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diff --git a/41282-0.txt b/41282-0.txt index 5a712c8..fe1e6ce 100644 --- a/41282-0.txt +++ b/41282-0.txt @@ -1,41 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, by -Andrew Battell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell - of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions - -Author: Andrew Battell - -Commentator: Anthony Knivet - -Editor: Samuel Purchas - Ernest George Ravenstein - -Release Date: November 3, 2012 [EBook #41282] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41282 *** ┌───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ │ Transcriber’s note: │ @@ -10380,361 +10343,4 @@ For names beginning with _C_, _Ch_, or _Qu_, see also _K_. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell - of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions - -Author: Andrew Battell - -Commentator: Anthony Knivet - -Editor: Samuel Purchas - Ernest George Ravenstein - -Release Date: November 3, 2012 [EBook #41282] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - +-----------------------------------------------------------+ - | Transcriber's note: | - | | - | Words with bold characters are enclosed within "+" signs. | - | | - +-----------------------------------------------------------+ - - - - - WORKS ISSUED BY - The Hakluyt Society - - THE STRANGE ADVENTURES - OF - ANDREW BATTELL. - - - SECOND SERIES. - No. VI. - - - THE - STRANGE ADVENTURES - OF - ANDREW BATTELL - OF LEIGH, - IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS. - - _REPRINTED FROM "PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES."_ - - Edited, with Notes and a Concise - HISTORY OF KONGO AND ANGOLA, - BY - E. G. RAVENSTEIN. - - - Reproduced, by permission of the - HAKLUYT SOCIETY - from the edition originally published by the Society - in 1901 - KRAUS REPRINT LIMITED - Nendeln/Liechtenstein - 1967 - - - Printed in Germany - - Lessing-Druckerei--Wiesbaden - - -COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. - - - SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT. - THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT. - REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT. - COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N. - C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A. - COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH. - SIR W. MARTIN CONWAY. - F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. - EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. - DUDLEY F. A. HERVEY, C.M.G. - E. F. IM THURN, C.B., C.M.G. - J. SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. - F. W. LUCAS. - A. P. MAUDSLAY. - E. J. PAYNE, M.A. - HOWARD SAUNDERS. - H. W. TRINDER. - CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A. - - WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., _Honorary Secretary_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION i - - BIBLIOGRAPHY xviii - - THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH. - - I. Andrew Battell, his voyage to the River of Plate, who being - taken on to the coast of Brazill was sent to Angola 1 - - II. His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment; - exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to - Elamba and Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences 9 - - III. Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running - countries. His trade with them, betraying, - escape to them, and living with them; with many - strange adventures. And also the rites and manner of - life observed by the Iagges, or Gagas, which no Christian - would ever know well but this author 19 - - IV. His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries; - abuses; flight from them, and living in the woods divers - months; his strange boat and coming to Loango 36 - - V. Of the province of Engoy, and other regions of Loango; - with the customs there observed by the King and people 42 - - VI. Of the provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, - Motimbas; of the ape-monster Pongo; their - Hunting, Idolatries, and divers other observations 52 - - VII. Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; the Portuguese Wars - in those parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things - remarkable 63 - - - ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF - ANGOLA, CONGO, AND LOANGO, from _Purchas His - Pilgrimage_, 1613 (1617) 71 - - - APPENDICES. - - I. ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA 89 - - II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END - OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 102 - - III. A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO 136 - - IV. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END - OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 139 - - V. A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA 188 - - - INDEX AND GLOSSARY 191 - - - MAPS. - - A GENERAL MAP OF KONGO AND ANGOLA. - - AN ENLARGED MAP OF ANGOLA. - - -[Illustration] - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Four Englishmen are known to have visited Angola towards the close of -the sixteenth century, namely, Thomas Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony -Knivet and Andrew Battell. All four were taken by the Portuguese out of -English privateers in South-American waters, and spent years of -captivity as prisoners of war; happy, no doubt, in having escaped the -fate of many of their less fortunate companions, who atoned with their -lives for the hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged. - -Thomas Turner,[1] although he furnished Samuel Purchas with a few notes -on Brazil, never placed on record what happened to him whilst in -Portuguese Africa. Towres was sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the -heinous offence of eating meat on a Friday; he attempted an escape, was -retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity in Angola. He -died at Masanganu, as we learn from Knivet. Knivet himself has left us -an account of his adventures in Angola and Kongo; but this account -contains so many incredible statements that it was with some hesitation -we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so we might be supposed to -vouch for the writer's veracity. - -Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly circumstantial -record of what he experienced in Kongo and Angola. His narrative bears -the stamp of truth, and has stood the test of time. It is unique, -moreover, as being the earliest record of travels in the _interior_ of -this part of Africa; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit -missionaries, the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell's -time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely historical -or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta's famous _Relatione del Reame di -Congo_, "drawn out of the writings and discourses of Duarte Lopez," and -first published at Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous -_Itinerarium_ of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English -translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed among books of -travel.[2] Samuel Braun, of Basel, who served as barber-surgeon on board -Dutch vessels which traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never -left the coast.[3] Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three voyages -to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as supercargo of Dutch vessels, -penetrate inland.[4] Nay, we are even able to claim on behalf of -Battell that he travelled by routes not since trodden by European -explorers. - - -Of Andrew Battell's history we know nothing, except what may be gathered -from his "Adventures," and an occasional reference to him by his friend, -neighbour, and editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a -native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing village by -the side of its populous upstart neighbour Southend, but formerly a -place of considerable importance. As early as the fifteenth century it -could boast of its guild of pilots, working in harmony with a similar -guild at Deptford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward bound -ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the outward bound. Henry VIII -incorporated both guilds as the "Fraternity of the Most Glorious and -Indivisible Trinity and of St. Clement;" and in the venerable church of -St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard may still be seen -monuments erected in honour of contemporaries of Battell who were -Brethren of the Trinity House; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567, -died 1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no tombstone in -memory of Andrew Battell; and if a memorial tablet was ever dedicated to -him, it must have been removed when the church was renovated in 1837. -Nor do the registers of the church afford a clue to Battell's death, for -the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year 1684. At the -present time no person of the name of Battell lives at Leigh. - - -Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village two miles to the -north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613. Battell returned to Leigh about 1610, -bringing with him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a -captive by a gorilla (see p. 55). Purchas had many conferences with -Battell, and the information obtained in this manner was incorporated by -him in _Purchas His Pilgrimage_, the first edition of which was -published in 1613,[5] and will be found in this volume, pp. 71-87. -Battell's papers, however, only reached Purchas after the author's -death, and were first published by him in _Hakluytus Posthumus, or -Purchas His Pilgrimes_, in 1625.[6] There is reason to fear that Purchas -did not perform his duties as editor, as such duties are understood at -the present day. As an instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told -his editor in private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was -known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying that Duarte Lopez -could have any information about it; yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is -made responsible for the statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor -is it likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda (p. 74), for -no such lake exists; and Purchas's authority for its supposed existence -is once more Duarte Lopez or Pigafetta. - -Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that Purchas abridged -portions of the MS.; as, for instance, the account of the overland -trading trip to Kongo and Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of -his MS., thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when we -come to inquire into the chronology of Battell's travels. - - -There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abraham Cocke sailed -for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of Spain had acceded to the throne -of Portugal in 1580, and that prosperous little kingdom thus became -involved in the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out of -Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt justified in -preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and intercepting Spanish -vessels on their way home from the Rio de la Plata. We do not think, -however, that we do Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to -have been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much by the -lust of gain as by patriotism. - -The determination of the chronology of Battell's adventures presents -some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a single date, namely, -that of his departure from England on May 7th, 1589. There are, however, -incidental references to events the dates of which are known; and these -enable us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confidence, -thus:-- - -1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose Battell to have reached -Luandu in June, 1590. - -2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for two months, and -return to Luandu, where he "lay eight months in a poor estate" (p. 7), -would carry us to the end of June, 1591. - -3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. Joo Furtado de Mendona, then -employed him during two years and a half trading along the coast. This, -however, is quite impossible: for Mendona only assumed office in -August, 1594; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell's day who held -office for a longer period than two and a half years--his term of office -extending to 1602--and as Battell is not likely to have forgotten the -name of an employer who gave him his confidence, we assume that he -really did make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period. Purchas -may be responsible for this transposition. - -4. He made a first attempt to escape (in a Dutch vessel), but was -recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he spent "six miserable years," -1591-96. - -5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three months in irons at -Luandu, up to June, 1596. - -6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, _note_). After a field -service of over three years, Battell was sent back to Luandu, wounded. -This would account for his time up to 1598 or 1599. - -7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence inspired by -his conduct in the field, the Governor now employed him on the trading -ships referred to above. - -9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601. - -10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one months with them. -Incidentally he mentions that the chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by -the Portuguese seven years before that time (he was actually defeated in -April, 1594). - -11. Battell was at Masanganu when Joo Rodrigues Coutinho was Governor -(Coutinho assumed office in 1602). - -12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio of Kambambe by -Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604; and stayed there till 1606, when news -was received of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised his -liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603. - -13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken up six months. - -14. The Governor having "denied his word," and a new Governor being -daily expected, Battell secretly left the city, spent six months on the -Dande, and was ultimately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected -was only appointed in August, 1607; and his arrival was actually -delayed.) - -15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half--say up to 1610. - -Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illustrating this -volume; and, if the outcome of my endeavour does not differ in its broad -features from the maps furnished by M. d'Anville, in 1732, to Labat's -_Relation Historique de l'thiopie Occidentale_, this should redound to -the credit of the great French geographer, but should not be accounted a -proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my maps exhibit an -advance in matters of detail, for our knowledge of the country has -increased considerably since the days of d'Anville. They would have -proved still more satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while -to produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had claimed -possession during four centuries. It seems almost incredible that even -now many of the routes followed by the Conquistadores and missionaries -of old cannot be laid down upon a modern map for lack of information. -Sonyo, for instance, through which led the high road followed by -soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador (the -present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is almost a _terra -incognita_. I am almost ashamed to confess that I have even failed to -locate the once-famous factory of Mpinda; all I can say is, that it -cannot have occupied the site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps. - -I need hardly say that modern research lends no support to the -extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the knowledge of Inner -Africa possessed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Pigafetta's -fantastic map, with its elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely -proves the utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of -critical geography. This has long since been recognised. The map which -accompanies Isaac Vossius's _De Nili et aliorum Fluminum Origine_ (Hagae -Com., 1659) only shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on -"Nimeamaie vel Monemugi," and may without hesitation be identified with -our Nyasa: for the Monemugi (Muene Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or -Zimbas. The "Iages, gens barbara et inculta," are placed right in the -centre of Africa. The "Fungeni," which are shown as neighbours of the -"Macoco," ought to have been placed to the west of Abyssinia, as they -are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried -out his intention of compiling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681), -these extravagancies of early map-makers would have been exposed more -fully long since.[7] - - -In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes illustrating -Battell's narrative, I felt bound to consult all accessible literary -sources dealing with the history and geography of Kongo and Angola. -Whilst ploughing my way through this mass of material, it struck me that -a concise history of these African countries, from the time of their -discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might form an -acceptable appendix to Battell's _Adventures_, and at the same time -increase the bulk of the volume dedicated to him to more respectable -proportions. Much material of use for such a purpose has seen the light -since the publication of J. J. Lopes de Lima's historical sketches. Yet -I am bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is -disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates and facts; -but much remains to be done before we can claim to be in possession of a -trustworthy history of that part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch -may rouse a Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano -Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be discoverable in the -archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.[8] - -The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell is retained, as a -matter of course; but it is obvious that in the historical appendices -the various ways in which native names are spelt had to be reduced to a -common system. Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese -manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided to adopt the -system now generally followed (even by a few Portuguese writers), viz., -that all vowels should be sounded as in Italian, and the consonants as -in English, with the only exception that the letter _g_ should always be -hard. I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo, as the -name of that district is spelt according to the nationality of the -writer. In transcribing the native names I have had the unstinted -assistance, among others, of the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist -Missionary Society; yet I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for -many names is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This -arises quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my -authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manuscripts or the -carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful cases are dealt with in the -GLOSSARY and INDEX. - - -In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude the kindly -assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett, who is spending a life-time -in Luangu; Mr. R. C. Phillips, who is thoroughly acquainted with the -Lower Kongo; the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; -Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not least, our -ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster. - -[Illustration] - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author's - name, or by abbreviated references, are included in this list. - - -_How cited:_ - - -ALGUNS DOC.