lives_ of Plutarch were absolutely unknown in -Western Europe till Palla degli Strozzi had them brought to Italy from -Constantinople, yet within a few years of this they were to be found in -Latin translations among the Duke of Gloucester's books. Other classical -works there were in that collection. Five more volumes of Aristotle, the -_Republic_, the _Meno_, and the _PhA|drus_ of Plato, all the known works -of Cicero, and a volume of that 'most learned of the Romans,' Varro; -Sallust, the historian of the Cataline conspiracy; grammarians such as -Aulus Gellius and Priscian; rhetoricians such as Quintilian; poets such -as Ovid and Terence, all stood side by side in this wonderful library. -Seneca was represented both by his philosophical and by his dramatic -writings, and criticisms on the philosophy of Aristotle might be found -from the pen of Averrois or John of Damascus. The Greek language had -been relearned in Italy during the Duke's lifetime, and a step towards -bringing it to England was taken in the presentation of a Greek -dictionary to Oxford. Finally, Humphrey showed his sympathy with the men -of the new learning by possessing five volumes of Boccaccio and seven -of Petrarch, and his appreciation of what was best in mediA|val thought -by the inclusion of a volume of Dante and a commentary thereon amongst -his books.[1364] - -None can doubt the catholicity of Gloucester's tastes after a glance at -the names of the books which he collected, and we must believe that they -genuinely manifested his predilections, and that Leland was clearly in -the right in praising his sound judgment in matters literary.[1365] His -taste was developed by genuine study. Numerous references to him by -contemporaries prove that his patronage of literature was no pose -adopted for the sake of the popularity it might bring. Livius declares -that he surpassed all other princes of his time in his devoted study of -letters both humane and divine;[1366] Basin bears the best -testimony,[1367] Capgrave follows suit,[1368] and an unknown hand has -left a record of high praise for his love of study on the fly-leaf of an -Oxford manuscript.[1369] It is, moreover, obvious that the Duke's -interests were not confined to the volumes presented to Oxford, and it -is noteworthy that among the survivals of his library there is a great -contrast in subject-matter between the books of the Oxford donation and -those which were retained in his own hands. While the Oxford books are -strictly classical and scholastic, the others show a wide range of -subjects, and give us reason to believe that they must have formed part -of a collection of considerable literary interest. This shows at once -the wisdom of the Duke in making his selection of works to give away to -a great educationary foundation, and his great range of knowledge, which -in many cases stepped outside the traditional limits both of the -Schoolmen and of the Humanists. Perhaps the most striking fact is the -existence of so many French works in Gloucester's library.[1370] The -large majority of these are translations from the Latin, which might at -first glance seem to imply that Humphrey was but an indifferent Latin -scholar, and preferred to read his books in French. It is undoubtedly -true that French was to him the most natural language; he invariably -used it in inscribing his name in his books, and he even went so far as -to possess a French translation of Livy.[1371] But we must remember that -in those days of infrequent and costly manuscripts a collector was only -too glad to secure a copy of the author he wanted in whatever language -it was written, and moreover a large number of these French books, -notably the Livy, were presents from friends, and not private purchases -on the part of the Duke. It is, however, interesting to note that whilst -he gave a Latin version of the military treatise of A†gidius Romanus to -Oxford, he retained in his own hands a French version of the same -work.[1372] Undoubtedly, Humphrey read gladly and largely in French, but -there is ample evidence that he was also a finished Latin scholar, and -deeply versed in the classics. This alone can explain the wealth of -classical quotations in letters addressed to him on matters purely -personal, when the writer was trying to ingratiate himself with his -princely correspondent.[1373] Moreover, his letters to his Italian -friends, though doubtless they owe their final shape to a secretary, -make constant allusion to classical reading. He was never separated from -his copy of the _Republic_ of Plato, and on one occasion at least he -borrowed a book from the Oxford Library for his own private use.[1374] -On this showing he must have been able to read Latin with ease, and his -favourite study was the works of Plato, whose philosophical system was -the chief new discovery of the Italian Humanists.[1375] - -Earnest though he was in the study of the ancient classics, Gloucester -did not allow it to restrict his mental vision. As a practical soldier -he was interested in the theory of military operations, and besides his -copy of the work of A†gidius Romanus he possessed in his private library -a French version of the _Epitome Institutionum Rei Militaris_ of -Vegetius.[1376] This treatise, which deals with the organisation of -armies, the training of soldiers, and other kindred subjects, was -doubtless used by him as a basis for his military theories, and proved a -useful handbook on which to found a system more in accord with the -circumstances of his day. In general literature, apart from the English -poetical works composed for him, Humphrey showed an interest in early -French romance by the possession of a copy of the _Roman du -Renard_[1377] and at the same time this shows how his political -inclinations affected his literary outlook. The _Roman du Renard_, -unlike its predecessors of the Carlovingian and Arthurian epic cycles, -was produced by the growing sense of independence in the French towns. -It has a direct bourgeois inspiration, which must have appealed to a man -who found his chief supporters among the burgesses of the City of -London. Gloucester's personal tastes may also be traced in his -possession of a copy of the resolutions passed at the Council of -Basel,[1378] and in the _Songe du Vergier_, which also formed part of -his library.[1379] This last consists of a discussion on the relative -spheres of the spiritual and temporal powers, and shows us the learned -Duke applying his intellect to the pressing ecclesiastical problems of -his day, problems about which he had taken a very definite stand in his -public actions. Closely connected with this was his interest in matters -theological, his acceptance of Capgrave's _Commentary on the Book of -Genesis_,[1380] and his possession of numerous tracts by -Athanasius,[1381] and of both an English and French version of the -Bible.[1382] - -Apart from matters purely literary, we have reason to believe that -Humphrey's interests were very wide. He showed considerable artistic -taste in the beautifully illuminated manuscripts which formed part of -his library, though the books that were written specially for him were -not often very elaborately adorned. Like his brother Bedford, he knew -how to appreciate this kind of artistic work, and we need but allude to -the beautiful edition of the Psalms compiled for him, to the St. Omer -_Psalter_ once in his possession, and to his copies of the _Decameron_ -and of Livy, to realise how he was able to gratify this taste.[1383] In -an age when artistic values were still the monopoly of Italians, the -illuminated books in the Duke's possession, if of no great artistic -value, were excellent examples of the decorative work of the -period.[1384] In the kindred art of music also Gloucester probably took -some interest. We find frequent mention of 'The minstrels of the Duke of -Gloucester,' who visited Winchester, Reading, Lydd, and many other towns -'as a courtesy,' for which they received monetary recognition from the -inhabitants.[1385] Possibly these were a band of strolling musicians who -enjoyed the patronage of the 'Good Duke,' much in the same way as at a -later date actors were known as the 'King's servants.' In any case -there is a strong presumption that musicians as well as scholars -enjoyed the bounty of the Duke of Gloucester. - -[Illustration: A PAGE FROM THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER'S COPY OF "LE SONGE DU - VERGIER," ONCE PART OF THE LIBRARY OF CHARLES I OF - FRANCE.] - -GLOUCESTER'S LITERARY POSITION - -Just as Humphrey was a great student so was he a great personality in -the life of England, the MA|cenas of the new learning, and the friend of -all scholars. A considerable portion of his books were presents from -various people, and he seems to have been always approachable by any one -who could take an interest in any branch of knowledge. Those who gave -books to him were drawn from various classes of the community. Men who -would earn his patronage presented their work to him as did -Capgrave;[1386] his friend Wheathampsted cemented their friendship in -the same way.[1387] Frenchmen as well as Englishmen knew of his tastes, -and approached him with literary gifts, whether it were the learned -Bishop of Bayeux,[1388] or an insignificant Canon of Rouen.[1389] The -Duke of Bedford chose a choice treasure from the library of Charles VI. -as a gift for his brother,[1390] and the Earl of Warwick, the 'Father of -Courtesy' and the tutor of the young King Henry VI., offered a French -translation of the Decameron as a mark of friendship and esteem for the -man under whom he had served.[1391] Men of less mark followed the lead -of the princes of the land. Sir Robert Roos, a public servant of some -eminence, gave yet another French work to the then Protector of -England,[1392] and Sir John Stanley, possibly the Sir John Stanley who -was king of the Isle of Man, hastened to add his tribute of homage in -the shape of a French Bible.[1393] - -It is hard to say whether these gifts were in all cases indications of -literary esteem, or merely means towards securing the favour of a -powerful prince. At least they show that Humphrey's interest in all -kinds of literature and learning was not assumed as a pose, but was a -veritable passion, ministered to by all who desired his friendship. To -no other man of his time were such gifts in such profusion given, gifts, -moreover, which came not only from the needy scholars who desired his -support, but from prince, noble, priest, and humble gentleman alike. -There is, too, a remarkable absence of party politics in the literary -friendships which these gifts manifest. Bedford not once nor twice was -compelled to condemn his brother's action. Warwick was a member of the -Council of Regency which withstood the Protector's ambitious claims. Sir -Robert Roos, though he accompanied Beckington on his embassy to the -Court of Armagnac, was prominent in carrying out the peace policy which -Humphrey opposed, and in 1445 was intrusted with bringing Henry VI.'s -Queen over to England. Sir John Stanley may possibly be the man to whom -the Duchess of Gloucester was intrusted when she was confined in Leeds -Castle, and when we look further afield we find that Piero del Monte, -the friend of Duke Humphrey, did not hesitate to give the papal blessing -to the union of Margaret and Henry VI. when they were married by proxy -at Tours. - -GLOUCESTER'S LITERARY UNDERSTANDING - -Humphrey therefore was more than a mere patron of scholars, and more -than a mere literary dilettante. He was known to be more devoted to -literature of all kinds than to anything else, and the subtle monks of -St. Albans knew well how to win his favour by enlarging his library. His -powers of criticism and appreciation are, however, hidden from us. -Beyond the nature of the books he collected and a few words of formal -appreciation of the works of Plato, we have nothing to guide our -judgment, for though a patron and a student, he was not himself an -author, in spite of statements to the contrary.[1394] There still -exists a copy of certain astrological tables entitled _TabulA| Humfridi -ducis GloucestriA| in judiciis artis geomansie_, but this was merely a -compilation made at his command.[1395] He was content to encourage -learning, and to qualify himself for this rA'le by study. Thus the Duke -of Gloucester devoted a large amount of his superfluous energy to the -really great work of encouraging learning in England; yet at first sight -it may seem that he laboured in vain. England did not at once adopt the -new doctrines that were paving the way to modern methods of study, and -it has been thought that Humphrey simply worked in the spirit of the -mediA|val scholar, and did not in any way appreciate the importance of -his actions. England had lagged behind other nations in accepting the -doctrines of the Renaissance scholars. Men imbued with the scholastic -spirit had journeyed to Italy before the days of Duke Humphrey, but they -had not understood the message which the Italians taught them. Richard -of Bury had been the friend of Petrarch, but had entirely failed to -understand his point of view, and when the future Duke of Gloucester was -but five years old, a certain Augustinian monk, known in Italy as Thomas -of England, was lecturing in Florence, but was said by Leonardo Bruni to -have loved Humanism only so far as an Englishman could understand -it.[1396] The Italian scholar therefore had been contemptuous of his -English contemporary, but a new era dawns when Humphrey begins to take -an interest in Italian scholarship. The Italians who wrote to him showed -clearly in their letters that they understood their patron's interest to -be intelligent and quite different to the mediA|val conceptions of his -predecessors, and in some cases we can see the genuine appreciation of -the scholar peeping through the adulation of the retainer. His love for -Plato, and his clear understanding of the contrast between his -philosophy and that of Aristotle, show how entirely he had thrown off -the intellectual fetters of the Middle Ages, and in his selection of -books we clearly see that he understood that the progress of the future -must be based on an understanding of the past. In Humphrey, too, we see -traces of that critical faculty which characterised the new movement. He -did not look on the classics as an allegorical commentary on the -Scriptures, and as a basis for Christian Theology; he studied them from -the literary and philosophical point of view, and refused to accept the -system laid down by the mediA|val schoolmen. He was the first great -Englishman to introduce these new ideas into England, though there were -other scholars of the period who understood the new doctrines, if they -did not preach them; men like Andrew Holles, who after long study in -Italy retired to a country benefice, and did nothing towards spreading -the new ideas he had acquired.[1397] - -GLOUCESTER'S LITERARY INFLUENCE - -Herein lies the importance of Duke Humphrey's career. He not only -understood the meaning of the new doctrines, but he paved the way -towards their fuller appreciation by the nation as a whole. As a layman -and a man of affairs he was able to take a more comprehensive view of -the significance of the new learning than the churchmen who hitherto had -held the monopoly of English knowledge, and he laid the foundations on -which others were to build. In the first place he taught men that it was -to Italy that they should look for direction in their studies. He -himself had not visited that country as so many of his contemporaries -had done, but he had brought himself into nearer touch with its -intellectual life than any other Englishman. The man who was the patron -of Leonardo Bruni, the constant correspondent of Pier Candido Decembrio, -the friend of Piero del Monte, and the literary acquaintance of Alfonso -of Aragon, the man who more than once was picked out by A†neas Sylvius -for literary appreciation, was far more in sympathy with Italian -aspirations than such a one as Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, who -showed no signs of having been influenced in any way by his sojourn at -the University of Padua. - -Yet the interest of Humphrey's Italian sympathies lies not so much in -his connection with Italy as in the fact that he never set foot in the -country. He did not take himself and his energies to be expended in a -selfish pursuit of learning in Italy, like his contemporary Holles, but -he helped to bring the intellectual aspirations of the Italians over to -England. He not only taught men to study Italian wars, but also led them -to bring the results of that study home to their own doors. And he was -not without disciples. It is customary to believe that the humanistic -aspirations of the 'Good Duke' received no echo in the England of his -day, but we cannot but think that his example helped to inspire the -exertions of that devoted band of scholars which included the princely -ecclesiastic, William Grey, poor students such as John Free, Fleming, -and Gunthorpe, and the notorious but scholarly John Tiptoft, Earl of -Worcester. Indeed there is much to suggest this, and perhaps the most -curious of all our evidence centres in the name of Guarino da Verona, -the great schoolmaster of Ferrara, who was intrusted with the education -of Lionello and Borso d'Este. Every one of this band of English students -studied under the direction of this famous scholar. Grey attended his -instructions while living in princely state at Ferrara; Free journeyed -from his home in Bristol to get the benefit of his teaching; Tiptoft -turned aside during his wanderings in Italy to visit him in his adopted -home; all at one time or another joined that ever-increasing band of -English scholars who flocked to the Ferrarese school in such numbers as -to be specially mentioned by Lodovico Carbone in his funeral oration -over the dead scholar.[1398] Humphrey's influence is to be traced here, -for it was he who had first pointed to Guarino as the fountain of true -learning. When commissioning Zano of Bayeux to buy him books in Italy, -he had laid special stress on his desire to possess anything that had -been written by this teacher.[1399] By selecting Guarino as the mentor -of his intellectual aspirations, he had pointed out the road for future -scholars to tread. - -All these scholars followed in the steps of the Duke of Gloucester, and -had all grown up before he passed from the scene of his activities. -They, however, failed to carry out his theories to the full. Though they -submitted themselves to the desire for the new learning, they did but -little to bring it home to the great mass of Englishmen. They studied, -but they did not teach. They had all learnt the earliest lesson of the -new ideas under the shadow of the University of Oxford; all were -Oxonians, and thus were direct products of Duke Humphrey's patronage of -that home of learning, and they so far followed in his footsteps as to -give or bequeath the books they collected either to the University -itself, or to some College within it. It was in this way that Gloucester -had most conspicuously prepared the high-road to learning. By his gifts -of books he had given Oxford students the opportunity of further -researches into the human mind, he had thrown open the doors which had -hitherto barred the way to Englishmen who desired a knowledge of what -the past had thought of life and its component elements. For the first -time in England men were able to know something of what the ancients had -written. In the book-chests of Oxford lay the seeds of the English -Renaissance. The immense importance of access to these books may easily -be misunderstood at the present day; it is hard to realise completely -the limitations which surrounded the mediA|val scholar, but once this is -achieved, the presence of these works, which reflected, if they did not -very accurately represent, the ideas of classical writers, will be fully -appreciated. - -By his patronage of Oxford and his gifts of books Humphrey had inspired -his immediate successors to carry on his work, and to bring together the -materials for future generations to use. His work was crowned when Greek -came to be taught in England. He himself had known no Greek, Grey and -his friends had known but not imparted it; it remained for William -Selling of All Souls at Canterbury, and Thomas Linacre, William Grocyn, -and Thomas Latimer at Oxford, to bring this language and the literature -which it voiced to the knowledge of educated Englishmen. Linacre, -perhaps even more than his fellows, was cast in the mould that Humphrey -would have approved. Like Humphrey, he was a man of immensely wide -interests, not the dry-as-dust scholar, but the man of the world; like -Humphrey, he was a special student of medicine, a science which owed its -development in Italy to the discovery of the works of Hippocrates. At -the same time he, more than any one else, completed the edifice of which -Humphrey had built the foundations. Again we can trace the direct -influence of the Duke. This last band of scholars who finally -established the new learning in England were, like their predecessors, -all Oxonians. The University which Gloucester had started on the way of -good things was the parent of the new school of thought, it carried on -the work of its great patron. It is to the lasting fame of this -indifferent politician that through him the humanities came to be taught -in England, that through him Oxford was induced to lead the van in -introducing the new culture. We are apt to forget the debt we owe to -the work of these early intellectual reformers, and to minimise the -influence of the ideas they introduced on every aspect of our lives. Yet -reflection will give its due meed of praise to their laborious efforts, -and if it goes far enough back, will, like the Bidding Prayer read from -the pulpit of the University Church, place Duke Humphrey's name first on -the list of benefactors. - -GLOUCESTER'S TITLE TO FAME - -It is a relief to turn from the stormy political career of Duke Humphrey -to that sphere of his activity where undiluted praise can be given; to -forget that public life which was marred by instability and prejudice, -and to admire that industry which won him a great reputation both with -his contemporaries and with posterity. Yet we must not forget that many -of the qualities which led him to court disaster in public life were due -to his leanings towards a life of study. The circumstances of his life -and the tendencies of his age were against him. A student by nature and -a politician by birth, he had too much ambition and too little restraint -to choose the better path, and confine his energies to spreading the -gospel of the new learning. The man of letters is seldom wise in -adopting a life of political activity, and the case of Humphrey was in -some ways repeated later in the life of Bacon. Even if we place the Duke -of Gloucester amongst the worst types of political criminals--and we -have no adequate reason for so doing--we must accord him a position of -honour amongst those to whom posterity should be grateful. By those who -have laboured under the shadow of his personality in the Library which -preserves his name the memory of the 'Good Duke' must be cherished as an -inspiration. They indeed must catch something of the spirit which -enabled Hearne to speak of him as 'that religious, good and learned -prince whose handwriting I us'd, whenever I saw it in the Bodleian -Library ... to show a particular sort of respect to, as some little -Remains of a truly great Man, one that was both a Scholar himself, and -the chiefest Promoter of Learning and Scholars at that time.'