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diff --git a/41477-h/41477-h.htm b/41477-h/41477-h.htm index a751895..636372d 100644 --- a/41477-h/41477-h.htm +++ b/41477-h/41477-h.htm @@ -2,7 +2,7 @@ "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> <html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> <title> Humphrey, Duke Of Gloucester, by K. H. Vickers: a Project Gutenberg eBook. @@ -231,46 +231,7 @@ a[title].pagenum:after </style> </head> <body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, by K.H. Vickers - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Humphrey Duke of Gloucester - A Biography - -Author: K.H. Vickers - -Release Date: November 25, 2012 [EBook #41477] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HUMPHREY DUKE OF GLOUCESTER *** - - - - -Produced by Irma Å pehar, KD Weeks and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41477 ***</div> <div class="transnote"> <p class="titlepage">Transcriber’s Note</p> @@ -423,8 +384,8 @@ Canterbury—Gloucester hostage at St. Omer for the safety of the Duke of Burgundy visiting Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span> at Calais—Gloucester and Sigismund: a contrast in characters—Renewal of the war—The siege of Caen—Gloucester’s military qualities—The -sieges of Alençon and Falaise—Gloucester despatched to subdue -the Côtentin—The Côtentin expedition—The siege of +sieges of Alençon and Falaise—Gloucester despatched to subdue +the Côtentin—The Côtentin expedition—The siege of Cherbourg—Gloucester joins Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span> at the siege of Rouen—Gloucester’s negotiations for a wife—Further military undertakings: the capture of Ivry—Gloucester returns to England, @@ -695,7 +656,7 @@ scholarship,</td> <table id="toi" summary="Illustrations"> <tr> - <td class="hanging">Portrait of the Duke of Gloucester. From Bibliothèque de la Ville d’Arras MS., 266,<br /> + <td class="hanging">Portrait of the Duke of Gloucester. From Bibliothèque de la Ville d’Arras MS., 266,<br /> <span class="pad5">[See <a href="#Page_446">pp. 446-447</a>.]</span></td> <td><a href="#FRONTISPIECE"><em>Frontispiece</em></a></td> </tr> @@ -769,7 +730,7 @@ Mrs. Maude C. Knight, Richmond, Surrey.</p> <p class="center"><a name="ERRATA" id="ERRATA">ERRATA</a></p> <p class="pad5"> -<a href="#ERRATA_1">P. 27, l. 10</a>, for ‘Abbéville’ read ‘Abbeville.’<br /> +<a href="#ERRATA_1">P. 27, l. 10</a>, for ‘Abbéville’ read ‘Abbeville.’<br /> <a href="#ERRATA_2">P. 45, note 191</a>, for ‘Stowe’ read ‘Stow.’<br /> <a href="#ERRATA_3">P. 75, l. 5</a>, for ‘Ponte’ read ‘Pont.’<br /> <a href="#ERRATA_4">P. 92, l. 23</a>, for ‘Dowager-Duchess’ read ‘Dowager-Countess.’<br /> @@ -814,7 +775,7 @@ He was unique in the history of his<a class="pagenum" name="Page_xviii" title="x interest in the classical authors of Greece and Rome, who had lain buried beneath the accumulated dust of the Middle Ages, and to him we can trace the renaissance of Greek studies in England, and the revival -of Litteræ Humaniores in the University of Oxford. The fifteenth +of Litteræ Humaniores in the University of Oxford. The fifteenth century, with all its foibles and all its baseness, has been disregarded by many who prefer an age of heroism or an age of material progress. Yet the picturesque is not lacking in Duke Humphrey’s career, and his @@ -857,11 +818,11 @@ infidel in the Holy Land. Here, where German met Slav, and Christian met Pagan, the Knights of St. Mary found a new sphere of usefulness, after the military orders had become discredited, and in their war against the heathen Lithuanians they attracted many of the adventurous spirits of -Christendom. Thus King John of Bohemia, who fell at Crécy, had lost his +Christendom. Thus King John of Bohemia, who fell at Crécy, had lost his eyesight fighting in these North German marches, and the adventurous Henry of Bolingbroke, son and heir of John of Gaunt, spent some of his energies in helping the Teutonic knights in their wars. It was on one of -these expeditions that at Königsberg news was brought to the future King +these expeditions that at Königsberg news was brought to the future King Henry <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> of England that his wife had borne him a son who had been named Humphrey.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It was on November 1, 1390, that the sailor who carried this news received his reward as the bringer of good tidings, so @@ -1097,9 +1058,9 @@ Kendal and Duke of Bedford. Though only raised to the peerage at this time, John had already taken his share in the duties of government, and before this had represented the King in several important offices of trust. The peerage thus conferred on Humphrey was for life only, and was -accompanied by a modest allowance of £60 to be paid out of the proceeds -of the county of Pembroke; of this £40 was for the maintenance of his -dignity as Duke, and the remaining £20 in respect of his Earldom.<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> At +accompanied by a modest allowance of £60 to be paid out of the proceeds +of the county of Pembroke; of this £40 was for the maintenance of his +dignity as Duke, and the remaining £20 in respect of his Earldom.<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> At once the new duke passed from insignificance to prominence. He had had no education in the duties and responsibilities of high rank and executive power, but by a stroke of the pen he became one of the chief @@ -1335,7 +1296,7 @@ his indentures, or contracts for service, with the leading noblemen of the kingdom, Henry had paid them in advance for the first quarter, and had deposited jewels with them for the second quarter.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> To his youngest<a class="pagenum" name="Page_19" title="19"></a> brother there were pledged two purses of gold ‘garnished with -jewels’ valued at £2000 each,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> and from this one authority calculates +jewels’ valued at £2000 each,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> and from this one authority calculates that he was intended to serve with a hundred and twenty-nine lances and six hundred archers.<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> However, in the unpublished collections for Rymer’s <cite>Fœdera</cite>the retinue is estimated at two hundred men-at-arms @@ -1343,7 +1304,7 @@ and six hundred horse archers,<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href to the money paid to Humphrey. If we take the wages of a man-at-arms to be one shilling a day and that of an archer sixpence, the sum-total with allowances for higher payments to bannerets and knights, and to the Duke -himself, comes to something approaching £3000. The surplus of £1000 +himself, comes to something approaching £3000. The surplus of £1000 might be accounted for by the fact that in some cases wages might be on a higher scale; indeed by 1437 a horse archer was often in receipt of eightpence a day.<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Moreover, it may be that in view of the fact that @@ -1369,7 +1330,7 @@ hundred and forty-two lances and four hundred and six archers,<a name="FNanchor_ this alone would refute the estimate of a hundred and twenty-nine lances and six hundred archers. Moreover, it is recorded that at Harfleur he lost two hundred and thirty-six men,<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> though some of these were -<em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">valets</em> and <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">garçons</em> who did not rank as combatants, but were the +<em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">valets</em> and <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">garçons</em> who did not rank as combatants, but were the grooms of the men-at-arms and the attendants of the baggage horses. According to these figures his original retinue must have numbered about seven hundred and fifty men, and so we may reckon that he sailed from @@ -1480,7 +1441,7 @@ the open under the fire of the besieged, and were met by countermines from the town, which defeated their object.<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Throughout his excellent account of the siege, the author of the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Gesta Henrici Quinti</cite> tries the merits of the tactics employed on the English side by the maxims of one -‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Magister Ægidius.</span>’<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> This ‘Master Giles’ must have been Ægidius +‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Magister Ægidius.</span>’<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> This ‘Master Giles’ must have been Ægidius Romanus who wrote <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principum</cite>, a work very popular at the time, though it dated from a period before cannon were used. It was probably from this book that Gloucester obtained some of his knowledge @@ -1558,9 +1519,9 @@ Gloucester took no part in the management of the army; not once does his name appear in the pages of any chronicler till the day of Agincourt. His post till then was with the main body under the King himself, while Sir John Cornwall led the van, and the Duke of York with the Earl of -Oxford commanded the rear.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Passing Fécamp and Arques, the English +Oxford commanded the rear.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Passing Fécamp and Arques, the English army met with some slight resistance at Eu,<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> but without delaying -there went on towards <a name="ERRATA_1" id="ERRATA_1"><ins class="correction" title="original: Abbéville">Abbeville</ins></a>, where +there went on towards <a name="ERRATA_1" id="ERRATA_1"><ins class="correction" title="original: Abbéville">Abbeville</ins></a>, where Henry had intended to cross the Somme. News, however, came through a Gascon prisoner that the bridges over the river were broken down, and that the ford of Blanche-Taque was guarded by the French, so there was @@ -1613,7 +1574,7 @@ in the fight.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124 the Constable d’Albret took command of the first division of dismounted cross-bowmen and archers, these last, however, being put behind the first line and thus rendered useless. Next came the Dukes of Bar and -Alençon leading the second division, and behind them again were the +Alençon leading the second division, and behind them again were the Counts of Marle, Dammartin, and Fauquenberg. Cavalry were posted on either flank.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> The Duke of Burgundy was unrepresented in the army, as he had forbidden his vassals to serve under any one but himself, and @@ -1663,7 +1624,7 @@ exposing himself to every danger and fighting like a lion.<a name="FNanchor_134" <div class="sidenote"><big>1415]</big> VALOUR OF GLOUCESTER</div> <p>But his courage, bordering on rashness,<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> took him too far in advance -of his men, and when Alençon, having rallied some of the second +of his men, and when Alençon, having rallied some of the second division, together with those of the third division who had not fled without striking a blow, broke into the English ranks and caught him unawares, Gloucester fell<a class="pagenum" name="Page_31" title="31"></a> severely wounded ‘in the hammes,’ and lay @@ -1674,7 +1635,7 @@ wounded duke had been removed to a place of safety.<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FN <p>By the time that this was accomplished the day was won. The last effort of the French, which had almost proved fatal to Humphrey, had been -checked, and Alençon himself lay dead upon the field. Beyond a scare +checked, and Alençon himself lay dead upon the field. Beyond a scare caused by the belief that some of the flying enemy who sacked the English baggage in the rear were reinforcements sent from Paris—a mistake which caused the cold-blooded murder of many French prisoners of @@ -1709,7 +1670,7 @@ his own quarrel.</p> <p>The English losses were but few, though even hardened soldiers were appalled at the heaps of French dead lying on the field, including the -Constable d’Albret, the Admiral Dampierre, and the Dukes of Alençon, +Constable d’Albret, the Admiral Dampierre, and the Dukes of Alençon, Bar, and Brabant, the last being Burgundy’s brother who had only reached the battle when the day was lost.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> On the English side the Duke of York and the Earl of Suffolk—son of the man who died before @@ -1745,7 +1706,7 @@ space he will be found aping the ambitions of his grandfather, striving for recognition as prince of an European state; finally, the third and most lasting phase of his career will find him amidst the unlovely strife of party politics. Soldier, Pretender, Politician, in all these -rôles Humphrey stands forth as a distinct personality. Not that he has +rôles Humphrey stands forth as a distinct personality. Not that he has the great gifts of concentration and consistency, not that he is one of those happy men who have a gospel to preach and know it; he was of all men lacking in determination, and if his policy does not waver, his @@ -1834,7 +1795,7 @@ recognisable under his later title of John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury—went down to meet Sigismund at Dover, where the castle was made ready for his reception.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> This was the Duke’s first official visit to the Cinque Ports, and the occasion was celebrated by a solemn -reception at the Shepway, and a present of £100 from the towns under his +reception at the Shepway, and a present of £100 from the towns under his command.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p> <div class="sidenote"><big>1416]</big> SIGISMUND IN ENGLAND</div> @@ -1940,7 +1901,7 @@ Robert Waterton were then sent over to secure a signed and sealed security for the safety of the English prince, and when this had been given the Burgundian troops came out and faced the English across the river. The retainers of both parties passed over first, and then the -principals, with a<a class="pagenum" name="Page_41" title="41"></a> touch of that mediæval ceremonial which +principals, with a<a class="pagenum" name="Page_41" title="41"></a> touch of that mediæval ceremonial which characterised the men of the new age, rode into the water from the opposite sides, and shaking hands in mid-stream, passed on, Burgundy to be met by the Earl of Warwick and escorted to Calais, Gloucester to be @@ -2002,11 +1963,11 @@ future life, too, both were to find themselves opposed to<a class="pagenum" name which prated of constitutionalism, and schemed but for its own aggrandisement. But deep down in the roots of their mental attitude we see a great dissimilarity. Sigismund lived in a world of ideas conceived -in the spirit of mediævalism; he looked to the past to correct the +in the spirit of mediævalism; he looked to the past to correct the future. On the other hand, Gloucester had drunk deep of the new ideas, which had begun to influence men’s minds; he had grasped that spirit of nationalism, which was to sweep away the traditional forces of -mediævalism, and give birth to the nations of Europe; he had experience +mediævalism, and give birth to the nations of Europe; he had experience of a campaign, in which the tactics and the weapons of a new era had been used; he was beginning to perceive the true significance of the rising importance of the middle classes. With all his selfishness and @@ -2166,7 +2127,7 @@ that it was more as an artilleryman than in any other capacity that he was particularly prominent. The suggestion of this given at the siege of Harfleur is confirmed by the fact that he was immediately appointed to the command of the guns in this second campaign; his genius was not that -of the mediæval soldiers. New forces had come to change the world and to +of the mediæval soldiers. New forces had come to change the world and to help on the evolution of the race. In later life<a class="pagenum" name="Page_49" title="49"></a> Humphrey was to shine forth as the patron of the new learning which was the most important of these forces; in his earlier life he showed that he was ready to accept @@ -2216,7 +2177,7 @@ surrendered without resistance, and numerous other fortified places gave in their allegiance to the English King.<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Having settled the country and left small garrisons in the towns, with Sir John Kirkby in command at Lisieux,<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> Gloucester rejoined his brother, who having left Caen -on October 1, had sat down before Alençon on the 15th of that +on October 1, had sat down before Alençon on the 15th of that month.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> All through this expedition Gloucester was never out of touch with the main body of the army, but was entirely under the control of the King. Except at the short siege of Bayeux, he had met with @@ -2228,9 +2189,9 @@ pro<a class="pagenum" name="Page_51" title="51"></a>tection to all who swore all excursion partook more of the nature of a pacific procession than of a warlike campaign.</p> -<div class="sidenote"><big>1417]</big> THE SIEGE OF ALENÇON</div> +<div class="sidenote"><big>1417]</big> THE SIEGE OF ALENÇON</div> -<p>Alençon, before which Gloucester now found himself, was a position of +<p>Alençon, before which Gloucester now found himself, was a position of considerable strength, fortified by stout walls, numerous towers, and a castle which nature and the skill of man had made almost impregnable; added to this during the first few days of the siege the garrison @@ -2247,17 +2208,17 @@ and Fresnoy surrendered, and the whole country up to and including La Marche acknowledged the English supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> <p>Gloucester did not take part in these expeditions, but stayed with the -King, who spent some time in Alençon. Negotiations were pending with the +King, who spent some time in Alençon. Negotiations were pending with the French court, which had returned a conciliatory answer to the challenge from Caen, whilst the Duke of Brittany, frightened by the success of the -English troops, proceeded to Alençon and there on November 16 signed a +English troops, proceeded to Alençon and there on November 16 signed a truce, which was to last till the following Michaelmas, on behalf of himself and of the young<a class="pagenum" name="Page_52" title="52"></a> titular King of Sicily, whose possessions in Maine and Anjou were threatened.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> It was a niece of this Lewis who in later years was to marry Henry’s yet unborn son, and who was to prove the bitterest of Humphrey’s many enemies.</p> -<p>Towards the end of November Henry moved from Alençon; Gloucester +<p>Towards the end of November Henry moved from Alençon; Gloucester accompanied him, leaving Sir Roland Lyntall in his place as lieutenant of the town, for of this last conquest the King had made him captain.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> @@ -2265,7 +2226,7 @@ captain.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" cla <div class="sidenote"><big>1417]</big> THE SIEGE OF FALAISE</div> <p>On December 1 the English army appeared before Falaise, which had been -left untouched on the way to Alençon, as Henry had thought it too well +left untouched on the way to Alençon, as Henry had thought it too well fortified to be attacked before the surrounding country was secured. Certainly Falaise was no easy nut to crack. Beside excellent fortifications a deep natural moat surrounded the town, into which @@ -2273,10 +2234,10 @@ flowed numerous streams from the mountains, thus forming a natural lake which prevented a near approach; high upon a rock, just outside but connected with the walls, stood the castle in a position which was considered quite impregnable<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>—that same castle which to-day with -its added Talbot tower is one of the most interesting mediæval relics in +its added Talbot tower is one of the most interesting mediæval relics in northern France. The Earl of Salisbury had preceded the King to Falaise lest the garrison, warned by the French ambassadors returning from -Alençon, should evacuate the town before the arrival of the English; so +Alençon, should evacuate the town before the arrival of the English; so at least runs one theory,<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> though a more probable object was to prevent the garrison from laying in stores, which would enable them to prolong the siege.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> The siege proper began on Henry’s arrival, and @@ -2342,9 +2303,9 @@ war for the present.<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footn with these intentions before the King left Falaise. To Clarence was confided the task of opening up the approach to Rouen; Warwick was sent to capture Domfront, and to secure the south-eastern corner of the -duchy; Gloucester was to reduce the Côtentin to obedience.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> +duchy; Gloucester was to reduce the Côtentin to obedience.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> -<div class="sidenote"><big>1418]</big> THE CÔTENTIN EXPEDITION</div> +<div class="sidenote"><big>1418]</big> THE CÔTENTIN EXPEDITION</div> <p>All this had been planned by the King while the castle of Falaise was still untaken, for he signed Gloucester’s commission on February 16, the @@ -2355,7 +2316,7 @@ peace all those who should submit to him, and to restore their lands and possessions to them under his own seal.<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> At the same time he was empowered to issue ordinances for the good government of his detachment, and to punish any who should transgress them,<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> also the right to -levy tribute in the Côtentin was confined to himself and his +levy tribute in the Côtentin was confined to himself and his representatives.<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> Meanwhile preparations for the three expeditions were being hurried on, orders for the mustering of the men of the respective commanders were issued,<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> and Gloucester, acting on a writ @@ -2382,7 +2343,7 @@ help to the various detachments he had sent out, should this prove to be necessary, he chose the town of Bayeux for this purpose.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> This town was far nearer to the scene of Gloucester’s activity than to the districts in which Clarence and Warwick were operating, and yet -Cherbourg was the only place in the Côtentin that was likely to give +Cherbourg was the only place in the Côtentin that was likely to give serious opposition. However, by April Henry was satisfied of his brother’s reliability, and returned to Caen. His suspicions, nevertheless, were well founded, for Gloucester’s inability for @@ -2395,7 +2356,7 @@ military ability.</p> Falaise on the same day as his commission was signed. Crossing the river Orne, he worked up the bank of a small tributary stream named the Noireau, and gained his first success in the capture of the little town -of Condé-sur-Noireau.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> Marching still further west he reached Vire, +of Condé-sur-Noireau.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> Marching still further west he reached Vire, a place of considerable strength, situated on the river of that name. A short siege convinced the town that they could have no hope of relief, and it capitulated on February 21. Sir John Robsart and William @@ -2455,13 +2416,13 @@ pardoning all rebels—so Henry called them—who should swear fealty to the King before April next.<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Meanwhile the Earl of Huntingdon had been sent to the south-east of Normandy, and on March 16 he had secured Gloucester’s rear by the capture of Coutances. His expedition was -independent of the commander in the Côtentin, but the likelihood of +independent of the commander in the Côtentin, but the likelihood of their joining forces seems to be recognised by the terms of Huntingdon’s Commission.<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> However, no such union took place, as before long the latter was hurrying eastward to take part in the siege of Rouen.<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p> <p>Still marching northward from St. Sauveur le Vicomte, Gloucester took -Néhou,<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Bricquebec, and Valognes, thus<a class="pagenum" name="Page_60" title="60"></a> having reduced the whole +Néhou,<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Bricquebec, and Valognes, thus<a class="pagenum" name="Page_60" title="60"></a> having reduced the whole district with the exception of the town of Cherbourg.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> In all, it was estimated, he had taken thirty-two castles in six weeks, with very little trouble and hardly any loss of life.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> One of the hardest @@ -2722,7 +2683,7 @@ that towards the end of October he arrived at Rouen.