--Alguns documentos do archivo nacional da Torre do -Tombo cerca das navegaes e conquistas Portuguezas. Lisboa -(Impr. nac.), 1892. - - A Collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by Jos - Ramos-Coelho. See Index _sub_ Angola, Kongo, Manicongo. - - -PAIVA MANSO.--Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy) Visconde de -Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877. - - A collection of documents, 1492-1722. - - -BOLETIM.--Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa. - - The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliothque - Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559; Letters of F. - Garcia Simes, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits). - - Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens exploraes e conquistas do - Portuguezes. Colleco de Documentos por Luciano Cordeira. - Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881. - -The following Parts have been published:-- - - -GARCIA MENDES. - - (_a_) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes - Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the - companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes). - - -REBELLO DE ARAGO. - - (_b_) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar - Rebello de Arago. (He went out to Africa in 1593). - - -BENGUELLA E SEU SERTO. - - (_c_) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu serto per um Anonymo. (The - author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may - possibly have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira). - - -ESTABELECIMENTOS. - - (_d_) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa - occidental de Africa por um Anonymo. - - -ESCRAVOS E MIMAS. - - (_e_) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos. - -D. LOPEZ.--Relatione del Reame di Congo e delle circonvicine -contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez, -per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591. - - This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch, - French and English, but has not hitherto found a competent - editor. I quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson, - published at London in 1881. - - Duarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578; and the bulk of this - volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when - he was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded - the information thus obtained into a description of the - greater part of Africa. - - -CAVAZZI.--Istorica descrizione de' tre regni Congo, Matamba, e Angola, -accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo. -Bologna, 1687. - - Cavazzi, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67, - 1670-) and died at Genoa in 1693. This bulky folio only deals - with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato - Alamandini, of Bologna. Labat ("Relation historique de - l'thiopie," Paris, 1732) has given a useful version of it in - French, which must, however, be used with some caution. It is - by far the most important work we have at the hand of one of - the early Catholic missionaries. W. D. Cooley's observation - ("Inner Africa Laid Open," London, 1852, p. 3), that the works - published up to the time of Cavazzi "would hardly furnish - twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence," can apply - only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst Lopez de Lima - ("Ensaios," p. xi) is hardly justified in calling Cavazzi a - "fabulista," unless that opprobrious term be confined to what - the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and - others. - - -DAPPER.--Nauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van Olf. -Dapper. Amst., 1668. - - I quote the German translation ("Beschreibung von Afrika," - Amst., 1670). - - This is a very careful compilation; more especially - interesting, as it contains information on the country - collected during the Dutch occupation (1642-48), not to be - found elsewhere. - - -CADORNEGA.--Historia das guerras de Angola (Historia General Angolana), -por D. A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82. - - Cadornega, a native of Villa Viosa, accompanied D. Pedro - Cezar de Menezes to Angola in 1639, and died at Luandu in - 1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists in MS. in the - library of the Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and in the - Bibliothque Nationale, Paris. I have not been able to consult - it with the minuteness which it deserves. A rough copy of a - considerable portion of it is to be found in the British - Museum (_Add. MS._ 15,183, fol. 33). Copious extracts from it - are given by Paiva Manso and D. Jos de Lacerda ("Exame das - Viagens do Dr. Livingstone," Lisbon, 1867). - - -CATALOGO.--Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola (Collecao de -Noticias para a historia das naes ultramarinas publicada pela Academia -real das Sciencias, tome III, pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826. - - This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784. - J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his "Memorias contendo a biographia do - Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres," Paris, 1825, also - printed this chronological history, and continued it to the - year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel L. C. - C. Pinheiro Furtado. The "Catalogue" is useful, but it is not - free from very serious errors. - - -BENTLEY.--Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by the Rev. W. -Holman Bentley. 1887. - - -CORDEIRO DA MATTA.--Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portugueze coordenado -par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa, 1893. - -LOPES DE LIMA, ENSAIO.--Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possesses -Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d'Angola e Benguella), por -Jos Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846. - - This is a fundamental work. The historical account is - contained in the Introduction and in chap. v. - - -LOPES DE LIMA, AN. MAR.--Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do reino do -Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J. Lopes de Lima ("Annaes -maritimos e coloniaes," Lisboa, 1845, pp. 93-108). - - -LOPES DE LIMA.--Successos do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii, pelo J. J. -Lopes de Lima (_ibid._, pp. 194-99). - - -[Illustration] - - - - -THE STRANGE ADVENTURES - -OF - -ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX, - -SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA, WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE -ADJOINING REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS. - - - - - I. - -_Andrew Battel, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the -coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola._ - - -[_From the Thames to Cape Palmas._] - -In the year 1589, Abraham Cocke[9] of Limehouse, began his voyage toward -the River of Plate, with two pinnaces[10] of fifty tons apiece: the one -was called the _May-Morning_, the other the _Dolphin_. - -We sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April; and the six and -twentieth of the same month we put into Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we -took in some provision for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea, -and with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth, where we -remained certain days, and then proceded on our voyage: And running -along the coast of Spain and Barbary we put into the road of Sancta -Cruz,[11] and there set our Light-horse-man[12] together which we -carried in two pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, thinking -that this boat should have made his voyage. This done, we put to sea, -and running along the coast of Guinea we were becalmed, because we were -so near the coast. - - -[_St. Thom and the Gulf of Guinea._] - -Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that there were very -few sound. And being within three or four degrees of the equinoctial -line we fell with the Cape de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, -wherewith our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas [Cabo -das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they would trade with us; but -it was but to betray us, for they are very treacherous, and were like to -have taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay -south-west off;[13] but the current and the calms deceived us, so that we -were driven down to the isle of St. Thom,[14] thinking that we had -been further off to the Sea than we were. And being in distress for wood -and water, we went in on the south end between San Tome and the islands -das Rolas,[15] where we rode very smooth, and with our light-horse-man -went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we found none in the -island. Here we had great store of plantains and oranges. We found a -village of negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of -San Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send them thither -to get their strength again. For the islands are very fruitful, and -though there be no fresh water, yet they maintain themselves with the -wine of the palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of -this island, we burned the village. And running on the east side of San -Tome we came before the town;[16] but we durst not come near, for the -castle shot at us, which hath very good ordnance in it. - -Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in four and twenty -hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo Gonsalves:[17] and being within -three leagues of the said cape we cast about and stood again toward the -island of San Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island; and -coming to a little river, which runneth out of the mountains, we went on -shore with our Light-horse-man, with six or seven butts to fill with -water. But the governor had ambushed one hundred men of the island; and -when we were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our men and -hurt another: wherefore we retired to our boat and got aboard. - - -[_Across the Atlantic to the Brazils._] - -Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of Brasil, and lay -west-south-west into the sea: and being some fifty leagues off, we fell -into a shoal of dolphins,[18] which did greatly relieve us, for they did -follow our ship all the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was -some thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we came to -Ilha Grande,[19] which standeth in five [_sic_] degrees southward of the -line, we put in betwixt the island and the main, and haled our ships on -shore, and washed them, and refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh -water. In this island are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And -being here some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was -bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and to get some -refreshments: and presently we went aboard, and took the Portugal -merchant out of the pinnace, which told Abraham Cocke, that within two -months there should two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the -town of Buenos Aires. - - -[_The Rio de la Plata._] - -From this town there come every year four or five caravels to Bahia[20] -in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which bring great store of treasure, -which is transported overland out of Peru into the River of Plate. There -Abraham Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the -_Dolphin's_ men into his ship, and sent the _Dolphin_ home again, which -had not as yet made any voyage. This Portugal merchant carried us to a -place in this island, where there was a banished man,[21] which had -planted great store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this -fruit, go to the River of Plate: for our bread and our victuals were -almost all spent. - -With this hard allowance we departed from this island, and were -six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of Lobos Marinos,[22] -which is in the mouth of the River of Plate. This island is half a mile -long, and hath no fresh water, but doth abound with seals and -sea-morses,[23] in such sort that our light-horseman could not get on -shore for them, without we did beat them with our oars: and the island -is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived some thirty days, lying -up and down in the river, and were in great distress of victuals. Then -we determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to -take one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so high up the -river as the town, we had a mighty storm at south-west,[24] which drove -us back again, and we were fain to ride under the Isla Verde[25]--that -is, the green island--which is in the mouth of the river on the north -side. - - -[_A Prisoner of the Portuguese._] - -Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and gave over the -voyage, and came to the northward again, to the isle of Sant Sebastian, -lying just under the tropic of Capricorn.[26] There we went on shore to -catch fish, and some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were -all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe fraught with -Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu Sancto.[27] These Indians -landed on the west side of the island, and came through the woods and -took five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de -Janeiro]. After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went to sea, -and was never heard of more.[28] - - -[_Transported to Angola--A Voyage to the Zaire._] - -When we that were taken had remained four months in the River of -Janeiro, I and one Torner[29] were sent to Angola in Africa, to the city -of Saint Paul,[30] which standeth in nine degrees to the southward of -the equinoctial line. Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put -into prison, and sent up the River Quansa,[31] to a town of garrison, -which is 130 miles up the river. And being there two months the pilot of -the governor's pinnace died: then I was commanded to carry her down to -the city, where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor -estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman. But being -recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de Mendoa,[32] who then was -governor, commanded me to go to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a -pinnace, to trade for elephants' teeth,[33] wheat,[34] and oil of the -palm-tree. The river Zaire[35] is fifty leagues from the city, to the -northward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the mouth of -that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes, which had at that -time a town in it. Here we laded our pinnace with elephants' teeth, -wheat, and oil of the palm, and so returned to the city again. - - - - - II. - - _His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment; - exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to Elamba and - Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences._ - - -[_Trading in Loango._] - -When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen leagues to the -northward of the River Zaire, and carried all commodities fit for that -country, as long glass beads, and round blue beads, and seed beads, and -looking-glasses, blue and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were -very rich commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for we -had for one yard of cloth three elephants' teeth, that weighed 120 -pounds; and we bought great store of palm-cloth[36] and elephants' -tails.[37] So, in little time we laded our pinnace. For this voyage I -was very welcome to the governor, who promised me my liberty if I would -serve him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon the coast. - - -[_An Attempted Escape._] - -Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the merchant of which -ship promised to carry me away. And, when they were ready to depart I -went secretly on board, but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in -the ship, and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put in -prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months, thinking that the -governor would have put me to death. But at last I was banished for ever -to the Fort of Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts. Here -I lived a most miserable life for the space of six years without any -hope to see the sea again. - - -[_A Second Attempt at Escape._] - -In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were banished as -myself. To one of these Egyptians[38] I brake my mind, and told him that -it were better for us to venture our lives for our liberty than to live -in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and -told me he would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got -three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got the best canoe -that we could find, and went down the river Cuanza, and being as far -down as Mani Cabech,[39] which is a little lord in the province of -Elamba [Lamba], we went on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and -shot. Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know where we -went on shore. We made a little fire in the wood, and scorched Guinea -wheat,[40] which we [had] brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we -had none other food. - -As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that night and the next -day, without any water at all. The second night we were not able to go, -and were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to -maintain life. The third day we met with an old negro which was -travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind him, and made him -lead us the way to the Lake of Casansa.