[1400] - -The first page of the Renaissance in England consists of the life of -Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and all who value the inspiration to be -drawn from the new era in human thought which dates from that great -movement, must respect the memory of this great Lancastrian Prince. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1265] Admundesham, _Annales_, ii. 233, and Introduction to vol ii. - p. liv. - - [1266] Bale (1559 edition), 584. - - [1267] Wheathampsted spent much money on other improvements to the - monastery as well. Dugdale, _Monasticon_, 199, 200. - - [1268] Bodley MS., F. _infra_, i. 1. Inscription. - - [1269] Arundel MS., 34, f. 666. - - [1270] _Epist. Acad._, 237. - - [1271] Amundesham, _Annales_, ii. App. A. 256. - - [1272] _Epist. Acad._, 235. These two parts of his _Granarium_ which - Wheathampsted gave to Humphrey were at one time amongst the - books of Thomas Allen of Gloucester Hall. Twyne, - _Collectanea_, in the Oxford University Archives, vol. xviii. - p. 123. - - [1273] Arundel MS., 34, f. 67. - - [1274] See Early English Text Society's edition, 1893. - - [1275] Bale, 582; Leland, _Commentarii_, 453. - - [1276] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo. This dedication is printed in - Appendix IV. to Capgrave's _De Illustribus Henricis_, pp. - 239-301. - - [1277] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo. - - [1278] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 109. - - [1279] Bale, 583; Pits, 672. - - [1280] Nicolaus Uptonus, _De Studio Militari_ (London, 1654), p. 2. - - [1281] _History from Marble_, i, pp. 79 and clxviii. - - [1282] _Ordinances_, iv, 345. - - [1283] _Ibid._, iii. 99. - - [1284] _Rot. Pat._, 25 _Henry VI._, Part i. m. 16. - - [1285] _Beckington Correspondence_, ii. 255. - - [1286] _Beckington Correspondence, passim._ - - [1287] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, iii. 731. - - [1288] Ramsay, ii. 203. No authority is given for the statement. - - [1289] See _Political Songs, passim_. Cf. Stow, 385. - - [1290] Harleian MS., 2251, ff. 279vo-282vo; Additional MS., 29, 729, - ff. 157vo-161. - - [1291] Ashmole MS., 59, ff. 57-59. - - [1292] Harleian MS., 2251, ff. 7-8vo; Additional MS., 34, 360, ff. - 65vo-67vo. - - [1293] Caxton's edition of the _Falls of Princes_ (1494). Cf. MS. 23 - of the Library of the Earl of Jersey at Osterley Park, _Hist. - MSS. Report_, viii. Part i. p. 100. - - [1294] BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 12,421. - - [1295] On this point see Hortis, 646. - - [1296] _Minor Poems of Lydgate_, Percy Society Publications (London, - 1840), ii. 49-51. - - [1297] Bodley MS., 263, ff. 5, 6. - - [1298] The poem is printed in F. J. Furnivall's _Manners and Meals - in Olden Times_ (Early English Text Society, 1868), pp. - 115-198. - - [1299] _Letters of Queen Margaret_, edited by Cecil Monro (Camden - Society, 1863), p. 114. - - [1300] Amundesham, _Annales_, ii. Appendix D, p. 295. - - [1301] Cotton MS., Claudius, D. I, f. 8vo; Letter of Wheathampsted - to Norton. - - [1302] See Warton, iii. 131. - - [1302] Bodley MS., Arch. F. d. 1. A photographic reproduction of a - MS. once in the possession of Earl Fitzwilliam at - Wentworth-Woodhouse, but now denied to be there. It has been - published by A. S. Napier. - - [1304] Palladius, p. 66. - - [1305] _Ibid._, p. 85. - - [1306] Palladius, p. 22. - - [1307] _Ibid._, pp. 21, 22. - - [1308] Bodley MS., Arch. F. d. 1, f. 12; Palladius, p. 22. - - [1309] Palladius, p. 21. Cf. _St. Albans Chron._, i. 12-17. - - [1310] _Epist. Acad._, 103. - - [1311] _Epist. Acad._, 198-241. - - [1312] _Munimenta Acad._, 266. - - [1313] _Ibid._, 277-279. - - [1314] _Epist. Acad._, 152. - - [1315] _Ibid._, 106. - - [1316] _Ibid._, 201-211. - - [1317] _Ibid._, 645. - - [1318] _Munimenta Acad._, 333-335; _Epist. Acad._, 266. - - [1319] _Epist. Acad._, 61. - - [1320] _Ibid._, 77-79. - - [1321] _Beckington Correspondence_, ii. 256-258. - - [1322] _Epist. Acad._, 162-168. - - [1323] _Ibid._, 61, 62. - - [1324] _Epist. Acad._, 64, 65. - - [1325] _Ibid._, 105, 196. - - [1326] _Ibid._, 152. - - [1327] _Ibid._, 35-37. - - [1328] _Beckington Correspondence_, ii. 249, 250; _Epist. Acad._, - 110. - - [1329] _Epist. Acad._, 115-133. - - [1330] _Ibid._, 134, 135. - - [1331] _Ibid._, 136. - - [1332] _Epist. Acad._, 155-157. - - [1333] _Ibid._, 139, 140. It was also through Gloucester's influence - that Bedford was induced to promise to endow his - lectureships; _Ibid._, 81-83, 95. - - [1334] _Ibid._, 152, 153. - - [1335] _Munimenta Acad._, 266, 267. - - [1336] _Epist. Acad._, 114, 115. - - [1337] The numbers are variously stated in different letters as 120, - 126, and 129. This last corresponds with the number of books - in the indenture; _Ibid._, 179-183. - - [1338] _Ibid._, 177-179, 184. - - [1339] _Ibid._, 177-179. This was not the first time that Gloucester - had been likened to Julius CA|sar. - - [1340] _Epist. Acad._, 184. - - [1341] _Munimenta Acad._, 758; _Epist. Acad._, 179. - - [1342] _Epist. Acad._, 198, 204, 205. - - [1343] _Ibid._, 232-237. The indenture mentions one hundred and - thirty-five volumes as the total, but only one hundred and - thirty-four are given in the list. - - [1344] _Ibid., passim._ - - [1345] Additional MS., 4608, f. 100, 100vo. - - [1346] By counting the same items more than once Anthony Wood brings - the total to five hundred and thirty-nine; Wood, _History of - the Antiquities of the University of Oxford_, 914, 915. - - [1347] _Munimenta Acad._, 261-266. - - [1348] _Ibid._, 326-328; _Epist. Acad._, 188-191. - - [1349] _Epist. Acad._, 245. - - [1350] _Epist. Acad._, 245, 246. - - [1351] _Ibid._, 533. - - [1352] It has been stated that these books were ultimately obtained, - but there is no reason to believe this, though ten years - later thirteen volumes, originally bequeathed by some one, - were recovered; _Epist. Acad._, 483. Cf. Wood, _History of - the Antiquities of the University of Oxford_, 915. In 1453 we - hear that all the volumes of this bequest were scattered in - private hands; _Epist. Acad._, 318, 319. - - [1353] _Epist. Acad._, 254. - - [1354] _Munimenta Acad._, 735. - - [1355] _Munimenta Acad._, 376. - - [1356] _Ibid._, 329, 330; _Epist. Acad._, 256. - - [1357] _Epist. Acad._, 241. - - [1358] _Ibid._, 178. - - [1359] _Ibid._, 198. - - [1360] See Macray, _Annals of Bodleian_, 13. - - [1361] On 1st March 1544 a certain John Stanshawe, gentleman, stole - from the church of St. Mary 'unam Zonam de argent. aurat. - voc. le Duke Humfrey's gyrdyll.' _Letters and Papers, Foreign - and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII._ (London, 1905), - vol. xx. Part 1. p. 655. - - [1362] _Epist. Acad._, 373. Letter of the University of Oxford to - Wheathampsted. - - [1363] Leland, _Collectanea_, iii. 58; Hearne, MS. Diary, xxxvi. f. - 199. It is probable that this motto was used by Gilbert - Kymer. It is found stamped on the binding of a medical work - written for him and now preserved in the Bodleian Library - (Laud MS., 558). Another binding which encloses another - medical treatise written by the same scribe, and presumably - also for Kymer, now in the Merton College Library, bears the - same legend. (Merton College MS., 268.) My attention has been - drawn to this by Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian Library. - - [1364] The books alluded to are to be found in the indentures - printed in _Epist. Acad., passim_. - - [1365] Leland, _Commentarii_, 453. - - [1366] Livius, 2. - - [1367] Basin, i. 189. - - [1368] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 109. - - [1369] Lincoln MS., 106, f. 359vo. - - [1370] See Appendix A. - - [1371] BibliothA"que de Ste. GeneviA"ve, MS. franASec.ais, 777. - - [1372] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17. - - [1373] See letters in _Beckington Correspondence_, i. 283, 284, - 290-293. - - [1374] _Epist. Acad._, 246. - - [1375] The book borrowed from Oxford was a copy of the _PhA|drus_ of - Plato. In the _EpistolA| AcademicA|_ this volume is called the - 'PhA|do,' but a reference to the entry in the Register shows - it to be a misprint for the _PhA|drus_, a mistake first - discovered by Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian Library. - - [1376] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17. - - [1377] BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 12,583. - - [1378] Cotton MS., Nero, E. v. - - [1379] Royal MS., 19, C. iv. - - [1380] Oriel College MS., xxxii. - - [1381] Harleian MS., 33; King's College MS., 27. - - [1382] Egerton MS., 617, 618; BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, - 2. - - [1383] For a description of these volumes see Appendix A. - - [1384] Leland tells us that Gloucester received many beautiful - illuminated books as presents from religious houses. - _Collectanea_, iii. 58. - - [1385] _Hist. MSS. Rep._, v. 517, and xi. 174. - - [1386] Oriel College MS., xxxii. - - [1387] Corpus Christi College MS., ccxliii. - - [1388] BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. latin, 8537. - - [1389] Bodley MS., Hatton, 36. - - [1390] BibliothA"que de Ste. GeneviA"ve, MS. franASec.ais, 777. - - [1391] BibliothA"que Nationale MS., franASec.ais, 12,421. - - [1392] Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17. - - [1393] BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 2. - - [1394] Bale (1559 ed.), 583. - - [1395] Arundel MS. 60, ff. 277vo-287vo. Cf. Tanner, _Bib. Brit._, - 420, 421. - - [1396] Einstein, 15. - - [1397] See Vespasiano, 238; and Sir Arthur Collins's _Collections - for the Family of Holles_ (1752), 52, 53. - - [1398] Leland, _Commentarii_, 462. - - [1399] Above, p. 351. - - [1400] Hearne's Introduction to _Peter Langtoft's Chronicle_ - (Oxford, 1725), p. xx. - - - - -APPENDIX A - -BOOKS ONCE BELONGING TO GLOUCESTER STILL EXTANT - - -The dispersion of a Library is in all cases unfortunate, but most -especially so when it serves as a monument to a great personality. Even -as Petrarch's two hundred manuscripts are scattered and lost so that not -forty of them can be now identified, so Duke Humphrey's private library -and the books he presented to Oxford, which in all must have numbered -five hundred at least, are now recognisable only in a very few -instances. Only three of the manuscripts given to Oxford repose now on -the shelves of the Bodleian, and these have not continued there since -the days when they were transferred thither from the chests of Cobham's -Library. The first of these is a copy of the letters of Nicholas de -Clemenges (Hatton MS., 36), a French theologian and Rector of the -University of Paris, who died about 1440. The book was a present to -Gloucester from one of the Canons of Rouen, and formed part of his last -donation. The first folio has been torn out, but the opening words of -the second are 'O nos,' which corresponds to the entry in the University -indenture, though the scribe by a slip of the pen has transcribed it 'O -vos' (_Epist. Acad._, 235). The last folio bears the Duke's inscription, -'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don maistre Guillaum -erare docteur en theologie chanoyne de Ram.' A still more interesting -volume in the same library is that which contains the Letters of the -Younger Pliny (Bodley MS., Auct. F. 2, 23, at present on view in glass -case No. 1), probably one of the books sent over from Italy by Candido. -It also bears the Duke's autograph, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de -Gloucestre,' and formed part of the same gift as the letters of Nicholas -de Clemenges (_Epist. Acad._, 235). Both these manuscripts were in -private hands in the seventeenth century, the former owned by Henry -Holford of Long Stanton, the latter by Dr. Robert Master, Bishop of -Lichfield. Notes to this effect are appended in the respective -manuscripts. - -A more doubtful authenticity attaches to a third manuscript in the -Bodleian Library, which contains Bruni's translations of Aristotle's -_Politics_ (Bodley MS., 2143 [Auct. F. 27]). Therein is contained a -dedication to Humphrey and the letter from the translator quoted in the -text (see p. 352). At the end there is an erased and unrestorable -inscription placed exactly in the position that Humphrey almost -invariably used for his autograph. Unfortunately the two first folios of -the text proper are missing, though the prefatory letter is intact, but -in no case did the University scribes count the folios from anywhere but -the beginning of the book itself, all prefatory matter being -disregarded. The possibility of proving that this is the actual volume -presented to Oxford is thus removed, and when we remember that the terms -of the letter preceding the translation show that the original copy had -reached its destination before this letter was written, we must doubt -that this was the volume received from Italy. Possibly, and almost -probably, this manuscript in the Bodleian was a copy of the original -translation, made by one of Gloucester's secretaries, with the letter -written by Bruni introduced by way of preface. Two other manuscripts in -the Bodleian Library are copies of work given by Humphrey to Oxford, one -the 'De Regimine Principum' of Egidius (Hatton MS., 15), the other the -moral treatise dedicated by Piero del Monte to the Duke (Bodley MS., -3618 [E. Museo, 119]). Neither of these belonged to Gloucester, nor do -they correspond to their fellows in the indenture. By a strange error -another manuscript in the same Library, containing the last six books of -the historical anecdotes of Valerius Maximus and notes thereon (Bodley -MS., F. _infra_, i. 1), has been numbered among Gloucester's books -(Macray, _Annals of the Bodleian_). The mistake probably arose from the -fact that the Duke's arms appear on the first folio, but an inscription -plainly refutes the theory, and shows that the book was given 'ad usum -scolarium studencium Oxonie' by Abbot Wheathampsted. It was given -therefore for the use of the 'scholars' of the University, and the -presence of the arms is explicable, if we remember that Humphrey was -Wheathampsted's friend and patron, and that another copy of this book -was probably given by the Abbot to Gloucester. It is even possible that -the copying of the book was undertaken at Gloucester's suggestion, and -that his arms were placed there in token of this. - -Outside the University Library three Oxford Colleges can boast the -possession of a manuscript which belonged to Humphrey. In the Library of -Corpus Christi there is preserved a large folio volume (Corpus Christi -MS., ccxliii.), containing numerous treatises of a philosophic nature in -Latin, all in the handwriting of 'Fredericus Naghel de Trajecto,' and -dated 1423 'in alma Universitate Oxoniensi.' Amongst the most -interesting items are Latin translations of the _PhA|do_ and _Meno_ of -Plato, the last of which concludes the volume, and is followed by -Gloucester's autograph, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre -du don (some words are here erased) treschier en Dieu labbe de seint -Albon.' A note in a later hand tells us that in 1557 the manuscript -belonged to a certain John Dee, who had bought it by weight. Though it -cannot be stated definitely, as the earlier folios are missing, yet -there seems little doubt that this volume did not ever belong to the -University Library. At Oriel there is a manuscript to which we have -already had reason to refer, the 'Commentary on the Book of Genesis' by -John Capgrave (Oriel MS., xxxii.), which according to a concluding note -was written between October 1437 and September 1438. The initial -letter of the dedication contains a miniature in which a very -simple-minded-looking monk is presenting his book to a still more -simple-minded patron, evidently meant to represent Capgrave and -Gloucester, though it gives no suggestion of portraiture. At the end of -the Commentary the Duke has appended his autograph, 'Cest livre est A -moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don frere Jehan Capgrave quy le me fist -presenter a mon manoir de Pensherst le jour de lan lan [M] ccccxxxviii.' -This book formed part of the last donation of Gloucester to the -University (_Epist. Acad._, 233). - -In the Magdalen College Library another of Gloucester's books is to be -found. This is the copy of Ptolemy's 'Cosmographia' (Magdalen MS., 37), -which was given to Oxford in 1443, though the scribe who drew up the -indenture of books transcribed the first words of the second folio as -'vel toto' (_Epist. Acad._, 236), while in the manuscript they are 'vel -tota,' obviously merely a clerical error. At the end of this work an -erased inscription, when treated with chemicals, reveals Humphrey's -autograph, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre.' Bound up -with the 'Cosmographia' in a sixteenth-century binding are three -translations from the Greek by Antonio Pasini. The first of these is -Plutarch's 'Life of Marius,' which is dedicated to Gloucester, but the -other two, though in the same hand, have no mention of the Duke. This -volume, which in the present manuscript occupies the first sixty folios, -has an erased inscription at the end, but all efforts to restore it fail -to reveal any more than 'Cest livre' at the beginning, and a date at the -end. No mention is made of this work amongst the books of Humphrey's -gifts, and therefore it probably never belonged to the Oxford Library; -on the other hand, it may be one of the volumes that belonged to the -Duke, for the inscription is placed at the end in the not very usual -place that he nearly always used, and the first two words, in so far as -they can be read, seem to be in his handwriting. Added to this, I -believe this copy to be unique, so it is possibly a book acquired by -Humphrey late in life, and never copied by his secretaries. It may be -one of the volumes so vainly sought for by the University after the -death of the donor. - -In the British Museum there are nine volumes that once belonged to -Gloucester. Among the Harleian manuscripts there is a treatise on -heretics by William of Occam (Harleian MS., 33), which was one of the -books conveyed to Oxford in 1443 (_Epist. Acad._, 233). Unlike all the -other books known to have belonged to Humphrey, it bears no inscription, -and depends for its verification solely on the correspondence of the -first words of the second folio. The volume has been bound up with what -seems to be part of a fourteenth-century collection of extracts from the -Fathers, two folios of which appear at the beginning and two at the end. -On the second of these folios is pasted a square slip of paper bearing -Gloucester's arms, roughly executed, and the inscription 'Ex dono -illustrissimi principis et domini. Domini Humfredi filii fratris regum -et patrui. Ducis Gloucestrie comitis Pembrochie et magni camerarii -Anglie.' The wording of this label suggests that it was a kind of -book-plate placed on the volumes of the Duke's gifts to distinguish them -from the other books in the Oxford Library, and the present appearance -almost conclusively proves this. It is very dirty, and has evidently -been exposed on the outside of a book, and the corners are worn away, as -though it had been lifted from some other place. In all probability its -original position was on a panel of the binding, and when this was -renewed, it was removed to its present position on the spare leaves, -which must have been inserted at the time of re-binding. That no other -volume known to have been in the Oxford Library bears this label is no -argument against the theory that all the books of Duke Humphrey's gifts -were thus marked, for the plunderer does not expend his pains in -preserving the indications that his booty was once the property of -another. The absence of these book-plates is only the result of the -policy which has erased so many of the autograph inscriptions in -Gloucester's books, and thus increased the difficulty of tracing these -volumes tenfold. - -A still more interesting manuscript in the Harleian collection contains -the first five books of Candido's translation of Plato's _Republic_ -(Harleian MS., 1705), and is evidently the same copy which was sent over -from Italy by the translator, for the inscription in Gloucester's -handwriting on the verso of the last folio runs, 'Cest livre est A moy -Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don P. Candidus secretaire du duc de -Milan.' The volume is beautifully written on fine vellum with many -illuminated letters, but many of the leaves are now missing, and some of -the illuminations have been cut out. Prefixed to the actual translation -are the earlier letters exchanged between the Duke and his translator. -The book has never belonged to the Oxford Library, doubtless because it -contains only the first half of the _Republic_, and so Candido's request -that it should not be shown abroad in view of the corrections he had -made in the translation was respected (_Eng. Hist. Review_, xix. 516). -The translation of the _Republic_ given to Oxford we must believe was -the complete work, and this did not reach the Duke till some time after -the copy of the first five books. These two Harleian volumes must be the -books which Hearne refers to, when he says in 1714 that the Earl of -Oxford possessed two manuscripts once the property of Gloucester -(Hearne, _Remarks and Collections_, Oxford Hist. Society, 1885-1898, iv. -421). - -A book from the Oxford Library is preserved amongst the Cottonian -manuscripts in the British Museum, and consists of the collected -ordinances and decrees of the Council of Constance (Cotton MS., Nero, E. -v.). The last two folios are devoted to a short description of the -origin of the Scotch nation, and the rights of the Kings of England over -those of the sister kingdom. At the end of the last sentence Gloucester -has written, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre lequel -jachetay des executeurs maistre Thomas Polton feu eveque de Wurcestre.' - -Several more of Humphrey's books are still extant in the old Royal -Collection of manuscripts, now in the British Museum. A beautifully -illuminated fourteenth-century volume entitled _Chroniques des Roys de -France jusques a la mort de St. Loys l'an 1270_ (Royal MS., 15, G. vi.) -bears the inscription, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre -du don des Executeurs le Seigneur de Faunhere,' but it was not included -in the gifts to Oxford. In the same collection there is a volume -containing several translations of the works of St. Athanasius (Royal -MS., 5, F, ii.). The original format of this manuscript is a matter of -uncertainty. The first treatise begins abruptly without title or -address, save in small letters above the text, 'lege feliciter -serenissime Princeps'; at the beginning of the second book of the -treatise the title runs 'Athanasii viri sanctissimi de humanitate verbi -contra gentes liber secundus incipit ex graeco in latinum conversus per -antonium Beccariam veronensem ad serenissimum ac illustrissimum -principem ducem Gloucestrie dominum suum singularissimum.' A fly-leaf, -which may have been originally the termination of a volume, divides the -first from the second treatise, which begins on folio 70. This ends on -folio 91, and on the verso stands the Duke's autograph, 'Cest livre est -A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre lequel jay fait translater de grec en -lattyn par Antoyne de Beccara Veroneys mon serviteur.' This may be the -end of one volume, and the treatise which begins on the next page may be -the opening of another one. It begins with a dedicatory epistle to -Gloucester, which by its phraseology seems to be the opening of a new -book (see p. 377, note 1247), and whereas the earlier part of the present -volume is illustrated, this second portion has only the blank spaces -left for such adornment. There are on this page none of the signs of -wear which might suggest that it had been the first sheet of an -independent volume, but it is possible that it was never much used, and -only acquired late in life by Gloucester. A later owner may have bound -up the two volumes together, and handed them down to us in their present -shape. It seems thus most probable that in Duke Humphrey's day this -manuscript consisted of two volumes, else he would not twice have -appended his autograph, nor probably have varied it in the same book, -for an inscription at the end of the last treatise reads 'Cest livre est -A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucester lequel je fis translater de grec en -latin par un de mes secretaires Antoyne de Beccara ne de Verone.' The -first volume corresponds in its second folio to an entry in the Oxford -Register (_Epist. Acad._, 767. The second folio in the register is -marked 'racti quae,' whilst in the manuscript it is 'rati quae,' -probably only a clerical error. The University scribe also misnamed the -volume as 'Athanasius, de Trinitate'), and so was part of the gifts to -that University; the second probably never passed out of its owner's -hands till his death. At one time this manuscript, in its present shape, -was in the possession of a certain Mr. Fowler of Hampton, near -Cirencester (James MS., 30, p. 84). - -A very interesting copy of the 'Historia Anglie' of Matthew Paris (Royal -MS., 14, C. vii.) likewise belonged to Duke Humphrey, though it was not -presented to Oxford. The 'History' is in the author's own hand, but is -continued down to 1273 by some other chronicler. When finished by Paris -it was presented by him to the Abbey of St. Albans whence it may have -been given to Gloucester by Wheathampsted. At the end there is an -inscription, which when restored by a chemical reagent was read by Sir -Frederick Madden as 'Cest livre A moy Homffrey duc de Gloucestre' -(Introduction to Matthew Paris, _Historia Anglorum_ (Rolls Series, -1866-1869), pp. xxxviii-xl). The erasure has been so carefully effected -that under all circumstances the words are hard to decipher, but a close -inspection seems to reveal that the inscription is that of Humphrey, and -that it follows the spelling which he invariably used: 'Cest (not ceste) -livre est A moy Homfrey (not Homffrey) duc de Gloucestre.' - -Also in the Royal Collection there is a French version of the 'Somnium -Viridarii,' originally written about 1376 (Royal MS., 19, C. iv.). 