</p> <hr class="tb" /> <p>While Gloucester had been besieging Cherbourg, and reducing the -Côtentin, the King had not been idle. He had spent three months at +Côtentin, the King had not been idle. He had spent three months at Bayeux and Caen in creating the machinery for the administration of the duchy, which hitherto had been under military law. At the same time he sent to England for reinforcements, and on their arrival in May he @@ -2739,7 +2700,7 @@ agreement with Burgundy, had so enraged the Parisians that a mob revolution in favour of Burgundy and Queen Isabella, who had come to terms with one another in 1417, was made easy. In June Bernard, Count of Armagnac, and many of his adherents were murdered by the populace. -Tanneguy du Châtel and the Dauphin escaped from the city with +Tanneguy du Châtel and the Dauphin escaped from the city with difficulty, and Burgundy was acclaimed with shouts of welcome as he entered Paris.<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> In this position his answer to a pursuivant sent by Henry was a declaration of war.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p> @@ -2851,7 +2812,7 @@ capital.<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" cla <p>After the conquest of Rouen the English captains were sent with small detachments to clear the country. Salisbury to the north secured -Montivilliers, Honfleur, Fécamp, Dieppe, and Eu; Clarence went up the +Montivilliers, Honfleur, Fécamp, Dieppe, and Eu; Clarence went up the Seine valley taking Vernon and Nantes, and many other smaller towns in the immediate neighbourhood submitted.<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> Gloucester stayed with his royal brother at Rouen, as he had been made captain of the city,<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> @@ -2862,7 +2823,7 @@ the recent siege ambassadors had been passing between the various parties, and at<a class="pagenum" name="Page_75" title="75"></a> one time the Dauphin offered terms,<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> at another the French King, under the influence of Burgundy, sent a portrait of his daughter Catherine, whose name had appeared in most of the -negotiations.<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Conferences at Alençon with Armagnac, or at <a name="ERRATA_3" id="ERRATA_3"><ins class="correction" title="original: Ponte">Pont</ins></a> +negotiations.<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Conferences at Alençon with Armagnac, or at <a name="ERRATA_3" id="ERRATA_3"><ins class="correction" title="original: Ponte">Pont</ins></a> de l’Arche with Burgundian emissaries, were alike fruitless. Still Henry persevered. Arrangements were made at Rouen for a personal meeting with the Dauphin at Evreux on March 8,<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> but when @@ -2882,7 +2843,7 @@ chamberlains, William Beauchamp and John Stokes ‘Dr. of Laws,’ to ca for his interests in that quarter, but his hopes of a wife at that time were to be short-lived.<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> On April 20 Charles de Beaumont, who represented Henry at the court of Navarre, and had recently served under -Gloucester in the Côtentin,<a class="pagenum" name="Page_76" title="76"></a> informed him that negotiations were pending +Gloucester in the Côtentin,<a class="pagenum" name="Page_76" title="76"></a> informed him that negotiations were pending for the marriage of Blanche to Don John of Arragon, asserting that Henry’s delays in stating definitely what lands in Guienne he would give Gloucester on his wedding had so annoyed Charles, that it was unlikely @@ -3065,7 +3026,7 @@ produce, and it is at this time that such companies as the Merchant Adventurers rose to great power. This change from the production of raw material to the manufacture of the finished article not only gave a new power to the middle classes, but it had its influence also in bringing -the English town into greater prominence. ‘Mediæval economy, with its +the English town into greater prominence. ‘Mediæval economy, with its constant regard to the relations of persons, was giving place to the modern economy, which treats the exchange of things as fundamental,’ and this resulted in increased power to those corporate bodies which were @@ -3286,7 +3247,7 @@ confidence of the country in their King, and to encourage fresh sacrifices of men and money for a new campaign.<a name="FNanchor_364" id="FNanchor_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> The necessity for renewed effort became still more apparent when, on leaving the shrine of St. John of Beverley, news reached them that Clarence had been defeated -and slain at Beaugé in March.<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> Having celebrated the Feast of St. +and slain at Beaugé in March.<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> Having celebrated the Feast of St. George somewhat later than the appointed day,<a name="FNanchor_366" id="FNanchor_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> Henry opened a Parliament on May 2,<a name="FNanchor_367" id="FNanchor_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> and immediately began to prepare for another expedition to France. Gloucester, of whom we have heard nothing since @@ -3335,7 +3296,7 @@ qualities which would make the life of a young and spirited woman wholly unbearable. However, considerations of policy induced her relatives to force Jacqueline into this undesirable alliance, with the result which might have been expected. John fell entirely into the hands of his -Brabançon followers, who induced him to add insult to the neglect with +Brabançon followers, who induced him to add insult to the neglect with which he<a class="pagenum" name="Page_93" title="93"></a> treated his young wife, and the culminating-point was reached when in Jacqueline’s absence he arranged for the disposal of her territory for a term of years to John of Bavaria.<a name="FNanchor_371" id="FNanchor_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> @@ -3401,7 +3362,7 @@ before the public weal.</p> <p>Henry emphasised his hearty invitation to Jacqueline by the marked graciousness of his reception of her; and though he was on the eve of departure to France, he promised to help her, and made arrangements, -completed on July 10, that £100 a month should be allotted to the +completed on July 10, that £100 a month should be allotted to the Countess so long as she remained in England.<a name="FNanchor_379" id="FNanchor_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> To Henry belongs the responsibility of bringing her over, and we cannot doubt that he saw the political significance of his action. He knew the state of affairs in @@ -3441,7 +3402,7 @@ fortnight later Henry sailed from Dover, and landed the same day at Calais,<a name="FNanchor_388" id="FNanchor_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> accompanied by Gloucester and the Earls of March and Warwick, with rather over a thousand men.<a name="FNanchor_389" id="FNanchor_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p> -<p>The defeat at Beaugé had not been without its effect both in encouraging +<p>The defeat at Beaugé had not been without its effect both in encouraging the French and in distressing the English. It had not been easy to raise men in England, as Gloucester had found, and it was necessary in many cases to resort to impressment. Accordingly Henry took the precaution of @@ -3641,7 +3602,7 @@ patriotism, and not ‘busied restless minds with foreign quarrels.’</ <p>A fresh page of history begins with the death of Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>, and new personalities appear in the forefront of politics. The character of the young King Henry <span class="fakesc">VI.</span> is a negligible quantity, for he was only nine -months old: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vae cujus terræ rex puer est,</span>’ quotes Walsingham,<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> and +months old: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vae cujus terræ rex puer est,</span>’ quotes Walsingham,<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> and indeed it was mainly the youth of the King which gave such a character to his reign, as to fully justify Hall’s description thereof; it was in very truth to be ‘the troubleous season of Kyng Henry the Sixt.’<a name="FNanchor_414" id="FNanchor_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> @@ -4050,11 +4011,11 @@ the legitimate and the illegitimate descendants of John of Gaunt.</p> <p>In the new year Gloucester’s salary as Protector was definitely settled. On February 12 it was decreed by an ordinance of the Privy Council, that so long as he remained Protector he should receive eight thousand marks -(£5333, 6s. 8d.) a year, dating from the death of the late King. Four +(£5333, 6s. 8d.) a year, dating from the death of the late King. Four thousand marks of this was to be drawn from the issues of the Duchy of Lancaster, and nine hundred marks from possessions in the King’s hands.<a name="FNanchor_446" id="FNanchor_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> In the previous December Gloucester had been given a present -of £300 and the revenues of foresters, park-keepers, and keepers of +of £300 and the revenues of foresters, park-keepers, and keepers of warrens which were vacant. These revenues were not given to the Duke in his private capacity, but were attached to the office of Protector, for Bedford was to receive them whenever he was in England.<a name="FNanchor_447" id="FNanchor_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> On March 3 @@ -4134,7 +4095,7 @@ of Scotland had been taken prisoner, and it is probable that Humphrey and he had been fast friends ever since their boyhood. It was natural, therefore, that the Protector should take a leading part in the negotiations which were leading up to his release. On September 10 a -treaty was signed at York, in which the Scotch agreed to pay £40,000 for +treaty was signed at York, in which the Scotch agreed to pay £40,000 for their King’s maintenance in England, and to withhold further support from the French; allusion was also made to a conditional marriage with some high-born English lady.<a name="FNanchor_459" id="FNanchor_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> James had fallen deeply in love with @@ -4253,7 +4214,7 @@ than this, he had gone out of his way to honour the lady, and it must have been with his consent that she was chosen to hold his infant son at the font, and to stand sponsor for him at his baptism in 1421.<a name="FNanchor_468" id="FNanchor_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> This policy of favour to Jacqueline was not abandoned after his death, for -her allowance of £100 a month—a really princely sum—was +her allowance of £100 a month—a really princely sum—was continued.<a name="FNanchor_469" id="FNanchor_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> <div class="sidenote"><big>1422–3]</big> MARRIAGE TO JACQUELINE</div> @@ -4475,7 +4436,7 @@ no new ceremony had been performed.<a name="FNanchor_495" id="FNanchor_495"></a> point of strict law, there is much to be said for this presentment of the case. The dispensation had originally been signed and sealed on December 22, 1417,<a name="FNanchor_496" id="FNanchor_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> and the revocation had followed, under pressure -from the Bishop of Liége, better known as John of Bavaria, and the +from the Bishop of Liége, better known as John of Bavaria, and the Emperor Sigismund, on the following 5th of January, whilst it was not till September 5, when the Pope had left Constance and Imperial influence behind him, that he signed the letters which re-enacted the @@ -4606,12 +4567,12 @@ was called in Paris, mainly it would seem to pacify Burgundy, who was furious at this interference in what he considered his own happy hunting-ground, and after mature consideration terms of agreement were drawn up and sent to the contending parties, Ralph de Boutillier and the -Abbot of Fécamp being commissioned to bear them to Humphrey.<a name="FNanchor_512" id="FNanchor_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> Though +Abbot of Fécamp being commissioned to bear them to Humphrey.<a name="FNanchor_512" id="FNanchor_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> Though Brabant accepted the terms, neither the Duke nor the Duchess of Gloucester would have anything to do with them, and this last attempt at a settlement failed.<a name="FNanchor_513" id="FNanchor_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> We have no record of what these terms were, but it seems likely that they were highly favourable to Burgundy’s -protégé, for on hearing of their rejection Duke Philip flew into a +protégé, for on hearing of their rejection Duke Philip flew into a mighty passion, and declared roundly to Bedford that he would resist the English claimant with all his forces, a course he could easily take as he had just signed a truce with the Dauphin. With a sad heart Bedford @@ -4666,7 +4627,7 @@ with his military experience Gloucester did not undertake to lead his troops in person, but the explanation may be found in the report of his physician as to his state of health, which seems to have been anything but good at this time.<a name="FNanchor_524" id="FNanchor_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> The route chosen for the march was through -Artois, by way of Thérouaune and Béthune, and passing to the north of +Artois, by way of Thérouaune and Béthune, and passing to the north of Lens, the army reached Hainault territory, making its first halt therein at Bouchain.<a name="FNanchor_525" id="FNanchor_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> All through the county of Artois, which was Burgundian territory, the utmost care was taken to keep the soldiers in strict @@ -4678,7 +4639,7 @@ invasion of those territories which were claimed by the Duke of Brabant.</p> <p>In Hainault there was no rejoicing when the return of their long absent princess was announced. The traders and merchants of the towns had increased their prosperity during the Regency of John of Bavaria, the -able and unscrupulous ex-Bishop of Liége, to whom Brabant had yielded +able and unscrupulous ex-Bishop of Liége, to whom Brabant had yielded the government of Jacqueline’s dominions for a term of years. Whatever might be the private convictions of the citizen class, they cared for nothing so much as for peace, and this new invasion, though undertaken @@ -4703,7 +4664,7 @@ urgent embassy to the Dowager-Countess, asking her to use her<a class="pagenum" to induce her daughter not to enter their city, nor to bring ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monsieur de Gloucester</span>’ with her;<a name="FNanchor_529" id="FNanchor_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> indeed, if we are to believe an English chronicler, the various states of Jacqueline’s heritage had united in -offering Humphrey an annual tribute of £30,000 to be left in peace.<a name="FNanchor_530" id="FNanchor_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p> +offering Humphrey an annual tribute of £30,000 to be left in peace.<a name="FNanchor_530" id="FNanchor_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p> <div class="sidenote"><big>1424]</big> RECEPTION AT MONS</div> @@ -4889,7 +4850,7 @@ See, a report which reached as far as Zealand, where the citizens of Zierkzee wrote to the authorities at Mons, asking for a confirmation of the report if it were indeed true.<a name="FNanchor_555" id="FNanchor_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> Before long these rumours reached Rome, and on February 13 Martin wrote to Brabant, declaring the -Bulls of divorce now circulating in the dioceses of Utrecht, Liége, and +Bulls of divorce now circulating in the dioceses of Utrecht, Liége, and Cambray to be absolute forgeries.<a name="FNanchor_556" id="FNanchor_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> At the same time he sent letters to Gloucester in which he asserted that the opinion that Jacqueline’s English marriage was undoubtedly legal, currently attributed to him, had @@ -5202,8 +5163,8 @@ shown himself blind to that which must have been clear to any one possessing the merest germs of statesmanship. All his weaknesses came to the front, and none of the virtues to which he could lay claim were apparent; it is by this episode in his life that he is best remembered, -as the foolish knight-errant who adopted a mediæval pose, whilst -possessing none of the mediæval chivalry which alone could make that +as the foolish knight-errant who adopted a mediæval pose, whilst +possessing none of the mediæval chivalry which alone could make that pose bearable.</p> @@ -5258,7 +5219,7 @@ chroniclers, such criticism he did receive at the hands of the Council,<a name="FNanchor_598" id="FNanchor_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> but no traces of this are to be found in the official records. Nay more, there is ample evidence that the Protector’s influence both in Parliament and Council was considerable. Not only in -the face of a revenue deficit of £20,000 did Parliament grant him a loan +the face of a revenue deficit of £20,000 did Parliament grant him a loan of 40,000 marks to be paid within four years, but the Lords of the Council agreed to act as sureties for its repayment;<a name="FNanchor_599" id="FNanchor_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> in a dispute between the Earl Marshal and the Earl of Warwick for precedence @@ -5295,7 +5256,7 @@ seems to have felt considerable sympathy for his brother,<a name="FNanchor_602" perhaps he remembered that the late King might be held largely responsible for the turn of events. Englishmen generally seem to have looked with kindly eyes on this mad expedition, for there was about it -some of the glamour of mediæval romance in appearance if not in reality, +some of the glamour of mediæval romance in appearance if not in reality, whilst Jacqueline herself had won golden opinions in England, where her unhappy lot had obtained universal sympathy.<a name="FNanchor_603" id="FNanchor_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> For Gloucester, however, the romance of his marriage with Jacqueline, such<a class="pagenum" name="Page_165" title="165"></a> as it had @@ -5683,7 +5644,7 @@ his opponents than as a genuine offer of arbitration, and refused to go to Northampton, preferring to wait till the Parliament should be summoned at Leicester. One thing should not pass unnoticed in this offer of the Council. Though the Bishop had summoned Bedford from France, -Gloucester had now assumed the rôle of accuser. It was as such that he +Gloucester had now assumed the rôle of accuser. It was as such that he was to appear at Leicester, having herein outmanœuvred his opponent, who, thinking to act on the aggressive, had been compelled to fall back on a defensive attitude.</p> @@ -6229,7 +6190,7 @@ the Pope would favour, and the chroniclers agree in taking this date as the final decision of the matter.<a name="FNanchor_687" id="FNanchor_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> Nevertheless pressure was still brought to bear on the Pope, and in October of the same year the English Council agreed to desist from prosecuting the Bishop of Lincoln under -the act of Præmunire, on condition that he should do his utmost to +the act of Præmunire, on condition that he should do his utmost to expedite the cause of the Duke of Gloucester at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_688" id="FNanchor_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a></p> <div class="sidenote"><big>1427]</big> JACQUELINE SEEKS ASSISTANCE</div> @@ -6245,7 +6206,7 @@ desperate resistance against her enemies, she sent Lewis de Montfort and Arnold of Ghent to the Council in England with a letter which was written on April 8, 1427. She recalled therein the friendship of Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>, and assured them that he would never have left her to her fate; she -begged for help, <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">comme pour femme desolée</em>, and begged them to lay her +begged for help, <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">comme pour femme desolée</em>, and begged them to lay her sad plight before her husband, and induce him to come to her help, or at least to send her some assistance.<a name="FNanchor_689" id="FNanchor_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> She had evidently given up hope of any spontaneous support from Humphrey. She no longer wrote to him @@ -6451,7 +6412,7 @@ slave to what was perhaps the one real passion of his life.</p> <p>We have seen how Gloucester was accompanied home from Hainault by one of Jacqueline’s English ladies-in-waiting, and how he had fallen a victim to her charms. Eleanor Cobham was of great beauty, so the gossiping -Æneas Sylvius tells us, whilst Waurin bears testimony to her wonderful +Æneas Sylvius tells us, whilst Waurin bears testimony to her wonderful charm and courage,<a name="FNanchor_715" id="FNanchor_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> but her honour had been besmirched before Gloucester made her acquaintance.<a name="FNanchor_716" id="FNanchor_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> Notwithstanding this, she had gained a complete ascendency over her royal lover, to whom she had @@ -7055,7 +7016,7 @@ of Carlisle,<a name="FNanchor_781" id="FNanchor_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781" and one to whose appointment to his present see both Gloucester and Lord Scrope had objected strongly only a few years before.<a name="FNanchor_782" id="FNanchor_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> The decision of the judges seems to have been hostile to the Cardinal, for on -November 20 the Council ordered writs of Præmunire and attachment upon +November 20 the Council ordered writs of Præmunire and attachment upon the Statute to be sealed against him, though they were not to be executed till the King came back.<a name="FNanchor_783" id="FNanchor_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a></p> @@ -7065,7 +7026,7 @@ emphasised by a movement to increase his salary as Regent. According to the existing arrangement he received two thousand marks per annum as First Councillor, and four thousand marks whilst he was Regent in the King’s absence. It was the Treasurer, Lord Hungerford, who now proposed -in the Great Council, on the same day as the writ of Præmunire was +in the Great Council, on the same day as the writ of Præmunire was issued, that in consideration of the great expenses that Gloucester had incurred in the past, both in preserving the kingdom from the malice of rebels and traitors, and ‘especially of late concerning the taking and @@ -7257,7 +7218,7 @@ representing the Councillors there present, declared the King’s entire belief in Beaufort’s loyalty, and emphatically announced that no one had accused him of anything, nor to the best of their know<a class="pagenum" name="Page_233" title="233"></a>ledge did any one desire to do so.<a name="FNanchor_797" id="FNanchor_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> Whether there was any truth in the Cardinal’s -statement, or whether he was referring to the writ of Præmunire issued +statement, or whether he was referring to the writ of Præmunire issued against him, must remain uncertain. At all events his attempt to make a scene failed, and with it his first attack on Gloucester’s new position.</p> @@ -7267,7 +7228,7 @@ him for a loan had been seized by the royal officials when he landed at Sandwich, and he now demanded their restoration.<a name="FNanchor_798" id="FNanchor_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> On what plea these jewels were confiscated we cannot discover, but that the Regent had some just cause for his action may be argued from the fact that Parliament -only agreed to this restoration on condition that £6000 more were +only agreed to this restoration on condition that £6000 more were deposited for them, and a promise made by the Cardinal to lend the King thirteen thousand marks in addition.<a name="FNanchor_799" id="FNanchor_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> Beaufort had undoubtedly not suffered any loss from the sums he had lent to the King in the past, and @@ -7283,7 +7244,7 @@ Cardinal managed to creep out of the engagements he had made.<a name="FNanchor_8 Taking all this into consideration, it is hard to deduce from these proceedings in Parliament that Beaufort gained a victory over his rival,<a name="FNanchor_802" id="FNanchor_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> though he did secure<a class="pagenum" name="Page_234" title="234"></a> an exemption from all liabilities -incurred by him under the Acts of Provisors and Præmunire.<a name="FNanchor_803" id="FNanchor_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a></p> +incurred by him under the Acts of Provisors and Præmunire.<a name="FNanchor_803" id="FNanchor_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a></p> <p>Yet another attack on Gloucester was made in this Parliament by his opponents, when on June 10 Lord Cromwell complained before the Lords @@ -7298,7 +7259,7 @@ Gloucester had been successful all along the line. The various, scarcely veiled, attacks made upon him in this Parliament had been repulsed, and his power had been in no way lessened by the return of the King. His position was recognised, and in October of the same year we even find -him described as ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="fr">Custode Angliæ</span>’ in an official document,<a name="FNanchor_806" id="FNanchor_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> a title +him described as ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="fr">Custode Angliæ</span>’ in an official document,<a name="FNanchor_806" id="FNanchor_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> a title of considerably greater importance than that of ‘First Councillor.’</p> <hr class="tb" /> @@ -7463,10 +7424,10 @@ that he was the King’s servant in all things, and entirely at his disposal.