[41] And, travelling all that day -in this extreme hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of -Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues from the city -of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask water, but they would give us -none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot; -but seeing that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani -Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us to stay all -night, only to betray us; but we departed presently, and rested that -night in (_sic_) the lake of Casansa. - -The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is towards the -north,[42] and passed it with great danger. For there are such abundance -of crocodiles in this river that no man dare come near the riverside -when it is deep. The fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande, -and travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against the -Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,[43] which is a lord that warreth -against the King of Congo, whither we intended to go. Here we passed the -river, and rested half the night. And being two leagues from the river -we met with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We told them -that we were going to Congo. These negroes said that we were in the -wrong way, and that they were Masicongos,[44] and would carry us to -Bambe,[45] where the Duke of Bambe lay. - -So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we perceived -that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled by the sun, and would go -no further that way, and turned back again to the westward; they stood -before us with their bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But -we, determining to go through them, discharged six muskets together and -killed four, which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they -followed us four or five miles, and hurt two of our company with their -arrows. The next day we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled -all that day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh day, -in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come after us with -horsemen and great store of negroes. Hereupon our company being -dismayed, seven of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the -thickets. I, and the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they -followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little wood. As soon -as the captain had overtaken us he discharged a volley of shot into the -wood, which made us lose one another. - - -[_Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain._] - -Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the negroes did take -me in the woods they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better -end among the Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood -with my musket ready charged, making none account of my life. But the -captain, thinking that we had been all twelve together, called to me and -said: "Fellow Soldier, I have the governor's pardon; if you will yield -yourselves you shall have no hurt." I, having my musket ready, answered -the captain that I was an Englishman, and had served six years at -Massangono, in great misery; and came in company with eleven Portugals -and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather than I will be -hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me and -said: "Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I protest, as I am -a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life for thy resolute mind." -Whereupon I yielded up my musket and myself. - -Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and negroes to search the -woods, and to bring them out alive or dead, which was presently done. -Then they carried us to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three -Egyptians lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great -bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped. - - -[_A campaign in Lamba._][46] - -At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that were banished out -of Portugal, up into the country of Elambe. Then I was with -proclamation through the city banished for ever to the wars, and marched -with them to Sowonso,[47] which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of -Bamba; from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a -great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his town, and then he obeyed -us, and brought three thousand warlike negroes to us. From thence [we -marched] to Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately -with us, but was forced to obey; and then to Combrecaianga,[48] where we -remained two years. From this place we gave many assaults and brought -many lords to subjection. We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched -to the Outeiro,[49] or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt all -Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to the chief town of -Ingombe, which is half a day's journey to go up.[50] - -This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand bows, and spoilt -many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoil among them, -whereupon he retired up into the mountain, and sent one of his captains -to our general, signifying that the next day he would obey him. The next -day he entered our camp with great pomp, with drums, petes,[51] and -Pongoes,[52] or waits, and was royally received; and he gave great -presents, and greatly enriched the general, and them which marched up. -Upon the top of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief -town; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes, and other -roots, and great store of oranges and lemons. Here is a tree that is -called _Engeriay_,[53] that beareth a fruit as big as a pome-water,[54] -and hath a stone in it, present remedy (_sic_) for the wind colic, which -was strange to the Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that -springeth out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We were -here five days, and then we marched up into the country, and burned and -spoiled for the space of six weeks, and then returned to Engombe again, -with great store of margarite stones,[55] which are current money in -that land. Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant -mountain, which remained twelve months: but I was shot in my right leg, -and many Portugals and Mulatoes were carried to the city to be cured. - - -[_A Voyage to Benguella._] - -Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with sixty soldiers, -myself being one of the company, and all kinds of commodities. We turned -up to the southward until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a -fair sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and sheep, -wheat[56] and beans; but we staid not there, but came to Bahia das -Vaccas: that is, the Bay of Cows, which the Portugals call Bahia de -Torre,[57] because it hath a rock like a tower. Here we rode on the -north side of the rock, in a sandy bay, and bought great store of cows, -and sheep--bigger than our English sheep--and very fine copper. Also, we -bought a kind of sweet wood, called _Cacongo_,[58] which the Portugals -esteem much, and great store of wheat and beans. And having laded our -bark we sent her home; but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little -fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are -treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days we had five -hundred head of cattle; and within ten days the governor sent three -ships, and so we departed to the city. - -In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth coast. -Here may any ship that cometh out of the East Indies refresh themselves. -For the Portugals carracks[59] now of late come along the coast, to the -city, to water and refresh themselves. These people are called -_Endalanbondos_,[60] and have no government among themselves, and -therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade with these -people must stand upon their own guard. They are very simple, and of no -courage, for thirty or forty men may go boldly into the country and -fetch down whole herds of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass -beads of an inch long, which are called _Mopindes_,[61] and paid fifteen -beads for one cow. - -This province is called Dombe,[62] and it hath a ridge of high _serras_, -or mountains, that stretch from the _serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, -wherein are mines, and lie along the coast south and by west. Here is -great store of fine copper, if they would work in their mines; but they -take no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this place wear -skins about their middles and beads about their necks. They carry darts -of iron, and bow and arrows in their hands. They are beastly in their -living, for they have men in women's apparel, whom they keep among their -wives. - -Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks, which weigheth -fifteen pound at the least; about their arms little rings of copper, -that reach to their elbows; about their middle a cloth of the _Insandie_ -tree, which is neither spun nor woven;[63] on their legs rings of copper -that reach to the calves of their legs. - - - - - III. - - _Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running - countries. His trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and - living with them; with many strange adventures. And also the - rites and manner of life observed by the Iagges or Gagas, - which no Christian could ever know well but this author._[64] - - -[_A Second Voyage to Benguella._] - -In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we came to the Morro, -or cliff of Benguelle,[65] which standeth in twelve degrees of southerly -latitude. Here we saw a mighty camp on the south side of the river -Cova.[66] And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore -with our boat; and presently there came a troop of five hundred men to -the waterside. We asked them who they were. Then they told us that they -were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra -Lea],[67] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to -the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called Dongo.[68] The -great Gaga, which is their general, came down to the waterside to see -us, for he had never seen white men before. He asked wherefore we came. -We told him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade us -welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities. We laded our ship -with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did not -cost one real, which were worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis. - -[In a marginal note, Purchas adds:-- - - "He, in discourse with me, called them Iagges, and their chief - the great Iagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by - false spelling."] - - -[_Among the Jagas._] - -Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and desired our boat to -pass his men over the river Cova, for he determined to overrun the realm -of Benguele, which was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went -with him to his camp, which was very orderly, entrenched with piles of -wood; we had houses provided for us that night, and many burthens -[loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and flour. - -In the morning, before day, the general did strike his _gongo_,[69] -which is an instrument of war that soundeth like a bell, and presently -made an oration with a loud voice, that all the camp might hear, that he -would destroy the Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches -as were not to be looked for among the heathen people. And presently -they were all in arms, and marched to the river side, where he had -provided _Gingados_.[70] And being ready with our boat and _Gingados_, -the general was fain to beat them back because of the credit who should -be first. We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets we -beat the enemy off, and landed, but many of them were slain. By twelve -of the clock all the Gagas were over. - -Then the general commanded all his drums, _tavales_,[71] _petes_, -_pongos_, and all his instruments of warlike music to strike up, and -gave the onset, which was a bloody day for the Benguelas. These -Benguelas presently broke, and turned their backs, and a very great -number of them were slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and -child. The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of this -country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords, and their heads -presented and thrown at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women and -children that were brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that -were brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are -the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in the world, for they -feed chiefly upon man's flesh [notwithstanding of their] having all the -cattle of that country. - -They settled themselves in this country and took the spoil of it. We had -great trade with these Gagas, five months, and gained greatly by them. -These Gagas were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela, -although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of cattle -and wheat, and many other commodities; but they lacked wine, for in -these parts there are no palm-trees. - -After the five months were expired they marched toward the province of -Bambala,[72] to a great lord that is called Calicansamba, whose country -is five days up into the land. In these five months' space we made three -voyages to the city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found -them not. - - -[_March into the Interior._] - -Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go up into the land -after them. So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the -Bay of Benguela to stay for us. And marching two days up into the -country we came to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat; and coming -to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the Gagas had -passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we sent a negro which we had -bought of the Gagas, and [who] lived with us, and bid him say that he -was one of the great Gaga's men, and that he was left to carry us to the -camp. This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga, but he -delayed the time, and would not let us pass till the Gaga was gone out -of his country. This lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear -of him, began to palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land -till we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself a mighty -man having us with him. For in this place they never saw [a] white man -before, nor guns. So we were forced to go with him, and destroyed all -his enemies, and returned to his town again. Then we desired him that he -would let us depart; but he denied us, without we would promise him to -come again, and leave a white man with him in pawn. - - -[_Left as an Hostage._] - -The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place, -determined to draw lots who should stay; but many of them would not -agree to it. At last they consented together that it were fitter to -leave me, because I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I -was fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and shot, -promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two months they would come -again and bring a hundred men to help him in his wars, and to trade with -him. But all was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would -have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this lord till the two -months were expired, and was hardly used, because the Portugals came not -according to promise. - -The chief men of this town would have put me to death, and stripped me -naked, and were ready to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the town -commanded them to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come. -And after that I was let loose again, I went from one town to another, -shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And being in fear -of my life among them I ran away, purposing to go to the camp of the -Gagas. - - -[_He joins the Jagas._] - -And having travelled all that night, the next day I came to a great town -which was called Cashil, which stood in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here -I was carried into the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great -and small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was never any -white man seen. Here were some of the great Gaga's men, which I was glad -to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was. - -This town of the lord Cashil is very great and is so overgrown with -_Olicondie_ [_baobab_][73] trees, cedars,[74] and palms, that the -streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the town there is an -image, which is as big as a man, and standeth twelve feet high; and at -the foot of the image there is a circle of elephants' teeth, pitched -into the ground. Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men's -skulls, which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this image. -They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill goats, and pour their -blood at his feet. This image is called Quesango,[75] and the people -have great belief in him, and swear by him; and do believe when they are -sick that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this town -were little images, and over them great store of elephants' teeth -piled.[76] - -The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes, very orderly. -Their houses were round like a hive, and, within, hanged with fine mats -very curiously wrought. On the south-east end of the town was a mokiso -[_mukishi_] which had more than three tons of elephants' teeth piled -over him. - -From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country with the -Gagas[77] two days, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had -his camp, and was welcome to him. Among the cannibal people I determined -to live, hoping in God that they would travel so far to the westward -that we should see the sea again; and so I might escape by some ship. -These Gagas remained four months in this place, with great abundance and -plenty of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing, drinking, -dancing, and banquetting, with man's flesh, which was a heavy spectacle -to behold. - -At the end of four months they marched towards the _Serras_, or -mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty high, and have great copper -mines, and they took the spoil all the way as they went. From thence -they went to the river Longa,[78] and passed it, and settled themselves -in the town of Calango,[79] and remained there five or six months. Then -we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,[80] and came to the -river Gonsa [Coanza],[81] and marched on the south side of the river to -a lord that was called Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo. -Here we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very cold. - -Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals, they marched to the -westward again, and came along the river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that -is called Shillambansa,[82] uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his -chief town, which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded. This -place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found great store of wild -peacocks,[83] flying up and down the trees, in as great abundance as -other birds. The old lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the -town, and had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which -peacocks he gave to his _Mokeso_, and they were called _Angello -Mokeso_,[84] that is, the Devil's or Idol's Birds, and were accounted as -holy things. He had great store of copper, cloth, and many other things -laid upon his grave, which is the order of that country.[85] - -From this place we marched to the westward, along the river Coanza, and -came right against the _Serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, or Serras de -Prata.