'Le -Songe du Vergier,' as the French title runs, is in the form of a -discussion, a method so popular at that period, between a knight and -clerk on the question of the relative spheres of the spiritual and -temporal powers. This manuscript, which was once the property of King -Charles V. of France, is beautifully illuminated throughout, and is -illustrated at the beginning of each of the two books of which it is -composed. At the end an erased but just decipherable inscription reads, -'Cest livre est a moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre (see Paleographical -Society's _Facsimiles_, Second Series, Plate 169, and also Paulin Paris, -_Manuscrits FranASec.ais_ (Paris 1840), iii. 299-328). Neither this nor a -still more beautifully adorned volume containing certain selected Psalms -(Royal MS., 2, B. i.) was given to Oxford. This last is ornamented -throughout with initial letters and pendants in gold and colours, those -in the calendar at the beginning being particularly finely executed. On -the first page of the text Gloucester's arms appear in two different -places, and the next page is headed by a minature, which we may perhaps -take to represent the Duke kneeling at a Prie-Dieu, and being presented -to the Saviour by one who may be St. Alban, or more probably David. -Humphrey is here represented as quite a young man, which would agree -with the date of the volume, which may be fixed about 1415. (See -_Facsimiles of MS. and Inscriptions_, published by the PalA|ographical -Society, Second Series, Plate 201.) Besides the Psalms and calendar -above mentioned a few Latin prayers are added, and the whole is preceded -by a dedication to God's service. At the end stands the inscription, -'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre des seaulmes les quels -jay esleus du saultier,' of which the first part is only legible when -restored by chemicals. Those who secured the books of the dead Duke were -remarkably anxious to remove the traces of his ownership, even when they -were not part of his gifts to Oxford. This book is an interesting -personal relic of Gloucester, and apart from this it is also a very -favourable specimen of the art of the period. - -Amongst the Egerton manuscripts in the British Museum there is an -English version of the Holy Scriptures, usually called Wycliff's Bible, -in two volumes, with the books up to the Proverbs omitted (Egerton MSS., -617 and 618). At the end is a calendar of the Gospels and Epistles for -the year according to the Sarum use. The manuscripts bear no -inscription, but we may surmise that it belonged to Humphrey by the -presence of his coat of arms in the centre of the second folio above the -text. This is not a conclusive proof of possession, as we have seen in -the case of the book given by Wheathampsted to Oxford, but in the -absence of any hostile evidence it may be accepted. - -Yet one other book which may be put down among the possessions of Duke -Humphrey survives in the British Museum, a vellum folio containing a -medical treatise by the most famous of all the Arabian writers on -surgery, Aboo-l-Kassim, who flourished in the latter part of the -eleventh century. The title runs 'Albucasis sive Albukassem Khalof Ebn -Abbas Al-Zaharias Antidotarium per Lodaycum Tetrafarmacum e lingua -Arabica translatum' (Sloane MS., 248). At the end of the text an -inscription has been erased and its restoration is impossible, though -the first three words, 'Cest livre est,' can just be made out, and after -this there seem to be traces of the big 'A' with the particular flourish -the Duke always used when writing his name in his books. On the top of -the first leaf is written 'Loyale et belle a Gloucester,' and again on -a blank leaf at the end in the same hand occurs 'Loyale et belle de -Gloucestre. Loyalement voster la Duchesse.' These last two sentences are -repeated on the next blank leaf. The meaning of these inscriptions is -not evident, though we know that the Duke adopted the motto, 'Loyale et -belle.' In default of better evidence they seem to suggest that the -book, once the property of Gloucester, was given by him to his wife. - -Outside Oxford and the British Museum there are in England four -manuscripts which are thought to have once formed part of the Duke's -library. In the possession of Mr. Henry Yates Thompson, of 19 Portman -Square, London, there is a Psalter with an erased inscription at the end -of the text, which, when treated with a chemical reagent, reveals the -words, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey fiz frere et uncle de roys duc de -Gloucestre comte de pembroc grant chambellan dangleterre, etc.' (Henry -Yates Thompson MS., 58. Cf. the descriptive _Catalogue of the Thompson -Collection_ (Second Series, Cambridge, 1902), pp. 75-81). This book was -originally copied for the family of St. Omer of Mulbarton in Norfolk, -and the illuminations, which make it one of the most beautiful examples -of English art in two periods, are distinctly of the East Anglian -school. The latter part of the volume was left unfinished, though part -of the illuminating work must have been executed early in the fifteenth -century. The absence of the Gloucester coat of arms in any part of the -book shows that it must have been in its present state of completion -when it came into the Duke's hands. - -Another brightly decorated manuscript was till lately preserved in the -library of Earl Fitzwilliam at Wentworth-Woodhouse in the shape of an -English verse translation of Palladius, _De Re Rustica_ -(Wentworth-Woodhouse MS., Z. i. 32). It is brilliantly illuminated, the -poem being written in scarlet, crimson, blue, and green, with a few -words in gold, and the effect is naturally more startling than -beautiful. The book is bound richly but roughly in Russian leather, and -inserted in the cover is an enamel of a woman of good but heavy -features. Round this enamel runs the legend, 'Jacqueline, Dutchess of -Bavaria, Countess of Holland, Zealand, and Hainault, wife to Humfrey, -Duke of Gloucester, 1427.' We gather from a modern fly-leaf that this -manuscript was in a 'rotten wood binding' in 1767, and the enamel was -'judged proper to make a part of the new binding.' According to the -canons of Labarte this portrait cannot be earlier than the sixteenth -century. (Inquiry at Wentworth-Woodhouse has resulted in a declaration -that no such volume is now known to exist there. In the Bodleian -Library, however, there is a photographic facsimile of it made in 1888. -Bodley MS., Arch. F. d. 1.) The proem to this translation contains a -good deal about Gloucester's books at Oxford, and his relationship to -the Italian Humanists in England. This, together with the portrait, have -been declared undoubted evidence that it was the copy presented to -Humphrey, and the presence of his arms in the initial letter of the poem -strengthens, though it does not entirely confirm, this suggestion (see -article in the _AthenA|um_ for November 17, 1888, p. 664). On the other -hand, the fact that the introduction and text are written in different -hands, would lead us to think that this was not the copy presented by -the author to his patron. - -The Cambridge University Library possesses a volume at the end of which -occurs the inscription, 'Cest livre est A moy Honfrey duc de Gloucestre -du don mess Robert Roos chevalier mon cousin' (Cambridge University -Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17. It is described by P. Mayer in _Romania_, xv. -264, 265). It contains the last two sheets of a French translation of -the _De Regimine Principum_ of A†gidius Romanus, and the _Rei Militaris -Instituta_ of Flavius Renatus Vegetius, also translated into French by -Jean de Vignai. Also at Cambridge, in the Library of King's College, -there is a manuscript which is thought to have once belonged to Duke -Humphrey. This is a translation of some of the speeches of St. -Athanasius by Antonio Beccaria, and is written in an Italian hand of the -fifteenth century (King's College MS., 27). Prefixed is a dedication to -the Duke, one leaf of which is missing, but it bears no inscription, nor -are there signs of there ever having been one. This volume is the only -surviving relic of the original library of the college, and it has been -suggested that, since it is dedicated to Humphrey, it was part of his -library, and given by Henry VI., with others of his uncle's books, to -the college of his foundation, as some part of the spoils shared among -the King's favourites after the tragedy of Bury. The old library -catalogue, which dates from 1453, helps to confirm this theory, for in -it occur translations of Plato and Plutarch, and several of the Latin -classics, which give a tone to the collection unlikely to be borrowed -from any one but the late Duke of Gloucester (see _Catalogue of MSS. of -King's College_, by Montague Rhodes James (Cambridge, 1905,) pp. 46, 47, -70, 71). The theory is ingenious and worth considering; at any rate it -suggests a possible destination for those books which the University of -Oxford sought so long and so vainly to obtain. - -Some of Gloucester's books in course of time have found their way across -the Channel, and six volumes, once part of his library, are now extant -in France. In the BibliothA"que Nationale there are two Latin books which -bear his autograph. The first is a collection of ancient panegyrics -(BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. latin, 7805), on the first fly-leaf of -which is written in the scribe's hand, 'Est illustrissimi domini ducis -Gloucestrensis,' which shows that the volume was written for Gloucester -himself. These panegyrics are addressed by ancient writers to various -emperors, the most interesting being one composed by the Younger Pliny -for the benefit of Trajan. The whole manuscript is written in a neat -Italian hand of the fifteenth century, and bears an illuminated letter -at the beginning of each panegyric. On the verso of the last folio -Humphrey has written 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre,' -and by him it was given to Oxford in 1443 (_Epist. Acad._, 235). The -other Latin work is a collection of the letters of Cicero, which was -given to the Duke by his friend Zano, Bishop of Bayeux (BibliothA"que -Nationale, MS. latin, 8537). It is written in a clear, clerkly hand of -the fifteenth century, and adorned with occasional illuminated letters. -The copyist was evidently no Greek scholar, for there are frequent gaps -left for words of that language, which are supplied in a scrawling hand, -with the Latin equivalents above. Several letters to Atticus are -included, and the earlier ones are either addressed to or received from -Brutus. At the end of the last folio is written, in large uncertain -capital letters, 'Rudolfus Johannis de Misotis de Feraria SS. MCCCCXV.' -Below this again the Duke has written, 'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc -de Gloucestre du don Reverend piere en Dieu Zanon eveque de Bayeux.' The -volume was probably purchased by Zano in Italy and presented to his -friend when he returned to England to visit him, later passing by the -gift of 1439 into the possession of the University of Oxford (_Epist. -Acad._, 183). - -In the same library we find three French manuscripts which Gloucester -once possessed, and which, owing to the language in which they are -written, do not naturally form part of his gifts to Oxford, consisting -as these did exclusively of Latin works. An elaborately illuminated -manuscript bearing the title 'Le Bible hystoriaux' (BibliothA"que -Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 2) bears on the last folio written in a large -hand, not that of the scribe, the inscription, 'Le dixiesme jour de -Septembre lan mil quatrecens vingt sept fut cest livre donne a tres -hault & tres puissant prince Humfrey duc de Gloucestre Conte de Haynau -Holland, etc., & protecteur & deffenseur d'engleterre par Sire Jehan -Stanley Chevalier ledit prince estant en l'abbaye notre dame A Chestre.' -In this French version of the Scriptures the books are arranged in an -arbitrary order, and in the New Testament everything after the Epistle -to the Hebrews is omitted. The pages are all adorned with elaborate -floral decorations, and they also bear numerous small illustrations of -varying artistic value, some reaching a respectable standard, others -being grotesque even for the age in which they were produced. The volume -was originally written for William, Bishop of Sens, and in 1451 was -bought in London by Philip de Loan, who was in the service of Philip, -Duke of Burgundy. Thus one at least of Gloucester's books passed to the -Court of his great enemy. - -The second of the French books once belonging to Humphrey, and now in -this library, is a translation of the _Decameron_ of Boccaccio -(BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 12,421). It is but poorly -written, though a small portion of it is in a slightly better hand than -the rest. A few coloured letters relieve the monotony of bad writing, -and some fairly frequent illustrations help to give colour to the -manuscript. Some of the last are typical fifteenth-century work, -possibly slightly less grotesque than those in the last-mentioned -volume. Others, however, are beautifully executed in water-colours, and -appear to be of a much later date. The presumption is that the original -illustrator did not fill up all the spaces at his disposal, and that a -later artist, who betrays more technical ability than even the -fifteenth-century painter, Jean Fouquet, completed the work. At the end -of the last folio there is to be found a faded yet quite legible -inscription, which shows traces of an attempt at erasure. It reads, -'Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don mon tres chier -cousin le conte de Warwic.' Less ornate is the third French manuscript -in the BibliothA"que Nationale, which we can trace back to Duke -Humphrey's library (BibliothA"que Nationale, MS. franASec.ais, 12,583). This -is a poorly written copy of the early French romance, _Le Roman de -Renard_. At the head of the first words stands a picture of inferior -execution, and beyond this no adornment is attempted. The text ends -abruptly on the 48th folio, and shows traces of mutilation. The fly-leaf -at the beginning is pasted down, and on it is cut 'Homfrey' in fairly -large characters. This seems to be a later addition, as an experimental -'H' has been cut higher up on the page, and its tail cuts the 'de' in -the following inscription, 'Cest livre est a Humfrey duc de Gloucestre.' -The writing of this is not in the hand of Duke Humphrey, though there -seems no reason to doubt the accuracy of the statement. - -The list of Gloucester's books now extant in Paris is brought to a -conclusion with a large folio volume of 433 folios containing Livy's -_Roman History_ translated into French by Pierre Bersuyre, or Bercheure, -or Berchoire, and dedicated to King John of France (BibliothA"que de Ste. -GeneviA"ve, MS. franASec.ais, 777). The manuscript is beautifully -illuminated, and at the head of the title-page there stands a painting -divided into nine medallions showing various episodes in the history of -Rome. There are two other large title-pages in the volume, and others -have been cut out. This manuscript must have formed part of Charles V.'s -library, for the colours of the illuminations are blue, red, and white, -such as are found in all his books. Thence it probably passed into the -possession of Charles VI., for a volume closely resembling it is to be -found in the catalogue of this king's library drawn up by order of -Bedford (_Catalogue des Manuscrits de la BibliothA"que de Sainte -GeneviA"ve_, par Ch. Kohler (Paris, 1893), vol. i. p. 370, quoting a MS. -in the same library). The English regent sent it to his brother, who in -his turn possibly sent it to Alfonso of Aragon. Below a rubbed space at -the end of the last sentence, which is supposed to have held the _ex -libris_ of Charles VI., stand these words, 'Cest livre fut envoye des -parties de France et donne par mons le regent le royaume duc de Bedford -a mons le duc de Gloucestre son beau frere l'an mil quatre cens vingt -sept.' - -Thus of the great library, at the size of which we can only guess, only -some twenty-seven works in twenty-nine volumes, at the most generous -computation, survive. Others there may be which have escaped the notice -of librarians, cataloguers, and the researches of the present writer, or -may lie buried in the dust of unexplored libraries. Yet even were this -list of survivals to be doubled or trebled the loss would be enormous. - - - - -APPENDIX B - -THE TOMB OF HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER - - -In Cotton MS., Claudius, A. viii. ff. 195-198, there is an entry of -which the title runs: 'In this sedule be conteyned the charges and -observances appointed by the noble Prince Humfrey late Duke Gloucester -to be perpetually boren by thabbot and Convent of the Monastery of Seint -Alban.' The entries contained in the schedule are as follows:-- - -Paid by the said Abbot and convent 'for making of the tombe and place of -sepulture,' AL433, 6s. 8d. - -To two priests for saying Mass daily at the altar of the tomb at the -rate of 6d. a day each. AL18, 5s. per annum. - -To the Abbot for his expenses on the 'day of anniversary of the Duke,' -40s. per annum, and to the Prior for the same, 20s. per annum. - -To 40 monks in orders, to be paid on this 'day of anniversary' every -year, 6s. 8d. each, AL13s, 6s. 8d. - -To 8 monks as above on the same day, 3s. 4d. each, AL1, 6s. 8d. - -To an 'ankress' at St. Peter's Church and another at St. Michael's on -that same day each year, 20d. - -To be distributed to the poor on that day each year, 40s. - -To 13 poor men bearing torches round the tomb on that day each year, 2s. -6d. each, AL1, 8s. 2d. - -To wax burnt daily at the Duke's Mass and torches at his anniversary, -AL6, 13s. 4d. - -To the kitchen of the monastery 'in relief of the great decay of the -livelod of the said monasterie in the marches of Scotland, which before -time had been appointed to the said Kechyn,' AL60 per annum. - -In payment for these expenses, the Duke transferred to the monastery the -alien Priory of Pembroke in his possession. - -(This schedule is printed in Dugdale's _Monasticon_, ii. 202, and in the -notes to the _English Chronicle_, edited by J. S. Davies, p. 195.) - -On the south wall of St. Alban's shrine, close to Humphrey's tomb, an -epitaph was once written, but it is now lost owing to restoration. It -was the work of Dr. John Westerman, Vicar of Bushey early in the -seventeenth century, and was placed under Gloucester's arms, which were -surmounted by a coronet. - - PIAE MEMORIAE V. OPT. - - SACRUM - - SEROTINUM - - Hic jacet Humfredus dux ille Glocestrius olim - Henrici Regis protector, fraudis ineptae - Delector; dum ficta notat miracula caeci, - Lumen erat Patriae, columen venerabilis regni: - Pacis amans, musisque favens melioribus, unde - Gratum Opus Oxonio, quae nunc schola sacra refulget - Invida sed mulier regno, regi, sibi nequam, - Abstulit hunc, humili vix hoc dignata sepulchro - Invidia rumpente tamen post funera vivit. - Deo Gloria. - -(Weever, _Ancient Funeral Monuments_, p. 555, writing in 1631; Ashmole -MS., 784, f. 41, writing in 1657; Sandford, _Genealogical History_, 309, -writing in 1677 and dating the epitaph about 60 years earlier; _History -of the County of Hertfordshire_, by Robert Clutterbuck (London, 1815), -i. 73.) - -The third line of this epitaph refers to a legend which first appears in -the works of Sir Thomas More, and which had a great popularity at one -time. It recounts how a man, who declared that he had been blind from -birth and that he had been miraculously cured at the shrine of St. -Alban, was proved to be lying by the Duke of Gloucester, who asked him -the colours of the coats of the various people standing round and was -answered correctly. As the man declared that his sight had been restored -that very day, the impossibility of his having learned the various -colours in so short a time proved the baselessness of his story. (Foxe, -_Acts and Monuments_, iii. 713; cf. Shakespeare, Second Part of _King -Henry VI._, Act II. Scene i.) - -Later generations made a strange mistake with regard to the place where -Duke Humphrey was buried. The reverent affection with which his name was -regarded, after the defamations of the Lancastrians had caused a -reaction which went to the opposite extreme, led the Londoners to do him -honour, and for this purpose they selected a tomb in the old St. Paul's -Cathedral. By what chance the mistake was made cannot be known, but in -the days of John Stow, the chronicler, the tomb of Sir John Beauchamp, -son of Guy, Earl of Warwick, who died in 1358, was thought to contain -the remains of the 'Good Duke.' Every year a ceremony was observed when -'on May Day tankard-bearers, watermen, and some other of like quality -beside, would use to come to the same tombe early in the morning' and -strew herbs and sprinkle water thereon. The precise significance of this -proceeding seems to be unknown. (Stow's _Survey of London_, ed. Thomas, -1842, p. 125.) - -In connection with this mistake as to Gloucester's tomb, there grew up a -saying, which is known to most people at the present day, though in many -cases the origin is forgotten. 