<a name="FNanchor_826" id="FNanchor_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p> <p>On the following day Bedford, in view of the low state of the finances -of the kingdom, agreed to accept an income of £l000 a year as Chief -Councillor, with a provision of £500 for every journey to and from -France,<a name="FNanchor_827" id="FNanchor_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> and Gloucester hastened to follow suit, accepting £1000 in -lieu of the five thousand marks (£3333, 6s. 8d.) which he was then +of the kingdom, agreed to accept an income of £l000 a year as Chief +Councillor, with a provision of £500 for every journey to and from +France,<a name="FNanchor_827" id="FNanchor_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> and Gloucester hastened to follow suit, accepting £1000 in +lieu of the five thousand marks (£3333, 6s. 8d.) which he was then receiving.<a name="FNanchor_828" id="FNanchor_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> The lead thus given was followed by others who voluntarily resigned their incomes, for the detailed report that Lord Cromwell had presented to Parliament had shown a heavy deficit.<a name="FNanchor_829" id="FNanchor_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a> @@ -7618,7 +7579,7 @@ the first. Of all the men to whom Henry of Monmouth had confided the care of his son and of his kingdom, Bedford alone was worthy of his implicit trust. He had fought an uphill and impossible fight in France, and on two occasions he had turned his attention to the internal affairs -of England. He had played a difficult rôle with as much success as was +of England. He had played a difficult rôle with as much success as was to be expected, and we can only guess at what might have been the destiny of England had it secured his undivided attention. Had he been settled in England as Protector, his power would doubtless have been @@ -7819,7 +7780,7 @@ Bailleul, he lodged outside the walls, at the Abbey of St. Anthony, which was spared, though the town where his men lay and the surrounding country were utterly devastated. Retracing his steps from this point, he picked up the detachment under Huntingdon at Poperinghes, where much -booty had been secured, and passing by Neu-Châtel, he burnt Rimesture +booty had been secured, and passing by Neu-Châtel, he burnt Rimesture and Valon-Chapelle, then entering Artois he met with some slight resistance. Skirmishes were fought round Arques and Blandesques, till the army reached St. Omer, burning and harrying all that came in its @@ -8155,7 +8116,7 @@ hitherto the Duke had had but little part in the rejection of the French terms, though he acknowledged that he had refused his consent to the suggestion that Henry should surrender his title of King of France. The complaint as to the waste of money at the<a class="pagenum" name="Page_264" title="264"></a> Congress of Arras was amply -justified, for the fabulous sum of £22,000 was spent on the +justified, for the fabulous sum of £22,000 was spent on the Conference.<a name="FNanchor_916" id="FNanchor_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> Still it must be confessed that the document as a whole is violent beyond the limits of judiciousness, and it seems to be the appeal of an angry man to a larger audience than that to which it was @@ -8441,7 +8402,7 @@ of Gloucester.’<a name="FNanchor_948" id="FNanchor_948"></a><a href="#Foot <p>The disgrace of Gloucester’s wife is a strange story, and in spite of the ample evidence to be found in contemporary chroniclers, it must be -accepted with some reserve. It was the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">cause célèbre</em>, of the period, +accepted with some reserve. It was the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">cause célèbre</em>, of the period, and even chroniclers who pass over the years with the scantiest summary of events pause awhile to tell of the fall of a great lady. Yet not once is Humphrey mentioned, and it is only a sixteenth-century historian who @@ -8673,8 +8634,8 @@ it was considered advisable that he should look to France for a bride. The question remained, to whom should overtures be made? The embassy to France was to pave the way for the carrying out of a scheme proposed by the Duke of Orleans, that Henry should marry Margaret of Anjou,<a class="pagenum" name="Page_283" title="283"></a> -daughter of René, Duke of Lorraine and titular King of Sicily and -Jerusalem. Though a man of no personal possessions, René was in the +daughter of René, Duke of Lorraine and titular King of Sicily and +Jerusalem. Though a man of no personal possessions, René was in the innermost circle of the French Court, owing to the fact that his sister was Queen of France, and his brother, Charles of Anjou, one of the King’s chief advisers. Such a marriage, therefore, presupposed some kind @@ -8788,7 +8749,7 @@ home, and a French chronicler of the time was the first to realise this aspect of the Duke’s policy.<a name="FNanchor_990" id="FNanchor_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a> It was not a new idea. It had been Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>’s, as we have seen; more important still, it was mentioned as a maxim of government in one of those books which it was Gloucester’s joy -to study. Ægidius, in his <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principium</cite>, writes: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Guerra enim +to study. Ægidius, in his <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principium</cite>, writes: ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Guerra enim exterior tollit seditiones, et reddit cives magis unanimes et concordes. Exemplum hujus habemus in Romanis quibus postquam defecerunt exteriora bella intra se ipsos bellare coeperunt,</span>’<a name="FNanchor_991" id="FNanchor_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a> and a copy of this book @@ -8981,7 +8942,7 @@ his arrival in the town, Humphrey’s body was carried to the<a class="pagen Friars’ Monastery at Babwell,<a name="FNanchor_1019" id="FNanchor_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a> escorted thither by twenty torches borne by members of his own entourage; indeed, apart from the three crown officials who had been his gaolers, none but his personal -retainers accompanied the cortège. On the Sunday the Abbot of St. Albans +retainers accompanied the cortège. On the Sunday the Abbot of St. Albans ‘dede his dirge,’ and the next day, after a mass had been said for the repose of his soul, his earthly remains were carried out on their last journey. By slow stages the coffin was carried to St. Albans, resting by @@ -9786,7 +9747,7 @@ opinion, and states that from his youth up he ‘favoured those that hold the opinion of Wickliff’;<a name="FNanchor_1092" id="FNanchor_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a> indeed at the end of the treatise it is evident, that its main object is to prove that its hero was the morning star of the Reformation. This contention is obviously absurd. ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amator -virtuties et rei publicæ, sed principue clericorum promotor +virtuties et rei publicæ, sed principue clericorum promotor singularis</span>’<a name="FNanchor_1093" id="FNanchor_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> is the<a class="pagenum" name="Page_322" title="322"></a> character given to Humphrey by a contemporary, who therein gave utterance to the opinion of his day. It could hardly be otherwise. As a boy the future Duke of Gloucester had been surrounded by @@ -9794,7 +9755,7 @@ those whose orthodoxy was part of their political programme. Henry <span class=" had snatched his crown from the head of Richard, who was strongly suspected of Lollardy, and he resolutely refused to comply with the movement in favour of remitting the statutes passed against the -Lollards.<a name="FNanchor_1094" id="FNanchor_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> His successor had adopted the rôle of God’s messenger to +Lollards.<a name="FNanchor_1094" id="FNanchor_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> His successor had adopted the rôle of God’s messenger to the wicked Frenchmen, and had kept up his part all through his campaign, so much so that in 1418 he had retired to Bayeux to keep Lent, whilst his brothers fought his battles for him. In earlier years, too, as @@ -9849,7 +9810,7 @@ delay in giving a decision convicts Martin <span class="fakesc">V.</span> of neg and wrongs of the case,<a class="pagenum" name="Page_324" title="324"></a> for had it been a mere matter of law, no such delay was necessary.</p> -<div class="sidenote">THE POPE AND PRÆMUNIRE</div> +<div class="sidenote">THE POPE AND PRÆMUNIRE</div> <p>The secret history of these negotiations at Rome is unknown, and will probably never be revealed, but subsequent events point strongly to the @@ -9869,7 +9830,7 @@ lost touch with the Court of Rome, and it cannot be doubted that his handiwork may be seen in a letter which in 1427 the Pope wrote to Archbishop Chichele. Martin <span class="fakesc">V.</span> had exalted ideas as to the importance of the papal power, and on this occasion he wrote in severe terms with -regard to the existence of the statute of Præmunire, which limited his +regard to the existence of the statute of Præmunire, which limited his powers in England. Chichele was not blind to the meaning of this attack, which blamed him for placing patriotism to his country before loyalty to his Church.<a name="FNanchor_1102" id="FNanchor_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a> In his reply he did not beat about the bush, but @@ -9901,7 +9862,7 @@ liberty,’ and urged Gloucester, as next in importance to the King, to use his influence on the side of repeal.<a name="FNanchor_1105" id="FNanchor_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> Thus was Humphrey drawn into the quarrel, and though it would seem that he tried to pacify the Pope by releasing the papal collector,<a name="FNanchor_1106" id="FNanchor_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a> there are no signs that he -abandoned his old friend Chichele on the question of Præmunire. The tone +abandoned his old friend Chichele on the question of Præmunire. The tone of the papal letter addressed to the Protector, though couched in civil language, contains a decided threat, especially when we remember that the case of Jacqueline’s divorce was still pending at Rome. It is @@ -9913,14 +9874,14 @@ gratify his political ambitions in England.</p> <p>The excuse and foundation for this attack on Archbishop Chichele are not far to seek. The Bishop of Lincoln had been recently translated to the See of York by papal provision, and had been indicted for accepting this -promotion under the statute of Præmunire. However, he had come to terms +promotion under the statute of Præmunire. However, he had come to terms with the Lords of the Council, and in return for a promise to stay all proceedings against him and to reappoint him to the See of Lincoln, he had agreed to renounce all claims to the See of York, and to do his utmost to expedite the cause of the Duke of Gloucester at the Court of Rome, the cause being the divorce of Jacqueline, as yet undecided.<a name="FNanchor_1107" id="FNanchor_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a> This action on the part of the Council had enraged the Pope and annoyed -Beaufort, the former because the statute of Præmunire had been employed +Beaufort, the former because the statute of Præmunire had been employed to curb his power in England, the latter because it spoke of the influence which his rival had over the Council. Moreover, the Bishop had no desire to see the objectionable statute made use of against himself, @@ -9945,7 +9906,7 @@ who had made some show of friendship for Gloucester,<a name="FNanchor_1110" id=" to join the party of his opponents before very long; besides this, the Bishop of Winchester was ultimately enabled, by means of the influence exercised on Bedford, to accept the cardinalate without incurring the -penalties of Præmunire.</p> +penalties of Præmunire.</p> <div class="sidenote">RELATIONS WITH PAPACY</div> @@ -10058,7 +10019,7 @@ his wife.<a name="FNanchor_1129" id="FNanchor_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129" <p>As we have seen, it was in St. Albans Abbey that Gloucester found his last resting-place, in a tomb built for him before his death by Abbot -Stoke at the considerable cost of £433, 6s. 8d.<a name="FNanchor_1130" id="FNanchor_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> The tomb is still +Stoke at the considerable cost of £433, 6s. 8d.<a name="FNanchor_1130" id="FNanchor_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> The tomb is still to be seen at the south side of the shrine of St. Alban, and though considerably mutilated on the north face, it still remains a very fine specimen of Perpendicular workmanship. It bears Humphrey’s arms with @@ -10107,8 +10068,8 @@ centuries is modified. Mathieu de Coussy declares him to be the wisest, most powerful, and best loved prince in all England,<a name="FNanchor_1140" id="FNanchor_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a> and even Waurin, the follower of the Duke of Burgundy, turns aside from his account of the quarrel of Gloucester and Duke Philip, to say, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">car pour -verité, sans personne blasmer, il estoit prince de grant virtu, large, -courtois sage et très vaillant chevallier de corps, hardy de +verité, sans personne blasmer, il estoit prince de grant virtu, large, +courtois sage et très vaillant chevallier de corps, hardy de ceur.</span>’<a name="FNanchor_1141" id="FNanchor_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> Wheathampsted, his friend and supporter, was possibly biassed in his favour when he says:</p> @@ -10242,7 +10203,7 @@ quell all tentative efforts at sedition, it kept him going in his warlike undertakings when they were not too prolonged; above all, it enabled him to broaden his interests, and to embrace the life of a patron of letters as well as that of a soldier and a politician. Yet -sometimes he was able to restrain his ardour. During the Côtentin +sometimes he was able to restrain his ardour. During the Côtentin expedition he showed unexpected determination, and on occasions he could try persuasion when force was useless. The man who could burst into fits of rage under the influence of political disappointment, and jeopardise @@ -10386,9 +10347,9 @@ led the van of the army which set out to conquer the realms of knowledge, and perished before possession was assured. In no other Englishman of the time do we find the same love of the ancient classics which characterised Gloucester. His father had given books to the -University of Oxford, but only such as dealt with mediæval lore;<a name="FNanchor_1163" id="FNanchor_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a> +University of Oxford, but only such as dealt with mediæval lore;<a name="FNanchor_1163" id="FNanchor_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a> the Duke of Exeter had studied at an Italian<a class="pagenum" name="Page_343" title="343"></a> University, but there the -traditions of mediævalism, based on a study of law, lasted long after +traditions of mediævalism, based on a study of law, lasted long after Petrarch and Boccaccio had pointed to the past as the teacher of the future. Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span> showed considerable interest in literature, and possessed numerous books.<a name="FNanchor_1164" id="FNanchor_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a> Not once, however, is there mention of a @@ -10403,7 +10364,7 @@ his enjoyment of a ‘tale fresh and gay,’<a name="FNanchor_1168" id=" extended beyond the ephemeral literature of a decadent age, though Hoccleve’s <cite>Regiment of Princes</cite>, which was dedicated to Henry when Prince of Wales, might boast of a distant classical ancestry.<a name="FNanchor_1169" id="FNanchor_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a> To -Henry also Walsingham dedicated his <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite><a name="FNanchor_1170" id="FNanchor_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> and at his +Henry also Walsingham dedicated his <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite><a name="FNanchor_1170" id="FNanchor_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> and at his death we find him in possession of three books, the <cite>Chronicles of Jerusalem</cite>, the <cite>Voyage of Godfrey of Bouillon</cite>, and a copy of the <cite>Works</cite> of St. Gregory.<a name="FNanchor_1171" id="FNanchor_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a></p> @@ -10411,13 +10372,13 @@ Jerusalem</cite>, the <cite>Voyage of Godfrey of Bouillon</cite>, and a copy of <p>Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>, however, had no interest in the new learning which heralded the Renaissance; his interests were confined to the productions of inferior court poets, and works on theological questions. Indeed -theology, together with law, was the staple diet of the mediæval +theology, together with law, was the staple diet of the mediæval scholar. Humphrey’s originality lay in the fact that he looked to the works of the Greeks and early Romans for his mental food, and therein showed the<a class="pagenum" name="Page_344" title="344"></a> distinction which lay between the old and new learning. It was to Greece and her literature that both Petrarch and Boccaccio had stretched out their hands, to the literature of an age which had passed -out of the ken of the mediæval scholar. Students during the Dark Ages +out of the ken of the mediæval scholar. Students during the Dark Ages had known of Aristotle only through incomplete and erroneous Latin translations, Plato was to them but a name, most of the works of Cicero were lost, and only the later writers of decadent Rome were really @@ -10441,7 +10402,7 @@ past was invoked to give birth to the future.</p> <p>Thus the encouragement of scholars and the patronage of authors was not the distinguishing mark of the Renaissance; it was the nature of the studies thus encouraged which gave a tone to the movement; the -Humanists—the students of the <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">litteræ humaniores</em>—were the heralds of +Humanists—the students of the <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">litteræ humaniores</em>—were the heralds of the new era. Humphrey stood almost alone amongst the Englishmen of his time in encouraging the new kind of learning. Cardinal<a class="pagenum" name="Page_345" title="345"></a> Beaufort, it is true, brought back Poggio Bracciolini, famous as a Humanist, and as a @@ -10494,7 +10455,7 @@ the tumults of war, and the disturbances of an eventful political career, he found time for study, and the encouragement of scholars.<a name="FNanchor_1177" id="FNanchor_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a> The fact that he was in many ways the typical Renaissance prince does not necessarily presuppose a natural aptitude -for this rôle; his actions in this respect are more the result of the +for this rôle; his actions in this respect are more the result of the new influences to which he resigned himself, than the causes which led him to become a patron of letters. On the other hand, it is probable that in his early years his education was not neglected. We have shown @@ -10548,7 +10509,7 @@ visit Italy. Yet stage by stage he outgrew the teaching of the ancient schoolmen, and reached out to pick the fairest flowers of Greek learning. In him we find a new spirit of inquiry, a desire for a wider knowledge of the human mind. He was a son of the Renaissance before ever -that movement had sent its missionaries to the last outpost of mediæval +that movement had sent its missionaries to the last outpost of mediæval lore. There was no teacher to point the way for Humphrey, and we must fall back on his inherent originality to explain the phenomenon. With no promptings from the scholars of the new methods, he devoted himself to @@ -10569,7 +10530,7 @@ the Italian humanists of his day; from them he borrowed something of the spirit which was then becoming the most important element in Italian life, something of that polish of refined scholarship which marks out the humanistic scholar from the student of the Middle Ages. The effect -on English scholars of his time was visible, and Æneas Sylvius was not +on English scholars of his time was visible, and Æneas Sylvius was not slow to notice it. Writing to Adam Moleyns in answer to a letter from that distinguished Englishman, he complimented him in somewhat condescending language on his style; he marvelled how the reformed Latin @@ -10579,7 +10540,7 @@ the illustrious Duke of Gloucester, who zealously received polite learning into your country. I hear that he cultivates poets and venerates orators, and hereby many Englishmen have become really eloquent. For as are princes so are servants, who improve by imitating -their masters.’<a name="FNanchor_1179" id="FNanchor_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> Æneas showed no inclination to dwell on the +their masters.’<a name="FNanchor_1179" id="FNanchor_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> Æneas showed no inclination to dwell on the virtues of Humphrey when narrating his relations with Jacqueline, so this praise from him deserves close attention, doubly so, as it must have been in no way pleasant to the recipient of the letter, who was one @@ -10930,7 +10891,7 @@ the divine eloquence of Plato, nevertheless in our opinion it is hardly inferior. These books shall be always kept at hand, so that we may ever have something to give us pleasure, and that they may be almost as counsellors and companions for so much of our life as is left to us, as -was the wisdom of Nestor to Agamemnon, and that of Achates to Æneas. On +was the wisdom of Nestor to Agamemnon, and that of Achates to Æneas. On the same page Plato and Candido can be read and admired together, and the latter, no less than ourselves, be seen labouring to increase our dignity. We exhort, and would compel you to labour hard at the @@ -11058,7 +11019,7 @@ indeed we find to be a heavenly constellation.’ At the same time he recorded the arrival of nine other volumes, and told Candido that he awaited the rest with great impatience, most especially Cicero’s <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Productione et Creatione Mundi</cite>; the complete works of Aulus Gellius, -the author of the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Noctes Atticæ</cite>, a copy of which was included in the +the author of the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Noctes Atticæ</cite>, a copy of which was included in the books given to Oxford in 1439; Cerelius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Natali Die</cite>;<a name="FNanchor_1217" id="FNanchor_1217"></a><a href="#Footnote_1217" class="fnanchor">[1217]</a> Appuleius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Magia</cite>; and the books of Lucius Florus. Amongst others, he desired Columella’s famous treatise on ancient agriculture, and that @@ -11202,7 +11163,7 @@ scholarly interests. ‘You have no real pleasure,’ writes Piero, &lsq from the reading of books.’ Still more stress is laid on the Duke’s energy, which enabled him to take an active part in the affairs of state, as well as to be a man of letters—a very unusual combination, so -says the author. In this respect he is compared to Julius Cæsar, who +says the author. In this respect he is compared to Julius Cæsar, who waged war and wrote his <cite>Commentaries</cite> at the same time; to Augustus, and to Theodosius, who fought and judged by day, and wrote books by night, for, unlike his compatriots, he did not spend his leisure in @@ -11358,13 +11319,13 @@ which convinced him that the book would form an ideal present for Alfonso, and he accordingly sent it to him as a token of his great esteem.<a name="FNanchor_1240" id="FNanchor_1240"></a><a href="#Footnote_1240" class="fnanchor">[1240]</a> No present could be more<a class="pagenum" name="Page_376" title="376"></a> acceptable to the King of Naples, who, it is said, treated one of the bones of Livy, sent to him -by the Republic of Venice, as a mediæval churchman would have treated +by the Republic of Venice, as a mediæval churchman would have treated the relic of a saint. Strangely enough, another great prince of the new learning presented a copy of Livy to Alfonso, for this was the present with which Cosimo de’ Medici made a friend of a former opponent.<a name="FNanchor_1241" id="FNanchor_1241"></a><a href="#Footnote_1241" class="fnanchor">[1241]</a> The copy which Humphrey sent was probably that one which Bedford had -presented to him, and which is now in the Bibliothèque de Sainte -Geneviève at Paris; for when Charles <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> of France invaded Naples, +presented to him, and which is now in the Bibliothèque de Sainte +Geneviève at Paris; for when Charles <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> of France invaded Naples, Alfonso’s fine library was dispersed, and it is therefore possible that this item found its way back to the land of its origin by this circuitous route.</p> @@ -11374,7 +11335,7 @@ circuitous route.</p> <p>Humphrey was not content merely to correspond with the Italian Humanists; he brought several of them over to England to assist him in the study of the books he procured from their fellow-countrymen. So well -known was this custom of his, that Æneas Sylvius, when writing to +known was this custom of his, that Æneas Sylvius, when writing to Sigismund of Austria, alluded to it in laudatory terms.