[86] Here is the great fall of water, that falleth right down, and -maketh a mighty noise that is heard thirty miles. We entered into the -province of Casama,[87] and came to one of the greatest Lords, which was -called Langere. He obeyed the great Gaga, and carried us to a Lord -called Casoch,[88] which was a great warrior, for he had some seven -years before overthrown the Portugals camp, and killed eight hundred -Portugals and forty-thousand negroes, that were on the Portugals side. -This Lord did stoutly withstand the Gagas, and had the first day a -mighty battle, but had not the victory that day. So we made a sconce of -trees after their fashion, and remained four months in the wars with -them. I was so highly esteemed with the great Gaga, because I killed -many negroes with my musket, that I had anything that I desired of him. -He would also, when they went out to the wars, give charge to his men -over me. By this means I have been often carried away in their arms, and -saved my life. Here we were within three days' journey of Massangano, -before mentioned, where the Portugals have a fort: and I sought means, -and got to the Portugals again with merchant negroes that came to the -camp to buy slaves. - - -[_Military Organisation of the Jagas._] - -There were in the camp of the Gagas twelve captains. The first, called -Imbe Calandola,[89] their general, a man of great courage. He warreth -all by enchantment, and taketh the Devil's counsel in all his exploits. -He is always making of sacrifices[90] to the Devil, and doth know many -times what shall happen unto him. He believeth that he shall never die -but in the wars. There is no image among them, but he useth certain -ceremonies. He hath straight laws to his soldiers: for, those that are -faint-hearted, and turn their backs to the enemy, are presently -condemned and killed for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He useth every -night to make a warlike oration upon an high scaffold, which doth -encourage his people. - -It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch their camp, -although they stay but one night in a place, to build their fort, with -such wood or trees as the place yieldeth: so that the one part of them -cutteth down trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and -buildeth a round circle with twelve gates.[91] So that every captain -keepeth his gate. In the middle of the fort is the general's house, -intrenched round about, and he hath many porters to keep the door. They -build their houses very close together, and have their bows, arrows, and -darts standing without their doors; and when they give alarm, they are -suddenly all out of the fort. Every company at their doors [gates?] keep -very good watch in the night, playing upon their drums and -_tavales_.[92] - - -[_A River of Gold._] - -These Gagas told us of a river that is to the southward of the Bay of -Vaccas,[93] that hath great store of gold: and that they gathered up -great store of grains of gold upon the sand, which the fresh water -driveth down in the time of rain. We found some of this gold in the -handles of their hatchets, which they use to engrave with copper; and -they called it copper also, and do not esteem it. - - -[_Palm Wine._] - -These Gagas delight in no country, but where there is great store of -Palmares, or groves of palms. For they delight greatly in the wine and -in the fruit of the palm, which serveth to eat and to make oil. And they -draw their wine contrary to the Imbondos.[94] These palm-trees are six -or seven fathoms high, and have no leaves but in the top: and they have -a device to go up to the top of the tree, and lay no hands on it, and -they draw the wine in the top of the tree in a bottle. - -But these Gagas cut the palm-trees down by the root, which lie ten days -before they will give wine. And then they make a square hole in the top -and heart of the tree, and take out of the hole every morning a quart, -and at night a quart So that every tree giveth two quarts of wine a day -for the space of six and twenty days, and then it drieth up. - - -[_Jaga Raids._] - -When they settle themselves in any country, they cut down as many palms -as will serve them wine for a month: and then as many more, so that in a -little time they spoil the country. They stay no longer in a place than -it will afford them maintenance. And then in harvest-time they arise, -and settle themselves in the fruitfullest place they can find; and do -reap their enemy's corn, and take their cattle. For they will not sow, -nor plant, nor bring up any cattle, more than they take by wars.[95] -When they come into any country that is strong, which they cannot the -first day conquer, then their General buildeth his fort, and remaineth -sometimes a month or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great wars to -the inhabitants to see him settled in their country, as though he fought -with them every day. So that many times the inhabitants come and assault -him at his fort: and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh[96] them on -for the space of two or three days. And when their General mindeth to -give the onset, he will, in the night, put out some one thousand men: -which do ambush themselves about a mile from their fort. Then in the -morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of the fort, as -though he would take their town. The inhabitants coming near the fort to -defend their country, being between them, the Gagas give the watchword -with their drums, and then the ambushed men rise, so that very few -escape. And that day their General overunneth the country. - - -[_Dress and Ornaments._] - -The great Gaga Calando[97] hath his hair very long, embroidered with -many knots of Banba[98] shells, which are very rich among them, and -about his neck a collar of _masoes_,[99] which are also shells, that are -found upon that coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twenty -shillings a shell: and about his middle he weareth _landes_, which are -beads made of the ostrich eggs.[100] He weareth a palm-cloth about his -middle, as fine as silk. His body is carved and cut with sundry works, -and every day anointed with the fat of men.[101] He weareth a piece of -copper cross his nose[102], two inches long, and in his ears also. His -body is always painted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty wives, -which follow him when he goeth abroad; and one of them carrieth his bows -and arrows; and four of them carry his cups of drink after him. And when -he drinketh they all kneel down, and clap their hands and sing.[103] - -Their women wear their hair with high _trompes_ full of bamba [_mbamba_] -shells, and are anointed with civet.[104] They pull out four of their -teeth, two above and two below, for a bravery. And those that have not -their teeth out are loathsome to them, and shall neither eat nor drink -with them. They wear great store of beads about their necks, arms, and -legs; about their middles, silk cloths. - - -[_Infanticide._] - -The women are very fruitful, but they enjoy none of their children: for -as soon as the woman is delivered of her child, it is presently buried -quick [alive], so that there is not one child brought up in all this -generation.[105] But when they take any town they keep the boys and -girls of thirteen or fourteen years of age as their own children. But -the men and women they kill and eat. These little boys they train up in -the wars, and hang a collar about their necks for a disgrace, which is -never taken off till he proveth himself a man, and bring his enemy's -head to the General: and then it is taken off and he is a freeman, and -is called _Gonso_ or soldier.[106] This maketh them all desperate, and -forward to be free, and counted men: and so they do increase. In all -this camp there were but twelve natural Gagas that were their captains, -and fourteen or fifteen women. For it is more than fifty years since -they came from Serra de Lion, which was their native country. But their -camp is sixteen thousand strong, and sometimes more.[107] - - -[_Human Sacrifices._][108] - -When the great Gaga Calandola undertaketh any great enterprise against -the inhabitants of any country, he maketh a sacrifice to the Devil, in -the morning, before the sun riseth. He sitteth upon a stool, having upon -each side of him a man-witch: then he hath forty or fifty women which -stand round about him, holding in each hand a _zevra_ [zebra][109] or -wild horse's tail, wherewith they do flourish and sing. Behind them are -great store of petes, ponges, and drums, which always play. In the midst -of them is a great fire; upon the fire an earthen pot with white -powders, wherewith the men-witches do paint him on the forehead, -temples, 'thwart the breast and belly, with long ceremonies and -inchanting terms. Thus he continueth till sun is down. Then the witches -bring his _Casengula_,[110] which is a weapon like a hatchet, and put it -into his hand, and bid him be strong against his enemies: for his -_mokiso_ is with him. And presently there is a man-child brought, which -forthwith he killeth. Then are four men brought before him; two whereof, -as it happeneth, he presently striketh and killeth; the other two he -commandeth to be killed without the fort. - -Here I was by the men-witches ordered to go away, as I was a Christian, -for then the Devil doth appear to them, as they say. And presently he -commandeth five cows to be killed within the fort, and five without the -fort: and likewise as many goats, and as many dogs, and the blood of -them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are eaten with great -feasting and triumph. And this is used many times by all the other -captains of their army. - - -[_Burial of the Dead._] - -When they bury the dead they make a vault in the ground, and a seat for -him to sit.[111] The dead hath his head newly embroidered, his body -washed, and anointed with sweet powders. He hath all his best robes put -on, and is brought between two men to his grave, and set in seat as -though he were alive. He hath two of his wives set with him, with their -arms broken, and then they cover over the vault on the top. The -inhabitants when they die are buried after the same fashion, and have -the most part of their goods buried with them. And every month there is -a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourn and sing doleful -songs at his grave for the space of three days, and kill many goats, and -pour their blood upon his grave, and palm-wine also; and use this -ceremony as long as any of their kindred be alive.[112] But those that -have no kindred think themselves unhappy men, because they have none to -mourn for them when they die. These people are very kind one to another -in their health; but in their sickness they do abhor one another, and -will shun their company. - - - - - IV. - - _His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries; - abuses; flight from them and living in the woods diverse - months; his strange boat, and coming to Loango._ - - -[_Joo Rodrigues Coutinho's Campaign, 1602._] - -Being departed from the Gagas I came to Masangano, where the Portugals -have a town of garrison. There was at that time a new Governor, which -was called Sienor Iuan Coutinho,[113] who brought authority to conquer -the mines or mountains of Cambamba; and to perform that service the King -of Spain had given him seven years' custom off all the slaves and goods -that were carried thence to the West Indies, Brazil, or whithersoever, -with condition that he should build three castles, one in Demba,[114] -which are the salt mines, the other in Cambamba, which are the silver -mines, and the other in Bahia das Vaccas, or the Bay of Cows. - -This gentleman was so bountiful at his coming that his fame was spread -through all Congo, and many mulatoes and negroes came voluntarily to -serve him. And being some six months in the city he marched to the -Outaba of Tombo,[115] and there shipped his soldiers in pinnaces, and -went up the river Consa or Coanza, and landed at the Outaba of -Songo,[116] sixty miles from the sea. This lord Songo is next to Demba, -where the salt-mines be. In this place there is such store of salt that -most part of the country are perfect clear salt, without any earth or -filth in it, and it is some three feet under the earth as it were ice; -and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is carried up into -the country, and is the best commodity that a man can carry to buy -anything whatsoever. - -Here the Governor staid ten days, and sent a pinnace to Masangano for -all the best soldiers that were there. So the captain of the castle sent -me down among a hundred soldiers, and I was very well used by the -Governor; and he made me a sergeant of a Portugal company, and then he -marched to Machimba,[117] from thence to Cauo, and then to Malombe, a -great lord. Here we were four days, and many lords came and obeyed us. -From thence we marched to a mighty lord called Angoykayongo,[118] who -stood in the defence of his country with more than sixty thousand men. -So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a great slaughter -among them. We took captives all his women and children, and settled -ourselves in his town, because it was a very pleasant place, and full of -cattle and victuals. And being eight days in this town the Governor -sickened and died, and left a captain in his room to perform the -service. - - -[_Manuel Cerveira Pereira carries on the war._] - -After we had been two months in the country of Angoykayongo we marched -towards Cambambe, which was but three days' journey, and came right -against the Serras da Prata, and passed the river Coanza, and presently -overran the country, and built a fort hard by the riverside. Here I -served two years. - -They opened the silver-mines, but the Portugals did not like of them as -yet, because they yielded small share of silver.[119] - -This new upstart governor was very cruel to his soldiers, so that all -his voluntary men left him; and by this means he could go no further. - -At this time there came news by the Jesuits that the Queen of England -was dead, and that King James had made peace with Spain.[120] Then I -made a petition to the Governor, who granted me licence to go into my -country; and so I departed with the Governor and his train to the city -of St. Paul. But he left five hundred soldiers in the fort of Cambambe, -which they hold still.[121] - - -[_A Trading Trip to Congo._] - -Then I went with a Portugal merchant to the province of Bamba, and from -thence to the Outeiro ["hill"], or city standing upon a mountain of -Congo,[122] from thence to Gongon[123] and Batta,[124] and there we -sold our commodities and returned in six months to the city [Loanda] -again. - - -[_Final Escape from Captivity._] - -Then I purposed to have shipped myself for Spain, and thence homewards. -But the Governor denied his word, and commanded me to provide myself -within two days to go up to the Conquest again. This Governor had served -his three years,[125] and the citizens looked every day for another out -of Portugal. So I determined to absent myself for ten or twenty days, -till the other Governor came, and then to come to the city again. For -every Governor that cometh maketh proclamation for all men that be -absent, to come with free pardon. - -The same day, at night, I departed from the city with two negro boys -that I had, which carried my musket and six pounds of powder, and a -hundred bullets, and that little provision of victuals that I could -make. In the morning I was some twenty miles from the city, up along the -river Bengo, and there I staid certain days, and then passed Bengo and -came to the river Dande, which is to the northward, purposing to know -what news was in the city, for I was near the highway of Congo. And one -of my negroes inquired of those that passed, and brought me word that it -was certain that the new Governor came not that year. - -Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would go to the city again and be -hanged, or to stay and live in the woods, for I had run away twice -before. So I was forced to live in the woods a month, betwixt the rivers -of Dande and Bengo. Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, and -passed over the river, and went to the lake of Casansa.[126] Here is the -greatest store of wild beasts that is in any place of Angola. About this -lake I staid six months, and lived only upon dried flesh, as buffes -[buffaloes], deer, mokokes,[127] impolancas,[128] and roebucks, and -other sorts, which I killed with my musket, and dried the flesh, as the -savages do, upon an hurdle, three feet from the ground, making -underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the flesh green boughs, -which keep the smoke and heat of the fire down, and dry it. I made my -fire with two little sticks, as the savages used to do. I had sometimes -Guinea wheat [maize] which my negro boy would get of the inhabitants for -pieces of dried flesh. - -This lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry sorts. I have taken -up a fish that hath skipped out of the water on shore, four feet long, -which the heathen call Sombo.[129] - -Thus, after I had lived six months with the dried flesh and fish, and -seeing no end of my misery, I wrought means to get away. - -In this lake are many little island that are full of trees called -_Memba_ [_bimba_][130] which are as light as cork and as soft. Of these -trees I built a _lergado_ [_Jangada_], with a knife of the savages that -I had, in the fashion of a box nailed with wooden pegs, and railed round -about, because the sea should not wash me out; and with a blanket that I -had I made a sail, and prepared three oars to row withall. - -This lake of Casanza is eight miles over, and issueth into the river -Bengo. So I entered into my _gingado_ [_Jangada_], and my two negro -boys, and rowed into the river Bengo, and so came down with the current -twelve leagues to the bar. Here I was in great danger, because the sea -was great; and being over the bar I rode into the sea, and then sailed -afore the wind along the coast, which I knew well, minding to go to the -kingdom of Longo [Loango], which is towards the north; and being that -night at sea, the next day I saw a pinnace come before the wind, which -came from the city, and was bound to San Thom, and she came near to me. -The master was my great friend, for we had been mates together, and for -pity's sake he took me in, and set me on shore in the port of Longo, -where I remained three years, and was well beloved of the king, because -I killed him deer and fowls with my musket. - - - - - V. - -_Of the Province of Engoy [Ngoyo], and other Regions of Loango, with the -Customs there observed by the King and People._ - - -_[Kabinda.]_ - -From the Point of the Palmar [Ponta do Palmar],[131] which is the north -side of the river Zaire, is the port of Cabenda [Kabinda],[132] where -many ships use to water and refresh themselves; and it is five leagues -northwards. This place is called, Engoy [Ngoyo], and is the first -province of Longo [Loango], and is full of woods and thickets. And seven -leagues northwards of that place is the river Cacongo,[133] a very -pleasant place and fruitful. Here is great stock of elephants' teeth, -and a boat of ten tons may go up the river. - -The Mombales[134] have great trade with them, and pass the river Zaire -in the night, because then it is calm, and carry great store of -elephants' teeth to the town of Mani Sonna [Sonyo], and sell them in the -port of Pinda to the Portugals, or any other stranger that first -cometh.[135] - -At four leagues from Cacongo is the river of Caye, or Longo Leuyes.[136] -This town of Caye [Kaia] is one of the four seats or lordships of -Longo. And then the Angra, or Gulf, das Almadias.