'To dine with Duke Humphrey' was till -comparatively recent years synonymous with not dining at all, and the -saying arose from the mistaken idea, that the tomb in St. Paul's was -Gloucester's last resting-place. In the days when the Cathedral was a -public meeting-place for Londoners, and a centre of social and -commercial life, it was the custom for certain gallants, whose -pretensions were greater than their purses were full, to hang about -there in the hopes of receiving an invitation to dinner, and failing in -their quest, they were compelled to dispense with dinner altogether. The -rendezvous of these hangers-on of society, who sought to live on men -whose social position they despised, was opposite the tomb of Sir John -Beauchamp, and it is of them that Thomas Dekker, who has left us so many -interesting facts relating to the early seventeenth century, wrote, when -he said: 'Such schemes are laid about eleven o'clock in St. Paul's (even -amongst those that wear gilt rapiers by their sides), where for that -noone they may shift from Duke Humphrey, and be furnished with dinner at -some meaner man's table' (Dekker's _Dead Terme_, D. 3). Those that -failed in their endeavours, and were left dinnerless near the tomb where -they had taken their stand, were therefore said 'to have dined with Duke -Humphrey.' A reflection of this same phrase is to be found in Bishop -Corbet's 'Letter to the Duke of Buckingham,' where he alludes to - - 'Poets of Paules, those of Duke Humfrey's messe, - That feed on nought but graves and emptiness.' - - - - -APPENDIX C - -GLOUCESTER'S WILL - - -Wheathampsted tells us that the Duke died intestate (Whethamstede, i. -74), and on March 24, 1427, a commission was issued to the Archbishop of -Canterbury, Lord Say de Sele, Sir Thomas Stanley, John Somerset, and -Richard Chester, empowering them to dispose of the goods and chattels of -the late Duke of Gloucester, since he had died intestate (_Rot. Pat._, -25 _Henry VI._, Part ii. m. 35; Rymer, V. i. 171). On the other hand, -there is a strong presumption that a will did really exist, and that the -Duke's enemies suppressed it. No such document has survived, but in one -of their frequent letters written to various persons in the hope of -securing the books promised to them, the authorities of the University -of Oxford ask for a copy of Gloucester's will, as though it were a -well-known fact that such a document existed (_Epist. Acad._, 285). In -several other letters the will is referred to, though it is noticeable -that when writing to the King on the subject, its existence is not -mentioned (_Epist. Acad._, 252). The date of this last letter is 1447, -whilst the former was written in 1450, which seems to imply that the -University had obtained evidence of the existence of a will in the -interval. Moreover, in one letter there is a thinly veiled suggestion -that those in power were diverting the property of the late Duke to -their own private ends (_Epist. Acad._, 286). It seems likely that -Gloucester's enemies seized the majority of his property, and that the -King himself presented some of his uncle's possessions to the -foundations at Eton and Cambridge in which he was so much interested. -Certainly some church ornaments and jewels, which had belonged to -Humphrey, and were then in the keeping of the Abbey of St. Albans, found -their way to these institutions, though the monks were to a certain -extent compensated for the loss (_Rot. Parl._, v. 307; Whethamstede, i. -65), and we have already shown the probability that the Library of -King's College, Cambridge, was begun with a collection of Humphrey's -books. It is noteworthy that a loving-cup, now in the possession of -Christ's College, bears the arms of Gloucester quartered with those of -his Cobham wife; (_ex relatione_ Sir Alfred Scott-Gatty, Garter); this, -too, was probably part of the plunder which fell to the King on his -uncle's death. The supposition that there was a will, and that it was -suppressed, is strengthened by the fact that the Parliament of Bury -passed an ordinance annulling Eleanor of Gloucester's right to any -dower, or to any freehold or other possession left to her by her husband -(_Rot. Parl._, v. 135). Apart from the question of dower, how could -Eleanor have any claim to the late Duke's possessions except under the -terms of his will? - -It is significant that the question of the settlement of Duke Humphrey's -affairs was reopened by the Parliament which was called after the first -battle of St. Albans under Yorkist influence, the same assembly that -petitioned the King for the vindication of his uncle's memory. In -another petition this Parliament besought the King to provide for the -administration of Gloucester's estate, since his creditors had not been -paid, and were in great want. It was suggested that fresh commissioners -for this purpose should be appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, -and that they should have right of action against those who were -detaining the property of the Duke illegally. It was definitely stated -that the existing goods and chattels would not both pay his debts and -fulfil his will, a statement which cannot be regarded as consistent with -the assertion that he died intestate (_Rot. Parl._, v. 339). The -petition was dismissed with the familiar formula 'Le roi s'advisera,' -but some steps were ultimately taken, and in 1462 we find the Archbishop -of Canterbury busy in arranging for 'the performance of the will of -Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester' (Westminster Abbey MSS., Miscellanea, -Press 6, Box 2, Parcel 20; see _Hist. MSS. Rep._, iv., Appendix, p. -176). All the facts suggest that Wheathampsted was once again mistaken -with regard to the events which surrounded his friend and patron's -death, and that a will was made by Gloucester, but suppressed by his -triumphant enemies, and probably in the end never completely executed. - - - - -APPENDIX D - -GLOUCESTER'S RESIDENCES - - -There are indications that Duke Humphrey possessed several houses -scattered about the country in which he dwelt from time to time. We have -seen him residing and holding his Court at Pembroke Castle (_Rot. -Parl._, iv. 474); on one occasion, at least, he was resident at his -manor of Penshurst in Kent (Oriel MS., xxxii.); and he is said to have -at one time dwelt at the Manor of the Weald, near St. Albans (Newcome, -_History of Abbey of St. Albans_, 510). Another story declares that he -held the castle of Devizes and had a mansion there (Holkham MS., p. 68), -but there is no trace of the possession of the castle in official -records, and it is known to have been demolished towards the end of the -reign of Edward III. It would seem likely that he resided at Leicester -and Pontefract at certain times, as on the fly-leaf of a book that he -gave to his wife there are scribbled certain accounts relative to his -household, dated at the two above-named places (Sloane MS., 248). The -most famous of Gloucester's residences was the one situated at -Greenwich. This mansion is supposed to have been a royal residence as -far back as the days of Edward I.; Henry IV. was constantly resident -there, and from it his will is dated. Henry V. gave it to Thomas -Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, for his life, and within two years of the -latter's death, we find it in the possession of Duke Humphrey (_St. -Albans Chron._, i. 32)--possibly under the provision in Henry V.'s will -that gave all his castles in the south of England to his youngest -brother (_Test. Vetust._, i. 21). Henceforth it was Duke Humphrey's -favourite resort, and between 1432 and 1437 he transformed it into a far -more important house than it had been hitherto. He was given permission -to increase his possessions in the immediate neighbourhood by exchanging -some lands for seventeen acres belonging to the Carthusian Monastery of -Jesus of Bethlehem at Shene (_Ancient Petitions_, File 113, No. 5612; -_Rot. Parl._, iv. 466; _Ordinances_, iv. 136-138), and ultimately he -surrounded the manor with a wall, embattled the mansion itself, and -built towers and turrets within the park, one of which stood on the spot -on which Greenwich Observatory is now placed. The house was surrounded -by a park of some two hundred acres, most of which had been enclosed -and afforested by special permission of the King (_Rot. Parl._, iv. 498, -499; _Ordinances_, iv. 136-138; _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 277). Both in official -documents and in letters written from Greenwich this residence is called -'the manor of Plesaunce,' and at Humphrey's death it reverted to the -Crown and was inhabited by Henry VI., when Jack Cade's rebellion had -made the capital unsafe (Fabyan, 623). Edward IV. enlarged and furnished -this palace, Henry VII. spent much time there, his son Henry VIII. and -his grand-daughters Mary and Elizabeth were all born there. At the -Restoration, the King pulled down the old building, and in the days of -Humphrey's seventeenth-century biographer hardly a stone of it was left; -and a new building was rising on the site (Holkham MS., p. 68). This new -house, by the gift of William III. and Mary, became, and still is, the -National Hospital for Seamen. (See _Gentleman's Magazine_, New Series, -vol. xiii. pp. 21-24; 'Cygnea Cantio auctore Joanne Lelando,' in -Leland's _Itinerary_, ed. by Thomas Hearne (Oxford, 1768), vol. ix. p. -17.) - -Besides his residence in Greenwich, Humphrey possessed a house in -London, 'a place callid the Duke's Wardrobe atte Baynardes Castel in -London, otherwise called Waterton's Aley' (_Rot. Parl._, v. 239). This -mansion was situated on the banks of the river, just west of Paul's -Wharf, and bounded on the north by what is now Queen Victoria Street. It -has been thought that this was the same site as the original castle of -Bainard and the Fitzwalter family (Stow's _Survey of London_ (London, -1720), Book i. pp. 60, 61), though modern research tends to prove that -this earlier fortress was in another parish (_London_, by J. W. Loftie, -Historical Towns Series (London, 1887), p. 80). Possibly the palace of -the earliest Saxon kings stood on this spot, and in Chaucer's day it -seems to have been a royal residence, to which Edward II. had added a -lofty tower (_The Pageant of London_, by Richard Davey (London, 1906), -i. 42, 188). In 1428 a devastating fire reduced this quarter of London -to ashes, and it seems that it was at this time that Humphrey built the -palace associated with his name, though no documentary evidence exists -to justify the suggestion (Stow's _Survey_, Book i. pp. 60, 61; _London -City_, by W. J. Loftie (London, 1891), p. 249). The fact that in 1427 -the Duke was at an 'Inn,' when the representatives of Parliament called -upon him, supports the theory that at that time he had no permanent -residence in the city. The house was called Baynard's Castle after the -ward in which it was built, extensive grounds surrounded it, and it was -only second in magnificence to the palace at Greenwich, if we are to -believe a political songster of the time, who makes Eleanor sadly take -leave of 'fayer places on Temmy's side' ('The Lament of the Duchess of -Gloucester,' in _Polit. Songs_, ii. 207). Mansion, gardens, and all -pertaining thereto were given by the King in 1447 (when they reverted to -him at the death of his uncle) to King's College, Cambridge (_Rot. -Parl._, v. 132), but in the reign of Edward IV. we find the King's -mother there resident, and it was at Baynard's Castle that the Mayor of -London waited on Richard of Gloucester in 1483 with the formal offer of -the English Crown (_London City_, pp. 76, 116). Henry VII. rebuilt the -palace early in his reign, but it was not then embattled, 'or so -strongly fortified castle-like,' as in Duke Humphrey's days, but was -more of a royal and family residence (Stow's _Survey_, Book i. pp. 60, -61). We next find it in the possession of the Herbert family, and on -July 19, 1553, the Privy Council met there to proclaim Mary queen, the -owner being then William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke (_The History and -Survey of London_, by B. Lambert, London, 1806, iii. 98). John Cooper, -the seventeenth-century biographer of Duke Humphrey, had himself visited -Baynard's Castle, and by that time, he tells us, the property had been -split up, and was intersected by streets and lanes, but they still bore -'the name of Duke Humphries.' Indeed there stood an inn which bore the -sign of the Duke just on the edge of the site of the old mansion, and at -the time of writing was famous for a recent brawl on the premises -(Holkham MS., pp. 68, 69). The whole district was swept away by the -great fire of 1666, but in 1809 two towers of the old castle were still -standing, and to this day Castle Street and Castle Yard commemorate the -past glories of Gloucester's London residence (Davey's _Pageant of -London_, i. 337). - - - - -APPENDIX E - -PORTRAITS OF GLOUCESTER - - -I. In a book of portraits in Vol. 266 of the _BibliothA"que de la ville -d'Arras_, on folio 37, there is a portrait bearing Gloucester's name, a -reproduction of which hangs in the Bodleian Library. It appears among a -series of portraits of people from the fourteenth to the seventeenth -century, which represent in most cases Flemish grandees and prominent -courtiers of the Court of Burgundy. On folio 36 there is a portrait of -Jacqueline of Hainault, and on folio 35 another of the Dauphin John, her -first husband. All are in crayon, and are probably the work of Jacques -Le Boucq, a herald of the Toison d'Or, who was known as a painter in the -days of Philip II. of Spain. It has been thought probable that he copied -contemporary portraits for these crayon drawings, and if this be true, -he provides us with the only attempt at real portraiture of Duke -Humphrey (_Catalogue of the Arras Library; Les Portraits Aux Crayons_, -by Henri Bouchet, Paris, 1884). - -II. In the initial letter of the dedication to Duke Humphrey, prefixed -to Capgrave's _Commentary on Genesis_, a miniature portrays the author -in the act of presenting his book to his patron. The workmanship of this -miniature is too coarse to allow of any portraiture, though a slight -likeness to the Arras portrait may be traced (Oriel MS., xxxii.). A line -reproduction of the Duke's head, taken from this manuscript, is given in -Doyle's _Official Baronage_. - -III. In a register at St. Albans Abbey there is a small illumination -representing Duke Humphrey and his wife Eleanor, painted on the occasion -of the latter's reception into the confraternity of St. Albans. There is -here a more successful attempt at portraiture than in the Oriel -manuscript, and the type of face, long, clean shaven, almost apathetic, -is similar to that in the Arras drawing. Nevertheless, here as elsewhere -there is no real character in the face of Humphrey, and still less in -that of his wife; there is, indeed, a strong suggestion of mediA|val -formalism (Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154). - -IV. Among the royal collection of manuscripts in the British Museum -there is a Psalter which was prepared for Duke Humphrey, and which, -besides being beautifully illuminated, bears a miniature which may -contain a portrait of the owner (Royal MS., 2, B. i.). It represents a -man kneeling at a Prie-Dieu, with a patron standing behind him. The -kneeling figure may very well be taken to represent the owner of the -book. Again there are very few signs of portraiture, but such as it is, -the miniature seems to be the likeness of Humphrey when still a young -man The manuscript was written about 1415, which would lead us to -suppose that the artist here tried to present the Duke's features at the -age of twenty-five. - -V. In the church at Greenwich which was destroyed in 1710 there was a -stained-glass window representing the Duke in a kneeling posture. A copy -of this window is still extant, and is to be found as the headpiece of -the preface to the old catalogue of manuscripts contained in the -Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1697). A rough drawing thereof, executed in -1695, is also to be found in Tanner MS., 24, f. 107, and another, dating -from some seventy-five years earlier, exists in Ashmole MS., 874, f. -113vo. Humphrey is represented in armour, and in appearance he is here -totally unlike any of the above-mentioned portraits, being represented -as wearing a beard. The window was probably placed in Greenwich church -some time after his decease. - -VI. In the year 1610 there was at the west end of the church of St. -Helen's, Abingdon, a glass window, in which were portraits of Henry V. -and his three brothers. 'These Dukes be in their robes and their -coronalls with their arms over their Hedds, and their names written -under their feet.' No drawing of this window has survived, and it has -disappeared as completely as the one in Greenwich church. (Ashmole MS., -874, f. 113vo.) - -VII. Horace Walpole possessed amongst his collection of pictures at -Strawberry Hill three paintings in which he claimed there were portraits -of Duke Humphrey. The first was a representation of the marriage of -Henry VI., and Walpole thought that it was probably designed for the -King, but executed after his death. The King and Queen stand in the -front of the picture, and behind the former is a nobleman, bald headed, -with a beard, and wearing a furred mantle. The workmanship throughout -shows considerable power and expression, and would seem to be of a later -date than is supposed. (Walpole, _Anecdotes of Painting in England_, -London, 1876, i. 34, 35; _Catalogues of Strawberry Hill Sale_, p. 197.) -The second picture was once part of the doors of a shrine in the Abbey -of St. Edmundsbury, which Walpole had sawed into four panels. According -to his judgment two of the panels bear portraits of Cardinal Beaufort -and Archbishop Kemp; the third may represent St. Joseph in adoration, or -more probably the donor, the fourth is described as a portrait of Duke -Humphrey of Gloucester, and corresponds exactly in dress and appearance -with the figure said to be a likeness of the same Duke in the 'Marriage -of Henry VI.' The third and fourth panels 'are so good that they are in -the style of the school of the Caracci. They at least were painted by -some Italian; the draperies have large folds, and one wonders how they -could be executed in the reign of Henry VI.' (Walpole's _Letters_, Mrs. -Paget Toynbee's edition, xi. 183, 184; _Catalogue of Strawberry Hill -Sale_, p. 211.) Probably neither of these pictures was painted in the -reign of Henry VI. The King would not have wished to have the uncle whom -he had been taught to hate introduced into a picture of his marriage, -nor would a contemporary have painted Cardinal Beaufort, Kemp, and -Gloucester on adjoining panels. Far more probably the marriage picture -represents the union of the houses of Lancaster and York in the persons -of Henry VII. and his wife Elizabeth, an event fraught with far more -significance than the one suggested by Walpole, and the shrine is most -likely of much the same date. However, Walpole's theory had been -universally accepted, and prints of the figure from the panel of St. -Edmundsbury were made, as being an authentic likeness of the Duke of -Gloucester (Ackerman's _History of Oxford_ (London, 1814), ii. 272; -_Collections for the History of Hertfordshire_, by N. Solomon, i. 87: -Extra illustrated copy of Wood's _History and Antiquities of the -University of Oxford_ in the Bodleian, MS. Top. Oxon., c. 16, p. 914). -George Perfect Harding also painted one of his well-known water-colour -portraits from this panel, and it is now in the possession of Miss C. -Agnes Rooper, Per Selwood, Gervis Road, Bournemouth. It is to be noticed -that the likeness between the two so-called portraits of Gloucester is -not so exact as Walpole would have us think, for whereas, in the -marriage of Henry VI., he is represented with a beard, in the panel he -is clean shaven. This last, though probably not contemporary, seems to -possess some indications that it represents the same face as the Arras -manuscript, but at a later stage of life. Also it was quite possible -that when personal rivalries had been forgotten in the lapse of years, -the monks of Bury might erect a memorial to one of their patrons, along -with others who had not been his friends during his life. Nevertheless, -we cannot generalise as to Humphrey's appearance from this portrait, -which, to say the least, has a doubtful authenticity. The third picture -of the Strawberry Hill collection, said to contain a portrait of the -Duke of Gloucester, was once an altar-piece at Shene, and was probably -painted for Henry VII. It represents Henry V. and his three brothers, -together with his wife and other ladies, but the faces have no -individuality, and are too conventional to be taken as portraits. These -three pictures were sold to two different buyers at the Strawberry Hill -sale. The 'Marriage of Henry VI.' and the panels from St. Edmundsbury -were bought by the Duke of Sutherland, while the picture of Henry V. and -his family went to the Earl of Waldegrave (_Catalogue of the Strawberry -Hill Sale_). - -VIII. In St. Mary's Hall, Coventry, there is an Arras tapestry, which -hangs below the north window. It is divided into six compartments, the -two centre ones containing allegorical figures, and in the upper ones to -left and right certain saints are represented. In the remaining two -compartments a king and queen kneel before desks with their suite in -attendance. The king and queen are supposed to be Henry VI. and his -wife. Behind the king stands a bearded figure, which 'is with no small -reason supposed to be the good Duke of Gloucester' (Thomas Sharp, -_Dissertation on the Pageants or Mysteries at Coventry_ (Coventry, -1825); _The Coventry Guide_ (Coventry, 1824), p. 46; _The History