<a name="FNanchor_1242" id="FNanchor_1242"></a><a href="#Footnote_1242" class="fnanchor">[1242]</a> No more striking evidence of the great reputation which the Duke of Gloucester possessed in Italy is to be found, than the way that this distinguished @@ -11444,7 +11405,7 @@ touches on his knowledge of history past and present, his energy in procuring translation of the Greek<a class="pagenum" name="Page_379" title="379"></a> classics, not sparing trouble or expense; his diligent study, which led him to waste no moment of his time; but the greatest stress is laid on the fact that in an age of -darkness he shone forth as the one true light. Julius Cæsar and Augustus +darkness he shone forth as the one true light. Julius Cæsar and Augustus might deserve their meed of praise as students and patrons in times when to be unlearned was a disgrace, but to Humphrey fell the greater glory of having recalled scholarship and literature ‘from death unto life’ at @@ -11577,7 +11538,7 @@ monastery out of his own pocket,<a name="FNanchor_1267" id="FNanchor_1267"></a>< to the students at Oxford, probably to the foundation of Gloucester College, which was connected with the House of St. Albans.<a name="FNanchor_1268" id="FNanchor_1268"></a><a href="#Footnote_1268" class="fnanchor">[1268]</a> From time to time we find gifts of books to Humphrey entered in the accounts -of the monastery, one of which alone cost £6, 13s. 4d.,<a name="FNanchor_1269" id="FNanchor_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> a fact +of the monastery, one of which alone cost £6, 13s. 4d.,<a name="FNanchor_1269" id="FNanchor_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> a fact which may help us to estimate the enormous sums which the Duke must have spent in collecting his great library. On another occasion we hear of the gift of three books to the Duke of Gloucester, one of them being a @@ -11646,7 +11607,7 @@ fables of poets, and forgo the wisdom of sages at enmity with God, lest we incur the doom of endless death by sentence of our Lord.’ Humphrey and Capgrave were both faithful sons of the Church in which they had been born, yet they did not hesitate to denounce the scholarship of the -mediæval ecclesiastics which had developed into a science of +mediæval ecclesiastics which had developed into a science of superstition, and to herald a new era in which knowledge was to be the birthright of all men, a means whereby they might perfect their lives by a realisation of the goodliness of humanity.</p> @@ -11700,7 +11661,7 @@ John Homme, Canon of Hereford, and at one time the Duke’s secretary;<a name="FNanchor_1281" id="FNanchor_1281"></a><a href="#Footnote_1281" class="fnanchor">[1281]</a> Richard Wyot, his Dean of the Chapel;<a name="FNanchor_1282" id="FNanchor_1282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1282" class="fnanchor">[1282]</a> John Everdon, who successfully petitioned for a Canonry in the Collegiate Church of Hastings;<a name="FNanchor_1283" id="FNanchor_1283"></a><a href="#Footnote_1283" class="fnanchor">[1283]</a> and one Henry Abingdon, who for services -rendered received an annuity of £8 per annum.<a name="FNanchor_1284" id="FNanchor_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> All these probably +rendered received an annuity of £8 per annum.<a name="FNanchor_1284" id="FNanchor_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> All these probably were employed at one time or another in copying books for their master, and all found the reward they sought at the hands of their employer, a fact which leads us to believe that the complaints of Bruni and Candido @@ -11778,7 +11739,7 @@ predecessors.<a class="pagenum" name="Page_391" title="391"></a><a name="FNancho <div class="sidenote">JOHN LYDGATE</div> <p>Apart from these original poems, Lydgate produced one work commissioned -by the Duke. This was a verse translation of Boccaccio’s encyclopædic +by the Duke. This was a verse translation of Boccaccio’s encyclopædic Latin work <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De casibus Virorum et Feminarum illustrium</cite>, though a French translation by Laurent de Premierfait and not the original was used by the English versifier. The title runs, ‘Here beginneth the book callyd I @@ -12181,8 +12142,8 @@ had received in 1438, he forwarded what must have been an important part of his library, in the shape of one hundred and twenty-nine volumes<a name="FNanchor_1337" id="FNanchor_1337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1337" class="fnanchor">[1337]</a>, ‘a more splendid donation than any prince or king had given since the foundation of the University,’ valued as it was at more -than £1000.<a name="FNanchor_1338" id="FNanchor_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338" class="fnanchor">[1338]</a> The letter of thanks spoke in naturally high terms of -the Duke’s wisdom and learning, and compared him to Julius Cæsar, who +than £1000.<a name="FNanchor_1338" id="FNanchor_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338" class="fnanchor">[1338]</a> The letter of thanks spoke in naturally high terms of +the Duke’s wisdom and learning, and compared him to Julius Cæsar, who founded a library in Rome, for he, like Gloucester, combined the attributes of a great soldier with those of an enthusiastic scholar.<a name="FNanchor_1339" id="FNanchor_1339"></a><a href="#Footnote_1339" class="fnanchor">[1339]</a> Not content with their own thanks, these grateful @@ -12282,7 +12243,7 @@ novam librariam</em> when writing to Kempe in 1487.<a name="FNanchor_1351" id="F <p>This last request of Oxford, though only suggested, did not go unanswered, for Humphrey appeared in the House of Congregation, and publicly promised to give the rest of his Latin books to the University -together with £100 towards the new Divinity school, a promise which he +together with £100 towards the new Divinity school, a promise which he renewed just before his death. But this promise was never fulfilled, and in spite of numerous letters to the King, the executors of the Duke’s will and many other influential persons, neither the books nor the money @@ -12322,7 +12283,7 @@ triumph in the unlovely days of Edward <span class="fakesc">VI.</span>, the tang the ‘Good Duke’s’ benefactions to his University were lost. How or exactly when this happened we cannot tell, but of the original manuscripts not one was left in the Library. A fanatical abhorrence of -illuminations and rubricated initials, combined with a mediæval +illuminations and rubricated initials, combined with a mediæval disregard of the intellectual side of life, destroyed, scattered and lost, in most cases for ever, these interesting relics of an interesting personality.<a name="FNanchor_1360" id="FNanchor_1360"></a><a href="#Footnote_1360" class="fnanchor">[1360]</a> The student of the early Renaissance in England has @@ -12387,16 +12348,16 @@ Duns Scotus, and many other famous schoolmen. The early Fathers are<a class="pag well represented, some only by volumes of letters, others by their better-known works, and these last seem to be more the imaginative than the doctrinal theologians of their day. Taken as a whole, the theology -of Humphrey’s library betrays a tendency to ignore mediæval +of Humphrey’s library betrays a tendency to ignore mediæval doctrinaires, and to turn to the early Fathers, who wrote before -Imperial Rome had passed into final decay. Mediæval law shared the fate -of mediæval theology, and even more markedly. Hardly any of the numerous +Imperial Rome had passed into final decay. Mediæval law shared the fate +of mediæval theology, and even more markedly. Hardly any of the numerous treatises on a subject which formed part of the staple food of the -mediæval mind appear on Humphrey’s lists; canon law is but sparsely +mediæval mind appear on Humphrey’s lists; canon law is but sparsely represented, civil law is almost entirely neglected.</p> <p>Humphrey’s library was fairly well supplied with historical writers. We -find the works of Suetonius, the historian of the twelve Cæsars, the +find the works of Suetonius, the historian of the twelve Cæsars, the Jewish historian Josephus, Tragus Pompeius, and Cassidorus; among later historians Eusebius and Vincent of Beauvais, Bede, and Higden. Among other historical works were a copy of the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Flores Historiarum</cite>, an @@ -12411,7 +12372,7 @@ physician-in-chief, Gilbert Kymer. Side by side with these stand all the leading authorities on astronomy and astrology, including the works of the chief Arabian philosophers and Roger Bacon’s <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Celo et Mundo</cite>. No mention is made of Bacon’s <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opus Majus</cite>, nor are there any traces of any -scientific treatises outside those known to the mediæval scholars. The +scientific treatises outside those known to the mediæval scholars. The interest evinced by the Duke in medicine is both interesting and unusual; his knowledge<a class="pagenum" name="Page_412" title="412"></a> of astrology proved one of the most fatal of his accomplishments in the days when his wife was accused of sorcery. A word @@ -12431,7 +12392,7 @@ Western Europe till Palla degli Strozzi had them brought to Italy from Constantinople, yet within a few years of this they were to be found in Latin translations among the Duke of Gloucester’s books. Other classical works there were in that collection. Five more volumes of Aristotle, the -<cite>Republic</cite>, the <cite>Meno</cite>, and the <cite>Phædrus</cite> of Plato, all the known works +<cite>Republic</cite>, the <cite>Meno</cite>, and the <cite>Phædrus</cite> of Plato, all the known works of Cicero, and a volume of that ‘most learned of the Romans,’ Varro; Sallust, the historian of the Cataline conspiracy; grammarians such as Aulus Gellius and Priscian; rhetoricians such as Quintilian; poets such @@ -12443,7 +12404,7 @@ been relearned in Italy during the Duke’s lifetime, and a step towards bringing it to England was taken in the presentation of a Greek dictionary to Oxford. Finally, Humphrey showed his sympathy with the men of the new learning by possessing five<a class="pagenum" name="Page_413" title="413"></a> volumes of Boccaccio and seven -of Petrarch, and his appreciation of what was best in mediæval thought +of Petrarch, and his appreciation of what was best in mediæval thought by the inclusion of a volume of Dante and a commentary thereon amongst his books.<a name="FNanchor_1364" id="FNanchor_1364"></a><a href="#Footnote_1364" class="fnanchor">[1364]</a></p> @@ -12482,7 +12443,7 @@ too glad to secure a copy of the author he wanted in whatever language it was written, and moreover a large number of these French books, notably the Livy, were presents from friends, and not private purchases on the part of the Duke. It is, however, interesting to note that whilst -he gave a Latin version of the military treatise of Ægidius Romanus to +he gave a Latin version of the military treatise of Ægidius Romanus to Oxford, he retained in his own hands a French version of the same work.<a name="FNanchor_1372" id="FNanchor_1372"></a><a href="#Footnote_1372" class="fnanchor">[1372]</a> Undoubtedly, Humphrey read gladly and largely in French, but there is ample evidence that he was also a finished Latin scholar, and @@ -12501,7 +12462,7 @@ the chief new discovery of the Italian Humanists.<a name="FNanchor_1375" id="FNa <p>Earnest though he was in the study of the ancient classics, Gloucester did not allow it to restrict his mental vision. As a practical soldier he was interested in the theory of military operations, and besides his -copy of the work of Ægidius Romanus he possessed in his private library +copy of the work of Ægidius Romanus he possessed in his private library a French version of the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epitome Institutionum Rei Militaris</cite> of Vegetius.<a name="FNanchor_1376" id="FNanchor_1376"></a><a href="#Footnote_1376" class="fnanchor">[1376]</a> This treatise, which deals with the organisation of armies, the training of soldiers, and other kindred subjects, was @@ -12560,7 +12521,7 @@ Vergier,” once part of the Library of Charles I of France.</span></p> <div class="sidenote">GLOUCESTER’S LITERARY POSITION</div> <p>Just as Humphrey was a great student so was he a great personality in -the life of England, the Mæcenas of the new learning, and the friend of +the life of England, the Mæcenas of the new learning, and the friend of all scholars. A considerable portion of his books were presents from various people, and he seems to have been always approachable by any one who could take an interest in any branch of knowledge. Those who gave @@ -12614,16 +12575,16 @@ Beyond the nature of the books he collected and a few words of formal appreciation of the works of Plato, we have nothing to guide our judgment, for though a patron and a student, he was not himself an author, in spite of statements to the con<a class="pagenum" name="Page_419" title="419"></a>trary.<a name="FNanchor_1394" id="FNanchor_1394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1394" class="fnanchor">[1394]</a> There still -exists a copy of certain astrological tables entitled <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tabulæ Humfridi -ducis Gloucestriæ in judiciis artis geomansie</cite>, but this was merely a +exists a copy of certain astrological tables entitled <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tabulæ Humfridi +ducis Gloucestriæ in judiciis artis geomansie</cite>, but this was merely a compilation made at his command.<a name="FNanchor_1395" id="FNanchor_1395"></a><a href="#Footnote_1395" class="fnanchor">[1395]</a> He was content to encourage -learning, and to qualify himself for this rôle by study. Thus the Duke +learning, and to qualify himself for this rôle by study. Thus the Duke of Gloucester devoted a large amount of his superfluous energy to the really great work of encouraging learning in England; yet at first sight it may seem that he laboured in vain. England did not at once adopt the new doctrines that were paving the way to modern methods of study, and it has been thought that Humphrey simply worked in the spirit of the -mediæval scholar, and did not in any way appreciate the importance of +mediæval scholar, and did not in any way appreciate the importance of his actions. England had lagged behind other nations in accepting the doctrines of the Renaissance scholars. Men imbued with the scholastic spirit had journeyed to Italy before the days of Duke Humphrey, but they @@ -12637,7 +12598,7 @@ it.<a name="FNanchor_1396" id="FNanchor_1396"></a><a href="#Footnote_1396" class English contemporary, but a new era dawns when Humphrey begins to take an interest in Italian scholarship. The Italians who wrote to him showed clearly in their letters that they understood their patron’s interest to -be intelligent and quite different to the mediæval conceptions of his +be intelligent and quite different to the mediæval conceptions of his predecessors, and in some cases we can see the genuine appreciation of the<a class="pagenum" name="Page_420" title="420"></a> scholar peeping through the adulation of the retainer. His love for Plato, and his clear understanding of the contrast between his @@ -12649,7 +12610,7 @@ traces of that critical faculty which characterised the new movement. He did not look on the classics as an allegorical commentary on the Scriptures, and as a basis for Christian Theology; he studied them from the literary and philosophical point of view, and refused to accept the -system laid down by the mediæval schoolmen. He was the first great +system laid down by the mediæval schoolmen. He was the first great Englishman to introduce these new ideas into England, though there were other scholars of the period who understood the new doctrines, if they did not preach them; men like Andrew Holles, who after long study in @@ -12671,7 +12632,7 @@ had done, but he had brought himself into nearer touch with its intellectual life than any other Englishman. The man who was the<a class="pagenum" name="Page_421" title="421"></a> patron of Leonardo Bruni, the constant correspondent of Pier Candido Decembrio, the friend of Piero del Monte, and the literary acquaintance of Alfonso -of Aragon, the man who more than once was picked out by Æneas Sylvius +of Aragon, the man who more than once was picked out by Æneas Sylvius for literary appreciation, was far more in sympathy with Italian aspirations than such a one as Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, who showed no signs of having been influenced in any way by his sojourn at @@ -12729,7 +12690,7 @@ time in England men were able to know something of what the ancients had written. In the book-chests of Oxford lay the seeds of the English Renaissance.<a class="pagenum" name="Page_423" title="423"></a> The immense importance of access to these books may easily be misunderstood at the present day; it is hard to realise completely -the limitations which surrounded the mediæval scholar, but once this is +the limitations which surrounded the mediæval scholar, but once this is achieved, the presence of these works, which reflected, if they did not very accurately represent, the ideas of classical writers, will be fully appreciated.</p> @@ -12884,7 +12845,7 @@ Corpus Christi there is preserved a large folio volume (Corpus Christi MS., ccxliii.), containing numerous treatises of a philosophic nature in Latin, all in the handwriting of ‘Fredericus Naghel de Trajecto,’ and dated 1423 ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in alma Universitate Oxoniensi.</span>’ Amongst the most -interesting items are Latin translations of the <cite>Phædo</cite> and <cite>Meno</cite> of +interesting items are Latin translations of the <cite>Phædo</cite> and <cite>Meno</cite> of Plato, the last of which concludes the volume, and is followed by Gloucester’s autograph, ‘<span lang="f" xml:lang="fr">Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don</span> (some words are here erased) <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">treschier en Dieu labbe de seint @@ -13067,7 +13028,7 @@ illustrated at the beginning of each of the two books of which it is composed. At the end an erased but just decipherable inscription reads, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cest livre est a moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre</span> (see Paleographical Society’s <cite>Facsimiles</cite>, Second Series, Plate 169, and also Paulin Paris, -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Manuscrits Français</cite> (Paris 1840), iii. 299-328). Neither this nor a +<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Manuscrits Français</cite> (Paris 1840), iii. 299-328). Neither this nor a still more beautifully adorned volume containing certain selected Psalms (Royal MS., 2, B. i.) was given to Oxford. This last is ornamented throughout with initial letters and pendants in gold and colours, those @@ -13078,7 +13039,7 @@ take to represent the Duke kneeling at a Prie-Dieu, and being presented to the Saviour by one who may be St. Alban, or more probably David. Humphrey is here represented as quite a young man, which would agree with the date of the volume, which may be fixed about 1415. (See -<cite>Facsimiles of MS. and Inscriptions</cite>, published by the Palæographical +<cite>Facsimiles of MS. and Inscriptions</cite>, published by the Palæographical Society, Second Series, Plate 201.) Besides the Psalms and calendar above mentioned a few Latin prayers are added, and the whole is preceded by a dedication to God’s service. At the end stands the inscription, @@ -13161,7 +13122,7 @@ the Italian Humanists in England. This, together with the portrait, have been declared undoubted evidence that it was the copy presented to Humphrey, and the presence of his arms in the initial letter of the poem strengthens, though it does not entirely confirm, this suggestion (see -article in the <cite>Athenæum</cite> for November 17, 1888, p. 664). On the other +article in the <cite>Athenæum</cite> for November 17, 1888, p. 664). On the other hand, the fact that the introduction and text are written in different hands, would lead us to think that this was not the copy presented by the author to his patron.</p> @@ -13171,7 +13132,7 @@ occurs the inscription, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cest livre est A mo du don mess Robert Roos chevalier mon cousin</span>’ (Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17. It is described by P. Mayer in <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Romania</cite>, xv. 264, 265). It contains the last two sheets of a French translation of -the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principum</cite> of Ægidius Romanus, and the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Rei Militaris +the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principum</cite> of Ægidius Romanus, and the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Rei Militaris Instituta</cite> of Flavius Renatus Vegetius, also translated into French by Jean de Vignai. Also at Cambridge, in the Library of King’s College, there is a manuscript which is thought to have once belonged to Duke @@ -13196,9 +13157,9 @@ Oxford sought so long and so vainly to obtain.</p> <p>Some of Gloucester’s books in course of time have found their way across the Channel, and six volumes, once part of his library, are now extant -in France. In the Bibliothèque Nationale there are two Latin books which +in France. In the Bibliothèque Nationale there are two Latin books which bear his autograph. The first is a collection of ancient panegyrics -(Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 7805), on the first fly-leaf of +(Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 7805), on the first fly-leaf of which is written in the scribe’s hand, ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Est illustrissimi domini ducis Gloucestrensis,</span>’ which shows that the volume was written for Gloucester himself. These panegyrics are addressed by ancient writers to various @@ -13209,7 +13170,7 @@ at the beginning of each panegyric. On the verso of the last folio Humphrey has written ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre,</span>’ and by him it was given to Oxford in 1443 (<cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epist. Acad.</cite>, 235). The other Latin work is a collection of the letters of Cicero, which was -given to the Duke by his friend Zano, Bishop of Bayeux (Bibliothèque +given to the Duke by his friend Zano, Bishop of Bayeux (Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537). It is written in a clear, clerkly hand of the fifteenth century, and adorned with occasional illuminated letters. The copyist was evidently no Greek scholar, for there are frequent gaps @@ -13229,8 +13190,8 @@ Acad.</cite>, 183).</p> once possessed, and which, owing to the language in which they are written, do not naturally form part of his gifts to Oxford, consisting as these did exclusively of Latin works. An elaborately illuminated -manuscript bearing the title ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Bible<a class="pagenum" name="Page_437" title="437"></a> hystoriaux</span>’ (Bibliothèque -Nationale, MS. français, 2) bears on the last folio written in a large +manuscript bearing the title ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Bible<a class="pagenum" name="Page_437" title="437"></a> hystoriaux</span>’ (Bibliothèque +Nationale, MS. français, 2) bears on the last folio written in a large hand, not that of the scribe, the inscription, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le dixiesme jour de Septembre lan mil quatrecens vingt sept fut cest livre donne a tres hault & tres puissant prince Humfrey duc de Gloucestre Conte de Haynau @@ -13249,7 +13210,7 @@ Court of his great enemy.</p> <p>The second of the French books once belonging to Humphrey, and now in this library, is a translation of the <cite>Decameron</cite> of Boccaccio -(Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,421). It is but poorly +(Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,421). It is but poorly written, though a small portion of it is in a slightly better hand than the rest. A few coloured letters relieve the monotony of bad writing, and some fairly frequent illustrations help to give colour to the @@ -13264,8 +13225,8 @@ of the last folio there is to be found a faded yet quite legible inscription, which shows traces of an attempt at erasure. It reads, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cest livre est A moy Homfrey duc de Gloucestre du don mon tres chier cousin le conte de Warwic.</span>’ Less ornate is the third French manuscript -in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which we can trace back to Duke -Humphrey’s library (Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,583). This +in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which we can trace back to Duke +Humphrey’s library (Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,583). This is a poorly written copy of the early French romance, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Roman de Renard</cite>. At the head of the first words stands a picture of inferior execution, and beyond<a class="pagenum" name="Page_438" title="438"></a> this no adornment is attempted. The text ends @@ -13280,8 +13241,8 @@ seems no reason to doubt the accuracy of the statement.