[137] In this gulf, or -bay, are great store of canoes or fishermen, because the sea is smoother -there than upon the coast. And two leagues northward is the port of -Longo [Loango]. And it is a sandy bay, and a ship may ride within a -musket-shot of the shore in four or five fathoms. - - -[_The Capital of Loango._] - -The town of Mani Longo is three miles from the waterside, and standeth -on a great plain. This town is full of palm and plantain-trees and very -fresh, and their houses are built under the trees. The streets are wide -and long, and always clean swept. The King hath his houses on the west -side, and before his door he hath a plain, where he sitteth, when he has -any feastings or matters of wars to treat of. From this plain there -goeth a great wide street, some musket-shot from the place; and there is -a great market every day, and it doth begin at twelve of the clock. - -Here is great store of palm-cloths of sundry sorts, which is their -merchandizes; and a great store of victuals, flesh, hens, fish, wine, -oil, and corn. Here is also very fine log wood,[138] which they use to -dye withall--it is the root of the log wood which is the best--and -_molangos_[139] of copper. Here is likewise great store of elephants' -teeth, but they sell none in the market-place. - - -[_A Royal Audience._] - -The King hath ten great houses, and is never certain to be found but in -the afternoon, when he cometh to sit. And then he keepeth always [to] -one house. The house is very long, and at twelve of the clock it is full -of noblemen. They sit upon carpets upon the ground. The house is always -full of people till midnight. - -The last king, Gembe [Njimbe],[140] never used to speak in the day, but -always in the night. But this king speaketh in the day: howbeit he -spendeth most of the day with his wives. And when the king cometh in he -goeth to the upper end of the house, where he hath his seat, as it were -a throne. And when the king is set, they clap their hands and salute -him, saying in their language: _Byani Pemba_, _Ampola_, _Moneya_, -_Quesinge_.[141] - - -[_The King's Wives._][142] - -On the south side of the king's houses he hath a circuit [compound] or -village, where his wives dwell, and in this circuit no man may come on -pain of death. He hath in this place one hundred and fifty wives and -more. And if any man be taken within this circuit, if he be with a -woman, or do but speak to her, they be both brought into the -market-place and their heads be cut off, and their bodies quartered, and -lie one day in the street. The last king Gymbe [Njimbi], had four -hundred children by his women. - - -[_The King Drinks!_] - -When the king drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, and he that -bringeth it hath a bell in his hand, and as soon as he hath delivered -the cup to the king, he turneth his face from the king and ringeth the -bell; and then all that be there fall down upon their faces, and rise -not till the king have drunk. And this is very dangerous for any -stranger that knoweth not the fashions, for if any seeth the king drink -he is presently killed, whatsoever he be. There was a boy of twelve -years, which was the king's son. This boy chanced to come unadvisedly -when his father was in drinking. Presently the king commandeth he should -be well apparelled and victuals prepared. So the youth did eat and -drink. Afterward the king commandeth that he should be cut in quarters -and carried about the city, with proclamation that he saw the king -drink.[143] - - -[_The King at Dinner._][144] - -Likewise for his diet, when it is dinner-time, there is a house of -purpose, where he always eateth, and there his diet is set upon a -_bensa_,[145] like a table. Then he goeth in, and hath the door shut. So -when he hath eaten, then he knocketh and cometh out. So that none see -the king eat nor drink. For it is their belief, that if he be seen -eating or drinking, he shall presently die. And this is an order with -all kings that now are, or shall succeed, unless they abolish this cruel -custom. - - -[_The King as a Rain-maker._] - -The king is so honoured as though he were a god among them, and is -called _Sambe_ and _Pongo,_[146] that is God. And they believe that he -can give them rain when he listeth. So once a year, when it is time to -rain, that is in December, the people come to beg rain and bring their -gifts to the king, for none come empty.[147] Then he appointeth the day, -and all the lords far and near come to the feast with all their troops, -as they go in the wars. And when all the troops of men be before the -king, the greatest Lord cometh forthwith his bows and arrows, and -sheweth his skill with his weapon; and then he hath a merry conceit or -jest that he speaketh before the king, and kneeleth at his feet; and -then the king thanketh him for his love; and in like manner they do all. - -The king sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a carpet spread upon -the ground, which is some fifteen fathoms about, of fine _ensacks_,[148] -which are wrought like velvet, and upon the carpet his seat, which is a -fathom from the ground. Then he commanded his _Dembes_ [Ndamba][149] to -strike up, which are drums, so great, that they cannot carry them, and -others that are very great. He hath also eight _Pongos_,[150] which are -his waits, made of the greatest elephants' teeth, and are hollowed and -scraped light, which play also. And with the drums and waits they make -an hellish noise. After they have sported and shewed the king pleasure, -he ariseth and standeth upon his throne, and taketh a bow and arrows in -his hand, and shooteth to the sky; and that day there is great -rejoicing, because sometimes they have rain. I was once there when the -king gave rain, and it chanced that day to rain mightily, which made the -people have a great belief in their folly.[151] - - -[_Albinos._] - -Here are sometimes born in this country white children, which is very -rare among them, for their parents are negroes. And when any of them are -born, they are presented unto the king and are called _Dondos_ -[_Ndundu_].[152] These are as white as any white man. These are the -king's witches, and are brought up in witchcraft, and always wait on the -king. There is no man that dare meddle with these _Dondos_. If they go -to the market they may take what they list, for all men stand in awe of -them. The King of Longo had four of them. - - -[_The Nkishi, or Fetishes._] - -The king also is a witch, and believeth in two idols which are in Longo. -The one is called _Mokisso Longo_, the other is called -_Checocke_.[153] This last is a little black image, and standeth in a -little house at a village called Kinga, which standeth in the -landing-place of Longo. This house of _Checocke_ standeth in the -highway, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesy of -the country. Those that be craftsmen, as fishermen, hunters, and -witches, do offer to this idol, that they may have good luck. This -_Checocke_ doth sometimes in the night come and haunt some of his best -beloved: sometimes a man, sometimes a boy or a woman. And then they be -frantic for the space of three hours; and whatsoever the frantic person -speaketh, that is the will of _Checocke_. And they make a great feast -and dancing at his house.[154] - -There is another _Mokisso_ which is also in Kinga, and it is called -_Gomberi_. It is the name of a woman, and is in a house where an old -witch dwelleth, and she is called _Ganga Gomberi_, which is, the Priest -of _Gomberi_. Here once a year is a feast made, and _Ganga Gomberi_ -speaketh under the ground.[155] And this is a common thing every year. I -have asked the negroes what it was, and they told me that it was a -strong _Mokisso_ that is come to abide with _Checocke_. - - -[_Children are born White._] - -The children in this country are born white, and change their colour in -two days to a perfect black. As, for example, the Portugals, which dwell -in the kingdom of Congo, have sometimes children by the negro women, and -many times the fathers are deceived, thinking when the child is born it -is theirs, and within two days it proveth the son or daughter of a -negro; which the Portugals do greatly grieve at, for they rejoice when -they have a mulato child, though it be a bastard. - - -[_The Royal Princes._] - -The town of Longo [Loango] standeth in the midst of four Lordships, and -is governed by four Princes, which are the King's sisters' sons, for -the King's sons can never be kings. The first is Mani Cabango,[156] the -second Mani Salag, the third Mani Bock, the fourth Mani Cay. This Mani -Cay is next to be king, and hath his train and court as a Prince. And -when the King dieth he cometh presently into the seat of the King. Then, -Mani Bock cometh to Cay, Mani Salag cometh to Bock, and Mani Cabango -cometh to Salag. And then they provide another to go to Cabango, so -there be four Princes that wait on the King when their turns come. - - -[_The Kings Mother._] - -The mother of these Princes is called Mani Lombo,[157] and she is the -highest and chief woman in all the land. She maketh choice of her -husband, and when she is weary of him she putteth him away, and taketh -another. Her children are greatly honoured, and whosoever passeth by -them kneel down and clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the -country. - -These Lordships are champaign grounds, and full of corn and fruit. - - -[_Palm Cloth._][158] - -The men in this kingdom make good store of palm-cloth of sundry sorts, -very fine and curious. They are never idle: for they make fine caps of -needlework as they go in the streets. - - -[_The Royal Tombs._] - -There is a place two leagues from the town of Longo, called -Longeri,[159] where all their kings be buried, and it is compassed round -about with elephants' teeth pitched in the ground, as it were a Pale, -and it is ten roods in compass. - - -[_Europeans Committed to the Sea._] - -These people will suffer no white man to be buried in their land,[160] -and if any stranger or Portugal come thither to trade, and chance to -die, he is carried in a boat two miles from the shore, and cast into the -sea. There was once a Portugal gentleman, that came to trade with them, -and had his house on shore. This gentleman died, and was buried some -four months. That year it did not rain so soon as it was wont, which -beginneth about December, so that they lacked rain for some two months. -Then their _mokisso_ told them that the Christian, which was buried, -must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the sea; and within three -days it rained, which made them have a great belief in the devil. - - - - - VI. - - _Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, - Motimbas: of the ape-monster Pongo: their Hunting, Idolatries, - and divers other observations._ - - -[_Bongo._] - -To the eastward of Longeri is the Province of Bongo, and it bordereth on -Mococke, [of which] the great Angeca[161] is king. In this place is -great store of iron, and palm-cloth, and elephants' teeth, and great -store of corn. - - -[_Cango._] - -To the north-east is the great province of Cango,[162] and it is -fourteen days journey from the town of Longo. This place is full of -mountains and rocky ground, and full of woods, and hath great store of -copper. The elephants in this place do excel, and there are so many that -the people of Longo hath great store of elephants' teeth, and bring them -to the port of Longo. - - -[_Calongo._] - -To the northwards of Longo, three leagues, is the river Quelle:[163] and -on the north side is the province of Calongo [Chilunga]. This country is -always tilled, and full of corn, and is all plain and champaign ground, -and hath great store of honey. Here are two little villages that show at -sea like two hummocks,[164] which are the marks to show the port of -Longo; and fifteen miles northward is the river Nombo,[165] but it hath -no depth for any bark to go in. This province, towards the east, -bordereth upon Bongo; and towards the north upon Mayombe, which is -nineteen leagues from Longo along the coast. - - -[_Yumbe._][166] - -The province of Mayombe is all woods and groves, so overgrown that a man -may travel twenty days in the shadow, without any sun or heat. Here is -no kind of corn nor grain, so that the people liveth only upon plantains -and roots of sundry other sorts, very good, and nuts; nor any kind of -tame cattle, nor hens. But they have great store of elephants' flesh, -which they greatly esteem, and many kinds of wild beasts; and great -store of fish. Here is a great sandy bay, two leagues to the southward -of Cape Negro, which is the port of Mayombe. Sometimes the Portugals -take logwood[167] in this bay. Here is a great river called Banna.[168] -In the winter it hath no bar, because the general winds cause a great -sea; but when the sun hath his south declination, then a boat may go in, -for then it is smooth because of the rain. This river is very great, and -hath many islands, and people dwelling in them. The woods are covered -with baboons, monkeys, apes and parrots, that it will fear any man to -travel in them alone. Here also are two kinds of monsters, which are -common in these woods, and very dangerous. - - -[_Gorillas and Chimpanzis._][169] - -The greatest of these two monsters is called _Pongo_ [_Mpungu_] in their -language, and the lesser is called _Engeco_. This _Pongo_ is in all -proportions like a man, but that he is more like a giant in stature than -a man; for he is very tall, and hath a man's face, hollow-eyed, with -long hair upon his brows. His face and ears are without hair, and his -hands also. His body is full of hair, but not very thick, and it is of a -dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man but in his legs, for they -have no calf. He goeth always upon his legs, and carryeth his hands -clasped upon the nape of his neck when he goeth upon the ground. They -sleep in the trees, and build shelters from the rain. They feed upon -fruit they find in the woods and upon nuts, for they eat no kind of -flesh. They cannot speak, and have no more understanding than a beast. - -The people of the country, when they travel in the woods, make fires -when they sleep in the night. And in the morning, when they are gone, -the _Pongoes_ will come and sit about the fire till it goeth out, for -they have no understanding to lay the wood together. They go many -together, and kill many negroes that travel in the woods. Many times -they fall upon the elephants, which come to feed where they be, and so -beat them with their clubbed fists and pieces of wood that they will run -roaring away from them. - -Those _Pongoes_ are never taken alive, because they are so strong that -ten men cannot hold one of them, but yet they take many of their young -ones with poisoned arrows. The young Pongo hangeth on his mother's -belly, with his hands clasped fast about her, so that when the country -people kill any of the females, they take the young one which hangeth -fast upon his mother. When they die among themselves, they cover the -dead with great heaps of boughs and wood, which is commonly found in the -forests. - -[Purchas adds in a marginal note: - - "He told me in a conference with him that one of these Pongos - took a negro boy of his, which lived a month with them, for - they hurt not those which they surprise at unawares, except - they look on them, which he [the boy] avoided. He said, their - height was like a man's, but their bigness twice as great. I - saw the negro boy. - - "What the other monster [the Engeco] should be he hath - forgotten to relate, and these papers came to my hand since - his death, which otherwise, in my often conferences, I might - have learned. Perhaps he meaneth the Pigmy Pongo-killers - mentioned."] - - -[_Hunting Dogs._] - -The Morombes[170] use to hunt with their country-dogs, and kill many -kinds of little beasts, and great store of pheasants. But their dogs be -dumb, and cannot bark at all.[171] They hang wooden clappers about their -necks, and follow them by rattling of the clappers. The huntsmen have -_Petes_ [whistles], which they whistle their dogs withall. These dogs, -in all this country, are very little, with prickt ears, and are for the -most part red and dun. The Portugal mastiff dog, or any other great dog, -are greatly esteemed because they do bark. I have seen a dog sold up in -the country for thirty pounds. - - -[_The Maramba Fetish._][172] - -In the town of Mani Mayombe is a fetish called Maramba, and it standeth -in a high basket made like a hive, and over it a great house. This is -their house of religion, for they believe only in him, and keep his -laws, and carry his reliques always with them. They are for the most -part witches, and use their witchcraft for hunting and killing of -elephants and fishing, and helping of sick and lame men, and to forecast -journeys, whether they shall speed well or evil. By this Maramba are all -thefts and murders tried, for in this country they use sometimes to -bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their neighbours are -brought before the Maramba; and if it be a great man that dieth, the -whole town cometh to swear. The order is, when they come before Maramba, -to kneel and clasp Maramba in their arms, and to say: _Emeno, eyge -bembet Maramba_, that is, "I come to be tried, O Maramba."[173] And if -any of them be guilty, they fall down stark dead for ever. And if any -of them that swear hath killed any man or child before, although it may -be twenty years past, he presently dieth. And so it is for any other -matter. - -From this place, as far as it is to Cape de Lopo Gonsalves, they are all -of this superstition. I was twelve months in this place, and saw many -die after this sort. - -These people be circumcised,[174] as they are through all Angola, except -the kingdom of Congo, for they be Christians. And those that will be -sworn to Maramba[175] come to the chief Gangas, which are their priests -or men-witches, as boys of twelve years of age, and men and women. Then -the Gangas put them into a dark house, and there they remain certain -days with very hard diet. After this they are let abroad, and commanded -not to speak for certain days, what injury soever they be offered, so -that they suffer great penury before they be sworn. Lastly, they are -brought before Maramba, and have two marks cut upon their shoulders -before, like a half moon, and are sworn by the blood that falleth from -them, that they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one kind -of flesh and some one kind of fish, with many other toys [trifles]. And -if they eat any of this forbidden meat they presently sicken, and never -prosper.[176] They all carry a relique of Maramba in a little box, and -hang it about their necks, under their left arms. - -The Lord of this province of Mayombe hath the ensign or shape of Maramba -carried before him, and whithersoever he goeth; and when he sitteth -down it is set before him; and when he drinketh his palm-wine the first -cup is poured at the foot of the _Mokiso_ or idol, and when he eateth -anything, the first piece he throweth towards his left hand, with -enchanting words. - - -[_Sette._] - -From Cape Negro northward is a great Lord called Mani Seat,[177] which -has the greatest store of elephants' teeth of any Lord in the kingdom of -Longo, for his people practice nothing else but to kill elephants. And -two of these negroes will easily kill an elephant with their darts. And -here is great store of logwood. - - -[_Mani Kesock._][178] - -There is another Lord, to the eastward, which is called Mani Kesock, and -he is eight days' journey from Mayombe. Here I was with my two negro -boys to buy elephants' hairs and tails. And in a month I bought twenty -thousand, which I sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves, and all my -charges borne. - -From this place I sent one of my negro boys to Mani Seat with a -looking-glass. He did esteem it much, and sent me four elephants' teeth -(very great) by his own men, and desired me to cause the Portugals, or -any other ship, to come to the northward of the Cape Negro, and he would -make fires where his landing place is, for there was never yet any -Portugal or other stranger in that place.