of the -Antiquities of the City of Coventry_, No. vi. pp. 187, 188; _Handbook of -the Arts of the Middle Ages and Renaissance_, by M. Jules Labarte -(London, 1855), p. 90. An illustration of the tapestry is to be found in -this last). However, the workmanship of this tapestry tends to prove -that it dates from Tudor rather than Lancastrian times, and in all -likelihood it was made to celebrate the visit of Henry VII. and his -Queen to Coventry, not that of Henry VI. and Margaret. Both these -monarchs and their consorts were members of the Guild of the Holy -Trinity in that city. - - - - -APPENDIX F - -A LEGEND OF GLOUCESTER'S DEATH - - -Amongst seventeenth-century chroniclers there are many accounts as to -the way in which Gloucester was murdered, the most popular of which, -perhaps, is the one that he was smothered to death between two pillows. -A contemporary Frenchman gives a different version, which has an -extraordinary resemblance to the stories which surround the death of -George, Duke of Clarence, in 1478. This occurs in a rhymed account by -George Chastellain of the unusual and interesting events which happened -in his days and runs as follows: - - 'Par fortune semestre - Veis A l'oeil viviment - Le Grant duc de Glocestre - Meurdrir piteusement; - En vin plain une cuve - Failloit qu'estranglA(C) fust - Cuidant par celle estuve - Que la morte n'y parust.' - -(Introduction to Georges Chastellain, _Chronique_ (ed. Buchon), p. -xlviii). The rhyming chronicle in which this is found is not extant in -manuscript, but in a printed form bearing the date 1528; and appended to -it a continuation by Jacques Le Bouvier. Chastellain died at least three -years before Clarence, so that he could not have borrowed the idea from -the latter event. Nevertheless, it seems too obvious that the -circumstances of the two deaths have been confused with one another to -lightly dismiss its possibility. Bouvier mentions the death of Clarence -and the well-known legend, putting it quaintly as follows: - - 'Le roi le fist noyer - Dedans mallevisee - Pours le moins ennuyer.' - -(Introduction to Georges Chastellain, _Chronique_ (ed. Buchon), p. -liii), but none the less he may have interpolated the passage about -Gloucester into his predecessor's poem. - -The theory of drowning, however, finds some support from an English -authority. In a popular poem called 'The Dyrge of the Commons of Kent,' -sung by the rebellious followers of Jack Cade in 1450, the following -passage occurs: - - 'Arrys up Thorp and Cantelowe, stand ye together - And synge _dies illa dies ire_, - Pulford and Hanley that drownyd ye Duke of Glocestar - As two traitors shall synge _ardentes anime_.' - -(_Three Fifteenth-century Chronicles_, Camden Series p. 103.) It is -possible that from these two legends we can get an indication of what -nature Humphrey's end really was. The story of Clarence's drowning can -have no share in suggesting the earlier poem of Jack Cade's followers, -and here may be the solution of the problem which has puzzled modern -historians. It must be remembered, however, that in another work, -already cited in the text, Chastellain gives the more usual story of -Gloucester's murder, when he describes his death to a red-hot spit -thrust into his body. (Chastellain, _OEuvres_, ed. Kervyn de -Lettenhove, vii. 87.) In both cases, however, he lays stress on the fact -that the manner of death was devised so as to prevent the appearance of -murder. - - - - -APPENDIX G - -GLOUCESTER'S ARMS, BADGES, AND SEALS - - -I. ARMS - -Like his brothers, the Duke of Gloucester adopted the arms of England -and France quarterly, but whereas their arms were differentiated with -various labels, his own were surmounted with a border argent (Garter -Types, College of Arms). At this period the arms of France, as borne by -the English Kings, were changed from 'azure semA(C)e of fleur de lys or' to -'azure three fleur de lys or,' and this is the only difference which -marks Humphrey's arms from those of a predecessor in the Gloucester -title, Thomas of Woodstock. Nicholas Upton, a follower and friend of -Humphrey, describes his arms as follows: 'Portat Integra Arma Francie et -Anglie Quarteriata, Cum Una Bordura Gobonata De Argento et Nigro ... Il -port lez Armes de Fraunce et D'engleterre quarterlez ovesque ung bordure -gobone d'argent et d'asor' (Nicholaus Uptonus, _De Studio Militari_, -London, 1654, p. 238). This is not strictly accurate, as the border was -argent only. These arms were carved on the Duke's tomb at St. Albans -with their supporters, antelopes gorged and chained, and the shields -were alternately 'ensigned' with his ducal coronet on his cap of estate, -and with his crest, 'a Lyon passant guardant crowned and accolled.' This -part of the tomb is so mutilated that all the crests are gone; and only -fragments of the other heraldic adornments remain (cf. Sandford, -_Genealogical History_, p. 307; Gough, _Sepulchral Monuments_ (London, -1776), vol. ii. part III. p. 142). - -Gloucester does not seem to have altered his armorial bearings after his -marriage to Jacqueline of Hainault, for a seal attached to a charter in -the archives of Mons seems to be the same one he had hitherto used -(_Cartulaire_, iv. 440). After his marriage with Eleanor Cobham, -however, he impaled the Cobham arms with his own, of which we have two -recorded instances. In the east window of the church of Cobham in Kent -there stood his arms 'in two several places, dimediated with those of -the Duchess Eleanor Cobham' (Sandford, _Genealogical History_, p. 308), -and they appeared in a similar form in a window of Greenwich Church -before its destruction. A reproduction of this east window is to be -found as the headpiece to the preface of the old catalogue of -manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (_Catalogi Librorum -Manuscriptorum_, Oxford, 1697), and the following description thereof -was written in 1695: 'An Helmet and crest with Mantles, and the -Antelopes holding it up with Humphrey Duke of Gloucester kneeling, and -his Arms, scilt. quarterly France and England within a bordure argent on -one side, and the same arms impaling Cobham, viz., Gules on a Cheveron -or, three Estoils sable, on the other side, a good distance from him; -stand all in one of the south windows near the Belfry of Greenwich -Church' (Tanner MS., 24, f. 107). The manuscript also contains a rough -drawing of the window, as is also the case in an Ashmole record written -about 1659, which gives the same information, though at less length -(Ashmole MS., 1121, f. 228). Humphrey, it will be noticed, used as one -of his supporters an antelope, which had been borne by Henry IV., and -had appeared on the trappings of his horse in the Lists of Coventry -(Tyler, _Henry of Monmouth_, p. 30). It appears from a manuscript in the -Heralds' College that his supporters were to the Dexter a Greyhound -argent collared and leashed or, to the Sinister an Heraldic Antelope -argent Ducally gorged and chained or (Heralds' College MS., 14, f. 105, -B.). - - -II. BADGES - -Humphrey bore no less than three badges. From a political song, written -probably about 1449, it appears that he was known by the title of 'the -Swan,' a name taken from the badge he had adopted from his Bohun -ancestors. In the course of the poem the phrase 'the Swanne is goone' -appears, and in a different though contemporary hand the word -'Gloucetter' is written above the word 'Swanne' (_Political Songs_, ii. -221. Cf. _Excerpta Historica_, p. 161) - -The second badge was on a shield sable three ostrich feathers argent -surrounded by the Garter and supported to the Dexter by the Greyhound, -to the Sinister by the Antelope. (Window in Greenwich Church, College of -Arms MS., L. 14, 105, B.) These appear in the Greenwich window (Ashmole -MS., 1121, f. 228. Cf. _ArchA|ologia_, xxxi. 368), though from -impressions of his seal he seems then only to have used two feathers. -(Seal described in Cartulaire, iv. 440, and Seal attached to British -Museum, _Additional Charters_, 6000.) - -The third badge has a particular interest. It is found at frequent -intervals on the St. Albans tomb, and it appears in a slightly different -form in other places. It seems to represent a cup with sprays of some -plant issuing from the top. On the tomb the sprays look like daisies or -their foliage, whereas in drawings of this same badge that occur in -several manuscripts in the College of Arms and elsewhere, they seem to -be laurels. They vary, too, as to the number of sprays. On the tomb -there are seven or eight in each cup, whilst in the extant drawings, -which date mostly from the seventeenth century, they vary from one to -three (College of Arms, Garter Types and Badges, and MS., L. 14, f. 105, -B.). Gough thought that this badge was the rebus of Wheathampsted, and -represented wheat sheaves (Gough, _Sepulchral Monuments_, vol. ii. part -III. p. 142). This, however, is disproved by the fact that it was not -Wheathampsted who built the Duke's tomb, and it was unlikely that Abbot -Stoke would put his predecessor's mark on a monument built by himself, -and secondly by an entry which we find in more than one place under the -drawings of the cup, which reads, 'Humfrey Duke of Gloucester bare this -cup with a Laurell branch, in the respect he bore to Learning' (College -of Arms, Miscellanea Curiosa, i. 105, B. Cf. Ashmole MS., 1121, f. 227). - - -III. SEALS - -There are few impressions of Gloucester's seal still surviving. In the -British Museum there is attached to a warrant a very small seal bearing -the Duke's coat of arms and round it the motto 'Loyalle et Belle' -(_Additional Charters_, xxxvi. 146). This is the only evidence to prove -the use of this motto by the Duke, save some rather inconclusive remarks -on the fly-leaf of one of his manuscripts (Sloane MS., 248). A larger -impression is attached to a grant of custody given by Gloucester and -dated September 22, 1426 (_Additional Charters_, 6000). This seal is in -fairly good preservation and on one side bears the Duke's arms between -two feathers and surmounted by a cap, on the other a representation of -the Duke himself holding a drawn sword and riding on a horse. - -In the Mons archives attached to a charter granted by Gloucester there -is a round seal which is described as follows: 'Il represente un ecu -ecartele aux 1 et 4 a trois fleurs de lis et aux 2 et 3 trois lions -passants, surmountA(C) d'un heaume qui a pour cimier un lA(C)opard, et accostA(C) -de deux plumes; supports: deux beliers.' The legend runs: 'Sigilu. -Humfridi. filii et fratris. regis. ducis Glocestrie. comitis Pembr. et -camerarii Anglie' (_Cartulaire_ iv. 440). - -Two more seals are preserved amongst the deeds in Magdalen College, -Oxford. Both are attached to warrants issued by Gloucester in his -capacity of Chief Keeper of the King's Forests on this side of the river -Trent. The first is a round brown seal bearing the ducal arms within a -border of antlers rising from a deer's head. Above is the figure of an -heron, which with the antlers were the signs of this particular office. -The inscription so far as it can be read runs: 'S. H. duc Glouc ... Angl -ac just. et capit. cust. forestr' (_Magdalen College Deeds_, Selborne, -112; cf. Selborne, 115). The second is a seal of green wax, hollow on -the reverse, and though much broken, still reveals the stag's head and -antlers surrounding Gloucester's arms (_Magdalen College Deeds_, -Shotover, 4). - - - - -SOURCES AND AUTHORITIES - - -_I. PRINTED BOOKS_ - - DOCUMENTS AND ORIGINAL LETTERS - CITED AS - - Rotuli Parliamentorum. London, 1767-77. _Rot. Parl._ - Comprises Petitions, Pleas, and Proceedings in - Parliament, 1278-1503. - - Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council _Ordinances._ - (1386-1542). Ed. by Sir H. N. Nicolas. London, - 1834-37. - - Rotuli Scotiae in Turri Londiniensi asservati. _Rot. Scot._ - London, 1814-19. - - Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium in Turri _Cal. Rot. Pat._ - Londiniensi. London, 1802. - - This calendar only contains excerpts from the - Patent Rolls. The new calendars published - do not as yet include the important periods of - the Duke of Gloucester's life. - - Issues of the Exchequer. Collected by Frederick _Devon, Issue - Devon. London, 1837. Roll._ - - Calendar of Norman Rolls:-- - - For the year 1417. Rotuli Normanniae, vol. i. _Rot. Norm._ - (all published). Ed. by T. D. Hardy. London, - 1835. - - For the year 1418 and onwards. Reports of the _Cal. of Norman - Deputy Keeper of the Public Records. Nos. 41 Rolls._ - and 42. Appendices. London, 1880, 1881. - - Calendar of the French Rolls. Reports of the _Cal. of French - Deputy Keeper of the Public Records. Nos. 44 Rolls._ - and 48. Appendices. London, 1883, 1887. - - Catalogue des Rolles Gascons, Normans et FranASec.ais. _Carte._ - By Thomas Carte. London, 1743. - Certain selections from these rolls only. - - Reports of the Lords' Committees touching the _Lords' Reports._ - Dignity of a Peer of the Realm. London, 1829. - - Foedera Conventiones Litterae et cujuscumque Acta _Rymer._ - Publica inter Reges Angliae et alios. Collected - by Thomas Rymer. Third ed. by George Holmes. - 'Hagae comitis apud Joannem Neaulme.' 1745. - Miscellaneous documents illustrative of - English History. - - Memorials of London. Extracts from the early _Memorials of - Archives of the City of London, 1276-1419. By London._ - H. T. Riley. London, 1868. - - Collection GA(C)nA(C)rale des Documents FranASec.ais. _Delpit, Doc. Fr._ - PubliA(C)s par Jules Delpit. Paris, 1847. - Documents drawn mainly from the Archives of - the City of London. - - Testamenta Vetusta. By Sir Harris Nicolas. London, _Test. Vetust._ - 1868. - - A collection of Ancient Wills, from Henry V. to - Elizabeth inclusive. - - Excerpta Historica. Ed. by Samuel Bentley. London, _Excerpta - 1831. Historica._ - Miscellaneous documents, collected from various - sources; published originally in four parts - during 1830, but unfortunately discontinued - owing to a lack of support. - - Rechnungen A1/4ber Heinrich von Derby's _Prutz._ - Preussenfahrten, von Dr. Hans Prutz. Leipzig, - 1893. - Accounts of Henry's Treasurer. A similar - volume has been edited by the Camden - Society by Lucy Toulmin Smith. - - Ordinances for the Government of the Household, _Ordinances of the - Liber Niger Domus Regis Edwardi quarti. London, Household._ - 1790. - - Preuves de l'Histoire de Bourgogne. In vol. iv. of _Plancher, - Histoire GA(C)nA(C)rale de Bourgoyne par Urbain Preuves._ - Plancher. Dijon, 1781. - - ParticularitA(C)s Curieuses sur Jacqueline de BaviA"re, _ParticularitA(C)s - Comtesse de Hainaut. PremiA"re Partie ed. by Curieuses._ - A. D. No. 7 des Publications de la SociA(C)tA(C) des - Bibliophiles de Mons. Mons, 1838. - Extracts from the Register of the City of Mons. - - Cartulaire des Contes de Hainaut. Vols, iv., v., _Cartulaire._ - vi. Bruxelles, 1889-96. Collections des - Chroniques Belges inA(C)dites. - A collection of documents taken from the - various city registers and other sources. - - BeitrA¤ge zur Geschichte der JakobA¤a von Bayern. _BeitrA¤ge._ - In Abhandlungen der Historischen Classe der - KA¶niglichen Bayerischen Akademie der - Wissenschaften. Band x. Munich, 1867. Erste - Abtheilung (1401-26), pp. 1-112. Zweite - Abtheilung (1426-36), pp. 205-336. - A miscellaneous collection of extracts from - documents and chroniclers. - - Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds. Urkundliche - BeitrA¤ge zur Geschichte des Constanzer Concils. - Herausgegeben von J. Caro in Archiv fA1/4r - Oestreichische Geschichte. Vol. 59. Vienna, 1880. - Contains some documents relating to Sigismund's - visit in England. - - Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae. By David _Wilkin's, - Wilkins. London, 1737. Concilia._ - A collection of letters and documents relating - to ecclesiastical matters. - - Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers, _Papal Letters._ - illustrating the History of Great Britain and - Ireland. Papal Letters. Vol. vii. London, 1906. - - Letters and Papers illustrative of the Wars of the _Stevenson, - English in France during the reign of Henry VI. Letters and - Ed. by J. Stevenson. Rolls Series, No, 22. Papers._ - London, 1861-64. - - Registrum Abbatiae T. Whethamstede. Ed. by H. T. _Whethamstede._ - Riley. Rolls Series, No. 28. London, 1872-73. - - Munimenta Academica. Ed. by Henry Anstey. Rolls _Munimenta Acad._ - Series, No. 50. London, 1898. - Documents illustrative of Life and Studies at - Oxford. - - Epistolae Academicae Oxon. (Registrum F.) Ed. by _Epist. Acad._ - H. Anstey. (Oxford Historical Society.) Oxford, - 1898. - - The Paston Letters. Ed. by J. Gairdner. London, _Paston Letters._ - 1872-75. - - Official Correspondence of Thomas Beckington. _Beckington - Ed. by G. Williams. Rolls Series, No. 56. Correspondence._ - London, 1872. - - A†neae Sylvii Piccolominei, Opera quae extant omnia. _A†n. Sylv., - Basel, 1851. Opera._ - - Leonardi Bruni Aretini Epistolarum, Libri viii. _Leonardi Bruni - Ed. by Lorenzo Metus. Florence, 1741. Epistolae._ - - Original Letters illustrative of English History. _Ellis, Letters._ - Ed. by Sir Henry Ellis. Three Series. London, - 1825-45. - - The English Historical Review:-- _Eng. Hist. - Vol. x. 1895. Correspondence of Humphrey, Duke Review._ - of Gloucester. Ed. by Bishop - Creighton. - - Vol. xix. 1904. Correspondence of Humphrey, Duke - of Gloucester. Ed. by Mario - Borsa. - - Vol. xx. 1905. Correspondence of Humphrey, Duke - of Gloucester. Ed. by W. L. - Newman, D. Litt. - - Archivio Storico Lombardo. Vol. x. Anno xx. _Archivio - Milan, 1893. Lombardo._ - Pier Candido Decembri e L'Umanesimo in Lombardia, - da Mario Borsa. Contains some original - letters printed in an appendix. - - Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima _Amplissima - collectio. Ed. by MartA"ne and Durand. Paris, Collectio._ - 1724-33. - - Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. _Hist. MSS. Rep._ - London. Various dates. - Cited under the Number of their Report. - - Political Poems and Songs. Ed. by Thomas Wright. _Polit. Songs._ - Rolls Series, No. 14. London, 1861. - - - CONTEMPORARY CHRONICLERS WHO WROTE IN ENGLAND - - Annales Henrici Quarti Regis Angliae. In H. T. _Annales Henrici - Riley's Johannis de Trokelowe Chronicon and Quarti._ - others. Rolls Series, No. 28. London, 1886. - - Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae de regnis trium - regum. Lancastrensium. Ed. by John Allen Giles. - London, 1848. - Certainly not all by the same author. The - Chronicle of Henry V.'s reign stops at 1416, - and is the same as the Gesta Henrici Quinti - below. The most valuable of the three is the - Chronicle of Henry VI.'s reign, probably - written by a contemporary and a cleric, and - therefore having numerous references to church - matters. - 1st chronicle, _Chron. Henry IV._ - 3rd chronicle, _Chron. Henry VI._ - - Gesta Henrici Quinti. Ed. by Benjamin Williams. _Gesta._ - London, 1850. - The first part of this Latin Chronicle down to - 1417 was written by a chaplain in Henry's - army, being the same chronicle as Nicolas - translated at the end of his 'Battle of - Agincourt.' The continuation is by some other - chronicler, and is largely borrowed from - Elmham. - - A 'Chronique de Normandie' is printed at the end _Chronique de - of this chronicle, and is attributed to George Normandie._ - Chastellain by the Editor, though this has been - denied. It is, however, obviously written by a - contemporary. - - Vita et gesta Henrici Quinti Anglorum Regis, by _Elmham, Vita._ - Thomas de Elmham. Ed. by Thomas Hearne. - Oxford, 1727. - Elmham was a monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, - of which he was treasurer in 1407, and - ultimately became Prior of Lenton, Notts. He - died some time during the reign of Henry VI. - The attribution to him of this chronicle is - doubted. - - Titi Livi Foro-Juliensis Vita Henrici Quinti. Ed. _Livius._ - by Thomas Hearne. Oxford, 1716. - Written at the suggestion of the Duke of - Gloucester by an Italian attached to his - household. The chronology is not always - quite accurate. - - Wilhelmi Wyrcester Annales Rerum Anglicarum, _William of - 1324-1491. In Hearne's Liber Niger Scaccarii. Worcester._ - Vol. ii. Oxford, 1774. - - App. ix. excerpti Gilbert Kymeri. Dietarium de - Sanitatis Custodia. - - Historia Anglicana, by Thomas Walsingham. Ed. by _Walsingham, Hist. - H. T. Riley. Rolls Series, No. 28. London, 1864. Angl._ - Walsingham was one of the St. Albans - Chroniclers, and wrote about 1430. - - Ypodigma Neustriae, by Thomas Walsingham. Ed. _Walsingham, - by H. T. Riley. Rolls Series, No. 28. London, Ypodigma - 1876. Neustriae._ - - Chronica Regum Angliae, by Thomas Otterbourne. _Otterbourne._ - Ed. by T. Hearne. 