</p> <p>The list of Gloucester’s books now extant in Paris is brought to a conclusion with a large folio volume of 433 folios containing Livy’s <cite>Roman History</cite> translated into French by Pierre Bersuyre, or Bercheure, -or Berchoire, and dedicated to King John of France (Bibliothèque de Ste. -Geneviève, MS. français, 777). The manuscript is beautifully +or Berchoire, and dedicated to King John of France (Bibliothèque de Ste. +Geneviève, MS. français, 777). The manuscript is beautifully illuminated, and at the head of the title-page there stands a painting divided into nine medallions showing various episodes in the history of Rome. There are two other large title-pages in the volume, and others @@ -13290,8 +13251,8 @@ library, for the colours of the illuminations are blue, red, and white, such as are found in all his books. Thence it probably passed into the possession of Charles <span class="fakesc">VI.</span>, for a volume closely resembling it is to be found in the catalogue of this king’s library drawn up by order of -Bedford (<cite>Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Sainte -Geneviève</cite>, par Ch. Kohler (Paris, 1893), vol. i. p. 370, quoting a MS. +Bedford (<cite>Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Sainte +Geneviève</cite>, par Ch. Kohler (Paris, 1893), vol. i. p. 370, quoting a MS. in the same library). The English regent sent it to his brother, who in his turn possibly sent it to Alfonso of Aragon. Below a rubbed space at the end of the last sentence, which is supposed to have held the <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">ex @@ -13325,18 +13286,18 @@ to be perpetually boren by thabbot and Convent of the Monastery of Seint Alban.’ The entries contained in the schedule are as follows:—</p> <p>Paid by the said Abbot and convent ‘for making of the tombe and place of -sepulture,’ £433, 6s. 8d.</p> +sepulture,’ £433, 6s. 8d.</p> <p>To two priests for saying Mass daily at the altar of the tomb at the -rate of 6d. a day each. £18, 5s. per annum.</p> +rate of 6d. a day each. £18, 5s. per annum.</p> <p>To the Abbot for his expenses on the ‘day of anniversary of the Duke,’ 40s. per annum, and to the Prior for the same, 20s. per annum.</p> <p>To 40 monks in orders, to be paid on this ‘day of anniversary’ every -year, 6s. 8d. each, £13s, 6s. 8d.</p> +year, 6s. 8d. each, £13s, 6s. 8d.</p> -<p>To 8 monks as above on the same day, 3s. 4d. each, £1, 6s. 8d.</p> +<p>To 8 monks as above on the same day, 3s. 4d. each, £1, 6s. 8d.</p> <p>To an ‘ankress’ at St. Peter’s Church and another at St. Michael’s on that same day each year, 20d.</p> @@ -13344,14 +13305,14 @@ that same day each year, 20d.</p> <p>To be distributed to the poor on that day each year, 40s.</p> <p>To 13 poor men bearing torches round the tomb on that day each year, 2s. -6d. each, £1, 8s. 2d.</p> +6d. each, £1, 8s. 2d.</p> <p>To wax burnt daily at the Duke’s Mass and torches at his anniversary, -£6, 13s. 4d.</p> +£6, 13s. 4d.</p> <p>To the kitchen of the monastery ‘in relief of the great decay of the livelod of the said monasterie in the marches of Scotland, which before -time had been appointed to the said Kechyn,’ £60 per annum.</p> +time had been appointed to the said Kechyn,’ £60 per annum.</p> <p>In payment for these expenses, the Duke transferred to the monastery the alien Priory of Pembroke in his possession.</p> @@ -13640,7 +13601,7 @@ London</cite>, i. 337).</p> <small>PORTRAITS OF GLOUCESTER</small></h2> -<p class="p2">I. In a book of portraits in Vol. 266 of the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibliothèque de la ville +<p class="p2">I. In a book of portraits in Vol. 266 of the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bibliothèque de la ville d’Arras</cite>, on folio 37, there is a portrait bearing Gloucester’s name, a reproduction of which hangs in the Bodleian Library. It appears among a series of portraits of people from the fourteenth<a class="pagenum" name="Page_447" title="447"></a> to the seventeenth @@ -13670,7 +13631,7 @@ here a more successful attempt at portraiture than in the Oriel manuscript, and the type of face, long, clean shaven, almost apathetic, is similar to that in the Arras drawing. Nevertheless, here as elsewhere there is no real character in the face of Humphrey, and still less in -that of his wife; there is, indeed, a strong suggestion of mediæval +that of his wife; there is, indeed, a strong suggestion of mediæval formalism (Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154).</p> <p class="p2">IV. Among the royal collection of manuscripts in the British Museum @@ -13806,11 +13767,11 @@ in his days and runs as follows:</p> <div class="poetry-container"> <div class="poetry" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr"> <div class="line">‘Par fortune semestre</div> -<div class="line">Veis à l’œil viviment</div> +<div class="line">Veis à l’œil viviment</div> <div class="line">Le Grant duc de Glocestre</div> <div class="line">Meurdrir piteusement;</div> <div class="line">En vin plain une cuve</div> -<div class="line">Failloit qu’estranglé fust</div> +<div class="line">Failloit qu’estranglé fust</div> <div class="line">Cuidant par celle estuve</div> <div class="line">Que la morte n’y parust.’</div> </div></div> @@ -13875,7 +13836,7 @@ murder.</p> and France quarterly, but whereas their arms were differentiated with various labels, his own were surmounted with a border argent (Garter Types, College of Arms). At this period the arms of France, as borne by -the English Kings, were changed from ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">azure semée of fleur de lys or</span>’ to +the English Kings, were changed from ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">azure semée of fleur de lys or</span>’ to ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">azure three fleur de lys or,</span>’ and this is the only difference which marks Humphrey’s arms from those of a predecessor in the Gloucester title, Thomas of Woodstock. Nicholas Upton, a follower and friend of @@ -13941,7 +13902,7 @@ appears, and in a different<a class="pagenum" name="Page_454" title="454"></a> t surrounded by the Garter and supported to the Dexter by the Greyhound, to the Sinister by the Antelope. (Window in Greenwich Church, College of Arms MS., L. 14, 105, B.) These appear in the Greenwich window (Ashmole -MS., 1121, f. 228. Cf. <cite>Archæologia</cite>, xxxi. 368), though from +MS., 1121, f. 228. Cf. <cite>Archæologia</cite>, xxxi. 368), though from impressions of his seal he seems then only to have used two feathers. (Seal described in Cartulaire, iv. 440, and Seal attached to British Museum, <cite>Additional Charters</cite>, 6000.)</p> @@ -13984,7 +13945,7 @@ the Duke himself holding a drawn sword and riding on a horse.</p> <p>In the Mons archives attached to a charter granted by Gloucester there is a round seal which is described as follows: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il represente un ecu ecartele aux 1 et 4 a trois fleurs de lis et aux 2 et 3 trois lions -passants, surmounté d’un heaume qui a pour cimier un léopard, et accosté +passants, surmounté d’un heaume qui a pour cimier un léopard, et accosté de deux plumes; supports: deux beliers.</span>’ The legend runs: ‘Sigilu. Humfridi. filii et fratris. regis. ducis Glocestrie. comitis Pembr. et camerarii Anglie’ (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite> iv. 440).</p> @@ -14085,7 +14046,7 @@ Appendices. London, 1883, 1887.</td> </tr> <tr> - <td class="hang">Catalogue des Rolles Gascons, Normans et Français. + <td class="hang">Catalogue des Rolles Gascons, Normans et Français. By Thomas Carte. London, 1743. <p>Certain selections from these rolls only.</p></td> <td class="top"><cite>Carte.</cite></td> @@ -14114,7 +14075,7 @@ H. T. Riley. London, 1868.</td> </tr> <tr> - <td class="hang">Collection Générale des Documents Français. Publiés + <td class="hang">Collection Générale des Documents Français. Publiés par Jules Delpit. Paris, 1847. <p>Documents drawn mainly from the Archives of the City of London.</p></td> @@ -14140,7 +14101,7 @@ owing to a lack of support.</p></td> </tr> <tr> - <td class="hang"><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rechnungen über Heinrich von Derby’s Preussenfahrten, + <td class="hang"><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Rechnungen über Heinrich von Derby’s Preussenfahrten, von Dr. Hans Prutz.</span> Leipzig, 1893. <p>Accounts of Henry’s Treasurer. A similar volume has been edited by the Camden Society by @@ -14157,24 +14118,24 @@ Liber Niger Domus Regis Edwardi quarti. London, <tr> <td class="hang"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Preuves de l’Histoire de Bourgogne.</span> In vol. iv. of -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire Générale de Bourgoyne par Urbain Plancher</span>. +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire Générale de Bourgoyne par Urbain Plancher</span>. Dijon, 1781.</td> <td class="top"><cite>Plancher, Preuves.</cite></td> </tr> <tr> - <td class="hang"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Particularités Curieuses sur Jacqueline de Bavière, -Comtesse de Hainaut. Première Partie</span> ed. by -A. D. No. 7 des Publications de la Société des + <td class="hang"><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Particularités Curieuses sur Jacqueline de Bavière, +Comtesse de Hainaut. Première Partie</span> ed. by +A. D. No. 7 des Publications de la Société des Bibliophiles de Mons. Mons, 1838. <p>Extracts from the Register of the City of Mons.</p></td> - <td class="top"><cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Particularités Curieuses.</cite></td> + <td class="top"><cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Particularités Curieuses.</cite></td> </tr> <tr> <td class="hang">Cartulaire des Contes de Hainaut. Vols, iv., v., vi. Bruxelles, 1889-96. Collections des Chroniques -Belges inédites.<br /> +Belges inédites.<br /> A collection of documents taken from the various city registers and other sources.</td> <td class="top"><cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire.</cite><a class="pagenum" name="Page_458" title="458"></a></td> @@ -14182,8 +14143,8 @@ city registers and other sources.</td> <tr> <td class="hang"> - <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beiträge zur Geschichte der Jakobäa von Bayern.</span> In -<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen der Historischen Classe der Königlichen + <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beiträge zur Geschichte der Jakobäa von Bayern.</span> In +<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Abhandlungen der Historischen Classe der Königlichen Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Band x. Munich, 1867. Erste Abtheilung (1401-26), pp. 1-112. Zweite Abtheilung (1426-36), @@ -14192,15 +14153,15 @@ pp. 205-336.</span> and chroniclers.</p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>Beiträge.</cite> + <cite>Beiträge.</cite> </td> </tr> <tr> <td class="hang"> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds. Urkundliche -Beiträge zur Geschichte des Constanzer Concils. -Herausgegeben von J. Caro in Archiv für Oestreichische +Beiträge zur Geschichte des Constanzer Concils. +Herausgegeben von J. Caro in Archiv für Oestreichische Geschichte. Vol. 59. Vienna, 1880.</span> <p>Contains some documents relating to Sigismund’s visit in England.</p> @@ -14289,11 +14250,11 @@ G. Williams. Rolls Series, No. 56. London, 1872. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Æneae Sylvii Piccolominei, Opera quae extant omnia.</span> +<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Æneae Sylvii Piccolominei, Opera quae extant omnia.</span> Basel, 1851. </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>Æn. Sylv., Opera.</cite><a class="pagenum" name="Page_459" title="459"></a> + <cite>Æn. Sylv., Opera.</cite><a class="pagenum" name="Page_459" title="459"></a> </td> </tr> @@ -14357,7 +14318,7 @@ letters printed in an appendix.</p> <tr> <td class="hang"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima -collectio.</span> Ed. by Martène and Durand. Paris, +collectio.</span> Ed. by Martène and Durand. Paris, 1724-33. </td> <td class="top"> @@ -14847,19 +14808,19 @@ French. He lived from 1403 to 1475.</p> <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Pierre de Fénin.</span> Ed. Buchon. Paris, +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires de Pierre de Fénin.</span> Ed. Buchon. Paris, 1838. <p>A native of Artois who died in 1433.</p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pierre de Fénin.</cite> + <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Pierre de Fénin.</cite> </td> </tr> <tr> <td class="hang"> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique du Religieux de Saint Denys.</span> Ed. by -M. L. Bellaguet. <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Collection de Documents inédits +M. L. Bellaguet. <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Collection de Documents inédits sur l’Histoire de France. Paris, 1852.</span> <p>A contemporary French chronicler whose work comprises the years 1380-1422.</p> @@ -14871,7 +14832,7 @@ comprises the years 1380-1422.</p> <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy. +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy. Ed. Buchon. Paris, 1838.</span> <p>Le Fevre was in the English army at Agincourt. His chronicle has much in common with those @@ -14879,7 +14840,7 @@ of Monstrelet and Waurin, from whom he often seems to quote.</p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>St. Rémy.</cite> + <cite>St. Rémy.</cite> </td> </tr> @@ -14959,7 +14920,7 @@ history of the Jacqueline marriage.</p> <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das Leben König Sigmunds von Eberhard Windeck. +<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das Leben König Sigmunds von Eberhard Windeck. Uebersetzt von Dr. von Hagen. Leipzig, 1886.</span> <p>Windeck was Sigismund’s secretary, and accompanied him to England.</p> @@ -15098,14 +15059,14 @@ Ed. by C. Plummer. Oxford, 1885. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ægidii Columerae Romani De Regimine Principum +<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ægidii Columerae Romani De Regimine Principum Libri Tres. Romae, 1607.</span> <p>Egidius was tutor to Philip le Bel of France when he was Dauphin, for whom this treatise was written.</p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ægidius, De Regimine Principum.</cite> + <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ægidius, De Regimine Principum.</cite> </td> </tr> @@ -15125,13 +15086,13 @@ Orleans while a captive in England.</p> <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Viris Illustribus, by Æneas Sylvius Piccolomineus.</span> +<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Viris Illustribus, by Æneas Sylvius Piccolomineus.</span> Strasburg, 1842. <p>Records of certain celebrities of his time by Pope Pius <span class="fakesc">II.</span></p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite lang="la" xml:lang="fr">Æneas Sylvius, De Viris Illustribus.</cite> + <cite lang="la" xml:lang="fr">Æneas Sylvius, De Viris Illustribus.</cite> </td> </tr> @@ -15238,8 +15199,8 @@ Newcome. London, 1793-95. <tr> <td class="hang"> <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Projet d’Assassinat de Philippe le Bon par les Anglais, -par M. H. Desplanque.</span> In <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires Couronnés -par l’Académie Royale de Belgique.</span> Vol. 32. +par M. H. Desplanque.</span> In <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires Couronnés +par l’Académie Royale de Belgique.</span> Vol. 32. Brussels, 1867. </td> <td class="top"> @@ -15452,7 +15413,7 @@ Georg Voigt.</span> Berlin, 1881. <tr> <td class="hang"> <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte der Classichen Litteratur in Mittelalter, -von A. H. L. Heeren. Göttingen, 1822.</span> +von A. H. L. Heeren. Göttingen, 1822.</span> </td> <td class="top"> <cite>Heeren.</cite> @@ -15461,7 +15422,7 @@ von A. H. L. Heeren. Göttingen, 1822.</span> <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire Littéraire du Peuple Anglais,</span> by J. J. +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire Littéraire du Peuple Anglais,</span> by J. J. Jusserand. Paris, 1894. London, 1895. </td> <td class="top"> </td> @@ -15528,7 +15489,7 @@ Hortis. Trieste, 1879. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cent Dix Lettres grecques de François Filelfe. Translation +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cent Dix Lettres grecques de François Filelfe. Translation et notes de Emile Legrand.</span> Paris, 1892. </td> <td class="top"> @@ -15538,8 +15499,8 @@ et notes de Emile Legrand.</span> Paris, 1892. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, -par Léopold Delisle.</span> Paris, 1868. +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, +par Léopold Delisle.</span> Paris, 1868. </td> <td class="top"> </td> </tr> @@ -15556,7 +15517,7 @@ vol. xv. Paris, 1886. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Article Les Manuscrits Français de Cambridge,</span> +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Article Les Manuscrits Français de Cambridge,</span> by P. Meyer. </td> <td class="top"> </td> @@ -15564,13 +15525,13 @@ by P. Meyer. <tr> <td class="hang"> -The Athenæum Journal, November 17, 1888. +The Athenæum Journal, November 17, 1888. <p>Article on a manuscript translation of Palladius ‘De Re Rustica’ in the Library of Earl Fitzwilliam at Wentworth-Woodhouse.</p> </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>Athenæum.</cite> + <cite>Athenæum.</cite> </td> </tr> @@ -15645,7 +15606,7 @@ A History of the University of Oxford to the year <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Froissart. Étude Littéraire sur le 14me siècle, par +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Froissart. Étude Littéraire sur le 14me siècle, par M. Kervyn de Lettenhove.</span> Paris, 1857. </td> <td class="top"> </td> @@ -15761,21 +15722,21 @@ London, 1838. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jakobäa von Bayern und Ihre Zeit, von France von -Löher.</span> Nordlingen, 1869. +<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jakobäa von Bayern und Ihre Zeit, von France von +Löher.</span> Nordlingen, 1869. </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>Löher, <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jakobäa von Bayern.</span></cite> + <cite>Löher, <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jakobäa von Bayern.</span></cite> </td> </tr> <tr> <td class="hang"> -A Mediæval Princess. Jacqueline, Countess of Holland. +A Mediæval Princess. Jacqueline, Countess of Holland. By Ruth Putnam. London, 1904. </td> <td class="top"> - <cite>Putnam, A Mediæval Princess.</cite> + <cite>Putnam, A Mediæval Princess.</cite> </td> </tr> @@ -15791,7 +15752,7 @@ Beaucourt.</span> Paris, 1881-91. <tr> <td class="hang"> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Connétable de Richemont, par E. Cosneau.</span> Paris, +<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le Connétable de Richemont, par E. Cosneau.</span> Paris, 1886. </td> <td> </td> @@ -15840,12 +15801,12 @@ of literature.</p> <p>Episodes in the career of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and his first Duchess, and their connexion with the Abbey of St. Albans, by G. R. -Wright. In the Journal of the British Archæological Association. +Wright. In the Journal of the British Archæological Association. London, 1871.</p> <p class="bibinfo">Slight and incorrect.</p> <p>Transactions of the St. Albans and Hertfordshire Architectural and -Archæological Society, 1903-1904.</p> +Archæological Society, 1903-1904.</p> <p class="bibinfo">Humphrey of Gloucester, by Mrs. Maude C. Knight.</p> <p>Memoirs of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (As they relate to the Story of @@ -16238,7 +16199,7 @@ Edward <span class="fakesc">IV.</span>; <cite>Ordinances of the Household</cite> <p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 24.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Basin, i. 5, 6; St. Rémy also hints this.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Basin, i. 5, 6; St. Rémy also hints this.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> The original MS. of this treaty is preserved at Dijon. See De Beaucourt, i. 132, 133.</p> @@ -16249,9 +16210,9 @@ De Beaucourt, i. 132, 133.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Des Ursins, 500.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> See St. Rémy, 586.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> See St. Rémy, 586.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 305; St. Rémy, 387, 388; +<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 305; St. Rémy, 387, 388; St. Denys, v. 499.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <cite>Ordinances</cite>, ii. 153.</p> @@ -16272,7 +16233,7 @@ to come to terms (St. Denys, v. 531-533). Such distrust of each other’s intentions made an agreement impossible.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Monstrelet, 363; Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 305; St. -Denys, v. 513-525; St. Rémy, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37.</p> +Denys, v. 513-525; St. Rémy, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Holkham MS., p. 13, ascribes the discovery of the conspiracy to the ‘prudence and careful circumspection’ of Gloucester.</p> @@ -16283,7 +16244,7 @@ had a claim to the throne of England as a descendant of that King by an elder line than Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>, who claimed through John of Gaunt, the younger brother of Lionel, Duke of Clarence.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> St. Rémy. 389.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> St. Rémy. 389.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 306, 307.</p> @@ -16362,7 +16323,7 @@ Waurin, ii 184.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 26.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <cite>Epist. Acad.</cite>, 237. For a short account of Ægidius de +<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <cite>Epist. Acad.</cite>, 237. For a short account of Ægidius de Columna (Romanus), who lived from 1296 to 1316, see W. Cave, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria</cite> (Oxford, 1743), ii. 340.</p> @@ -16379,7 +16340,7 @@ Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria</cite> (Oxford, 1743), ii. 340.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> St. Denys, v. 542.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> St. Rémy, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the +<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> St. Rémy, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the harbour held out for two more days; Waurin, ii. 187.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le souverain port de toute Northmandie, et le plus @@ -16397,7 +16358,7 @@ Earls of March and Arundel and the Earl Marshal also returned home.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Livius, 10.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 34; St. Rémy, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de +<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 34; St. Rémy, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de Gaucourt printed in Nicholas’s <cite>Agincourt</cite>, App. <span class="fakesc">VI.</span> p. 25.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> ii. 147.</p> @@ -16423,46 +16384,46 @@ six and nine thousand men.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 39; Hardyng’s <cite>Journal</cite>, 390; Waurin, ii. 191; Monstrelet, 371.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> St. Rémy, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> St. Rémy, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 42. Stow, 349, attributes these stakes to the forethought of the Duke of York.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 310.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 43, 44; St. Rémy, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; +<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 43, 44; St. Rémy, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; Monstrelet, 371.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Livius, 14; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 54, 55; Waurin, ii. 195; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 45.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Monstrelet, 373; St. Rémy, 396; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 58, 59.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Monstrelet, 373; St. Rémy, 396; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 58, 59.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 47; Livius, 16; St. Rémy, 396.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 47; Livius, 16; St. Rémy, 396.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> St. Rémy, 397, 399.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> St. Rémy, 397, 399.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Des Ursins, 518.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 211; St. Rémy, 399; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 49.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 211; St. Rémy, 399; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 49.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Monstrelet, 369; St. Rémy, 395. For the letters which +<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Monstrelet, 369; St. Rémy, 395. For the letters which passed between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France at this time, see Des Ursins, 510-518.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 50; St. Rémy, 397; Redmayne, 43.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 50; St. Rémy, 397; Redmayne, 43.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> St. Rémy. 400.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> St. Rémy. 400.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 50; Basin, i. 20.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> St. Rémy, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> St. Rémy, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Des Ursins, 518.