[179] - - -[_Pygmy Elephant-Hunters._] - -To the north-east of Mani Kesock are a kind of little people called -Matimbas,[180] which are no bigger than boys of twelve years old, but -are very thick, and live only upon flesh, which they kill in the woods -with their bows and darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and bring -all their elephants' teeth and tails to him. They will not enter into -any of the Marombos[181] houses, nor will suffer any to come where they -dwell; and if by chance any Maramba, or people of Longo [Loango], pass -where they dwell, they will forsake that place and go to another. - -The women carry bow and arrows, as well as the men, and one of these -will walk in the woods alone, and kill the _Pongos_ [gorillas] with -their poisoned arrows. I have asked the Marombos whether the elephant -sheddeth his teeth or no, and they say no! But sometimes they find their -teeth in the woods, but they find their bones also. - - -[_Poison Ordeals._] - -When any man is suspected of any offence he is carried before the king, -or before Mani Bomma [Mamboma],[182] which is, as it were, a judge under -the king. And if it be upon matter that he denieth, and cannot be proved -but by their oath, then the suspected person is thus sworn: they have a -kind of root which they call _Imbondo_ [_mbundu_].[183] - -This root is very strong, and is scraped into water. The virtue of this -root is, that if they put too much of it into water, the person that -drinketh it cannot void urine, and so it striketh up into the brain, as -though he were drunk, and he falleth down, as though he were dead. And -those that fall are counted as guilty, and are punished.[184] - -[Purchas adds, in a marginal note:-- - - "He told me that this root makes the water as bitter as gall - (he tasted it), and one root will serve to try one hundred. - They which have drunk and made water are cleared, before - which, if dizziness take them, they cry: _Undoke_, - _Undoke_,[185] and presently execute them. See my _Relations_, - b. 7 c. 10, which I writ from his mouth.[186] Neither may this - be ascribed to the virtue of the herb, but to the vice of the - Devil, a murderer and his instrument, the _Ganga_ or - priest.[187] And therefore that conjecture seems unprobable. - For how could an ordinary trial of life where are so many so - perilous; and therefore curious (more than) spectators, nor - perceive this in so long and frequent experience, which costs - so many their dearest friends their dearest life? I think - rather that this was the transcriber's conjecture. I remember - no such scruple in his narrations to me. Who knows not the - Devil's ambition of Deity, and cruel misanthropy or - man-hating? This is his apish imitation of Divinity, and those - rites prescribed for trial in the case of jealousy, Numbers, - v.[188] In Guinea like trial is made by salt, and also by the - _Fetisseroes_ pot. In _Benomotapa_ by water also; in the - _Maramba_ trial before [mentioned (see p. 56)], and _Motamba_ - trial by hot iron in Angola;[189] the ploughshares in olden - times with us; and the trial of witches in the East parts by - water, etc., were not unlike in deceivable superstition."] - - -[_Death and Witchcraft._][190] - -In this country none of any account dieth but they kill another for him, -for they believe they die not of their own natural death, but that some -other hath bewitched them to death. And all those are brought in by the -friends of the dead which they suspect, so that many times there come -five hundred men and women to take the drink made of the foresaid root -_Imbonda_ [_mbundu_]. They are brought all to the high street or -market-place, and there the master of the _Imbonda_ sitteth with his -water, and giveth everyone a cop of water by one measure; and they are -commanded to walk in a certain place till they make water, and then they -be free. But he that cannot urine presently falleth down dead, and all -the people, great and small, fall upon him with their knives and beat -and cut him into pieces. But I think the witch that giveth the water is -partial, and giveth to him whom he will have to die, the strongest -water, but no man can perceive it that standeth by. And this is done at -the town of Longo almost every week in the year. - - - - - VII. - - _Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; The Portugal Wars in those - parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things remarkable._ - - -[_Domestic Animals._] - -In this kingdom there is no kind of tame cattle but goats, for none -other cattle will live here. Oxen and kine have been brought hither, but -they presently die. The hens in this place do so abound that a man may -buy thirty for the worth of sixpence in beads.[191] - - -[_Wild Birds._] - -Here is store of pheasants, and great plenty of partridges and wild -fowl. Here is a kind of fowl that lives in the land bigger than a swan, -and they are like a heron, with long legs and long necks, and it is -white or black, and hath in her breast a bare place without feathers, -where she striketh with her beak. This is the right Pelican, and not -those sea-birds which the Portugals call pelicans, which are white and -as big as geese, and these abound in this country also. - - -[_The Zebra._] - -Here is also the _zevera_ or zebra, which is like a horse, but that his -mane, his tail, his strakes and divers colours down his sides and legs -do make a difference. These _zeveras_ are all wild and live in great -herds, and will suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let them -shoot three or four times at them before they will run away.[192] - - -[_The Hippopotamus._] - -Moreover, there are great store of sea or river horses, which feed -always on the land, and live only by grass, and they be very dangerous -in the water. They are the biggest creature in this country, except the -elephant. They have great virtue in the claws of their left forefoot, -and have four claws on every foot, like the claws of an ox. The -Portugals make rings of them, and they are a present remedy for the -flux. - -[Illustration: The Zevera, or Zebra.] - - -[_Portuguese dealings with the Natives._] - -The Portugals make war against the negroes in this manner. They have out -of Congo a nobleman, which is known to be a good Christian and of good -behaviour. He bringeth out of Congo some one hundred negroes that are -his followers. This _Macicongo_ [_mwishi-Kongo_]is made _Tandala_,[193] -or general over the black camp, and hath authority to kill, to put down -Lords and make Lords, and hath all the chief doings with the negroes. -And when any Lord cometh to obey he first cometh to Tandala and bringeth -his present, as slaves, kine and goats. Then the Tandala carrieth him -before the Portugal Governor, and bringeth two slaves for the Governor's -page, before he goeth in. Then he must have a great gift for the -Governor, which is sometimes thirty or forty slaves, besides cattle. But -when he cometh before the Governor he kneeleth down and clappeth his -hands, and falleth down with his face upon the ground, and then he -riseth and saith: "I have been an enemy, and now I protest to be true, -and never more to lift my hand against you." Then the Governor calleth a -soldier, which hath deserved a reward, and giveth the Lord to him. This -soldier seeth that he have no wrong; and the Lord acknowledgeth him to -be his master, and he doth maintain the soldier and maketh him rich. -Also, in the wars he commandeth his master's house to be built before -his own, and whatsoever he hath taken that day in the wars, he passeth -[divideth] with his master. So that there is no Portugal soldier of any -account, but hath his negro _sova_, or Lord.[194] - - -[_Fishing._] - -They use upon this coast to fish with harping irons, and wait upon a -great fish that cometh once a day to fish along the shore, which is like -a grampus. He runneth very near the shore and driveth great shoals of -fish before him; and the negroes run along the shore as fast as they are -able to follow him, and strike their harping irons round about him, and -kill great store of fish, and leave them upon the sand till, the fish -hath done feeding; and then they come and gather their fish up. - -This fish will many times run himself on ground, but they will presently -shove him off again, which is as much as four or five men can do. They -call him _Emboa_, which is in their speech a dog, and will by no means -hurt or kill any of them.[195] - -Also, they use in the bays and rivers, where shoal water is, to fish -with mats, which are made of long rushes, and they make them of an -hundred fathoms long. The mats swim upon the water, and have long rushes -hanged upon one edge of the mat, and so they draw the mat in compass, as -we do our nets. The fishes, fearing the rushes that hang down, spring -out of the water and fall upon the mat, that lyeth flat on the water, -and so are taken. - - -["_Corn._"] - -They have four sorts of corn in Longo. The first is called -_Masanga_,[196] and it groweth upon a straw as big as a reed, and hath -an ear a foot long, and is like hempseed. The second is called -_Masembala_.[197] This is of great increase, for of one kernel there -springs four or five canes, which are ten foot high, and they bear half -a pint of corn apiece. This grain is as big as tares, and very good. -Thirdly, they have another that groweth low like grass, and is very like -mustard-seed: and this is the best.[198] They have also the great Guinea -wheat, which they call _Mas-impoto_.[199] This is the least esteemed. - - -[_Ground-nuts._] - -They have very good Peason [peas], somewhat bigger than ours, but they -grow not as ours do; for the pods grow on the roots, underneath the -ground, and by their leaves they know when they be ripe.[200] They have -another kind of Peason, which they call _Wando_.[201] This is a little -tree, and the first year that it is planted it beareth no fruit; but -after, it beareth fruit three years, and then it is cut down.[202] - - -[_Plantains, or Bananas._] - -Their plantain trees bear fruit but once, and then are cut down, and out -of the root thereof spring three or four young trees. - - -[_Bees and the Baobab._] - -They have great store of honey, which hangeth in the _Elicondy_ -trees.[203] They gather it with a hollow piece of wood, or chest, which -they hang in the top of the tree, and once a year it is full, by smoke -rewarding the laborious creatures with robbery, exile, death. - -[Purchas here adds in the margin, "out of Battell's own reports":-- - -This _Alicunde_ or _Elicondi_ tree is very tall and exceeding great, -some as big as twelve men can fathom, spreading like an oak. Some of -them are hollow, and from the liberal skies receive such plenty of -water, that they are hospitable entertainers of thousands in this -thirsty region. Once have I known three or four thousand remain at one -of these trees, and thence receiving all their watery provision for four -and twenty hours, and yet not empty. The negroes climbed up with pegs -of hardwood (which that softer easily receiveth, the smoothness not -admitting other climbing), and I think that some one tree hold forty -tuns of water. - -This tree affords not less bountiful hospitality to the back than belly, -yielding (as her belly to their bellies, so) her back to their backs; -excepting that this is better from the younger trees, whose tenderer -backs being more seasonable for discipline, are so soundly beaten (for -man's fault, whence came the first nakedness), whereby one fathom cut -from the tree is extended into twenty, and is presently fit for wearing, -though not so fine as the _Iuzanda_[204] tree yields. This tree yields -excellent cloth from the inner bark thereof by like beating.] - - -[_Palm Trees._] - -Of their palm trees, which they keep with watering and cutting every -year, they make velvets, satins, taffetas, damasks, sarsenets, and such -like; out of the leaves, cleansed and purged, drawing long threads and -even, for that purpose. They draw wine (as it is said) from the -palm-tree. There is another kind of palm-tree which beareth a fruit good -for the stomach and for the liver, and most admirable.[205] - - -[_A Crocodile Story._] - -One crocodile was so huge and greedy that he devoured an -_Alibamba_,[206] that is, a chained company of eight or nine slaves, -but the indigestible iron paid him his wages, and murdered the murderer, -found afterwards in his belly. I have seen them watch their prey, -hauling in gennet, man, or other creature, into the water. But one -soldier thus wrapt in shallower water drew his knife, took his taker in -the belly, and slew him.] - - -[THE END.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF ANGOLA, CONGO AND -LOANGO. - - - The following notes on the religion and customs of the Negroes - of Angola, Congo and Loango, are taken from Book vii, chapters - ix and x, of _Purchas His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the - World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places - discovered from the Creation unto this Present_. London (H. - Fetherstone), 1617. This account is a compilation. Purchas - quotes, among others, Duarte Lopez, De Barros, Osorio, Marmol, - and Du Jarric. In what follows, we confine ourselves to the - oral information which Purchas received from his friends or - acquaintances, Andrew Battell and Thomas Turner. - - -CHAP. IX, I.--ANGOLA. - -[_The Slave Trade._] - -Master Thomas Turner, one that had lived a long time in Brasil, and had -also been at Angola, reported to me[207] that it was supposed eight and -twenty thousand slaves (a number almost incredible, yet such as the -Portugals told him) were yearly shipped from Angola and Congo, at the -Haven of Loanda.[208] He named to me a rich Portugal in Brasil, which -had ten thousand of his own, working in his _Ingenios_[209] (of which he -had eighteen) and in his other employments. His name was John du Paus, -exiled from Portugal, and thus enriched in Brasil.[210] A thousand of -his slaves at one time entered into conspiracy with nine thousand other -slaves in the country, and barricaded themselves for their best defence -against their master, who had much ado to reduce some of them into their -former servitude. - - -[_Fetishes._] - -To return to Angola, we may add the report of another of our countrymen, -Andrew Battell (my near neighbour, dwelling at Leigh, in Essex) who -served under Manuel Silvera Pereira,[211] Governor under the King of -Spain, at his city of St. Paul, and with him went far into the country -of Angola, their army being eight hundred Portugals and fifty thousand -Naturals. This Andrew Battell telleth that they are all heathens in -Angola. They had their idols of wood in the midst of their towns, -fashioned like a negro, and at the foot thereof was a great heap of -elephants' teeth, containing three or four tuns of them: these were -piled in the earth, and upon them were set the skulls of dead men, which -they had slain in the wars, in monument of their victory.[212] The idol -they call _Mokisso_ [_Mukishi_], and some of them have houses built -over them. If any be sick, he accounteth it _Mokisso's_ hand, and -sendeth to appease his angry God, with pouring wine (which they have of -the palm tree) at his feet.[213] They have proper names of distinction -for their _Mokissos_, as _Kissungo_, _Kalikete_, etc., and use to swear -by them, _Kissungo wy_, that is, by _Kissungo_.[214] - - -[_Trial by Ordeal._] - -They have another more solemn oath in trial of controversies: this trial -is called _Motamba_,[215] for which purpose they lay a kind of hatchet, -which they have, in the fire, and the _Ganga-Mokisso_, or _Mokisso's_ -Priest,[216] taketh the same red-hot, and draweth it near to the skin of -the accused party; and if there be two, he causeth their legs to be set -near together, and draweth this hot iron without touching between them; -if it burns, that party is condemned as guilty, otherwise he is freed. - - -[_Burial._][217] - -For the ceremonies about the dead, they first wash him, then paint him, -thirdly apparel him in new clothes, and then bring him to his grave, -which is made like a vault, after it is digged a little way down, -undermined, and made spacious within; and there set him on a seat of -earth, with his beads (which they use on chains and bracelets for -ornament), and the most part of his goods, with him in his last home. -They kill goats and shed the blood in the graves, and pour wine there in -memorial of the dead. - - -[_Dogs._][218] - -... Andrew Battell saith that the Dogs in these countries are all of one -sort, prick-eared curs of a mean bigness, which they use also to hunt -with, but they open not (for they cannot bark), and therefore they hang -clappers made of little boards about their necks. He hath seen a mastiff -sold for three slaves.... - - -[_Quizama._] - -This kingdom [of Angola] hath many lordships subject thereto, as far as -the sea-coast as Cape Negro. Towards a lake called Aquelunda[219] lieth -a country called Quizama, the inhabitants whereof being governed after -the manner of a commonwealth, have showed themselves friendly to the -Portugals, and helped them in their wars against Angola. The houses in -Angola are made in fashion like a bee-hive. - - -[_Women and the Moon._] - -The women at the first sight of the new moon, turn up their bums in -despite, as offended with their menstruous courses, which they ascribe -unto her. - - -[_Horses' Tails._][220] - -The men sometimes, in a valorous resolution, will devote themselves unto -some haughty attempt in the wars; and, taking leave of the king, will -vow never to return until they bring him a horse-head, or some other -thing, very dangerous in the enterprise, and will either do it or die. -Horse-tails are great jewels, and two slaves will be given for one tail, -which commonly they bring from the River of Plate, where horses are -exceedingly increased and grown wild. They will, by firing the grass -round about, hem the horses about with a fiery circle, the fire still -straightening and growing nearer till they have advantage enough to kill -them. Thus have the European cattle, of horse and kine, so increased in -the other world, as they spare not to kill the one for their hides, and -the other for their tails. - - -CHAPTER IX, II.--OF CONGO. - -[_A Crocodile Story._][221] - -... Andrew Battell told me of a huge crocodile which was reported to -have eaten a whole _Alibamba_, that is, a company of eight or nine -slaves chained together, and at last paid for his greediness: the chain -holding him slave, as before it had the negroes, and by his undigestible -nature devouring the devourer; remaining in the belly of him after he -was found, in testimony of this victory. He hath seen them watch and -take their prey, haling a gennet, man, or other creature into the water. -A soldier thus drawn in by a crocodile, in shallower waters, with his -knife wounded him in the belly, and slew him. - - -CHAPTER IX, III.