1732. - A very brief record of events. - - Annales Monasterii S. Albani a J. Amundesham. Ed. - by H. T. Riley. Rolls Series, No. 28. London, - 1870. - - Contains-- - (1) 'Chronicon Rerum Gestarum in Monasterio _St. Albans - S. Albani,' by an unknown author. It Chron._ - covers the years 1421-31. - - (2) Annales of Amundesham. _Amundesham, - Amundesham was Prior of Gloucester Hall Annales._ - at Oxford. His Annales extend to the - year 1440. - - Historiae Croylandensis Continuatio. Printed by _Hist. Croyland. - Thomas Gale in vol. i. of Rerum Anglicarum Contin._ - Scriptores Veteres. Oxford, 1604. - An unknown chronicler of the monastic house of - Croyland. - - Memorials of Henry V., King of England. Ed. by - C. A. Cole. London, 1858. - - Contains-- - (1) Vita Henrici Quinti. Roberto Redmano _Redmayne._ - Auctore. - Redmayne wrote in the early part of - the sixteenth century. - - (2) Elmhami Liber Metricus de Henrico _Elmham, Liber - Quinto. Metricus._ - - Liber de Illustribus Henricis, by John Capgrave. _Capgrave, De - Ed. by F. C. Hingeston. Rolls Series, No. 7. Illustr. Hen._ - London, 1858. - Capgrave was an inmate of the Augustinian - monastery of Lynn in Norfolk, and was a friend - of the Duke of Gloucester. - - Chronicle of England, by John Capgrave. Ed. by _Capgrave, Chron. - F. C. Hingeston. Rolls Series, No. 1. London, of Eng._ - 1858. - The Chronicle does not go further than the year - 1417. - - The Historical Collections of a London Citizen. Ed, - by James Gairdner. Camden Society, 1876. - - Contains-- - - (1) Poem on the Siege of Rouen, by John Page. _John Page._ - The author was present at the siege. - - (2) Lydgate's verses on the Kings of England. - - (3) William Gregory's Chronicle of London. _Gregory._ - Begun by Gregory, but probably - continued by another writer. - - A Chronicle of London from 1089-1483. London, _Lond. Chron._ - 1827. - One of the series of London Chronicles of which - Gregory's Chronicle is another. Lydgate's poem - on the Battle of Agincourt is printed in the - Appendix. - - Chronicles of London. Edited, with an Introduction, - by C. H. Kingsford. Oxford, 1905. [See - Manuscript Authorities, British Museum, p. 472.] - - An English Chronicle of the Kings' reigns from - Richard II. to Henry VI. Ed. by J. S. Davies. - Camden Society, No. 64. London, 1856. Contains-- - - (1) A Chronicle founded on the English _Eng. Chron._ - Chronicle called the Brut by an unknown - author who must have died between 1461 - and 1471. It was used by Stow in his - 'Annals.' - - (2) An account of the Parliament of Bury held _Richard Fox._ - in 1447 and the death of the Duke of - Gloucester, by Richard Fox of St. Albans, - who wrote it probably within a few months - of the events recorded. - - Three Fifteenth-century Chronicles. Ed. by James - Gairdner. Camden Society. London, 1880. - Contains-- - - (1) A Short English Chronicle. Written _Short Eng. - probably about the time when it ends, Chron._ - 1465. Not very full till Jack Cade's - Rebellion. - - (2) Historical Memoranda in the handwriting of _Stow Memoranda._ - John Stow. Evidently copies of the - original documents. - - (3) Brief Notes in a late fifteenth-century _Brief Notes._ - hand. Probably written by a monk of Ely. - - (4) A Short Latin Chronicle. By an unknown _Brief Lat. - compiler who lived in the time of Henry Chron._ - VI. and Edward VI. - - The Chronicle of John Hardyng, with the _Hardyng._ - continuation of Richard Grafton. Ed. by - H. Ellis. London, 1812. - Hardyng was a servant of the Percys, and after - Shrewsbury of Sir Robert Umfravile, whom he - accompanied in the Agincourt campaign. - - A Latin Journal of the 1415 campaign is inserted _Hardyng's - in the above at the end of the reign of Henry V. Journal._ - - Caxton's edition and continuation of Higden's _Higden._ - Chronicle 'In the Abbey of Westminster ... - Accomplished the V day of August the yere ... - MCCCCLXXX.' - Higden died in 1370. The continuator was - probably not Caxton. - - Polychronicon. Imprented in Southwerke for John _Polychronicon._ - Rey, 1527. - An English Chronicle founded on the 'Brut,' and - brought up to date. - - - CONTEMPORARY FOREIGN CHRONICLERS - - Chroniques de Enguerrand de Monstrelet. Ed. _Monstrelet._ - Buchon. Paris, 1826-27. - A Burgundy in sympathy, Monstrelet continued - the Chronicles of Froissart. He died in 1453. - - Recueil des croniques et anchiennes istories de la _Waurin._ - Grant Bretaigne, a present nomme Engleterre, par - Jehan de Waurin. Ed. by Sir Will. Hardy. Roll - Series, No. 39-- - - Vol. ii. 1399-1422. London, 1868. - Vol. iii. 1422-1431. London, 1874. - Vol. iv. 1431-1447. London, 1884. - Vol. v. 1447-1471. London, 1891. - - Waurin copies much from Monstrelet. He was - present at Agincourt, and also was an - eye-witness of Gloucester's inroad into - Flanders in 1436. - - Chronique des Ducs de Burgoyne, par Georges _Chastellain._ - Chastellain, Ed. Buchon. Paris, 1827. - A Burgundy chronicler very hostile to England. - He possesses a far more literary style than - the other chroniclers of the time who wrote - in French. He lived from 1403 to 1475. - - MA(C)moires de Pierre de FA(C)nin. Ed. Buchon. Paris, _Pierre de FA(C)nin._ - 1838. - A native of Artois who died in 1433. - - Chronique du Religieux de Saint Denys. Ed. by _St. Denys._ - M. L. Bellaguet. Collection de Documents inA(C)dits - sur l'Histoire de France. Paris, 1852. - A contemporary French chronicler whose work - comprises the years 1380-1422. - - Chronique de Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. RA(C)my. _St. RA(C)my._ - Ed. Buchon. Paris, 1838. - Le Fevre was in the English army at Agincourt. - His chronicle has much in common with those - of Monstrelet and Waurin, from whom he often - seems to quote. - - Chroniques de Mathieu de Coussy. Ed. Buchon. _Mathieu de - Paris, 1838. Coussy._ - An Hainaulter who wrote in the fifteenth - century. - - La Chronique Normande de P. Cochon. Ed. M. _Cochon._ - Vallet de Veriville. Paris, 1859. - - Chronique des Pays Bas de France, d'Angleterre _Chronique des - et de Tournai, in vol. iii. of Recueil des Pays Bas._ - Chroniques de Flandre. Brussels, 1856. - A very brief chronicle of events. - - Histoire de Charles VI., by Jean Juvenal des _Des Ursins._ - Ursins. Paris, 1850. - This author lived from 1388 to 1473. - - Historiarum de Rebus A. Carlo Septimo Francorum _Basin._ - Rege et suo tempore in Gallia gestis, by Thomas - Basin. Ed. J. Quicherat. Paris, 1855. - Basin was born in 1412. He visited England on - an embassy to the Duke of York, where he also - came in contact with the chief English nobles - such as Suffolk, Somerset, and Talbot. - - Chronica Nobilissimorum Ducum Lotharingiae et _Dynter._ - Brabantiae ac Regum Francorum, auctore Magistro - Edmundo de Dynter. Ed. by P. F. X. de Ram. - Brussels, 1854-57. - Dynter was private secretary to John of Brabant, - and therefore a valuable authority on the - history of the Jacqueline marriage. - - Das Leben KA¶nig Sigmunds von Eberhard Windeck. _Windeck._ - Uebersetzt von Dr. von Hagen. Leipzig, 1886. - Windeck was Sigismund's secretary, and - accompanied him to England. - - - LATER CHRONICLERS - - The Customs of London, otherwise called Arnold's _Arnold's Chron._ - Chronicle. London, 1811. - First published about 1502. - - The New Chronicles of England and France, by _Fabyan._ - Robert Fabyan. Ed. by Henry Ellis. London, - 1811. - Fabyan was a Londoner, who died about 1511. - - The English History of Polydore Vergil, from an _Polydore Vergil._ - early translation. Ed. by Sir Henry Ellis. - Camden Society, 1844. - Polydore was a native of Urbino, and was born - in the latter half of the fifteenth century. - He came to England as a subcollector of - Peter's Pence in 1502. - - The Pastime of People (1529), by John Rastell. _Rastell._ - Ed. by T. F. Dibdin. London, 1811. - - Hall's Chronicle, from Henry IV. to Henry VIII. _Hall._ - London, 1809. - Originally published in 1548. Based on - documents, and especially useful for the - proceedings in the Parliament of 1426. Edward - Hall died in 1547. - - Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by _Holinshed._ - Raphael Holinshed. London, 1808. - Holinshed published his Chronicles in 1557. - - The History of Great Britain, by John Speed. _Speed._ - London, 1611. - Speed lived from 1550 to 1629. - - Annales, or A General Chronicle of England, begun _Stow._ - by John Stow, and continued down to 1631 by - Edmund Howes. London, 1631. - Stow died in 1605 before his Chronicle was - published. - - -MISCELLANEOUS AUTHORITIES - - The Governance of England, by Sir John Fortescue. _Plummer's - Ed. by C. Plummer. Oxford, 1885. Fortescue._ - - A†gidii Columerae Romani De Regimine Principum _A†gidius, De - Libri Tres. Romae, 1607. Regimine - Egidius was tutor to Philip le Bel of France Principum._ - when he was Dauphin, for whom this treatise - was written. - - England and France in the Fifteenth Century, 'The _Heralds' Debate._ - Debate between the heralds of France and - England,' attributed to Charles, Duke of Orleans. - Translated by H. Pyne. London, 1870. - Supposed to have been written by the Duke of - Orleans while a captive in England. - - De Viris Illustribus, by A†neas Sylvius _A†neas Sylvius, De - Piccolomineus. Strasburg, 1842. Viris - Records of certain celebrities of his time by Illustribus._ - Pope Pius II. - - De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, by John Leland. _Leland, - London, 1774. Collectanea._ - - Antient Funerall Monuments of Great Britain and _Weever, Ancient - Ireland, by John Weever. London, 1767. Funeral - Monuments._ - - History from Marble, by T. Dingley. Camden _History from - Society, 1867. Marble._ - - The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe, Fourth _Foxe._ - edition. By the Rev. E. Pratt, N.D. London. - - Monasticon Anglicanum, by Sir William Dugdale. _Dugdale, - 6 vols. London, 1819. Monasticon._ - - Britannia, by William Camden. Translation and _Camden's - additions by Richard Gough. London, 1789. Britannia._ - - Anglia Sacra, by Henry Wharton. London, 1691. _Wharton, Anglia - A collection of biographies of the Archbishops Sacra._ - and Bishops of the English Church. - - The State of the Church and Clergy, by William _Wake._ - Wake. London, 1703. - - Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, by W. F. _Hook._ - Hook. London, 1867. - - History of the Abbey of St. Albans, by the Rev. _Newcome._ - Peter Newcome. London, 1793-95. - - Projet d'Assassinat de Philippe le Bon par les _Desplanque, - Anglais, par M. H. Desplanque. In MA(C)moires Projet - CouronnA(C)s par l'AcadA(C)mie Royale de Belgique. d'Assassinat._ - Vol. 32. Brussels, 1867. - - Das Bundniss von Canterbury, by Jacob Caro. _Caro, Bundniss - Gotha, 1880. von Canterbury._ - - Lives of Nottinghamshire Worthies, by Cornelius - Brown. London, 1882. - W. H. Stevenson's article on Ralph, Lord - Cromwell. - - Statutes of the Order of the Bath, with _Anstis, Order of - Introductory Essay by John Anstis. London, 1725. the Bath._ - - The Register of the Most Noble Order of the _Anstis, Order of - Garter. Ed. by John Anstis. London, 1724. the Garter._ - - Memorials of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, _Beltz._ - by George Frederick Beltz. London, 1841. - - Historical Tracts, by Joseph Hunter. No. 1. _Hunter's Hist. - 'Agincourt.' 1850. Tracts._ - Contains a list of the commanders and their - escorts taken from an old Muster Roll. - - History of the Battle of Agincourt, by Sir H. N. _Nicolas, - Nicolas. London, 1832. Agincourt._ - - Contains Muster Rolls of the English Army in - an Appendix. - - Chronicles of London Bridge, by an Antiquary. _Chronicles of - London, 1827. London Bridge._ - Now known to be by Richard Thompson. - - The Baronage of England, by William Dugdale. _Dugdale._ - London, 1675-76. - - The Historic Peerage of England, by Sir H. N. _Nicolas, - Nicolas. London, 1887. Peerage._ - - The Official Baronage of England, by James E. _Doyle._ - Doyle. London, 1886. - - A Genealogical History of the Kings of England _Sandford, - from 1066-1677, by Francis Sandford. In the Genealogical - Savoy, 1677. Hist._ - - - BOOKS ILLUSTRATING THE HISTORY OF LITERATURE - - The Middle-English Translation of Palladius De Re _Palladius._ - Rustica. Ed. by Mark Liddell. Berlin, 1896. - - Vite di Uomini Illustri del Sec. XV., scritte da _Vespasiano._ - Vespasiano da Bisticci. Florence, 1859. - The compilation of the famous fifteenth-century - Florentine bookseller. - - Scriptorum Illustrium majoris Brytanniae Catalogus _Bale._ - Auctore Joanne Baleo. Basle, 1559. - - De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, by John Leland. _Leland, - London, 1774. Collectanea._ - - Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis, by John _Leland, - Leland. Oxford, 1709. Commentarii._ - - Relationum Historicarum de Rebus Anglicis Joannis _Pits._ - Pitsei Tomus Primus (all published). Paris, 1619. - - Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, by Thomas _Tanner, Bibl. - Tanner. London, 1748. Brit._ - - Die Wiederbelebung des Classischen Alterthums, _Voigt._ - von Georg Voigt. Berlin, 1881. - - Geschichte der Classichen Litteratur in _Heeren._ - Mittelalter, von A. H. L. Heeren. GA¶ttingen, - 1822. - - Histoire LittA(C)raire du Peuple Anglais, by J. J. - Jusserand. Paris, 1894. London, 1895. - - History of English Poetry, by Thomas Warton. Ed. _Warton._ - by W. Carew Hazlitt. London, 1871. - - De Studiis Literariis Medislanensium, Auctore _Sassi, De - Joseph Antonio Saxio. Milan, 1729. Studiis - Literariis._ - - Historia Literario-typographica Mediolanensis, _Sassi, Historia - Auctore Joseph Antonio Saxio. Milan, 1745. Literario- - typographica._ - - Della Letteratura Veronese al cadere del Secolo _Giuliari._ - XV. e Delle sue opere a stampa. Per il Conte - Giovanni Battista Carlo Giuliari. Bologna, 1876. - - Renaissance in Italy, by John Addington Symonds. - London, 1901. - - Studji sulle Opere Latine del Boccaccio, by _Hortis._ - Attilio Hortis. Trieste, 1879. - - Cent Dix Lettres grecques de FranASec.ois Filelfe. _Cent Dix Lettres - Translation et notes de Emile Legrand. Paris, grecques._ - 1892. - - Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la BibliothA"que - ImpA(C)riale, par LA(C)opold Delisle. Paris, 1868. - - Romania, edited by Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris, _Romania._ - vol. XV. Paris, 1886. - _Article_ Les Manuscrits FranASec.ais de Cambridge, - by P. Meyer. - - The AthenA|um Journal, November 17, 1888. _AthenA|um._ - Article on a manuscript translation of Palladius - 'De Re Rustica' in the Library of Earl - Fitzwilliam at Wentworth-Woodhouse. - - A Catalogue of Editions of Aristotle's Nicomachean - Ethics, printed in the fifteenth century. By Henry - W. Chandler. Privately printed (twenty-five copies). - Oxford, 1868. - - Early Dedications to Englishmen by Foreign Authors _Bibliographica._ - and Editors in Bibliographica, by W. D. Macray. - Vol. i. Part III. London, 1895. - - Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions. Ed. by - E. A. Bond, E. Maunde Thompson, and C. J. Warner. - Second Series. London, 1889-94. - - The History and Antiquities of the Colleges and _Wood, History of - Halls in the University of Oxford, by Anthony the Antiquities - Wood. Edited and translated by J. Gutch. Oxford, of the University - 1786. of Oxford._ - Fasti Oxoniensis. Appendix volume to above. - Oxford, 1790. - - Annals of the Bodleian, by W. D. Macray. Second _Macray, Annals - edition. Oxford, 1890. of Bodleian._ - - Pietas Oxoniensis, in memory of Sir Thomas Bodley, - Knight. October 1902. - - A History of the University of Oxford to the year - 1530, by H. C. Maxwell-Lyte. London, 1886. - - Froissart. A%tude LittA(C)raire sur le 14me siA"cle, par - M. Kervyn de Lettenhove. Paris, 1857. - - The Italian Renaissance in England, by Lewis _Einstein._ - Einstein. New York, 1902. - - -MODERN HISTORIES AND BIOGRAPHIES - - Lancaster and York, by Sir James Ramsay. Oxford, _Ramsay._ - 1892. - - The Constitutional History of England, by Bishop _Stubbs._ - Stubbs. Oxford, 1878. - - The History of England, 1377-1485, by C. Oman - (vol. iv. of The Political History of England). - London, 1906. - - Geschichte von England, von Dr. R. Pauli. Gotha, - 1858. - - The History of England during the Middle Ages, by _Sharon-Turner._ - Sharon-Turner. London, 1853. - - General History of England (to 1654), by Thomas _Carte, Hist. of - Carte. London, 1747-55. Eng._ - - Biographical History of England, by J. Granger. - London, 1775. - - Henry V., by C. L. Kingsford. New York, 1894. _Kingsford._ - - Henry of Monmouth, by the Rev. J. Endell Tyler. _Tyler, Henry of - London, 1838. Monmouth._ - - JakobA¤a von Bayern und Ihre Zeit, von France von _LA¶her, JakobA¤a - LA¶her. Nordlingen, 1869. von Bayern._ - - A MediA|val Princess. Jacqueline, Countess of _Putnam, A - Holland. By Ruth Putnam. London, 1904. MediA|val - Princess._ - - Histoire de Charles vii., par Gaston Du Fresne de _De Beaucort._ - Beaucourt. Paris, 1881-91. - - Le ConnA(C)table de Richemont, par E. Cosneau. Paris, - 1886. - - Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunds, von Joseph Aschbach. _Aschbach._ - Hamburg, 1838-45. - - A History of the Papacy, by Bishop Creighton. _Creighton's - London, 1897. Papacy._ - - - MONOGRAPHS ON HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER - - Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. xxviii. - An excellent article on the life of Gloucester. - - Bilder aus Alt-England, von R. Pauli. Gotha, 1860. - Contains a short popular account of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. - - Serapeum, vol. vi. Leipzig, 1845. Article by E. G. Vogel, - 'Erinnerungen an einige verdientsvolle Bibliophilen des - vierzehnten und funfzehnten Jahrhunderts,' pp. 11-16. - A good short sketch of Gloucester, especially with regard to his - patronage of literature. - - Episodes in the career of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and his first - Duchess, and their connexion with the Abbey of St. Albans, by G. R. - Wright. In the Journal of the British ArchA|ological Association. - London, 1871. - Slight and incorrect. - - Transactions of the St. Albans and Hertfordshire Architectural and - ArchA|ological Society, 1903-1904. - Humphrey of Gloucester, by Mrs. Maude C. Knight. - - Memoirs of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (As they relate to the - Story of Mr. Phillips's Tragedy of that Name; and proper to be - Bound up with it). London: Printed for Thomas Corbett, at - Addison's Head, next to the Rose Tavern, without Temple Bar; And - sold by T. Payne, near Stationers'-Hall, 1723. Price 6d. - A curious little pamphlet of 32 pages, but totally devoid of - historical value. - - -_II. MANUSCRIPT AUTHORITIES_ - - BRITISH MUSEUM - - Stowe MS., 668. - Heraldic and some other Collections, including the letters exchanged - between the Dukes of Gloucester and Burgundy. - - Cotton MS., Claudius, A. viii. - - (1) 'A Chronicle of King Henry V.' - The last part of a much longer chronicle, probably a - continuation of the Brut. - - (2) A schedule of the charges of the Monastery of St. Albans for - making the tomb of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and for - perpetual masses for his soul. - - Cotton MS., Claudius, D. i. - Letters written by Wheathampsted, Abbot of St. Albans. - - Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. - Register of enrolments in the Fraternity of the Abbey of St. Albans. - - Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. - A London Chronicle extending from 1189 to 1432, and probably written - about 1435. - - Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. - Among other items contains a London Chronicle, written in three - different fifteenth-century hands, and covering the years 1414-43. - - Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. - A London Chronicle, in three different hands, and written at three - different periods, covering the years 1399-1516, though up to - 1440 it is almost identical with the two chronicles above. - - These three chronicles all bear a strong affinity to Lond. Chron. and - Gregory. (See Printed Books. Contemporary Chroniclers who wrote in - England.) Since the references have been taken for the present work, - all three, with the exception of the earlier part of Vitellius, A. - xvi., have been printed in 'Chronicles of London,' ed. by C. L. - Kingsford. Oxford, 1905. The references to the folios of the MSS. have - been retained, as thereby the various authorities can be - distinguished, and their verification does not necessitate recourse to - the MSS., as Mr. Kingsford has marked the folios in the margin to the - text of his edition. An excellent discussion of the dates of - compilation and the relationship between these and other London - Chronicles is to be found in Mr. Kingsford's introduction. - - Harleian MS., 139. - A collection of documents relating to the County of Chester. - - Harleian MS., 2251. - Collection of poems, including some by Lydgate. - - Harleian MS., 2256. - The Chronicle known as the Brut, continued down to the capture of - Joan of Arc. - - Lansdowne MS., 874. - Heraldic Notes and Drawings, by H. St. George and Nicholas Charles, - Lancaster-Heralds. Dated 1610. - - Lansdowne MS., 1. - Burghley Papers. - - Arundel MS., 34. - 'Registrum Abbatiae S. Albani. Register of Lands, Tenements, etc., - by John Wethampstede and Thomas Rameyge, Abbots of St. Albans. - - Arundel MS., 66. - A collection of astrological and prophetical documents. - - Additional MS., 34,360. - Collection of poems, including Lydgate's 'Epitaphium Ducis - Gloucestrie.' - - Additional MS., 15,664. - Topographical Collections. - - Additional MS., 26,784. - Various documents. - - Additional MS., 29,729. - Collection of poems, including some by Lydgate. - - Additional MS., 4608. - Collection of documents relating to the reign of Henry VI. - - Sloane MS., 407. - Astronomical tables and calculations of the fifteenth century. - - Additional Charters, 44,531. - Papal Bull. - - - BODLEIAN LIBRARY - - Bodley MS., 263. - 'The Falls of Princes,' by John Lydgate. - - Bodley MS., 3618 (M. Museo, 119). - Works by Pietro del Monte and Lapo da Castiglionchio, bearing - dedicatory epistles to the Duke of Gloucester. - - Bodley MS., 2143 (Auct. F., v. 27). - Leonardi Bruni's dedication to the Duke of Gloucester, prefixed to - his translation of Aristotle's 'Politics.' - - Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813. - Collection of Songs. - - Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 398. - Richard Rede's Chronicle. - - James MS., 30. - Various Collections. - - Tanner MS., 196. - Monastic Collections. - - Ashmole MS., 59. - Collection of Poems, including one on Jacqueline of Hainault, by - Lydgate. - - Ashmole MS., 784. - Notes on Churches, by Ashmole. - - Ashmole MS., 856. - Collection of Tracts and Documents, by Ashmole. - - Ashmole MS., 1109. - Miscellaneous Collection, by Ashmole. - - Ashmole MS., 1121. - Heraldic Collections, by Ashmole. - - Ashmole MS., 1137. - Heraldic Collections, by Ashmole. - - Hearne MS., Diary. - The diary of the famous antiquary and editor, Thomas Hearne, who - became Assistant Librarian of the Bodleian Library in 1712. - - Twyne Collectanea. - Notes by the antiquary, John Twyne. - - - RECORD OFFICE - - Patent Rolls. Cited as _Rot. Pat._ - - Duchy of Lancaster Records. - - Chancery Inquisitiones Post Mortem, 25 Henry VI., No. 26. - Cited as _Inq. P.M._ - - Inquisitiones Ad Quod Damnum, 20-22 Henry VI. - Cited as _Inq. A.Q.D._ - - Ancient Correspondence, vols. xliii., xliv., lvii. - - Ancient Petitions. - - Roman Transcripts (Stevenson), vol. v. - - Chester Roll, 1-20 Henry VI. - - Minister's Accounts, Bundle 893. - - Accounts, etc., Exchequer Queen's Remembrancer. - - Miscellaneous Rolls. - - Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer Foreign Accounts. - Cited as _L.T.R. Foreign Accounts._ - - - DURHAM UNIVERSITY LIBRARY - -Durham MS., C. iv. 3. - A copy of Pier Candido Decembrio's Translation of Plato's 'Republic, - containing a letter addressed by the Duke of Gloucester to the - Archbishop of Milan. - - - BIBLIOTECA MEDICEO-LAURENZIANA, FLORENCE - -Cod. Laurentiano, Plut., lxiii. 