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 52; St. Rémy, 400.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 52; St. Rémy, 400.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 53; St. Rémy, 400.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 53; St. Rémy, 400.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Livius, 20; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 59.</p> @@ -16484,7 +16445,7 @@ Holkham MS., p. 14.</p> <div class="line indent20">Elmham, <cite>Liber Metricus</cite>, 121.</div> </div></div> -<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 68; St. Rémy, +<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 68; St. Rémy, 401.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 59.</p> @@ -16498,7 +16459,7 @@ the end of <cite>Lond. Chron.</cite></p> <p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 58; Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 313.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> St. Rémy, 402; <cite>Lond. Chron.</cite>, 102; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 59; Elmham, +<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> St. Rémy, 402; <cite>Lond. Chron.</cite>, 102; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 59; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 71. There is a long account of the entry into London in the <cite>Gesta</cite>, 61-68, and in Lydgate’s poem printed in <cite>Lond. Chron.</cite>, 231-233.</p> @@ -16610,10 +16571,10 @@ Metricus</cite>, 141.</p> 584.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> <cite>Gesta</cite>, 100, 101; Gregory, 114; Capgrave, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De -Illustrious Henricis</cite>, 120; Waurin, ii. 236; St. Rémy, 410; Monstrelet, +Illustrious Henricis</cite>, 120; Waurin, ii. 236; St. Rémy, 410; Monstrelet, 393.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 236, 237; St. Rémy, 410.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 236, 237; St. Rémy, 410.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Monstrelet, 394, followed by Holinshed, iii. 87.</p> @@ -16648,7 +16609,7 @@ gives 16,400. See Ramsay, i. chap, xvii., Appendix, pp. 250-252.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 97.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Basin, i. 26. See also Waurin, ii. 242; St. Rémy, 429; +<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Basin, i. 26. See also Waurin, ii. 242; St. Rémy, 429; Livius, 34.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> <cite>Rot. Norm.</cite>, 316, 317.</p> @@ -16688,7 +16649,7 @@ could have been no time for this. Cf. Elmham, <cite>Vita</cite>, 98.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Livius, 38, 39; Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 324; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 107-111; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 114. See also Waurin, ii. 244; -Monstrelet, 426; St. Rémy, 429 and 422. On September 5 the castle agreed +Monstrelet, 426; St. Rémy, 429 and 422. On September 5 the castle agreed to surrender, if not relieved before the 19th. Delpit, <cite>Doc. Fr.</cite>, pp. 220, 221, Nos. <span class="smcap">CCCXXXIX.</span>, <span class="smcap">CCCXL.</span></p> @@ -16756,11 +16717,11 @@ delivery of the castle as February 6.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 242.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 248; Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma -Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de +Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de Normandie</cite>, 182; Gregory, 121.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 328; Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma -Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de +Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique de Normandie</cite>, 182; Gregory, 121.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> <cite>Rot. Norm.</cite>, 248; Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iii. 362.</p> @@ -16825,7 +16786,7 @@ by the editor of that chronicle to be Pont Douve, now called Pont d’Ouilly. In Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 142, and Livius, 50, it is called ‘Nehoo.’ Pont Douve was captured by Gloucester (Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iii. 44; <cite>Cal. of Norman Rolls</cite>, Rep. 41, App. <span class="fakesc">I.</span> 746), but it is not the same place as -this, which is obviously Néhou, a place situated four kilometers from +this, which is obviously Néhou, a place situated four kilometers from St. Sauveur le Vicomte. I cannot locate Pont Douve, but should gather from the date of surrender that it was near Carentan on the Douve, for it fell on March 17, the day after Carentan. This is the date given in @@ -16842,7 +16803,7 @@ as twenty-four. The higher estimate is to be found in a record of the <p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Stow, 356.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Gregory, 120.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Gregory, 120.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Livius, 51; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 148.</p> @@ -16853,7 +16814,7 @@ as twenty-four. The higher estimate is to be found in a record of the <p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Even at the end of the siege there was abundance of corn and wine in the city. Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 163.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Gregory, 120.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 486; Gregory, 120.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 148; Livius, 52.</p> @@ -16890,7 +16851,7 @@ Perhaps with these deductions they might have increased his force by some thousand men or more, which would compel us to conclude that before the siege of Cherbourg Humphrey had at his disposal some 2000 men. This is confirmed by taking a list of men serving under the Duke in the -Côtentin. It is compiled from the statements of the chroniclers and from +Côtentin. It is compiled from the statements of the chroniclers and from the official records which give the names of those who acted for Gloucester in the matter of signing terms with the various towns. The retinues are taken from the muster-roll of Henry’s army printed in the @@ -16960,7 +16921,7 @@ his command. The total number of 1755 men approximates to our 2000 estimate, whilst at the same time allowance can be made for possible contingents which, though in the field, are not mentioned. <cite>Chron. Norm.</cite>, 230, tells us that at the beginning of the campaign Talbot was -sent into the Côtentin with 500 or 600 men, and Gloucester went to open +sent into the Côtentin with 500 or 600 men, and Gloucester went to open up the road to Rouen. This may be a mere mistake of names, and so Humphrey may have only had a small force, little in excess of his own retinue, when he started out on his expedition, though this is not @@ -17017,19 +16978,19 @@ Harleian MS., 2256, f. 186.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 182; Livius, 62.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 247; St. Rémy, 431.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 247; St. Rémy, 431.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 249.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> John Page, 20; Waurin, ii. 253; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 192; St. -Rémy, 432. St. Rémy says that Henry fired on these people, and both he +Rémy, 432. St. Rémy says that Henry fired on these people, and both he and Waurin say that they were ultimately taken back into the town.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> John Page, 16.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> John Page, 18.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 257; St Rémy. 433.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 257; St Rémy. 433.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> John Page, 21.</p> @@ -17120,7 +17081,7 @@ Waurin, ii. 268-270; Monstrelet, 453, 454.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> <cite>Cal. of Norman Rolls</cite>, Rep. 41, App. <span class="fakesc">I.</span> 789.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 276; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 227-231; St. Rémy, 438.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 276; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 227-231; St. Rémy, 438.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> He was still at Mantes on August 5, when he wrote to tell the Londoners of the capture of Pontoise. Delpit, <cite>Doc. Fr.</cite>, p. 227, @@ -17185,7 +17146,7 @@ Trial of Edward, Duke of Buckingham.</p> was abroad that James was going to help Gloucester in Hainault with 8000 Scotch. Dynter, iii. 465.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 280-294; St. Rémy, 439-442; Monstrelet, +<p><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Waurin, ii. 280-294; St. Rémy, 439-442; Monstrelet, 460-465; Des Ursins, 553, 554.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_348" id="Footnote_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> <cite>Cal. of Norman Rolls</cite>, Rep. 42, App. 337; Chastellain, @@ -17232,7 +17193,7 @@ Gregory, 139.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_364" id="Footnote_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 337; Waurin, ii. 344; Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 300-1.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 304; St. Rémy, 454; Walsingham, <cite>Hist. +<p><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 304; St. Rémy, 454; Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 339.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_366" id="Footnote_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Walsingham, <cite>Hist. Angl.</cite>, ii. 339.</p> @@ -17245,7 +17206,7 @@ Angl.</cite>, ii. 339.</p> the citizen party, and the Hooks (those who were to catch them) consisted of nobles.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> St. Rémy, 453.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> St. Rémy, 453.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_371" id="Footnote_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> For the causes of quarrel between John of Brabant and Jacqueline see Chastellain, 69.</p> @@ -17255,7 +17216,7 @@ Jacqueline see Chastellain, 69.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_373" id="Footnote_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> According to another chronicler, this was Lewis Robsart ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">per Lodowicum Robishert voluntarie de ducta</span>’ (<cite>Chron. Henry <span class="fakesc">VI.</span></cite>, 6). A certain ‘Lewis de Robstart’ was left by Henry as his representative with -Catherine between the Convention of Troyes and his marriage (St. Rémy, +Catherine between the Convention of Troyes and his marriage (St. Rémy, 443). Also a certain ‘Lodovico Robersart’ was an executor of Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span>’s will (<cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 172), and this man was also a supervisor of the Duke of Exeter’s will (<cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Testamenta Vetusta</cite>, i. 210). Lewis Robsart had @@ -17268,7 +17229,7 @@ Alban’s Chron.</cite>, i. 8), and admitted to the confraternity of the monastery at this time (Cotton MS., Nero, D. 7, f. 147); also a Sir John Robsart was naturalised on October 20, 1423 (Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 103). There was a John de Robsart whom we have seen serving under Gloucester in the -Côtentin expedition. If this is the man who brought Jacqueline over, the +Côtentin expedition. If this is the man who brought Jacqueline over, the inference is that Gloucester was partly responsible for her flight to England. A Sir Lewis Robsart also took part under Gloucester in the fighting before Cherbourg, so in either case the Duke’s complicity seems @@ -17276,7 +17237,7 @@ possible.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_374" id="Footnote_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Chastellain, 70.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> St. Rémy, 453.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> St. Rémy, 453.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_376" id="Footnote_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> <cite>Ordinances</cite>, ii. 241.</p> @@ -17290,13 +17251,13 @@ possible.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_380" id="Footnote_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Letters discovered at Lille seem to prove that Henry not only encouraged Jacqueline to flee to England, but also favoured her marriage with Gloucester as a help towards his policy of strengthening -his position in France. See Beiträge, i. 48.</p> +his position in France. See Beiträge, i. 48.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Miss Putnam (<cite>Mediæval Princess</cite>, p. 86) suggests that +<p><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Miss Putnam (<cite>Mediæval Princess</cite>, p. 86) suggests that Gloucester had met Jacqueline on the way home from Dordrecht. Leopold Devilliers in the preface to vol. iv. of <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, p. xxvi, says, -‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Leur liaison remontait à l’Epoque où ils s’étaient vus en France pour -la première fois,</span>’ but he does not say when this hypothetical meeting +‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Leur liaison remontait à l’Epoque où ils s’étaient vus en France pour +la première fois,</span>’ but he does not say when this hypothetical meeting took place.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_382" id="Footnote_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 24, 25.</p> @@ -17313,8 +17274,8 @@ five archers to each man-at-arms.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_386" id="Footnote_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> <cite>Cal. of French Rolls</cite>, Rep. 44, App. 624; Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 27.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 27. Miss Putnam (<cite>Mediæval Princess</cite>, 89), -following Löher (Beiträge, i. 48), says that Gloucester sailed on the +<p><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 27. Miss Putnam (<cite>Mediæval Princess</cite>, 89), +following Löher (Beiträge, i. 48), says that Gloucester sailed on the day that his passport was granted—a fortnight before Henry—and that this was arranged in order to remove him from the attractions of Jacqueline. There is no evidence that Gloucester sailed before Henry. @@ -17322,13 +17283,13 @@ Others, <em>e.g.</em> the Earl of March, got their passports at this time, and it seems likely that they were given them merely because the embarkation was beginning.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> June 10. Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 308; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 153; St. Rémy, +<p><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> June 10. Elmham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita</cite>, 308; <cite>Gesta</cite>, 153; St. Rémy, 445; Monstrelet, 503; Waurin, ii. 348; Chastellain, 79. The French chroniclers all give it as St. Barnabas Day, June 11.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_389" id="Footnote_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Walsingham, <em>Hist. Angl.</em>, ii. 340; cf. Add. MS., 4003, quoted in Ramsay, i. 295. The French chroniclers give 4000 men-at-arms -and 24,000 archers; St. Rémy, 455; Chastellain, 79.</p> +and 24,000 archers; St. Rémy, 455; Chastellain, 79.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_390" id="Footnote_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Chastellain, 79.</p> @@ -17403,7 +17364,7 @@ refusal to accept the post.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_416" id="Footnote_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Stubbs, iii. 94.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_417" id="Footnote_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> ii. 139. By this will Gloucester was left a -bed and £100.</p> +bed and £100.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_418" id="Footnote_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Testamenta Vetusta</cite>, i. 21.</p> @@ -17554,29 +17515,29 @@ Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196<sup>vo</sup>.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_470" id="Footnote_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Polydore Vergil, 5.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_471" id="Footnote_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> This story is told by Wagenaar, see Beiträge, 48, 49.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_471" id="Footnote_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> This story is told by Wagenaar, see Beiträge, 48, 49.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_472" id="Footnote_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> <cite>Chron. Henry <span class="fakesc">VI.</span></cite>, 6. Allusion to advice given by Italian clerics justifying the marriage is made in Jacqueline’s claim that Gloucester should be recognised as Regent of Hainault. -<cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 77. Martin <span class="fakesc">V.</span> also in a letter to his +<cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 77. Martin <span class="fakesc">V.</span> also in a letter to his representatives in England alluded to the existence of an opinion, signed by many persons under seal, to the effect that in the question of divorce justice was on the side of Gloucester. <cite>Papal Letters</cite>, vii. 27.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_473" id="Footnote_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> A Latin chronicler in the Low Countries certainly says -‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quibus nupciis regaliter in Anglia celebratis</span>’ (Beiträge, 16). But this +‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quibus nupciis regaliter in Anglia celebratis</span>’ (Beiträge, 16). But this cannot stand against the unanimous silence of all other contemporary writers.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_474" id="Footnote_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 599.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_475" id="Footnote_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 318. Also <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 58.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_475" id="Footnote_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 318. Also <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 58.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_476" id="Footnote_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 328.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_477" id="Footnote_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Beiträge, 51.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_477" id="Footnote_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Beiträge, 51.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_478" id="Footnote_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Hall, 116. Stow also, wise after the event, alludes to the marriage as ‘a thing thought unreasonable’; <cite>Annales</cite> 366.</p> @@ -17584,10 +17545,10 @@ the marriage as ‘a thing thought unreasonable’; <cite>Annales</cite> <p><a name="Footnote_479" id="Footnote_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 90.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_480" id="Footnote_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Dec. 20, 1423. <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 242; <cite>Lords’ Reports</cite>, -v. 197, 198; Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 103. Löher says that before the marriage of +v. 197, 198; Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 103. Löher says that before the marriage of Bedford and Anne of Burgundy Humphrey had been a candidate for this -lady’s hand (Löher, <cite>Jakobäa von Bayern</cite>, ii. 141). He is followed in -this statement by Miss Putnam (<cite>A Mediæval Princess</cite>, 87), but I can +lady’s hand (Löher, <cite>Jakobäa von Bayern</cite>, ii. 141). He is followed in +this statement by Miss Putnam (<cite>A Mediæval Princess</cite>, 87), but I can find no authority for it. Probably it is a mistake arising from the fact of Bedford’s early candidature for the hand of Jacqueline.</p> @@ -17647,7 +17608,7 @@ May 8, and Gloucester on May 28.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_502" id="Footnote_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> There is no evidence that he asked for it, but he certainly was not given it, else some record of it would survive.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_503" id="Footnote_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> The Prior of Ely refused to lend £200; MSS. of Dean and +<p><a name="Footnote_503" id="Footnote_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> The Prior of Ely refused to lend £200; MSS. of Dean and Chapter of Ely. <cite>Hist. MSS. Rep.</cite>, xii. App. <span class="fakesc">IX.</span> 395.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_504" id="Footnote_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> <cite>Hist. MSS. Rep.</cite>, v. 546; MSS. of Corporation of New @@ -17658,7 +17619,7 @@ Jacqueline was not in England then. The editor changes it to 1425, and suggests that Jacqueline was over in England at that time. There is no ground for this suggestion.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_506" id="Footnote_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 408 find 410; <cite>Particularités +<p><a name="Footnote_506" id="Footnote_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 408 find 410; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 71.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_507" id="Footnote_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> <cite>Ordinances</cite>, iii. 165; Devon, <cite>Issue Roll</cite>, 395.</p> @@ -17666,7 +17627,7 @@ Curieuses</cite>, 71.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_508" id="Footnote_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 397; <cite>Beckington Correspondence</cite>, i. 281.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_509" id="Footnote_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 413; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 73.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_509" id="Footnote_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 413; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 73.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_510" id="Footnote_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 398. Letter of one of Gloucester’s followers to Beaufort. There were other copies of this @@ -17681,7 +17642,7 @@ reason. Owing to delays it did not reach Gloucester till November 18; <cite>Ibid.</cite>, ii. 400.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_513" id="Footnote_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Dynter, iii. 854, 855; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Preuves de l’histoire de -Bourgogne</cite>, iv. No. <span class="smcap">XLVI.</span> p. 53; St. Rémy, 471.</p> +Bourgogne</cite>, iv. No. <span class="smcap">XLVI.</span> p. 53; St. Rémy, 471.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_514" id="Footnote_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 129-131.</p> @@ -17694,7 +17655,7 @@ Bourgogne</cite>, iv. No. <span class="smcap">XLVI.</span> p. 53; St. Rémy, 471. <p><a name="Footnote_518" id="Footnote_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Desplanque, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Projet d’Assassinat, Preuves</cite>, pp. 57, 59.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_519" id="Footnote_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> For a discussion upon these documents, see the above -treatise in <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie royale de Belgique</cite>, vol. +treatise in <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie royale de Belgique</cite>, vol. xxxii.; and also Cosneau, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Richemont</cite>, 501, 502; De Beaucourt, ii. 658-660.</p> @@ -17705,7 +17666,7 @@ xxxii.; and also Cosneau, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Richemont</cite>, 501, 5 <p><a name="Footnote_522" id="Footnote_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 418. A letter written to Mons telling of Gloucester’s coming. This corresponds with Eberhard Windeck’s report of 4000 men (Windeck, cap. 215, p. 162). Waurin, iii. 125, says 5000. -Holkham MS., p. 8, follows Stow in saying 1200. Pierre de Fénin, p. 601, +Holkham MS., p. 8, follows Stow in saying 1200. Pierre de Fénin, p. 601, also says 1200. An entry in the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Registre de Mons</cite> of November 27, 1424, says Gloucester arrived near Mons with between 4000 and 5000 men (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 420), but he had then been joined by some of the @@ -17719,14 +17680,14 @@ ii. pp. 551-559.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_525" id="Footnote_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 418; Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_526" id="Footnote_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Pierre de Fénin, 601.