--OF THEIR ... STRANGE TREES.... - -Having stated that they use in Congo to make "clothes of the _Enzanda_ -tree,[222] of which some write the same things that are reported of the -Indian fig-tree," that it sends forth a hairy substance from the -branches, which no sooner touch the ground but they take root, and grow -up in such sort, that one tree would multiply itself into a wood if -nature set not some obstacle (a marginal note adds that "Andrew Battell -saith that the tree which thus strangely multiplieth itself is called -the _Manga_ tree"[223]). Purchas continues as follows:-- - -"But more admirable is that huge tree called _Alicunde_,[224] of which -my friend Andrew Battell supposeth some are as big (besides their -wonderful tallness) as twelve men can fathom. It spreads like a oak. -Some of them are hollow, and the liberal clouds into those natural casks -disperse such plenty of water, that one time three or four thousand of -them, in that hot region, continued four and twenty hours at one of -these, which yielded them all drink of her watery store, and was not -emptied. Their negroes climbed up with pegs[225] (for the tree is smooth -and not therefore otherwise to be climbed, and so soft that it easily -receiveth pegs of harder wood, driven into her yielding substance with a -stone), and dipped the water, as it had been out of a well. He supposed -that there is forty tuns of water in some one of them. It yielded them a -good opportunity for honey, to which end the country people make a kind -of chest, with one hole in the same, and hang it upon one of these -trees, which they take down once a year, and with fire or smoke chasing -or killing the bees, take thence a large quantity of honey.[226] Neither -is it liberal alone to the hungry or thirsty appetite, but very -bountifully it clothes their backs, and the bark thereof, which, being -taken from the younger _Alicundes_ [_nkondo_], and beaten, one fathom -which they cut out from the tree will by this means extend itself into -twenty, and presently is cloth fit for wearing, though not so fine as -that which the _Inzanda_[227] tree yieldeth. [It serves them also for -boats, one of which cut out in proportion of a scute[228] will hold -hundreds of men."][229] In a further marginal note Purchas adds: "These -boats, saith Andrew Battell, are made of another tree, for the -_Alicunde_ is of too spongy a substance for that purpose." - - -CHAPTER X, I.--OF LOANGO. - -[_Offerings._] - -... Andrew Battell lived among them [the Bramas of Loango][230] for two -years and a half. They are, saith he, heathens, and observe many -superstitions. They have their _Mokissos_ or images [_nkishi_] to which -they offer in proportion to their sorts and suits;[231] the fisher -offereth fish when he sueth for his help in his fishing; the countryman, -wheat; the weaver, _Alibungos_,[232] [that is] pieces of cloth; others -bring bottles of wine; all wanting that they would have, and bringing -what they want, furnishing their _Mokisso_ with those things whereof -they complain themselves to be disfurnished. - - -[_Funeral Rites._] - -Their ceremonies for the dead are divers. They bring goats and let them -bleed at the _Mokisso's_ foot, which they after consume in a feasting -memorial of the deceased party, which is continued four or five days -together, and that four or five several times in the year, by all his -friends and kindred. The days are known, and though they dwell twenty -miles thence, yet they will resort to these memorial exequies, and, -beginning in the night, will sing doleful and funeral songs till day, -and then kill, as aforesaid, and make merry. The hope of this maketh -such as have store of friends to contemn death; and the want of friends -to bewail him makes a man conceive a more dreadful apprehension of -death.[233] - - -[_Prohibitions--Taboo._] - -Their conceit is so ravished with superstition that many die of none -other death. _Kin_[234] is the name of unlawful and prohibited meat, -which, according to each kindred's devotion, to some family is some kind -of fish; to another a hen; to another, a buffe [beef]; and so of the -rest: in which they observe their vowed abstinence so strictly that if -any should (though all unawares) eat of his _Kin_, he would die of -conceit, always presenting to his accusing conscience the breach of his -vow, and the anger of _Mokisso_. He hath known divers thus to have died, -and sometimes would, when some of them had eaten with him, make them -believe that they had eaten of their _Kin_, till, having sported himself -with their superstitious agony, he would affirm the contrary. - -They use to set in their fields and places where corn or fruits grow, a -basket, with goat's horns, parrot's feathers, and other trash: this is -the _Mokisso's_ Ensign, or token, that it is commended to his custody; -and therefore, the people very much addicted to theft, dare not meddle, -or take anything. Likewise, if a man, wearied with his burthen, lay it -down in the highway, and knit a knot of grass, and lay thereon; or leave -any other note (known to them) to testify that he hath left it there in -the name of his idol, it is secured from the lime-fingers of any -passenger. Conceit would kill the man that should transgress in this -kind.[235] - -In the _banza_ [_mbanza_], or chief city, the chief idol is named -_Chekoke_.[236] Every day they have there a market, and the _Chekoke_ is -brought forth by the _Ganga_, or priest, to keep good rule, and is set -in the market-place to prevent stealing. Moreover, the king hath a -Bell,[237] the strokes whereof sound such terror into the heart of the -fearful thief that none dare keep any stolen goods after the sound of -that bell. Our author inhabited in a little reed-house, after the Loango -manner, and had hanging by the walls, in a cloth case, his piece, -wherewith he used to shoot fowls for the king, which, more for the love -of the cloth than the piece, was stolen. Upon complaint, this bell (in -form like a cow-bell) was carried about and rung, with proclamation to -make restitution; and he had his piece next morning set at his door. The -like another, found in a bag of beans of a hundred pound weight, stolen -from him, and recovered by the sound of this bell. - - -[_Poison Ordeal._][238] - -They have a dreadful and deadly kind of trial in controversies, after -this manner: there is a little tree, or shrub, with a small root (it is -called _Imbunda_) about the bigness of one's thumb, half a foot long, -like a white carrot. Now, when any listeth to accuse a man, or a family, -or whole street, of the death of any of his friends, saying, that such a -man bewitched him, the _Ganga_ assembleth the accused parties, and -scrapes that root, the scrapings whereof he mixeth with water, which -makes it as bitter as gall (he tasted of it); one root will serve for -the trial of a hundred men. The _Ganga_ brews the same together in -gourds, and with plantain stalks hitteth everyone, after they have -drunk, with certain words. Those that have received the drink walk by, -till they can make urine, and then they are thereby free'd. Others -abide till either urine frees them, or dizziness takes them, which the -people no sooner perceive but they cry, _Undoke, Undoke_,[239] that is -"naughty witch"; and he is no sooner fallen by his dizziness, but they -knock him on the head, and dragging him away, hurl him over the cliff. -In every Liberty[240] they have such drinks, which they make in case of -theft, and death of any person. Every week it falls out that some or -other undergoes this trial, which consumeth multitudes of people. - - -[_Albinos._][241] - -There be certain persons called _Dunda_ [_ndundu_], which are born by -negro parents, and yet are, by some unknown cause, white. They are very -rare, and when such happen to be born, they are brought to the king, and -become great witches: they are his councillors, and advise him of lucky -and unlucky days for execution of his enterprises. When the king goes -any whither the _Dundas_ go with him, and beat the ground round about -with certain exorcisms before the king sits down, and then sit down by -him. They will take anything in the market, none daring to contradict -them. - - -[_The Gumbiri Fetish._] - -Kenga is the landing-place of Loanga. They have there an idol called -_Gumbiri_, and a holy house called _Munsa Gumbiri_,[242] kept and -inhabited by an old woman, where once a year is a solemn feast, which -they celebrate with drums, dances, and palm-wines; and then, they say, -he speaketh under the ground. The people call him _Mokisso Cola_,[243] -or a strong _Mokisso_, and say, that he comes to stay with _Chekoke_, -the idol of the banza. That _Chekoke_ is a negro image, made sitting on -a stool; a little house is then made him. They anoint him with _Toccola_ -[_tacula_],[244] which is a red colour made of a certain wood, ground on -a stone, and mixed with water, wherewith they daily paint themselves, -from the waist upwards, esteeming it a great beauty; otherwise they -account not themselves ready. It is for like purposes carried from hence -to Angola. - - -[_Possessed of the Fetish._] - -Sometimes it falls out that some man or boy is taken with some sudden -enthusiasm, or ravishment, becoming mad, and making a whooping and great -clamours. - -They call them _Mokisso-Moquat_[245] that is, taken of the _Mokisso_. -They clothe them very handsomely, and whatever they bid in that fit (for -it lasteth not very long), they execute as the _Mokisso's_ charge. - - -[_The Maramba Fetish._][246] - -_Morumba_[247] is thirty leagues northwards from hence, in the Mani -Loango's dominions, where he [Battell] lived nine months. There is a -house, and in it a great basket, proportioned like to a hive, wherein is -an image called _Morumba_, whose religion extendeth far. They are sworn -to this religion at ten or twelve years old; but, for probation are -first put in a house, where they have hard diet, and must be mute for -nine or ten days, any provocation to speak notwithstanding. Then do -they bring him before _Morumba_, and prescribe him his _Kin_ [kina], or -perpetual abstinence from some certain meat. They make a cut in his -shoulder like to a half moon, and sprinkle the blood at _Morumba's_ -feet, and swear him to that religion. In the wound they put a certain -white powder in token of his late admission; which, so long as it -continueth, doth privilege him to take his meat and drink with -whomsoever he pleaseth, none denying him the same, at free cost. - -They also have their fatal trials before this image, where the accused -party, kneeling down and clasping the hive, saith: "_Mene quesa cabamba -Morumba_," signifying that he comes thither to make trial of his -innocence;[248] and if he be guilty he falls down dead; being free he is -free'd. - -Andrew Battell saith he knew six or seven, in his being there, that made -this trial. - - -CHAP. X, III.--OF THE GIACCHI, OR IAGGES.[249] - -[_Origin of the Jagas._] - -... Andrew Battel lived (by occasion of the Portugals treachery) with -the Iagges a longer time than ever any Christian or white man had done, -namely, sixteen months, and served them with their [his] musket in the -wars; neither could Lopez (saith he) have true intelligence whence they -came,[250] for the Christians at that time had but uncertain -conjectures of them: neither after had the Portugals any conversing, but -by way of commerce; but he, being betrayed, fled to them for his life, -and after, by stealth, escaped from them: the only European that ever -lived in their camp. - -He saith they are called Iagges by the Portugals, by themselves -Imbangolas*[251] (which name argues them to be of the Imbij and Gal -before mentioned) and come from Sierra Liona;*[252] that they are -exceeding devourers of man's flesh, for which they refuse beef and -goats, whereof they take plenty. They have no settled habitation, but -wander in an unsettled course. - - -[_Infanticide among the Jaga._] - -They rise in harvest, and invading some country, there stay as long as -they find the palms, or other sufficient means of maintenance, and then -seek new adventure. For they neither plant nor sow, nor breed up cattle, -and, which is more, strange, they nourish up none of their own children, -although they have ten or twenty wives a man, of the properest and -comeliest slaves they can take. But when they are in travail they dig a -hole in the earth, which presently receiveth in that dark prison of -death the new-born creature, not yet made happy with the light of life. -Their reason is that they will not be troubled with education, nor in -their flitting wanderings be troubled with such cumbersome -burthens.[253] - -Once, a secret providence both punisheth the father's wickedness, and -preventeth a viperous generation, if that maybe a prevention where there -is a succession without generation; and as Pliny saith of the Esseni -(lib. v, c. 15), _Gens terna est in qua nepto nascitur_. For of the -conquered nations they [the Jaga] preserve the boys from ten to twenty -years of age, and bring them up as the hope of their succession, like -_Negro-azimogli_,[254] with education fitting their designs. These wear -a collar about their neck in token of slavery, until they bring an -enemy's head slain in battle, and then they are uncollared, free'd, and -dignified with the title of soldiers; if one of them runs away he is -killed and eaten; so that, hemmed in betwixt hope and fear, they grow -very resolute and adventurous, their collars breeding shame, disdain, -and desperate fury, till they redeem their freedom as you have heard. - -Elembe,[255] the great Iagge, brought with him twelve thousand of these -cruel monsters from Sierra Liona, and after much mischief and spoil -settled himself in Benguele,[256] twelve degrees from the Zone -southwards, and there breedeth and groweth into a nation. But Kelandula, -sometime his page, proceeds in that beastly life before mentioned, and -the people of Elembe, by great troops, run to him and follow his camp in -hope of spoil. - - -[_Human Sacrifices._] - -They have no _fetissos_, or idols. The great Iagge, or Prince, is master -of all their ceremonies, and a great witch. I have seen this Kelandula -(sayth our author) continue a sacrifice from sun to sun, the rites -whereof are these: himself sat on a stool, in great pomp, with a cap -adorned with peacocks' feathers (which fowls, in one country called -_Shelambanza_,[257] are found wild; and in one place, empaled about the -grave of the king, are fifty kept and fed by an old woman, and are -called _Ingilla Mokisso_, that is, Birds of Mokisso).[258] Now, about -him thus set, attended forty or fifty women, each of them waving -continually a zebra's tail in their hands. There were also certain -Gangas, priests or witches. Behind them were many with drums and pipes, -and _pungas_[259] (certain instruments made of elephants' teeth, made -hollow a yard and a half, and with a hole like a flute, which yield a -loud and harsh sound, that may be heard a mile off). These strike and -sound, and sing, and the women wave (as is said) till the sun be almost -down. Then they bring forth a pot, which is set on the fire with leaves -and roots, and the water therein, and with a kind of white powder the -witches or Gangas spot themselves, one on the one cheek, the other on -the other; and likewise their foreheads, temples, breasts, shoulders, -and bellies, using many enchanting terms, which are holden to be prayers -for victory. At sunset a Ganga brings his _Kissengula_,[260] or -war-hatchet, to the Prince (this weapon they use to wear at their -girdles) and putting the same in his hands bid him to be strong, [that] -their God goes with him, and he shall have victory. After this they -bring him four or five negroes, of which, with a terrible countenance, -the great Iagge with his hatchet kills two, and the other two are -killed without the fort. Likewise, five kine are slain within, and other -five without the fort; and as many goats and as many dogs, after the -same manner. - -This is their sacrifice, at the end whereof all the flesh is, in a -feast, consumed. Andrew Battell was commanded to depart when the -slaughter begun, for their devil, or _Mokisso_ (as they said) would then -appear and speak to them.[261] - -This sacrifice is called _Kissembula_[262] which they solemnise when -they undertake any great enterprise. There were few left of the natural -Iagges, but of this unnatural brood the present succession was raised. - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA: - -BEING - - Extracts from "The Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes - of MASTER ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with MASTER THOMAS - CANDISH in his Second Voyage to the South Sea, 1591," - published in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, Part IV, lib. vi, c. 7. - London, 1625. - - -INTRODUCTION. - -Master Anthony Knivet joined the second expedition of Thomas Cavendish, -which left England in August, 1591. He seems to have served on board the -_Roebuck_, of which vessel one Cocke was captain. Nothing in his -narrative enables us to identify this Cocke with the Abraham Cocke of -Limehouse, who was "never heard of more" after he parted from Battell on -the coast of Brazil in 1590, nor with the Abram Cocke who, according to -Knivet, put in at the Ilha Grande in 1598, in the hope of making prizes -of some of the richly-laden Spanish vessels returning from the Rio de la -Plata. Battell, surely, may be supposed to have been acquainted with the -fate of his old shipmate, whilst Knivet gives no hint that the Abram -Cocke of the Ilha Grande was the captain of the _Roebuck_, to whom he -was indebted for his life when Cavendish was about to throw him -overboard in Magellan's Strait. It is, however, just possible that there -was but one Abraham Cock, who had not been heard of for some time when -Battell returned to England about 1610.