30. - Lapo da Castiglionchio's Translation of Plutarch's 'Life of - Artaxerxes,' together with a dedicatory epistle addressed to the - Duke of Gloucester. - -Cod. Riccardiano, 827. - A letter-book of Pier Candido Decembrio. Some of these letters have - been printed in the _English Historical Review_, vol. xix. - - - IN A PRIVATE LIBRARY - -MS. in a Private Library. - A Latin Translation of Boccaccio's 'Corbaccio,' by Antonio di - Beccaria, containing a dedicatory epistle to the Duke of - Gloucester. The owner of this MS. does not wish his name to be - published, but he has kindly allowed a photograph of the dedicatory - epistle to be taken, and this is now in the possession of the - present author. - - - HOLKHAM HALL - -In a MS. belonging to Lord Leicester there is contained, amongst other - entries in a seventeenth-century hand, a life of Humphrey, Duke of - Gloucester, entitled 'The Historie of the high borne Renowned and most - illustriously noble Prince Humphrie, commonly called The good Duke of - Gloucester, by J. C. Philopatris.' J. C. stands for John Cooper, and - the whole compilation is a mere copying of sixteenth-century - chroniclers, and has no historical value. It has been referred to in - the notes more as an indication of its scope than as an authority. - Cited as _Holkham MS._ - -_N.B._--Various Manuscripts, which originally formed part of the Duke of -Gloucester's Library, are alluded to and quoted in the text. These are -described in detail in Appendix A., and are therefore not enumerated -here. - - - - -INDEX - - - ABBEVILLE, 27, 97, 98. - - Abingdon, 222, 223; - St. Helen's Church, 448. - - ---- Henry, 388. - - Aboo-l-Hassan, 345, 433. - - A†gidius Romanus, 24, 286, 414, 415, 427, 435. - - Agincourt, battle of, 20, 26, 28-32, 33, 48, 49, 69, 82, 90, 100, 102, - 260, 282, 340, 390. - - Albret, Sire de, 20, 29, 30, 32. - - Alcuin of York, 386. - - AlenASec.on, Duke of, 29, 30, 31, 32. - - ---- siege of, 50, 51; - truce of, 51; - conference at, 75. - - Alfen, battle of, 169. - - Alfonso, Bishop of Burgos, 359. - - ---- King of Aragon and Naples, 375, 376, 421, 438. - - Alnwick, William, Bishop of Norwich, 115, 179, 272, 329, 338. - - Amadeus, Duke of Savoy (later, Pope Felix v.), 196, 197. - - Amiens, 27, 130, 132, 320. - - Anne of Burgundy. _See_ Duchess of Bedford. - - Antigone, daughter of Gloucester, 335. - - Appuleius, 363, 365, 368. - - Aquinas, Thomas, 410. - - Arc, Jeanne de, 214, 278. - - Aretinus. _See_ Bruni. - - Aristotle, 344, 350, 352, 354, 412, 420, 427. - - Armagnac, Bernard, Count of, 70. - - ---- John, Count of, 75, 283, 285. - - ---- party, 11, 12, 13, 39, 73, 284, 318, 319. - - Arras, Archbishop of, 148. - - ---- Congress of (1435), 245, 258; - heavy expenses of, 262, 264; - Gloucester's attitude towards, 318. - - Arras, Treaty of (1415) between Burgundian and Armagnac party, 12; - second Treaty (1435), 245, 246. - - Arthur, son of Gloucester, 293, 303, 335. - - Artois, county of, 141, 151, 154, 156, 247; - raid into, 252; - embassy from, 138. - - Arundel, Thomas Fitz-Allen, Earl of, 34. - - Ashley, George, 393. - - Aslak, Walter, 191. - - Athanasius, St., 377, 385, 416, 430, 435. - - Averrois, 412. - - - BABTHORP, Sir Robert, 230, 237. - - Babwell, monastery of, 294. - - Bacon, Roger, 411. - - Bailleul, capture of, 252. - - Balbo, Scaramuccia, 365. - - Bar, Duke of, 29, 32. - - Barbaro, Francesco, 370. - - Bardney, Abbey of, 8. - - Basel, Council of, 328, 329, 351. - - Basin, Thomas 45, 413. - - Bath, Order of, 3, 4. - - ---- Bishop of. _See_ Stafford, John, and Beckington, Thomas. - - Bavaria, John, Duke of, 93, 134, 142, 150. - - Bayeux, 54, 56, 59, 60, 70, 322, 354; - siege of, 49, 50. - - ---- Bishop of. _See_ Castiglione. - - Baynarde's Castle, 445, 446. - - Beauchamp, William, 44, 57, 75, 76. - - Beaufort, Henry, Cardinal Bishop of Winchester, 14, 15, 78, 90, 105, - 114, 123, 124, 125, 137, 168, 173, 187, 212, 214, 226, 235-239, - 248, 271, 280, 307, 308, 312, 314, 316, 319, 320, 330, 336, 337, - 345, 369, 397, 448; - character, 105, 168, 185; - designated guardian of Henry VI., 103; - quarrel with Henry V., 107 and note 419; - opposition to Gloucester, 109-115; - influence predominant in the Council, 115, 116; - constitutional pose, 118, 308; - love of political power and money, 118; - dislike of Gloucester, 162-164; - orders Gloucester to be excluded from Tower, 170 and note 624; - attacks London with armed force, 171, 172; - misrepresents Gloucester to Bedford, 176, 236-238; - defends his actions before Lords of Parliament, 181-186; - resigns Chancellorship, 187; - accompanies Bedford to France, 192; - created Cardinal, 192; - returns to England, 212; - his bishopric called in question, 213; - secures his right to sit in Council, 217; - accompanies Henry VI. to France, 219; - appointed to treat with France for peace, 221; - becomes liable to the penalties of PrA|munire, 225, 226; - vindicates himself before Parliament, 232-234; - favours continuation of war, 246; - treats with French envoys, 259; - his peace policy, 259; - procures release of Duke of Orleans, 260; - attacked by Gloucester, 260-264; - plans marriage for Henry VI., 282; - influence with Martin V., 324; - his Church policy, 325-328; - legacy to Oxford University, 397. - - Beaufort, Lady Joan. _See_ Joan of Scotland. - - ---- party, 13, 282, 287, 288, 314. - - BeaugA(C), battle of, 91, 97. - - Beaugency, capture of, 100, 101. - - Beauvais, 98. - - ---- Vincent of, 411. - - Bec Hellouin, Abbey of, capture of, 70. - - Beccaria, Antonio di, 395, 431; - Gloucester's secretary, 377; - translates books for Gloucester, 378; - appreciation of Gloucester's literary taste, 378, 379; - translation of Boccaccio's _Corbaccio_, 377, 378; - translation of discourses of St. Athanasius, 435. - - Beckington, Thomas, Bishop of Bath, 283, 284, 376, 388, 389, 418. - - Bede, the Venerable, 410, 411. - - Bedford, John, Duke of, 10, 14, 15, 16, 45, 80, 81, 85, 90, 116, 119, - 193, 198, 221, 237, 259, 300, 312, 322, 327, 334, 338, 345, 346, - 347, 376, 384, 397, 402 note 1333, 404, 416, 417, 418, 438; - Knight of the Bath, 3; - Knight of the Garter, 7; - character, 105; - favours alliance with Burgundy, 12; - Lieutenant of England, 35 note 148; - meets Sigismund at Rochester, 37; - Regent of England (1417), 44; - marriage proposals, 75; - escorts Queen Catherine to France, 102; - Regent of kingdom of France and of Duchy of Normandy (1422), 103; - appointed Protector, 114; - his salary, 119; - alliance with Gloucester, 117, 118 and 118 note 445; - marries Anne of Burgundy, 128; - mediates between Gloucester and Burgundy, 132-164; - summoned to appease the quarrel of Gloucester and Beaufort, 175-187; - swears not to infringe the rights of the Council, 190; - interferes to prevent expedition to Hainault, 201, 202; - marries Jacquetta of Luxemburg, 235; - his difficulties in France, 214; - powers demanded if he is to govern England, 240, 241; - quarrel with Gloucester, 242-244; - results of his death, 245-248. - - Bedford, Anne, Duchess of, 128, 130, 192, 235. - - ---- Jacquetta, Duchess of, 235, 236. - - Bedfordshire, disturbances in, 211, 212. - - Bellesme surrendered, 51. - - Benedict XIII., Antipope, 126. - - Benoist, William, 140. - - Berri, Duke of, 9, 14. - - Bersuyre, Pierre, 438. - - Binham, Prior of, 338. - - Biondo, Flavio, 388. - - Blanche of Navarre, 75, 76. - - Boccaccio, Giovanni, 343, 344, 362, 377, 378, 391, 413, 437. - - Bolingbroke, Roger, trial and execution, 270-278. - - Bonville, Sir William, 314. - - Books, given by Gloucester to Oxford, 403 and note 1337, 404, 407 and - note 1352, 412, 413. - - Bostock, John. _See_ Wheathampsted. - - Bouchain, 94, 141, 159. - - Bourbon, Duke of, 9. - - Bouteiller, Guy le, 72. - - Boutillier, Ralph de, 139. - - Boyle, Philip, 375. - - Brabant, John, Duke of, 138, 142, 144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, - 152, 153; - marriage with Countess of Hainault, 92; - character, 92; - disposes of his wife's territory, 93; - marriage complications, 126, 127, 131-136; - recognises Duke of Burgundy as his heir, 133, 135; - his indifference, 135, 136, 150; - treaty with Burgundy, 165; - death, 198. - - Bracciolini, Poggio, 350, 370; - love of the Classics, 345; - visit to England, 345; - impressions of England, 356. - - Braine-le-Comte, siege of, 151, 152, 156. - - Bredenaide, 253. - - Bretigny, Treaty of, 77, 78. - - Bristol, 394, 421. - - Brittany, Duke of, 51, 130 note 482, 192. - - Bruni, Leonardo, 'Aretinus,' 351, 368, 419, 421; - translation of Aristotle's _Politics_, 352; - shiftiness and greed, 355, 356, 388; - letters to the Archbishop of Milan, 357, 358. - - Buckingham, Humphrey, Duke of, Earl of Stafford, 249; - mediates between Beaufort and Gloucester, 176, 179; - turbulence of, 230; - Captain of Calais, 269; - commissioner of sorcery, 272; - arrests Gloucester, 293. - - Burgundy, John, 'Sans Peur,' Duke of, 29, 35, 40, 50, 77; - instigates murder of, Duke of Orleans, 11; - driven from Paris, 11; - treaty with Henry V., 11, 12; - meets Henry V. at Calais, 41, 42; - secures Paris, 70; - promise to relieve Rouen, 73; - sends ambassadors to Henry V., 75; - treats with Henry V. at Meulan, 78; - murder, 86; - his policy with regard to Hainault, 92. - - ---- Philip, 'Le Bon,' Duke of, 29, 40, 42, 126, 128, 146, 147, 150, - 164, 247, 252, 311, 317, 318, 335; - entertains Gloucester at St. Omer, 40, 41; - joins Henry V. at Montreuil, 98; - refusal to receive the Garter, 131; - recognised as John of Brabant's heir, 133; - truce with Charles VII., 139; - supposed plot to murder, 140; - his troops invade Hainault, 151-158; - correspondence with Gloucester, 154-156; - threatens to besiege Mons, 158; - treaty with Brabant, 165, 166; - prepares for duel with Gloucester, 166; - declares himself Regent of Jacqueline's dominions, 198; - English dislike of, 200, 201; - truce with Gloucester, 202; - annoyance at Bedford's second marriage, 235; - peace with French King, 246; - desires peace with England, 246; - besieges Calais, 250. - - Burgundian party, 11, 75. - - Bury of St. Edmunds, Abbey of, 241, 291, 390, 448. - - ---- Richard of, 391, 419. - - - Cade, Jack, 297 and note 1032, 306, 445, 451, 452. - - Caen, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 70; - siege of, 45-48. - - Calais, 26, 28, 32, 36, 39, 93, 94, 97, 138, 159, 235, 247, 253, 319; - conference at, 40, 41; - siege of, 248-250. - - Cambridge, Richard, Earl of, his conspiracy, 15; - executed, 16. - Cambridge, King's College, 303, 435, 442, 446. - - Camoys, Lord, 29, 40, 250. - - Canterbury, 9, 37, 220, 423; - cathedral library of, 345. - - ---- Archbishop of. _See_ Chichele. - - Capgrave, John, 386, 387, 416, 417, 428; - his _Chronicle of England_, 385; - connection with Gloucester, 385; - his _Commentary on Genesis_, 323, 385. - - Carbone, Lodovico, 422. - - Carentan, surrender of, 58. - - Carlisle, Bishop of, 226, 227. - - Cassidorus, 411. - - Castiglionchio, Lapo da, 374, 375; - translation of Plutarch, 372, 373; - his _Comparatio Studiorum et Rei Militaris_, 373. - - Castiglione, Zano, - Bishop of Bayeux, 247, 354, 360, 364, 373, 417, 422, 436; - admiration of Gloucester, 338, 374; - introduces Gloucester to Italian humanists, 351, 372; - represents Henry VI. at Council of Basel and Council of Florence, - 351; - buys books for Gloucester, 351, 352; - correspondence with Decembrio, 355, 356. - - Catherine of Burgundy, 12. - - ---- Queen of Henry V., 12, 75, 78, 86, 166, 215; - marriage contract with Henry V., 87; - enters London, 89; - coronation, 90; - pilgrimage to various shrines, 91; - goes to France, 102; - present at opening of Parliament (1423), 120; - married to Owen Tudor, 256; - death, 256. - - Cato, 384. - - Caudebec, capture of, 71, 72. - - Caux, Chef de, 20. - - Celsus, Cornelius, 363, 380. - - Censorius, 365 note 1217. - - Chamberlain, Sir Roger, 293. - - Chandler, Thomas, 389. - - Charles of Anjou, 283. - - ---- IV., Emperor, 35. - - ---- V., King of France, library of 345, 428, 432. - - ---- VI., King of France, 13, 50, 77, 78, 86, 87, 117, 417. - - Charles VII., King of France, 70, 85, 97, 98, 99, 100, 117, 201, - 260, 264; - challenged by Henry V. to single combat, 26, 45; - fails to meet Henry V. at Rouen, 75; - truce with Burgundy, 139, 151; - treats with English at Arras, 244, 245; - peace with Burgundy, 246. - - ---- III., King of Navarre, 75, 76. - - Charolais, Count of. _See_ Burgundy, Philip of. - - Chartres, 97, 98. - - Chastellain, George, 451. - - ChActel, Tanneguy du, 70. - - Chaucer, Geoffrey, 389, 391, 395, 396, 445. - - Cherbourg, 53, 56, 106, 320; - siege of, 60-69. - - Chichele, Henry, - Archbishop of Canterbury, 14, 37, 115, 139, 176, 179, 212, 239, 262, - 272, 397; - at conference of Meulan, 78; - at coronation of Catherine, 90; - opening speech in Parliament (1422), 113; - mediates between Gloucester and Beaufort, 172; - objects to Cardinal Legate in England, 192; - crowns Henry VI., 214; - one of the Duchess of Gloucester's judges, 271; - quarrel with Pope Martin V., 324-327. - - Church, - attitude towards French war, 12; - fear of Lollards, 195; - attack on endowments of, 222. - - Cicero, 344, 351, 361, 365, 412, 436. - - Cinque Ports, 34, 36, 95, 137; - Barons of, 89, 96, 220, 297, 336. - - Clarence, Thomas, Duke of, 3, 7, 8, 13, 37, 78, 79, 80, 90, 98, 334, - 347; - favours Armagnac party, 12; - summons jury to try Southampton conspirators, 16; - at siege of Harfleur, 21-26; - Constable of army (1417), 45; - at siege of Caen, 46-58; - at siege of Falaise, 53; - in command of army, 54; - opens up way to Rouen, 70; - at siege of Rouen, 70-74; - accompanies Henry V. to Mantes, 78; - defeated and slain at BeaugA(C), 91. - - Clement, Vincent, 323, 376. - - Cobham, Eleanor. _See_ Gloucester, Duchess of. - - ---- Reginald, commonly called Lord Cobham, 64 note 271, 165 and - note 604, 248. - - Cods, faction of, 91, 92 note 369, 145. - - Coimbra, Duke of, 172, 175. - - Columella, 365, 368. - - CondA(C)-sur-Noireau, capture of, 57 and note 240. - - Constance, Council of, 36, 42, 127, 134, 192, 324, 345, 430. - - Constitutional development in England, 181, 193, 209. - - Conversan, Count of, 146. - - Cornwall, Sir John, 27, 71, 176. - - CA'tentin, 70, 337; expedition in, 55-59. - - Coutances, capture of, 59. - - Cromwell, Ralph, Lord, 176, 179, 282; - member of Regency Council, 115; - superseded as Chamberlain, 230; - attack on Gloucester, 234; - Treasurer, 237; - commissioner on sorcery, 272. - - - DAMASCUS, John of, 412. - - Dante Alighieri, 351, 391, 394, 413. - - Dauphin, Charles the. _See_ Charles VII. - - ---- John the, 38, 91, 133, 447. - - ---- Louis the, 14. - - Decembrio, Pier Candido, 323, 372, 380, 387, 388, 409, 412, 421, - 426, 430; - translation of Greek classics, 353; - introduction to Gloucester, 354-356; - translation of Plato's _Republic_, 354-357, 365; - Gloucester's chief literary agent in Italy, 358; - correspondence with Gloucester, 358, 365, 367; - buys books for Gloucester, 363, 364, 365. - - Deptford, 303, 304. - - Devizes, Castle of, 444. - - Devon, Thomas Courtenay, Earl of, 249, 314. - - Dieppe, capture of, 74. - - Disturbances, - rising in Wales (1403), 6; - rising in Wales (1423), 122; - disturbances in London (1425), 170; - disturbances in Norfolk (1427), 194; - disturbances in the Midlands (1428), 211; - Jack Sharpe's insurrection, 222, 223, 226; - disturbances in South Wales (1441), 268; - Kentish rising (1450), 297; - disturbances in the West (1447) between the Earl of Devon and Sir - William Bonville, 314; - disturbances in York, Wales, Norwich, and Northampton, 314; - riots in London, Salisbury, and Derbyshire, 314. - - Divette, river, 60. - - Dordrecht, 42. - - Dorset, Thomas Beaufort, Earl of. _See_ Exeter, Duke of. - - ---- Edmund Beaufort, Marquis of. _See_ Somerset, Duke of. - - Douve, river, 59. - - Dover, 32, 34, 36, 37, 89, 95, 97, 102, 138, 229, 235, 247, 297. - - - EATON TREGOES, 2. - - Edingen, Engilbert de, 146. - - Edward I., King of England, 444. - - ---- III., King of England, 3, 12, 19, 89, 100, 245, 347, 444. - - ---- VI., King of England, 408. - - Eltham, 175, 180, 183, 184. - - Erpingham, Sir Thomas, 194. - - Escallion, Sire de. _See_ Robsart. - - Espreleques, 253. - - Este, Borso da, 421. - - ---- Lionello da, 421. - - Estouteville, 46. - - Eu, 27; - capture of, 74. - - Eugenius IV., Pope, 329, 353, 369, 372. - - Eusebius of CA|sarea, 411. - - Everdon, John, 388. - - Exeter, Thomas de Beaufort, Duke of, 70, 71, 342, 421, 444; - Captain of Harfleur, 26; - negotiates for marriage of Henry V., 78; - in Paris, 98; - governor of Paris, 101; - guardian of Henry VI., 103, 115, 163; - member of Council, 116; - commissioner to settle dispute between Beaufort and Gloucester, 179; - death, 189, 210, 212. - Eye, Witch of, 205, 272, 273. - - - Falaise, siege of, 52-54. - - Fanhope, Lord, 272. - - FA(C)camp, 27; - capture of, 74; - Abbot of, 139. - - Ferrara, 351, 379, 381, 421; - Council of, 329. - - Filelfo, Francesco, 367, 372, 377. - - Finance, financial distress, 221, 237, 242, 258, 314; - Lord Cromwell's report on, 240; - commission on revenue, 240. - - Flanders, 138, 247, 249; - raid of Gloucester in, 251-253. - - Fleming, or Flemming, or Flemmyng, Robert, 421. - - Flint Castle, 274. - - Florence, Council of, 351. - - Florus, Lucius, 365. - - Fortescue, Sir John, 263. - - Franchise, restriction of, 217. - - Free, John, 421. - - - Galen (Claudius Galenus), 345, 380. - - Garter, Order of, 3, 7, 38, 42; - Chapters of, 85, 102, 120, 131, 213, 222. - - Gaucourt, Sire de, 22, 25. - - Gaunt, John of. _See_ Lancaster. - - Gellius, Aulus, 365, 412. - - Ghislain, St., 159. - - Gisors, 98; - capitulation of, 79. - - Giuliano, Andrea, 370. - - Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, - childhood, 1-9; - visit to Bardney Abbey, 8; - education, 8, 9, 346; - created Earl of Pembroke and Duke of Gloucester, 10; - his retinue in the 1415 campaign, 18-20; - siege of Harfleur, 21-26; - wounded at Agincourt, 31; - receives Sigismund at Dover, 36, 37; - hostage for Burgundy's safety at St. Omer, 40-42; - his retinue for 1417 campaign, 44 and note 184; - second campaign in France, 45-80; - the CA'tentin expedition, 55-70; - probable numbers of his detachment, 56, 64 note 271; - siege of Cherbourg, 60-68; - marriage negotiations, 75, 76; - Regent of England (1419), 81-89; - his middle-class policy, 84, 85; - friendship with James of Scotland, 86; - organises Queen Catherine's coronation banquet, 90; - meets Jacqueline at Dover, 95; - his indentures for the 1421 campaign, 96 and note 383; - third campaign in France, 97-101; - Regent of England (1422), 102-109; - first opposition of Beaufort to, 109; - limitation of his power by the Council, 110, 111, 111 note 425, 115; - appointed Protector of England, 113-117; - alliance with Bedford, 117, 118; - friction with the Council, 121; - his conflicting ambitions, 124; - marriage to Jacqueline, 126, 127; - legality of his marriage, 126, 127, 127 note 472, 131-136; - preparations for Hainault expedition, 136-138; - reception in Hainault, 142-150; - fails to relieve Braine-le-Comte, 152; - correspondence with Burgundy, 154, 155; - the significance of his Hainault policy, 310, 311; - indifference to Jacqueline, 165, 167; - quarrel with Beaufort, 170-180; - indicts Beaufort before Parliament, 180-186; - settlement of the quarrel, 187; - relations with the Council, 189-192; - suppresses lawlessness, 194-196; - end of his connection with Jacqueline, 196-204; - marries Eleanor Cobham, 205; - attempt to increase his power, 206-208; - attack on Beaufort, 213; - Regent of England (1431-1432), 220-228; - his good government, 221; - suppresses rising of 'Jack Sharpe,' 222, 223; - increase of his salary, 226-228; - increased influence in Parliament, 231-234; - quarrel with Bedford, 242-244; - his raid into Flanders, 248-254; - retirement from politics, 256-258; - indictment of Beaufort's policy, 260-264; - protest against the release of Orleans, 264-266; - his wife's disgrace, 275; - loss of influence with Henry VI., 279, 290; - opposes Henry VI.'s marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 282-285; - removed from Privy Council, 290; - alleged malpractices, 290, 291; - death and burial, 291-305, 433, 450-452; - rivalry with the Beaufort faction, 306-309; - connection with the Duke of York, 288, 307-310; - foreign policy, 12, 13, 17, 18, 88, 125, 259, 283, 285, 286, 318, - 319; - home policy, 311-316; - ecclesiastical policy, 321-332; - connection with St. Albans Abbey, 129, 130, 268, 294, 329-332, - 439-441; - his character, 33, 34, 42, 49, 106-108, 160, 161, 322-339; - military qualities, 48, 49, 68, 69, 106, 160, 254, 320, 337; - lack of statesmanship, 106, 115, 156, 168, 221, 228, 308, 310, 318; - patron of the Italian Humanists, 340-382; - his reputation in Italy, 381, 382; - patron of English scholars and poets, 382-396; - connection with the University of Oxford, 397-409; - literary tastes, 275, 276, 409-419; - literary influence, 419-425; - his books, 24, 286, 365, 381, 387, 391, 414, 426-428; - offices, 9, 14, 34, 35, 64, 80, 90, 101 note 403, 114, 119, 194, 214, - 234, 247, 249, 268; - salaries and money grants, 9, 34, 36, 119, 163, 175, 220, 227, 257, - 268; - lands and possessions, 4, 6, 7, 9, 35, 212, 234, 248, 249, 258, - 444-446; - portraits, 446-450. - - Gloucester, Eleanor, Duchess of, 269, 275, 315, 323, 331, 408, 418, - 434, 443, 453; - Gloucester's mistress, 165; - marries Gloucester, 205; - receives robes of the Order of the Garter, 248; - accused of witchcraft and treason against Henry VI., 271; - cited to appear before special commission, 272; - trial and sentence, 272, 273; - interest in the Black Art, 275; - influence over the King, 278; - position in the kingdom, 277-279; - evil influence on Gloucester's career, 289; - death, 274; - portrait, 447; - character, 335. - - Gloucester, Jacqueline, Duchess of. _See_ Hainault, Countess of. - - Gosfield, Church of St. Catherine at, 281. - - Gouda, 197. - - Gravelines, 40, 42, 251. - - Greenwich, 303, 375, 444, 445, 448, 453; - Gloucester rebuilds palace at, 234; - in residence there, 188, 212, 221, 281. - - Gregory I., Pope, 'The Great,' 343, 386. - - Gregory of Tours, 386. - - Grey, Lord, of Codnor, 56, 68. - - ---- Sir John, 47. - - ---- Lord, of Ruthyn, 314. - - ---- Sir Thomas, 15, 16. - - ---- William, 389, 421, 423. - - Grocyn, William, 423. - - Grys, John, 194. - - Guarino da Verona, 351, 369, 370, 421, 422. - - Guernsey, 62, 248. - - Guisnes, 253; - castle of, 141. - - Gunthorpe, John, 421. - - - Hadleigh Castle, 7. - - Hainault, Jacqueline, Countess of, Duchess of Gloucester, 38, 102, - 103, 108, 120, 124, 125, 137, 165, 206, 282, 311, 321, 325, - 326, 327, 335, 349, 384, 390, 453; - early life, 91; - marriage to John of Brabant, 92; - flight to England, 93-95; - sponsor for Henry VI., 126; - marriage to Gloucester, 128; - received into the Fraternity of St. Albans, 129, 130; - the legality of her marriage to Gloucester, 133-135; - return to Hainault, 141, 142; - reception at Mons, 144; - validity of second marriage recognised, 128, 144; - left by Gloucester in Hainault, 159; - English sympathy with, 164; - letters to Gloucester, 165; - appeal to English Council for help, 197; - her divorce refused, 202; - sympathy of Londoners for, 203; - personal appearance and portraits, 126, 434, 447. - - Hainault, Margaret, Dowager-Countess of, 92, 142, 143, 159. - - ---- county of, 96, 118, 121, 151, 158, 201; - Burgundian ambitions in, 95; - decides to support the claims of Gloucester, 45; - Gloucester alienates sympathies, 150; - failure of Gloucester's expeditions in, 159-161, 163. - - Hambie, capture of, 58. - - Harfleur, 39, 45, 48, 77; - siege of, 20-26. - - Harrington, Lord, 36, 227. - - Henry IV., King of England, 1, 9, 11, 13, 21, 86, 312, 322, 342, 347, - 397, 444; - marriage, 2; - claims the throne, 3; - establishes the Order of the Bath, 3; - conspiracy against, 5; - second marriage, 6; - battle of Shrewsbury, 6; - visits Bardney Abbey, 8; - death, 9. - - Henry V., King of England, 7, 9, 16, 17, 18, 20, 26, 34, 85, 90, - 91, 111, 113, 123, 129, 180, 208, 222, 245, 261, 284, 313, - 322, 324, 397, 400, 444; - popularity, 6; - prepares for war with France, 11-13; - receives envoys from the Dauphin, 14-15; - the campaign of 1415, 21-32; - negotiations with Sigismund, 38, 39; - conference with Burgundy at Calais, 39, 40, 42; - second campaign, 44-80; - siege of Caen, 47; - siege of Falaise, 52; - siege of Rouen, 70-74; - negotiations for peace, 75, 77, 78; - Treaty of Troyes, 87; - invites Jacqueline to England, 95, 126; - third campaign, 97-101; - death-bed wishes, 103; - warns Gloucester not to quarrel with Burgundy, 104, 107; - relations with Beaufort, 107 and note 419; - objection to Cardinal Legate in England, 192, 324; - his foreign policy, 17, 18; - his interest in literature, 343. - - Henry VI., King of England, 13, 85, 105, 206, 210, 239, 241, 303, - 306, 312, 317, 319, 325, 340, 351, 376, 388, 397, 404, 407, - 418, 435, 449; - present as a child in Parliament, 120, 163; - knighted, 188; - coronation in England, 214-215; - coronation in France, 220, 224; - appeases quarrel of Gloucester and Bedford, 244; - assumes the government