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_526" id="Footnote_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Pierre de Fénin, 601.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_527" id="Footnote_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> In October 1424 the Duke of Brabant had written to Mons to announce his intention of resisting Gloucester; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 414. Resistance to Jacqueline and her husband was therefore a certainty.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_528" id="Footnote_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> St. Rémy, 472.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_528" id="Footnote_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> St. Rémy, 472.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_529" id="Footnote_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 419.</p> @@ -17745,14 +17706,14 @@ certainty.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_536" id="Footnote_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> <cite>Registre de Mons, Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 420.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_537" id="Footnote_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> It is possible that this ‘Jan Lorfevre’ is none other -than the chronicler Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy, who was with the +than the chronicler Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy, who was with the English army on the day of Agincourt, but of whom we know nothing more till he reappears in 1430 as an ambassador from Burgundy.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_538" id="Footnote_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 76, 77; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. -423; St. Rémy, 472.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_538" id="Footnote_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 76, 77; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. +423; St. Rémy, 472.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_539" id="Footnote_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 424; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 78.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_539" id="Footnote_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 424; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 78.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_540" id="Footnote_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> Dynter, iii. 858.</p> @@ -17779,9 +17740,9 @@ to this grant as 80,000 pounds tournois; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulair <p><a name="Footnote_548" id="Footnote_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 428.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_549" id="Footnote_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 434. For another protest on the same subject -from the citizens of Mons, see <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 86.</p> +from the citizens of Mons, see <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 86.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_550" id="Footnote_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 92.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_550" id="Footnote_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 92.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_551" id="Footnote_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 431.</p> @@ -17789,7 +17750,7 @@ from the citizens of Mons, see <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 86.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_553" id="Footnote_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 436, December 25, 1424.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_554" id="Footnote_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> February 4, 1425, <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 86.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_554" id="Footnote_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> February 4, 1425, <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 86.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_555" id="Footnote_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 448. The letter reached Mons on February 24, 1425.</p> @@ -17806,36 +17767,36 @@ iii. 866, 867.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_559" id="Footnote_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Letter to the Bishop of Winchester, dated January 8, 1425, in Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 416; Dynter, iii. 859.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_560" id="Footnote_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 601; Dynter, iii. 859.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_560" id="Footnote_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 601; Dynter, iii. 859.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_561" id="Footnote_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Letter as above, Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 410.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_562" id="Footnote_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, ii. 411.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_563" id="Footnote_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Monstrelet, 563, 564; St. Rémy, 471.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_563" id="Footnote_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Monstrelet, 563, 564; St. Rémy, 471.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_564" id="Footnote_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Stowe MS., 668, f. 32<sup>vo</sup>; Waurin, iii. 136; Monstrelet, 564.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_565" id="Footnote_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> So Waurin, iii. 164; Monstrelet, 569. Pierre de Fénin, +<p><a name="Footnote_565" id="Footnote_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> So Waurin, iii. 164; Monstrelet, 569. Pierre de Fénin, 602, gives 50,000 men, and Dynter, iii. 861, estimates the army at 60,000.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_566" id="Footnote_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 601.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_566" id="Footnote_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 601.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_567" id="Footnote_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 137, 138; Monstrelet, 564; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique des Pays Bas</cite>, 388; Dynter, iii. 859-861.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_568" id="Footnote_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 602; Waurin, iii. 167.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_568" id="Footnote_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 602; Waurin, iii. 167.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_569" id="Footnote_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> So Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165. Pierre de Fénin, +<p><a name="Footnote_569" id="Footnote_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> So Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165. Pierre de Fénin, 602, says the siege lasted twelve days.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_570" id="Footnote_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> Dynter, iii. 861-863; Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. -165-167; Pierre de Fénin, 602.</p> +165-167; Pierre de Fénin, 602.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_571" id="Footnote_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 451; St. Rémy, 472.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_571" id="Footnote_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 451; St. Rémy, 472.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_572" id="Footnote_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 401-404. The letter is undated, but owing to its allusions to the recent invasion of @@ -17845,7 +17806,7 @@ Hainault, it seems to have been written at this time.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_574" id="Footnote_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 170-174; Dynter, iii. 864. The English forces despatched to follow St. Pol are estimated at 6000 by -St. Rémy, 472, 473, while the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chronicon Zanfleet</cite> in ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amplissima +St. Rémy, 472, 473, while the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Chronicon Zanfleet</cite> in ‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amplissima Collectio,</span>’ v. 416, suggests that the only reason why St. Pol did not attack those who followed him was because some of the Brabant nobles in his army were in Gloucester’s pay.</p> @@ -17853,43 +17814,43 @@ his army were in Gloucester’s pay.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_575" id="Footnote_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 169, 170.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_576" id="Footnote_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Stowe MS., 668, ff. 33, 34; Monstrelet, 565; Waurin, iii. -139-145; St. Rémy, 474.</p> +139-145; St. Rémy, 474.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_577" id="Footnote_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> Stowe MS., 668, ff. 34, 35<sup>vo</sup>; Monstrelet, 566, 567; -Waurin, iii. 145-152; St. Rémy, 474.</p> +Waurin, iii. 145-152; St. Rémy, 474.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_578" id="Footnote_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> Stowe MS., 668, ff. 35, 36<sup>vo</sup>; Monstrelet, 567, 568; -Waurin, iii. 153-157; St. Rémy, 475, 476. The various authorities differ +Waurin, iii. 153-157; St. Rémy, 475, 476. The various authorities differ as to the dates of the letters. For the first letter the Stowe MS., -Waurin, and Monstrelet have January 12, whilst St. Rémy has it as +Waurin, and Monstrelet have January 12, whilst St. Rémy has it as January 22. For the second letter the dates are Waurin and Stowe MS., -March 13; Monstrelet, March 3; St. Rémy, March 12. For the third letter, -Monstrelet and St. Rémy give March 16; Stowe MS. and Waurin, March 26. I +March 13; Monstrelet, March 3; St. Rémy, March 12. For the third letter, +Monstrelet and St. Rémy give March 16; Stowe MS. and Waurin, March 26. I am inclined to follow the Stowe MS. all through.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_579" id="Footnote_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 159-163; Monstrelet, 568, 569.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_580" id="Footnote_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 603.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_580" id="Footnote_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 603.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_581" id="Footnote_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 161-169.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_582" id="Footnote_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 390, 391.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_583" id="Footnote_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 175; Pierre de Fénin, 603.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_583" id="Footnote_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 175; Pierre de Fénin, 603.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_584" id="Footnote_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 97, 98. This demand was made +<p><a name="Footnote_584" id="Footnote_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 97, 98. This demand was made on March 21.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_585" id="Footnote_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 99. The letter reached Mons +<p><a name="Footnote_585" id="Footnote_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 99. The letter reached Mons on March 29.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_586" id="Footnote_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> Dynter, iii. 864.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_587" id="Footnote_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iii. 865.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_588" id="Footnote_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> On a MS. copy of Froissart’s <cite>Chronicles</cite>—MS. français, +<p><a name="Footnote_588" id="Footnote_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> On a MS. copy of Froissart’s <cite>Chronicles</cite>—MS. français, 831, of the National Library at Paris—these words are written at the -end of the text: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Plus leid n’y a Jaque de Baviere; la meins amée est +end of the text: ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Plus leid n’y a Jaque de Baviere; la meins amée est Jaque; plus belle n’y a que my Warigny, nulle si belle que Warigny.</span>’ The interpretation is not plain, but the inference is that Jeanne de Warigny was the object of Gloucester’s affections while he was in Hainault. This @@ -17898,22 +17859,22 @@ lady had married Henri de Warigny, one of Jacqueline’s esquires, in of the oldest families in Hainault. The MS. in which this is found once belonged to Richard, Earl of Warwick, but the writing is not in his hand. For a discussion of this matter see Kervyn de Lettenhove, -Froissart, ii. 260-263, also Beiträge, 274, 275, and Putnam, <cite>A Mediæval +Froissart, ii. 260-263, also Beiträge, 274, 275, and Putnam, <cite>A Mediæval Princess</cite>, pp. 305-309.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_589" id="Footnote_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 90.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_589" id="Footnote_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 90.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_590" id="Footnote_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 603; St. Rémy, 476.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_590" id="Footnote_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 603; St. Rémy, 476.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_591" id="Footnote_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 175; Monstrelet, 571; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 33.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_592" id="Footnote_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> St. Rémy, 476; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 549.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_592" id="Footnote_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> St. Rémy, 476; <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 549.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_593" id="Footnote_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 176; Monstrelet, 571.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_594" id="Footnote_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> This date is established by a letter written by -Gloucester to Jacqueline on his way home; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, +Gloucester to Jacqueline on his way home; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 112.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_595" id="Footnote_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chronique des Pays Bas</cite>, 388.</p> @@ -17924,7 +17885,7 @@ Gloucester to Jacqueline on his way home; <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, <p><a name="Footnote_597" id="Footnote_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 462.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_598" id="Footnote_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> See Monstrelet, 575; St. Rémy, 476; Waurin, iii. 188. +<p><a name="Footnote_598" id="Footnote_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> See Monstrelet, 575; St. Rémy, 476; Waurin, iii. 188. This last says that a demand for men and money made by Gloucester was refused.</p> @@ -17947,7 +17908,7 @@ women below.</p> grandfather had been summoned to Parliament, though he himself never was. See Nicolas, <cite>Historic Peerage</cite>, and G. E. C., <cite>Peerage</cite>, under his name. He is possibly the Reginald Cobham who commanded part of -Gloucester’s retinue in 1417, and served under him in the Côtentin.</p> +Gloucester’s retinue in 1417, and served under him in the Côtentin.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_605" id="Footnote_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> Monstrelet, 571; <cite>Chron. Henry <span class="fakesc">VI.</span></cite>, 7.</p> @@ -17960,12 +17921,12 @@ assume control over her. <cite>Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 465.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_608" id="Footnote_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> Monstrelet, 573: Waurin, iii. 182, 183. In a letter written to Jacqueline from Calais, on his homeward journey, he had -promised her to return to Hainault speedily. See <cite>Particularités +promised her to return to Hainault speedily. See <cite>Particularités Curieuses</cite>, 112.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_609" id="Footnote_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 183.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_610" id="Footnote_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Monstrelet, 574; St. Rémy, 477.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_610" id="Footnote_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Monstrelet, 574; St. Rémy, 477.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_611" id="Footnote_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 277.</p> @@ -17973,7 +17934,7 @@ Curieuses</cite>, 112.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_613" id="Footnote_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> Monstrelet, 576, describes Burgundy’s measures, ‘<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tout en abstinence de sa bouche, comme en prenant peine pour lui mettre en -haleine.</span>’ See also Waurin, iii. 190; St. Rémy, 477.</p> +haleine.</span>’ See also Waurin, iii. 190; St. Rémy, 477.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_614" id="Footnote_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> Monstrelet, 577.</p> @@ -17988,22 +17949,22 @@ Appendix to Introduction, 1. pp. lxxxii and lxxxv; Devon, <cite>Issue Roll</cite iv. 296. Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 412-414, gives the date as April 24.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_617" id="Footnote_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> Planché, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Preuves</cite>, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> pp. lii, liii, Document No. XLVI. +<p><a name="Footnote_617" id="Footnote_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> Planché, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Preuves</cite>, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> pp. lii, liii, Document No. XLVI. Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 412-414, gives the date of this decision as September 24.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_618" id="Footnote_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 477. Waurin, iii. 196, says +<p><a name="Footnote_618" id="Footnote_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 477. Waurin, iii. 196, says that both dukes were angered at this decision.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_619" id="Footnote_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 407-409.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_620" id="Footnote_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 480.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_620" id="Footnote_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 480.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_621" id="Footnote_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> Dynter, iii. 465.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_622" id="Footnote_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> Rastell, 258; Waurin, iii. 200-204; Fabyan, 595. -Monstrelet, 578, gives the number of men as 500; Pierre de Fénin, 604, -gives 1000; and St. Rémy, 480, estimates the expedition at 1500 men.</p> +Monstrelet, 578, gives the number of men as 500; Pierre de Fénin, 604, +gives 1000; and St. Rémy, 480, estimates the expedition at 1500 men.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_623" id="Footnote_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> <cite>Ordinances</cite>, iii. 167. The appointment is dated February 26, 1425.</p> @@ -18162,7 +18123,7 @@ is spoken of in the <cite>Paston Letters</cite> as alive after 1427.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_683" id="Footnote_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, i. 12-17.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_684" id="Footnote_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> <cite>Bibliothèque Nationale MS. français</cite>, 2, f. 511. See +<p><a name="Footnote_684" id="Footnote_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> <cite>Bibliothèque Nationale MS. français</cite>, 2, f. 511. See Appendix A.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_685" id="Footnote_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> <cite>Paston Letters</cite>, i. 24-26.</p> @@ -18197,7 +18158,7 @@ propitiatory offering to Rome.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_698" id="Footnote_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> Waurin, iii. 113, 114.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_699" id="Footnote_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 604; Waurin, iii. 212, 213; Monstrelet, +<p><a name="Footnote_699" id="Footnote_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Pierre de Fénin, 604; Waurin, iii. 212, 213; Monstrelet, 580.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_700" id="Footnote_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 622-624, July 11.</p> @@ -18217,7 +18178,7 @@ differ from those of Bedford’s embassy.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_705" id="Footnote_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, iv. 638, 639.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_706" id="Footnote_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> Monstrelet, 580; St. Rémy, 485; Pierre de Fénin, 604, +<p><a name="Footnote_706" id="Footnote_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> Monstrelet, 580; St. Rémy, 485; Pierre de Fénin, 604, 605.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_707" id="Footnote_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cartulaire</cite>, iv. 648.</p> @@ -18239,7 +18200,7 @@ Fabyan, 575.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_714" id="Footnote_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 147.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_715" id="Footnote_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> Æneas Sylvius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Viris Illustribus</cite>, p. 52; Waurin, +<p><a name="Footnote_715" id="Footnote_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> Æneas Sylvius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Viris Illustribus</cite>, p. 52; Waurin, iii. 177.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_716" id="Footnote_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> Monstrelet, 585.</p> @@ -18510,7 +18471,7 @@ where this document was signed.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_832" id="Footnote_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 424.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_833" id="Footnote_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> <cite>Register of Abbot Curteys</cite>, part of which is printed in -<cite>Archæologia</cite> for the year 1806, vol. xv. pp. 66-71.</p> +<cite>Archæologia</cite> for the year 1806, vol. xv. pp. 66-71.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_834" id="Footnote_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> Probably April 24, the last Saturday in the month.</p> @@ -18974,7 +18935,7 @@ iii. 207; Stow, 384; cf. <cite>Chronicles of London Bridge</cite>, 275; Carte, <p><a name="Footnote_990" id="Footnote_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990"><span class="label">[990]</span></a> Basin, i. 189.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_991" id="Footnote_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a> Ægidius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principium</cite>, <span class="fakesc">III.</span> ii. 15.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_991" id="Footnote_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a> Ægidius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Regimine Principium</cite>, <span class="fakesc">III.</span> ii. 15.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_992" id="Footnote_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992"><span class="label">[992]</span></a> Basin, i. 150, says that the subsequent events justified Gloucester’s wish to continue the war.</p> @@ -19352,7 +19313,7 @@ for among his books was a volume containing records of all the doings, both public and secret, at the Council of Constance. Cotton MS., Nero, E. v.