of the kingdom, 257; - manifesto on the release of Orleans, 267; - marriage, 285; - alienated from Gloucester, 289-290; - in the hands of the Beaufort faction, 307. - - Higden, Ralph, 411. - - Hippocrates, 345, 423. - - Hoccleve, Thomas, 343. - - Holland, country of, 92, 129, 168, 199; - Henry V. procures ships from, 13; - Burgundian ambitions in, 91, 95; - John of Bavaria's good government of, 142; - refuses to recognise Gloucester, 145, 158. - - ---- Jacqueline, Countess of. _See_ Hainault, Countess of. - - ---- William, Count of, 38, 144. - - Homme, John, Canon of Hereford, Gloucester's secretary, 388. - - Honfleur, 46; capture of, 74. - - Hook faction, 91, 92 note 369, 145. - - Hotspur, Harry. _See_ Percy. - - Hundred Years' War, 11, 318. - - Hungerford, Sir Walter, afterwards Lord Hungerford, 56, 64 note 271, - 115, 188, 226, 227, 230, 272. - - Huntingdon, John Holland I., Earl of, 6. - - ---- John Holland II., Earl of, afterwards Duke of Exeter, 262, 265, - 316; - defeats the Genoese fleet, 45; - at siege of Caen, 47; - captures Coutances, 59; - at siege of Rouen, 71, 72; - quarrel with Duke of Norfolk, 211, 219, 230, 313; - accompanies Gloucester to Flanders, 248, 249, 252; - commissioner of sorcery, 272. - - Hussites, Beaufort's campaign against, 119, 239; - funds raised in England and Scotland for war against, 213. - - - Ireland, 3, 21, 313, 327. - - Isabella, Queen of Charles VI. of France, 70, 78, 86, 166. - - Isocrates, 372. - - Italy. _See_ Renaissance. - - Ivry, siege of, 76, 77. - - - Jacqueline, daughter of Count of Holland. _See_ Hainault Countess of. - - James I., King of Scotland, 90, 169, 122, 261; - prisoner in England, 85; - at siege of Melun, 86; - captain in English army, 98, 99; - friendship with Gloucester, 122; - marriage with Lady Jane Beaufort, 122. - - Jeanne d'Arc, 214, 278. - - Jersey, 62, 248. - - Jeumont, Lord of, 146. - - Joachim of Flora, 341. - - Joan, Queen of James I. of Scotland, 122, 263. - - ---- Queen of Henry IV., 6, 137, 183, 257, 276, 278, 329, 338. - - John II., King of Arragon, 76. - - Josephus, 411. - - - Kemp, John, Bishop of London, afterwards Archbishop of York, - Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal, 203, 239, 271, 282, - 290; - on Regency Council, 115; - Chancellor, 188; - his address to Bedford, 189; - his picture of the moral state of the country, 209; - opposition to Gloucester, 227; - Gloucester's distrust of, 262; - favours continuance of war, 281 note 975; - local war against, 314; - appointed to See of York, 327; - supposed portrait, 448. - - Kempe, Thomas, Bishop of London, 407. - - Kendal, Earl of. _See_ Bedford, Duke of. - - Kenilworth, 274. - - Kilwardby, Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, 224. - - Kirkby, Sir John, 50, 404. - - Knollys, Sir Robert, 315. - - KA¶nisberg, 1. - - Kyllynworth, Richard, 194. - - Kymer, Gilbert, Gloucester's physician, 401, 411; - report of Gloucester's health, 141 and note 524, 299, 300, - 300 note 1042, 381; - Chancellor of Oxford, 381 and note 1263; - his motto, 410 note 1363. - - - Lancaster, John of Gaunt, Duke of, 1, 2, 3, 119, 300. - - ---- Humphrey de. _See_ Gloucester, Duke of. - - ---- House of, 18, 105, 316, 321, 347; - insecure position of, 3, 5, 6, 7, 17, 223, 307-309; - conspiracy against, 15, 123, 313; - advance of constitutional theory under, 209; - administrative qualities of, 210. - - Landriani, Gerardo, Bishop of Lodi, 356. - - Langham, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal, 224. - - Langley, 137, 194, 257, 329. - - ---- Thomas, Bishop of Durham, 110. - - Latimer, Thomas, 423. - - Launceston, Prior of, 329. - - Lazarde, river, 22. - - Leeds Castle, 271, 274, 418. - - Leland, John, 410, 413, 445. - - Lewis, King of Hungary, 35. - - ---- King of Sicily, 52. - - Libraries, - of Charles V. of France, 345, 432; - of Charles VI. of France, 417, 428; - of Canterbury Cathedral, 345; - of Bishop Cobham at Oxford, 403; - of the Duke of Milan, 364; - of Rouen, 345. - - LiA(C)ge, Bishop of. _See_ Bavaria, John Duke of. - - Lille, 202, 251, 252. - - Linacre, Thomas, 423. - - Lincoln, Bishop of, 197, 272. - - Lisieux, capture of, 50. - - Livius, Titus, of Ferrara, 380, 395, 413; - praise of Gloucester, 31 note 137; - author of _Vita Henrici Quinti_, 379. - - Livy (Titus Livius), 346, 361, 375, 376, 414, 416, 438. - - Lodi, Bishop of. _See_ Landriani, Gerardo. - - Loire, river, 98, 100. - - Lollards, 16; - danger to Lancastrian dynasty of, 9; - repression of, 10; - charges against, 195, 222; - government policy towards, 223; - executions, 269, 270; - Gloucester's attitude towards, 322. - - London, 95; - welcomes Henry V. after Agincourt, 32; - visit of Sigismund to, 36; - reception of Queen Catherine, 89; - citizens support Gloucester, 84, 116, 170, 186, 319; - Beaufort attacks, 172; - welcomes Bedford, 176; - reception of Henry VI. on his return from France, 229; - Duchess of Gloucester's public penance through, 273; - Queen Margaret arrives in, 285. - - ---- Bridge, 171, 174, 18O, 223. - - ---- Bishop of. _See_ Kemp, John, and Kempe, Thomas. - - ---- Mayor of, 112, 229; - escorts Henry IV. to Westminster, 4; - requested to support war with a gift of money, 14; - receives Sigismund, 38; - defends city against Beaufort, 171, 172; - petitions Parliament to help Jacqueline, 203; - takes part in Duchess of Gloucester's public penance, 273. - - ---- Tower of, 5, 122, 170, 180, 270, 319. - - Lorfevre, Jan, 144 and note 537. - - Lorraine, RenA(C), Duke of, 75, 283. - - Louviers, capture of, 70. - - Lucian of Samosata, 361, 372. - - Luxemburg, Jacquetta of. _See_ Bedford, Duchess of. - - Lydgate, John, 32 note 144; - praise of Gloucester, 31; - verses on Jacqueline, 205; - translation of the Psalms, 343; - quality of his poetry, 343, 390; - _The Falls of Princes_, 300; - _A Ballade Warning Men to beware of Deceitful Women_, 335 and - note 1146; - connection with Gloucester, 390-393. - - Lynn, 8, 385. - - Lyntall, Sir Roland, 52. - - - Machiavelli, Niccolo, 342. - - Magnus, Albertus, 410. - - Maine, 51, 52; - added to France, 289. - - Maisoncelles, 28. - - Man, Isle of, 274. - - Manny, Sire Olivier de, 53, 54. - - Mans, Le, 54. - - Mantes, 77, 78, 79, 98. - - March, Edmund, Earl of, 16, 63, 122, 163, 309, 313; - Southampton conspiracy, 15; - claim to throne, 15 note 59; - Warden-general of marches of Duchy of Normandy, 64; - at coronation of Queen Catherine, 90; - accompanies Henry V. to France, 97; - member of the Council, 115; - Gloucester suspicious of, 125. - - Marche, La, 51. - - Mardyke, capture of, 251. - - Margaret of Anjou, - Queen of Henry VI., 282, 284, 290, 297, 300, 305, 307, 390, 393, - 418; - marriage, 285, 286; - sides with Beaufort faction, 288; - poisons King's mind against Gloucester, 289; - friend of Suffolk, 296; - desires Gloucester's death, 301; - her share of Gloucester's lands, 302 and note 1050; - endows a theological Lectureship at Oxford, 397. - - Martin V., Pope, 127 and note 472, 169, 197, 221, 234, 257, 278, 323, - 324, 325, 326, 328, 330, 388; - urged by Bedford to divorce Jacqueline and John of Brabant, 136; - correspondence with Gloucester, 139, 149, 327; - declares Bull of divorce a forgery, 139; - forbids duel between Gloucester and Burgundy, 167; - creates Beaufort a Cardinal, 192; - declares Jacqueline's marriage with Brabant legal, 202; - induces English and French to hold a Congress at Arras, 244; - his contest with Chichele over PrA|munire, 324-327. - - Maufurney, Gloucester's secretary, 377. - - Meaux, siege of, 101, 131. - - Medici, Cosimo dei, 372, 376, 427. - - Mela, Pomponius, 366. - - Meulan, conference of, 77, 78, 87; - siege of, 79. - - Middle classes, popularity of Gloucester with, 42, 84, 110, 168, 172, - 319, 320; - popularity of Sigismund with, 42; - growth in importance of, 43, 82, 83, 84, 341. - - Milan, Archbishop of. _See_ Picolpasso. - - Moleyns, Adam, Dean of Salisbury, 281, 290, 349, 388; - prosecutor in trial of Duchess of Gloucester, 272; - suspected of treachery to Gloucester, 306. - - Mons, correspondence with Jacqueline concerning her marriage to - Gloucester, 127, 128, 137, 138; - begs Duke and Duchess of Gloucester not to enter the city, 142, 143; - Gloucester's relations with, 146-148; - disloyalty of, 158; - refuses to let Jacqueline go to England, 159. - - Monte, Piero del, 418, 427; - Gloucester's influence on, 338; - his connection and friendship with Gloucester, 369, 370-372, 388, - 395, 421. - - Montereau, bridge of, 86, 140. - - Montfort, Lewis de, 197. - - Montjoye, surrender of castle, 79. - - Montreuil, 98. - - Mortain, Edmund Beaufort, Earl of, 254, 256. - - Mortimer, Sir Edmund, 6. - - ---- Sir John, 122, 123. - - ---- house of, 222. - - Mussilwyk, William, 399. - - - Naghel, Fredericus, de Trajecto, 428. - - Nantes, capture of, 74. - - Nesle, ford of, 27. - - Norfolk, John de Mowbray I., Duke of, 179; - at Harfleur, 22; - at Caen, 47; - at Rouen, 71; - at Ivry, 76; - at Queen Catherine's coronation feast, 90; - on the Regency Council, 115; - in command of army in Hainault, 140, 141, 150, 153; - dispute with Earl of Warwick, 163. - - Norfolk, John de Mowbray II., Duke of, 211, 219, 230, 249, 311, 313. - - ---- county of, disturbances in, 194. - - Normandy, Duchy of, 55, 59, 61, 64, 70, 74, 77, 80, 97, 99, 247, 265, - 268, 269. - - Northampton, 176, 178; riots at, 314. - - Northumberland, Henry Percy, Earl of, 230, 314. - - Norton, Thomas, chaplain to Gloucester, 393-394. - - Norwich, Bishop of. _See_ Alnwick. - - ---- disturbances at, 194, 314. - - - Obizis, John de, papal nuncio, 325. - - Occam, William of, 410, 429. - - Odon, river, 46, 48. - - Oldcastle, Sir John, 82, 88, 195, 222, 322. - - Orleans, 101. - - ---- Charles, Duke of, 103, 248, 283, 307, 318; - prisoner in England, 82; - Beaufort wishes release of, 260-262; - Gloucester opposes release of, 260 and note 913, 264-266; - release, 264-268; - literary retirement, 266; - proposes that Henry VI. should marry Margaret of Anjou, 282. - - ---- Maid of. _See_ Jeanne d'Arc. - - Orne, river, 46, 57. - - Ovid, 412. - - Oxford, University of, - All Souls College, 377, 404; - Balliol College, 9, 346, 387; - Gloucester College, 384, 399; - New College, 388; - Divinity Schools, 397, 406, 407; - Duke Humphrey's Library, 409; - St. Mary's Church Library, 405, 426; - gift of books from Gloucester to, 24, 257, 286, 381, 387, 391, 395, - 403, 404, 407, 409, 410, 423, 426, 428, 432, 436; - Gloucester educated at, 9; - gift of book from Henry IV., 342; - Henry V. student at, 347; - Gloucester's protection of, 398, 400; - Gloucester settles disputes at, 398-401; - education of University unpopular, 402; - appeals to Gloucester - for books, 403; - revival of learning, 406; - gratitude of University to Gloucester, 408. - - Papacy, the, 36; - attitude to Gloucester's marriage, 134, 323; - England's fear of encroachment of, 225; - relations with Gloucester and Beaufort, 324-329. - - Paris, 11, 31, 73, 79, 97, 98, 118, 138, 139, 151, 155, 202, 214, 224, - 345, 369; - refuses help to Harfleur, 24, 25; - Sigismund visits, 36; - Armagnac party driven out of, 70; - Exeter, governor of, 101; - Gloucester, governor of, 101 note 403; - asks for help from England, 117. - - ---- Matthew, 432. - - Parliament, 199, 216, 246, 282; - measures against Lollards, 10; - grants money for war (1415), 43; - defines Regent's powers, 81; - petitions Henry V. to return to England, 89; - settles the Protectorate, 114; - attainder of Sir John Mortimer, 122, 123; - naturalisation of the Duchesses of Bedford and Gloucester, 128; - loan to Gloucester for relief of Jacqueline, 163; - at Leicester ('Parliament of Bats') (1426), 176, 178-187; - refuses to grant more power to Gloucester, 207; - restriction of Franchise, 217; - Bedford vindicates himself before, 236, 237; - petitions Bedford to remain in England, 240; - at Bury St. Edmunds (1447), 291-293; - at Westminster (1455), vindication of Gloucester's character by, - 310, 443. - - Pasini, Antonio, of Todi, 374, 375. - - Paston, William, 194. - - Patay, battle of, 214. - - Pavia, Council of, 129. - - Peacock, Reginald, Bishop of St. Asaph, 389. - - Pembroke Castle, 444. - - ---- Earl of. _See_ Gloucester, Duke of. - - ---- Priory of, 281, 331, 439. - - Penshurst, manor of, 258, 444. - - Percy, Henry, 'Harry Hotspur,' 67. - - Periegetes, Dionysius, 377. - - Perkins, William, alias William Maundyvyll. _See_ Jack Sharpe of - Wygmoreland. - - Petrarch, Francesco, pioneer of new learning, 340, 343, 344, 348; - desire for fame, 362; - friend of Richard of Bury, inspirer of Chaucer, 391; - library bequeathed to Venice, 407; - Gloucester and the works of, 413. - - Philip, Sir William, 230. - - Picardy, 97, 151, 247, 317. - - Picolpasso, Francesco, Archbishop of Milan, 323, 351, 356-359. - - Piquet, Jean, captain of Cherbourg, 67. - - Pius II., Pope, 333, 334. - - Plato, 361, 365, 367, 387, 412, 418, 428; - read in translations, 350; - Decembrio's translation of the _Republic_, 354, 356, 360; - Gloucester's appreciation of, 414, 420. - - Pliny, the elder, 363. - - ---- the younger, 363, 426, 436. - - Plutarch's _Lives_, 372-373, 374, 412, 428, 435. - - Poggio. _See_ Bracciolini. - - Poissy, capture of, 79. - - Pont de l'Arche, 70; - conference at, 75. - - Pontefract, 444; - Hospital of St. John at, 315. - - Pontoise, capture of, 79. - - Poperinghes, 252. - - PrA|munire, Statute of, - used against Bishop of Lincoln, 197, 376; - used against Beaufort, 226, 233, 234, 326, 327; - Martin V. objects to, 324, 325. - - Protectorate of Henry VI., - limitation of power of, 208, 306, 307; - end of (1429), 216. - - Provisors, Statute of, 234, 261. - - Puncherdon, Katharine, Gloucester's nurse, 8. - - - Radcliffe, Sir John, 250. - - Randolph, Friar, 181, 183, 276 and note 955, 278. - - Renaissance, the, 258, 341, 349, 419, 425; - Gloucester's influence on progress of thought in England, 339; - slow progress of learning, 345; - progress due to Gloucester, 348, 420; - introduction of the Renaissance into England, 258, 381, 383; - spirit of, 386, 387; - the movement in Italy, 341-344. - - Richard II., King of England, 2, 3, 5, 15, 322. - - Richemont, Constable de, 140. - - Rimesture, 252. - - Robsart, Sir John, 57, 64 note 271, 93 note 373, 137. - - ---- Sir Lewis, 66, 93 note 373. - - ---- Lord of Escallion, 93 note 373, 94. - - Roos, Sir Robert, 283, 417, 418. - - Roses, Wars of the, - prelude to, 169, 175; - Gloucester's influence on, 316. - - Rouen, 54, 59, 68, 70, 77, 111; - siege of, 70-74; - library of, 345. - - Russell, John, Gloucester's servant, 393. - - - St. Albans Monastery, 129, 137, 188, 194, 204, 207, 211, 278, 281, - 294, 323, 329, 332, 336, 357, 384, 393, 395, 399, 439. - - ---- Albans, battle of, 310. - - ---- Croix, Cardinal of, 234. - - ---- Germains, 79. - - ---- Ghislain, 148, 159. - - ---- Lo, capitulation of, 58. - - ---- Omer, 41, 156, 166, 252, 253, 318. - - ---- Pol, Count of, 86, 143, 151, 252, 325. - - Salisbury, riots in, 314. - - Salisbury, Thomas Montacute, Earl of, meets Sigismund, 36; - at Falaise, 52; - at Rouen, 74, 97; - supposed plot to murder Burgundy, 140; - his military reputation, 200. - - ---- Richard Neville, Earl of, 230, 231, 293, 311. - - Sallust, 412. - - Savoy, Duke of. _See_ Amadeus. - - Scotland, - intrigues with Duke of Orleans, 82; - promises help to England, 99; - treaties between England and (1423), 121-123, 195; - Beaufort's visit to, 213; - Gloucester guardian of Truce with, 257. - - Scotus, Duns, 410. - - Scrope, Henry, Lord, involved in Southampton conspiracy, 15, 16. - - ---- John, Lord, 226; - negotiates with Scotland, 221; - proposes an increase in Gloucester's salary, as Regent, 227; - Treasurer, 230; - resigns, 237. - - Seine, river, 20, 45, 71, 79. - - Sele, Lord Say de, - supports Queen Margaret and Suffolk, 298, 306; - suspected of murder of Gloucester, 302; - murdered, 288. - - Selling, William, 423. - - Seneca, 412. - - Sharpe, Jack, of Wygmoreland, 222-226, 313. - - Shrewsbury, battle of, 6, 7. - - Sigismund, of Luxemburg, Emperor, 75, 91, 95, 134, 155, 259, 376; - his policy, 35; - desire to reconcile France and England, 36; - reception at Dover, 36, 37; - journey to London, 37; - receives Order of the Garter, 38; - refuses to recognise Jacqueline's claims to her father's - inheritance, 38; - Treaty of Canterbury, 39; - results of his visit to England, 39; - returns to Dordrecht, 42; - his character, 42, 43. - - Signorelli, Giovanni dei, Gloucester's physician, 381. - - Soignies, 146, 147, 153, 155. - - Somerset, John Beaufort I., Earl of, 122. - - ---- John Beaufort II., Earl of (created Duke, 1443), 282, 287, 288, - 307. - - ---- Edmund Beaufort, Duke of, 307. - - Somme, river, 27, 28, 97. - - Sopwell, cell of St. Albans Abbey, 194. - - Southampton, 15, 20, 44, 261. - - Southampton conspiracy, 15-18, 223. - - Southwell, Thomas, 270, 272, 273. - - Stafford, Edmund, Earl of, 7. - - ---- Humphrey, Earl of. _See_ Buckingham, Duke of. - - ---- John, Bishop of Bath, 179, 180, 187, 188, 230. - - Stanley, Sir John, 271 note 935, 273 note 939, 417, 418, 437. - - Stiward, Sir John, 271, 273. - - Stoke, John, Abbot of St. Albans, 75 and note 314, 330, 331, 354. - - Suetonius, 411. - - Suffolk, Michael de la Pole II., Earl of, 21, 25. - - ---- Michael de la Pole III., Earl of, 32. - - ---- William de la Pole, Earl of, 63, 85, 100, 230, 248, 287, 290, - 303, 304, 307; - supposed plot to murder Burgundy, 140; - commissioner on sorcery, 272; - ordered to France, 248; - supports Beaufort faction, 282; - charged with murder of Gloucester, 296-297, 302, 303, 304; - supporter of Queen Margaret, 288, 302, 325; - murdered, 297, 306; - his share of Gloucester's possessions, 302 and note 1050. - - - Talbot, Lord, 47, 71, 176. - - Talenti, Rolando, 354, 355, 356. - - Tankerville, Henry Grey, Earl of, knighted, 188; - marries Antigone, Gloucester's daughter, 335. - - Taramo, Simon de, 139, 327, 337. - - Terence, 412. - - Thomas, of England, 419. - - Thorigny, surrender of, 58. - - Tiptoft, John, Lord, afterwards Earl of Worcester, 230; - on Regency Council, 115; - his humanistic leanings, 342, 353 note 1187, 421. - - Touques, 46, 47, 48, 54, 77; - siege of, 45, 48. - - Trade, influence on French war, 12, 319; - industrial activity, 82-84; - increase in export of manufactured articles, 83; - power of Merchant Adventurers, 83; - commercial interest in foreign and home politics, 84; - the importance of Calais, 247, 248; - armourers and victuallers forbidden to raise prices, 248, 249; - growing importance of merchants and traders, 341. - - Troyes, Treaty of, 82, 87, 88, 245. - - Tudor, Owen, 256. - - - Upton, Nicholas, 388, 452. - - - Valenciennes, 93, 142, 146, 148, 158, 159. - - Valognes, capture of, 59. - - Valon-Chapelle, 252. - - Vancouvilliers, surrender of, 79. - - Varro, Marcus, 363, 412. - - Vegetius, Flavius Renatus, 415, 435. - - Vergil, Polydore, 380. - - Verneuil, battle of, 133, 200. - - Vernon, capture of, 74. - - Vespasiano da Bistici, 353, 358. - - Vignai, Jean de, 435. - - Vinci, Leonardo da, 371. - - Vire, capitulation of, 57. - - ---- river, 57, 58, 59. - - Visconti, Filippo Maria, Grand Duke of Milan, 353, 364, 365, 367, 368, - 369. - - Vitruvius, 365, 369. - - Vittorino da Feltre, 377. - - - Wales, 6, 34, 122, 194, 215, 303, 313; - revolt in, 314. - - Walsingham, Thomas, 15, 270, 343. - - Warigny, Mme. de, 158 and note 588. - - Warwick, Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of, character of, 105; - guardian and tutor to Henry VI., 103, 211; - accompanies Henry VI. to France, 219; - dispute for precedence with the Earl Marshal, 163; - returns to France, 210; - expedition to Calais, 249. - - ---- Henry de Beauchamp, Earl of, 290. - - Waterton, Sir Hugh, Gloucester's guardian, 2. - - ---- Sir Robert, 40. - - Wawe, William, 195, 395. - - Westminster, 4, 9, 38, 81, 90, 176, 271; - Abbey of, 111; - St. Stephen's Chapel, 271. - - Wheathampsted (John Bostock), Abbot of St. Albans, 129, 295, 328 - note 1114, 329, 393, 395, 417, 427, 432, 454; - quarrel with Abbot Stoke, 330; - devotion to Gloucester, 338; - Gloucester's literary adviser, 383; - interested in occult sciences, 384; - builds a Library for St. Albans, 384; - gift of books to Oxford, 404; - his _Granarium_, 411. - - Wight, Isle of, 35, 39. - - Willoughby, Lord, 47, 71. - - Winchester, 6, 249, 261; - negotiations at, 14, 15. - - Windsor, 5, 7, 39, 110, 120, 131, 163, 222, 248. - - Witchcraft, 269, 270, 271, 275, 276, 278, 322. - - Withorne, John, 314, 315. - - Worcester, Philip, Morgan, Bishop of, 115, 179, 225. - - Wyche, Richard, 270. - - Wydeville, Richard, 170, 180, 181, 182. - - Wyot, Richard, 388. - - - York, Treaty signed at, 122; - weavers of, 320; - riots at, 314. - - ---- Edward, Duke of, 15; - favours Armagnac alliance, 12,13; - deputation to Mayor and Aldermen, 41; - takes part in trial of Earl of Cambridge, 16; - at Harfleur, 22; - at battle of Agincourt, 27, 29; - death, 32. - - York, Richard, Duke of, 123, 163, 254, 262; - knighted, 188; - in command of army in France, 247; - Lieutenant-general of France and Normandy, 269; - supports Gloucester, 288; - his manifesto from Calais, 298; - influences Parliament to clear Gloucester's good name, 310. - - ---- Cardinal Archbishop of. _See_ Kemp, John - - Yorkist party, 308; - supports Gloucester, 13, 310; - conspiracy of, 17; - believes in the murder of Gloucester, 298, 299; - Gloucester's death increases power of, 316. - - - Zano di Castiglione, Bishop of Bayeux, - presents letters of Cicero to the Duke of Gloucester, 351; - represents Henry VI. at Council of Basel (1434), 351; - goes to Florence, 352; - buys books for Gloucester, 422. - - Zealand, 13, 91, 92, 95, 142, 145, 149, 158, 170, 199, 307. - - Zenophon, 372. - - Zierikzee, battle of, 170. - - - Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty - at the Edinburgh University Press - - -Transcriber's Notes - -The Errata provided by the author in the printed text have been applied -to this text. - -Minor inconsistencies of punctuation have been resolved. The spelling of -proper names varies, and variants have been retained. - -The Index refers to footnotes which are renumbered here, and the Index -entries have been changed accordingly. The original entry for Stanley -referring to "271 note 3" seems incorrect. The second note on that page -does seem to be the correct one, and is now note 935. The entry for John -Stoke, Abbot of St. Albans, refers to note 7 on p. 72. The note appears -on p. 75. This has been corrected. - -Minor inconsistencies of punctuation have been resolved. The spelling of -proper names varies, and variants have been retained. The changes listed -here were made where obvious errors were made by the printer. - - p. 60 n. 254 Parlimentary _sic_ - p. 178 'to be esed as towards his griefs,['] Probable close of - quote. - p. 202 she [she] Removed redundant - word. - p. 225 futherance/furtherance Corrected. - p. 270 'crafte of egremauncey['] Closing quote - added. - p. 323 orthodoxy/o[r]thodoxy Added. - p. 328 Arcdeaconry/Arc[h]deaconry Added. - p. 329 Archeologia/ArchA|ologia Corrected for - consistency. - p. 353 the latter'[s] friend Added. - p. 431 Epist. Acad., 767[)] Added. - p. 433 [']Cest livre est,' Added. - p. 439 'day of anniversary['] Added. - p. 454 respect he bore to Learning['] Added closing quote. - p. 468 Historia Literario-typographi[c]a Added. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, by K.H. 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