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1116" id="Footnote_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a> Martène and Durand, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amplissima Collectio</cite>, viii. 816, +<p><a name="Footnote_1116" id="Footnote_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a> Martène and Durand, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Amplissima Collectio</cite>, viii. 816, 817. Cf. Harleian MS., 826, f. 15.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1117" id="Footnote_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117"><span class="label">[1117]</span></a> Add. MS., 26, 784 f. 30<sup>vo</sup>.</p> @@ -19362,7 +19323,7 @@ E. v.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1119" id="Footnote_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119"><span class="label">[1119]</span></a> See Henry’s justification of the release of Orleans, Stevenson, <cite>Letters and Papers</cite>, ii. 451-460.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1120" id="Footnote_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a> Register Curteys, in <cite>Archæologia</cite>, xv. 70, 71.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1120" id="Footnote_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a> Register Curteys, in <cite>Archæologia</cite>, xv. 70, 71.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1121" id="Footnote_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121"><span class="label">[1121]</span></a> Tanner MS., 196, f. 40<sup>vo</sup>.</p> @@ -19391,7 +19352,7 @@ building of this tomb to Wheathampsted.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1131" id="Footnote_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131"><span class="label">[1131]</span></a> Camden’s <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Britannia</cite> (Gough’s additions), i. 348; Grainger’s <cite>Biographical History of England</cite>, i. 121.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1132" id="Footnote_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a> <cite>Archæologia</cite>, viii. 104.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1132" id="Footnote_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a> <cite>Archæologia</cite>, viii. 104.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1133" id="Footnote_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133"><span class="label">[1133]</span></a> Camden’s <cite>Britannia</cite> (Gough additions), i. 348.</p> @@ -19440,7 +19401,7 @@ of the Nobility</cite>, 170; Doyle, iii. 511.</p> v. 331.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1152" id="Footnote_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152"><span class="label">[1152]</span></a> <cite>Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire -Archæological Society</cite>, iii. 308; Dugdale, i. 362. Dugdale quotes an old +Archæological Society</cite>, iii. 308; Dugdale, i. 362. Dugdale quotes an old MS. in Berkeley Castle as his authority.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1153" id="Footnote_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153"><span class="label">[1153]</span></a> MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Ely, <cite>Hist. MSS. Rep.</cite>, @@ -19455,7 +19416,7 @@ xii. App. <span class="fakesc">IX.</span> 95.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1157" id="Footnote_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157"><span class="label">[1157]</span></a> Amundesham, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Annales</cite>, i. 308.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1158" id="Footnote_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777. +<p><a name="Footnote_1158" id="Footnote_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777. Inscription on last folio.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1159" id="Footnote_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159"><span class="label">[1159]</span></a> Whethamstede, i. 179.</p> @@ -19485,7 +19446,7 @@ is printed.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1169" id="Footnote_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169"><span class="label">[1169]</span></a> Hoccleve’s <cite>Works</cite>, iii. 75.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1170" id="Footnote_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a> <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 1-5.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1170" id="Footnote_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a> <cite>Ipodigma Neustriæ</cite>, 1-5.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1171" id="Footnote_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171"><span class="label">[1171]</span></a> Rymer, <span class="fakesc">IV.</span> iv. 105.</p> @@ -19499,26 +19460,26 @@ MS., 5221.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1175" id="Footnote_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175"><span class="label">[1175]</span></a> Delisle, <cite>Sir Kenelm Digby</cite>, Paris, 1892, p. 11; Delisle, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cabinet des Manuscrits</cite>, i. 52, 53.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1176" id="Footnote_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1176" id="Footnote_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1177" id="Footnote_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177"><span class="label">[1177]</span></a> See Bale, 583, and the testimony of several Italian humanists.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1178" id="Footnote_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178"><span class="label">[1178]</span></a> Monstrelet, 265.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1179" id="Footnote_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a> Æn. Sylv., <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opera</cite>, 548, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epistola</cite> lxiv.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1179" id="Footnote_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a> Æn. Sylv., <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opera</cite>, 548, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epistola</cite> lxiv.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1180" id="Footnote_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180"><span class="label">[1180]</span></a> For this date see Voigt, ii. 256. For Poggio’s visit to England see Shepherd’s <cite>Life of Poggio</cite>, 136.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1181" id="Footnote_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537, f. 300.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1181" id="Footnote_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537, f. 300.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1182" id="Footnote_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182"><span class="label">[1182]</span></a> <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Archivio Lombardo</cite>, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 62.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1183" id="Footnote_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183"><span class="label">[1183]</span></a> <cite>Engl. Hist. Review</cite>, xix. 519. Letter of Candidus to Gloucester.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1184" id="Footnote_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a> Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. lib. <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1184" id="Footnote_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a> Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. lib. <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1185" id="Footnote_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185"><span class="label">[1185]</span></a> Bodley MS., 2143 (Auct. F., v. 27), f. 1. The dedication is printed in <cite>Chandler Catalogue</cite> of the editions of Aristotle, 41-44.</p> @@ -19545,7 +19506,7 @@ letter is given in <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bibliographia</cite>, i. 325, 3 Candido dated back from the time when he translated the <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vita Henrici Quinti</cite> of Livius into Italian. As this was done in 1463, after Gloucester’s death, it cannot exactly be said to have originated his -connection with the translator. See <cite>Tabulæ Codicum Palatina +connection with the translator. See <cite>Tabulæ Codicum Palatina Vindobonensi</cite>, ii. 106.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1194" id="Footnote_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194"><span class="label">[1194]</span></a> <cite>Eng. Hist. Review</cite>, xix. 513, 514; <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bibliographia</cite>, i. @@ -19563,7 +19524,7 @@ Newman, in <cite>Eng. Hist. Review</cite>, xx. 496-498, together with a discussi of the rest of the correspondence between Gloucester and Candido. Cf. Sassi, <cite>Historia Literaria-Typographica</cite>, p. ccc.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1199" id="Footnote_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a> Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. lib. <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6, +<p><a name="Footnote_1199" id="Footnote_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a> Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. lib. <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6, pp. 119-122.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1200" id="Footnote_1200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1200"><span class="label">[1200]</span></a> <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Cod. Riccardiano</cite>, 827, f. 61<sup>vo</sup>.</p> @@ -19601,7 +19562,7 @@ Gloucester.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1212" id="Footnote_1212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1212"><span class="label">[1212]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, xix. 519. Letter of Candido to Gloucester. The same merchants had brought Bruni’s translation of the <cite>Politics</cite> to -Gloucester; Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. liber <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6.</p> +Gloucester; Leonardi Bruni, <cite>Epistolæ</cite>, vol. ii. liber <span class="fakesc">VIII.</span> No. 6.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1213" id="Footnote_1213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1213"><span class="label">[1213]</span></a> <cite>Eng. Hist. Review</cite>, xix. 520. Letter of Gloucester to Candido.</p> @@ -19682,7 +19643,7 @@ to Alfonso <span class="fakesc">V.</span> of Aragon.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1241" id="Footnote_1241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1241"><span class="label">[1241]</span></a> This MS. is said to be now in the library of Holkham Hall. See Roscoe, <cite>Life of Lorenzo de Medici</cite> (London, 1846), 64, 485.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1242" id="Footnote_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242"><span class="label">[1242]</span></a> Æn. Sylv., <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opera</cite>, 602, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epist.</cite> cv.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1242" id="Footnote_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242"><span class="label">[1242]</span></a> Æn. Sylv., <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Opera</cite>, 602, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epist.</cite> cv.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1243" id="Footnote_1243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1243"><span class="label">[1243]</span></a> <cite>Beckington Correspondence</cite>, i. 223, <em>et passim</em>.</p> @@ -19809,7 +19770,7 @@ MS., 29, 729, ff. 157<sup>vo</sup>-161.</p> MS. 23 of the Library of the Earl of Jersey at Osterley Park, <cite>Hist. MSS. Report</cite>, viii. Part i. p. 100.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1294" id="Footnote_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294"><span class="label">[1294]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,421.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1294" id="Footnote_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294"><span class="label">[1294]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,421.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1295" id="Footnote_1295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1295"><span class="label">[1295]</span></a> On this point see Hortis, 646.</p> @@ -19912,7 +19873,7 @@ indenture; <cite>Ibid.</cite>, 179-183.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1338" id="Footnote_1338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1338"><span class="label">[1338]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, 177-179, 184.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1339" id="Footnote_1339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1339"><span class="label">[1339]</span></a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, 177-179. This was not the first time that -Gloucester had been likened to Julius Cæsar.</p> +Gloucester had been likened to Julius Cæsar.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1340" id="Footnote_1340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1340"><span class="label">[1340]</span></a> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epist. Acad.</cite>, 184.</p> @@ -19997,7 +19958,7 @@ printed in <cite>Epist. Acad., passim</cite> .</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1370" id="Footnote_1370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1370"><span class="label">[1370]</span></a> See <a href="#APPENDIX_A">Appendix A</a>.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1371" id="Footnote_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371"><span class="label">[1371]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1371" id="Footnote_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371"><span class="label">[1371]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1372" id="Footnote_1372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1372"><span class="label">[1372]</span></a> Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.</p> @@ -20007,14 +19968,14 @@ printed in <cite>Epist. Acad., passim</cite> .</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1374" id="Footnote_1374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1374"><span class="label">[1374]</span></a> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Epist. Acad.</cite>, 246.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1375" id="Footnote_1375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1375"><span class="label">[1375]</span></a> The book borrowed from Oxford was a copy of the -<cite>Phædrus</cite> of Plato. In the <cite>Epistolæ Academicæ</cite> this volume is called -the ‘Phædo,’ but a reference to the entry in the Register shows it to be -a misprint for the <cite>Phædrus</cite>, a mistake first discovered by Mr. Gibson +<cite>Phædrus</cite> of Plato. In the <cite>Epistolæ Academicæ</cite> this volume is called +the ‘Phædo,’ but a reference to the entry in the Register shows it to be +a misprint for the <cite>Phædrus</cite>, a mistake first discovered by Mr. Gibson of the Bodleian Library.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1376" id="Footnote_1376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1376"><span class="label">[1376]</span></a> Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1377" id="Footnote_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377"><span class="label">[1377]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,583.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1377" id="Footnote_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377"><span class="label">[1377]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 12,583.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1378" id="Footnote_1378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1378"><span class="label">[1378]</span></a> Cotton MS., Nero, E. v.</p> @@ -20024,8 +19985,8 @@ of the Bodleian Library.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1381" id="Footnote_1381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1381"><span class="label">[1381]</span></a> Harleian MS., 33; King’s College MS., 27.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1382" id="Footnote_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382"><span class="label">[1382]</span></a> Egerton MS., 617, 618; Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. -français, 2.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1382" id="Footnote_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382"><span class="label">[1382]</span></a> Egerton MS., 617, 618; Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. +français, 2.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1383" id="Footnote_1383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1383"><span class="label">[1383]</span></a> For a description of these volumes see Appendix A.</p> @@ -20039,17 +20000,17 @@ illuminated books as presents from religious houses. <cite lang="la" xml:lang="l <p><a name="Footnote_1387" id="Footnote_1387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1387"><span class="label">[1387]</span></a> Corpus Christi College MS., ccxliii.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1388" id="Footnote_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388"><span class="label">[1388]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1388" id="Footnote_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388"><span class="label">[1388]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1389" id="Footnote_1389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1389"><span class="label">[1389]</span></a> Bodley MS., Hatton, 36.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1390" id="Footnote_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390"><span class="label">[1390]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1390" id="Footnote_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390"><span class="label">[1390]</span></a> Bibliothèque de Ste. Geneviève, MS. français, 777.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1391" id="Footnote_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391"><span class="label">[1391]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale MS., français, 12,421.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1391" id="Footnote_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391"><span class="label">[1391]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale MS., français, 12,421.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1392" id="Footnote_1392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1392"><span class="label">[1392]</span></a> Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee. 2, 17.</p> -<p><a name="Footnote_1393" id="Footnote_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393"><span class="label">[1393]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 2.</p> +<p><a name="Footnote_1393" id="Footnote_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393"><span class="label">[1393]</span></a> Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. français, 2.</p> <p><a name="Footnote_1394" id="Footnote_1394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1394"><span class="label">[1394]</span></a> Bale (1559 ed.), 583.</p> @@ -20095,7 +20056,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> -<li>Ægidius Romanus, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> +<li>Ægidius Romanus, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -20111,7 +20072,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Alençon, Duke of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + <li>Alençon, Duke of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -20333,7 +20294,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> <li>secures his right to sit in Council, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> <li>accompanies Henry <span class="fakesc">VI.</span> to France, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> <li>appointed to treat with France for peace, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> - <li>becomes liable to the penalties of Præmunire, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> + <li>becomes liable to the penalties of Præmunire, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> <li>vindicates himself before Parliament, <a href="#Page_232">232–234</a>;</li> <li>favours continuation of war, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li> <li>treats with French envoys, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li> @@ -20355,7 +20316,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Beaugé, battle of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> + <li>Beaugé, battle of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -20817,7 +20778,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Châtel, Tanneguy du, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + <li>Châtel, Tanneguy du, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -20883,7 +20844,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> <li>opens up way to Rouen, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> <li>at siege of Rouen, <a href="#Page_70">70-74</a>;</li> <li>accompanies Henry <span class="fakesc">V.</span> to Mantes, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>defeated and slain at Beaugé, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + <li>defeated and slain at Beaugé, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> </ul> </li> </ul> @@ -20913,7 +20874,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Condé-sur-Noireau, capture of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a> and <a href="#Footnote_240">note 240</a>.</li> + <li>Condé-sur-Noireau, capture of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a> and <a href="#Footnote_240">note 240</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -20933,7 +20894,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Côtentin, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>; expedition in, <a href="#Page_55">55-59</a>.</li> + <li>Côtentin, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>; expedition in, <a href="#Page_55">55-59</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -21104,7 +21065,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Eusebius of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</li> + <li>Eusebius of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -21139,7 +21100,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Fécamp, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; + <li>Fécamp, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; <ul class="IX"> <li>capture of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> <li>Abbot of, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> @@ -21252,7 +21213,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> <li>hostage for Burgundy’s safety at St. Omer, <a href="#Page_40">40-42</a>;</li> <li>his retinue for 1417 campaign, <a href="#Page_44">44</a> and <a href="#Footnote_184">note 184</a>;</li> <li>second campaign in France, <a href="#Page_45">45-80</a>;</li> - <li>the Côtentin expedition, <a href="#Page_55">55-70</a>;</li> + <li>the Côtentin expedition, <a href="#Page_55">55-70</a>;</li> <li>probable numbers of his detachment, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Footnote_271">64 note 271</a>;</li> <li>siege of Cherbourg, <a href="#Page_60">60-68</a>;</li> <li>marriage negotiations, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> @@ -21737,7 +21698,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Könisberg, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li> + <li>Könisberg, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -21830,7 +21791,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Liége, Bishop of. <em>See</em> <a href="#seeBavaria">Bavaria, John Duke of</a>.</li> + <li>Liége, Bishop of. <em>See</em> <a href="#seeBavaria">Bavaria, John Duke of</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -21929,7 +21890,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Lorraine, René, Duke of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> + <li>Lorraine, René, Duke of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> </ul> <ul class="IX"> @@ -22048,7 +22009,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> <li>creates Beaufort a Cardinal, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> <li>declares Jacqueline’s marriage with Brabant legal, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> <li>induces English and French to hold a Congress at Arras, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> - <li>his contest with Chichele over Præmunire, <a href="#Page_324">324-327</a>.</li> + <li>his contest with Chichele over Præmunire, <a href="#Page_324">324-327</a>.</li> </ul> </li> </ul> @@ -22465,7 +22426,7 @@ Brit.</cite>, 420, 421.</p> </ul> <ul class="IX"> - <li>Præmunire, Statute of, + <li>Præmunire, Statute of, <ul class="IX"> <li>used against Bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;</li> <li>used against Beaufort, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li> @@ -23171,7 +23132,7 @@ here were made where obvious errors were made by the printer.</p> </tr> <tr> - <td>p. 329</td><td>Archeologia/Archæologia</td><td>Corrected for consistency.</td> + <td>p. 329</td><td>Archeologia/Archæologia</td><td>Corrected for consistency.</td> </tr> <tr> @@ -23200,387 +23161,6 @@ here were made where obvious errors were made by the printer.</p> </table> </div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, by K.H. 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