[263] - -When Cavendish returned from Magellan's Strait, he put Knivet and -nineteen other sick men ashore near St. Sebastian, to shift for -themselves. Knivet was ultimately taken by the Portuguese; but they -spared his life, and he became the "bond-slave" of Salvador Corra de -S, the Governor of Rio de Janeiro; and apart from the time he spent -among the cannibal Indians, and on a voyage to Angola, he remained with -his master to the end, and returned with him to Portugal in 1599. - -My friend, Colonel G. Earl Church, to whom I applied for an opinion on -the trustworthiness of Knivet's statements with regard to Brazil, writes -as follows:-- - -"Yesterday morning I spent at the R. Geo. Soc., refreshing my memory of -Knivet's extraordinary adventures. One must read them always bearing in -mind the romantic spirit of the age in which they were written, and the -novel surroundings in which every adventurer found himself in the New -World. Giving due weight to all this, I find Knivet's relation of his -voyages singularly truthful, so far as my knowledge of Brazil goes. What -he states, excepting in two or three minor particulars, clashes with no -geographical, descriptive, or historical point with which I am familiar, -and he often throws in a sentence which relates to facts which no man -could invent, and which makes his narrative impressive with -truthfulness. I utterly discard Cavendish's opinion of his men and -companions for Cavendish appears to have been one of the most -cold-blooded freebooters who ever cut a throat or raided a settlement -or scuttled a prize." - -I regret not being able to write in terms equally favourable of what -Knivet claims to have experienced during his visit to Angola and Kongo. -Knivet says that he ran away from bondage on June 27th, 1597, and that -he reached the "port of Angola" after a perilous voyage of five months, -that is in November. He then sailed up the Kwanza, and reached -Masanganu, where he remained three months, when he was arrested in -consequence of a requisition of his master and sent back to Brazil, -which he must have reached before June, 1598. We should be quite -prepared to accept this part of his story if his description of -Masanganu did not show that he can never have been there. Knivet, -however, is not content with such modest honours, but claims to have -resided for some time at the court of the King of Kongo, and to have -fallen in the hands of the Portuguese when on his road to Prester John's -country. By them he was carried to Masanganu, where he lived three -months. These two accounts are absolutely irreconcilable. As to the -author's astounding geographical misstatements, I refer the reader to -the notes appended to his narrative. - - -FIRST ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1220-2). - -Continually I desired my master to give me leave to get my living, -intending to come into my country, but the Governor would not let me go -from him. When I saw no means to get leave of my master, I determined to -run away to Angola, for to serve the King as a soldier in Massangano -till such time that I might pass myself to the King of Anyeca,[264] -which warreth against the Portugals, and so have come through Prester -Johns country into Turkey. - -On the seven and twentieth day of June, 1597, I embarked myself unknown -to my master, in a small ship of one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for -Angola. In this voyage we were driven so near the Cape of Good Hope that -we thought all of us should have been cast away, the seas are there so -great; and by reason of the current they brake in such sort that no ship -is able to endure. There we brake both our main mast and our mizzen. It -pleased God to send us the wind Eastward, which brought us to our -desired harbour [of] Angola.[265] We had been five months in our voyage, -and by that means other ships that departed two months after us were -there before us. - -When I heard that there were ships of the River of Ienero [Rio de -Janeiro], I durst not go ashore for fear of being known of some of the -Portugals. The next day after that we came into the harbour, there came -a great boat aboard us, to ask if we would sell any Cassava meal. We -told them we would, and asked them whither they went with their boat. -They answered, that they tarried for the tide to go up to the River of -Guansa [Kwanza] to Masangano. Then I thought it a fit time for my -purpose, and so embarked myself in the bark. The Portugals marvelled to -see me go willingly to Masangano; for there men die like chickens, and -no man will go thither if he can chose. - -Nine days we were going up the River of Guansa [Kwanza], in which time -two Portugal soldiers died; the country is so hot that it pierceth their -hearts. Three days after I had been in Masangano, Don Francisco de -Mendosa Fortado,[266] the Governor of the city of Kongo, having -received a letter from Salvador Coria de Sasa [Salvador Corra de S], -who was his great friend, sent a Pursuivant for me, who brought me by -land through the King of Kongo's country, and in six days we came to a -town called Saint Francis[267] (where the Governor was), hard by the -kingdom of Manicongo. - -When I came before the Governor he used me very kindly in words, and -asked me what I meant, to cast myself away wilfully in Masangano. Then I -told him how long I had served Salvador Coria de Sasa; and in how many -dangers I had been for him and his Son, without ever having any -recompence of any of them, and therefore I thought it better to venture -my life in the King's service, than to live his Bond-slave. The Governor -commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a pair of bolts to be -put upon my legs, because I should not run away. - -About a fortnight after I was sent back again in a Carvell [caravel] of -Francis Lewes, and in two months we arrived in the River of Jenero [Rio -de Janeiro], and I was carried with my bolts on my legs before the -Governor; when he saw me he began to laugh and to jest with me, saying -that I was welcome out of England. So, after many jests he spake, he -bade pull off my bolts from my legs, and gave me clothes and used me -very well. - - -SECOND ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1233-7). - -Angola is a kingdom of itself in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did -begin to inhabit: The country of Angola cometh along the coast; as -Portugal doth upon Spain, so doth Angola run upon the Kingdom of Longa -[Luangu] and Manicongo. - -In Angola the Portugals have a City called the Holy Ghost,[268] where -they have great store of Merchandise, and the Moors do come thither with -all kind of such things as the country yieldeth; some bring elephant's -teeth, some bring negro slaves to sell, that they take from other -kingdoms which join hard by them; thus do they use once a week, as we -keep markets, so do all the Blackamoors bring hens and hogs, which they -call gula,[269] and hens they call Sange,[270] and a kind of beast that -they take in the wilderness, like a dog, which they call ambroa:[271] -then they have that beast which before I have told you of, called gumbe, -which is bigger than a horse.[272] - -The Blackamoors do keep good laws, and fear their King very much; the -King is always attended with the nobles of his realm, and whensoever he -goeth abroad, he has always at the least two hundred archers in his -guard, and ten or twelve more going before him, singing and playing with -pipes made of great canes, and four or five young Moors coming after -him as his pages. After them follow all his noblemen. - -When there falleth out any controversy among them, they crave battle of -the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the -King and fall flat on their breasts; then they rise up and kneel upon -their knees, stretching out their arms crying, _Mahobeque benge, -benge_;[273] then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a -horse-tail; then they go to the camp, and with their bows they fight it -out till they kill one another. After the battle is done, if any liveth, -he that liveth falleth down before the King in the same manner as he did -when he went to the field; and after a long oration made, he taketh the -horse-tail from the King's shoulder, and waveth it about the King's -head, and then layeth it on his shoulder again, and goeth away with -great honour, being accompanied with all the nobles of the Court. The -Moors of Angola do know that there is a God, and do call God -_Caripongoa_,[274] but they worship the sun and the moon. - -The country is champaign plain, and dry black earth, and yieldeth very -little corn; the most of anything that it yieldeth is plantons -[plantains], which the Portugals call _baynonas_ [bananas], and the -Moors call them _mahonge_[275] and their wheat they call _tumba_,[276] -and the bread _anou_; and if you will buy any bread of them, you must -say, _Tala cuna auen tumbola gimbo_; that is, _Give me some bread, here -is money_.[277] Their money is called _gullginbo_,[278] a shell of a -fish that they find by the shore-side; and from Brazil the Portugals do -carry great store of them to Angola. - -These Moors do esteem very much of red, blue and yellow cloths. They -will give a slave for a span of cloth in breadth, I mean, and the length -of it, of the breadth of the piece; those pieces of cloth they wear -about their middles, and under it they hang the skin of a great weasel -before them, and another behind them, and this is all the garments that -they wear. A weasel in their language is called _puccu_.[279] You can do -a Blackamoor no greater disgrace than to take away his skin from before -him, for he will die with grief if he cannot be revenged. - -The Portugals do mark them as we do sheep, with a hot iron, which the -Moors call _crimbo_.[280] The poor slaves stand all in a row one by -another, and sing _Mundele que sumbela he Carey ha belelelle_,[281] and -thus the poor rogues are beguiled, for the Portugals make them believe -that they that have not the mark is not accounted a man of any account -in Brazil or in Portugal, and thus they bring the poor Moors to be in a -most damnable bondage under the cover of love. - -The country of Angola yieldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moors -do make their houses all covered with earth. These houses are no bigger -than a reasonable chamber, and within are many partitions, like the -cabins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand upright in them. -Their beds are made of great bulrushes sewed together with the rinds of -a tree. They do make cloth like spark of velvet (but it is thinner) of -the bark of a tree, and that cloth they do call _mollelleo_.[282] - -The elephants do feed in the evening and in the morning in low marshes, -as there be many. The Moors do watch which way they come, and as soon as -the elephants are at meat, they dig great holes in the ground, and cover -them with sticks, and then they cover the pits with earth; and when they -have made all ready they go to the elephants and shoot at them with -their arrows; and as soon as the elephants feel themselves hurt, they -run at whatsoever they see before them, following after the Blackamores -that chase them. Then they fall into the deep pits where, after they are -once in, they cannot get out. - -The Moors of Angola are as black as jet; they are men of good stature; -they never take but one wife, whom they call _mocasha_.[283] These Moors -do cut long streaks in their faces, that reach from the top of their -ears to their chins. The women do wear shells of fishes[284] on their -arms, and on the small of their legs. The law amongst them is, that if -any Moor do lie with another's wife, he shall lose his ears for his -offence. These Moors do circumcise their children, and give them their -names, as we do when we baptize. - -Angola may very easily be taken, for the Portugals have no forts to -defend it of any strength. - -The King[285] of Congo is the greatest King in all Ethiopia; and doth -keep in the field continually sixty thousand soldiers, that do war -against the King of Vangala,[286] and the King of Angola; this King is a -Christian, and his brother-in-law of arms with the King of Spain. His -servants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and he doth favour -them very much. - -The King is of a very liberal condition, and very favourable to all -travellers, and doth delight very much to hear of foreign countries. He -was in a manner amazed to hear how it was possible Her Majesty [Queen -Elizabeth] had lived a maiden Queen so long, and always reigned in peace -with her subjects. When I was brought before the King, and told him of -my country, what plenty of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked -of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would show himself -very angry, and tell them that every man was best able to speak of his -country, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true. - -The King of Congo, when he goeth to the camp to see his army, rideth -upon an elephant in great pomp and majesty; on either side of the -elephant he hath six slaves. Two of them were kings, that he himself had -taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were -brothers to the King of Ancica, and some of them were of the chiefest -blood of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaves, at every command -of the King of Congo, do fall flat on the ground on their breasts. When -the King doth ride, as you have heard, they carry a canopy, as it were a -cloth of state, over his head. His two secretaries, the one a nobleman -of Spain, the other a Moor, do ride next after him. Before him goeth at -the least five hundred archers which are his guard; then there followeth -a Moor, which doth nothing but talk aloud in praise of the King, -telling what a great warrior he hath been, and praising his wisdom for -all things that he hath accomplished very honourably to his great fame -of such as knew him. - -When this King of Congo cometh to his host, all the soldiers, as he -passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He never cometh into -his host after any battle, but he dubbeth at the least twenty Knights -Portugals, and as many Moors, giving them very great living according to -their callings, and the service that they have done. The brother of this -King was in Spain at my coming from thence for ambassador from his -brother.[287] - -Here the Portugal Captain would have taken me perforce, to have been a -common soldier, but the King commanded that they should let me go -whither I would, and my determination at that time was to have gone for -the country of Prester John [Abyssinia], for I had a great desire to see -the River of Nilo and Jerusalem (for I accounted myself as a lost man, -not caring into what country or kingdom I came) But it was not the will -of God that I should at that time obtain my desire, for travelling -through the kingdom of Congo, to have gone to the kingdom of -Angila,[288] it was my fortune to meet a company of Portugal soldiers -that went to a conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken, called -Masangana; which place is on the borders of Anguca. Here they made me -serve like a drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and -lime to make a fort. - -It lyeth right under the Line, and standeth in a bottom in the middle -of four hills, and about are many fogges [bogs] but not one river.[289] -It is the unfirmest country under the sun. Here the Portugals die like -chickens. You shall see men in the morning very lusty, and within two -hours dead. Others, that if they but wet their legs, presently they -swell bigger than their middles;[290] others break in the sides with a -draught of water. O, if you did know the intolerable heat of the -country, you would think yourself better a thousand times dead, than to -live there a week. There you shall see poor soldiers lie in troops, -gaping like camelians [camels?] for a puff of wind. - -Here lived I three months, not as the Portugals did, taking of physick, -and every week letting of blood and keeping close in their houses when -they had any rain, observing hours, and times to go abroad morning and -evening, and never to eat but at such and such times. I was glad when I -had got anything at morning, noon, or night; I thank God I did work all -day from morning till night; had it been rain or never so great heat, I -had always my health as well as I have in England. - -This country is very rich. The king had great store of gold[291] sent -him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a -great city at Masangana; which city Paulas Dias, Governor of Angola, -took and situated there; and finding hard by it great store of gold, -fortified it with four forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round -about it, and within that wall; now the Portugals do build a city, and -from this city every day they do war against the King of Angica, and -have burnt a great part of his kingdom. - -The Angicas[292] are men of goodly stature; they file their teeth before -on their upper jaw, and on their under jaw, making a distance between -them like the teeth of a dog; they do eat man's flesh; they are the -stubbornest nation that lives under the sun, and the resolutest in the -field that ever man saw; for they will rather kill themselves than yield -to the Portugals. They inhabit right under the line, and of all kinds of -Moors these are the blackest. They do live in the law of the Turks, and -honour Mahomet. They keep many concubines, as the Turks do; they wash -themselves every morning upwards, falling flat on their faces towards -the east. They wear their hair all made in plaits on their heads, as -well men as women; they have good store of wheat, and a kind of grain -like vetches, of which they make bread: they have great store of hens -like partridges, and turkeys, and all their feathers curl on their -backs. Their houses are like the other houses of the kingdoms -aforenamed. - -And thus I end, showing you as brief as I can, all the nations and -kingdoms, that, with great danger of my life, I travelled through in -twelve years of my best age, getting no more than my travel for my pain. -From this kingdom, Angica, was I brought in irons again to my master, -Salvador Corea de Sasa, to the City of San Sebastian in Brazil, as you -have heard. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -THE EARLY HISTORY OF KONGO. - -If traditions may be accepted where written history fails us, the -foundation of the Empire of Kongo lies back no further than the middle -of the fifteenth century. - -The founder of the dynasty and first King of Kongo--Ntotela ntinu -nekongo--was Nimi a Lukeni, the son of Nimi a nzima and of Lukeni lua -nsanzi, the daughter of Nsa ku ki-lau. His father appears to have been a -mere village chief in Kurimba (Corimba),[293] a district of the kingdom -of Kwangu. He had established himself at a ferry on a great river -(_nzari_), now known to us as the Kwangu, and levied a toll upon all -travellers who crossed the stream. One day the young man's aunt came -that way, and claimed exemption on the ground of being the old chief's -sister. Her brother was absent, and not only was the claim denied, but -young Nimi a Lukeni, notwithstanding that she was with child, caused her -to be disembowelled. The younger members of his clan looked upon this -act of brutality as one of bravery, and shielded him against his -father's just wrath. He then placed himself at their head, assumed the -title of _ntinu_ (king), and started westward upon a career of conquest. - -The country he was about to invade was inhabited by a people kindred to -those of Angola and of the country to the north of the Zaire, split up -into numerous small clans[294] ruled by independent kinglets. This, no -doubt, would account for the rapidity and the extent of his conquests, -which have been matched however, in our own days, by the Makololo. - -Having defeated Mbumbulu mwana Mpangala of Mpemba-kasi, he founded his -capital--Mbazi a nkanu--[295] upon a rock within that chief's territory. -By degrees he extended his conquests southward to the Kwanza and even -beyond, installed his uncle Nsa ku ki-lau as ruler of the important -province of Mbata, bestowed large territories upon others of his -adherents, and even restored some of their father's territories to the -children of the Mwana Mpangala. His "sons," attended by the great Nganga -Ngoyo, he sent across the Zaire, and they became the founders of the -"kingdoms" of Kakongo and Luangu; whilst a third son, by a slave woman, -is supposed to be the ancestor of the "counts" of Sonyo or Soyo.[296] -Anciently the King of Kakongo, before he assumed his kingship, was bound -to marry a princess of the blood royal of Kongo, whilst he of Luangu -married a princess of Kakongo; yet the ruler of Luangu was highest in -rank, for he enjoyed the title of _nunu_ ("aged person"), whilst his -brother of Kakongo had to be contented with the inferior title of -_nkaji_ ("spouse"). The Kings were elected by the feudal princes, but -their choice was limited to the sons of princesses, as in a great part -of negro Africa.[297] - -Of the early institutions of Kongo we know next to nothing, though we -may presume that the law of succession was originally the same there as -in the sister-states to the north, for the first Ntotela was succeeded -by two nephews (Nanga kia ntinu and another, whose name has not reached -us). But even thus early, and anterior to the introduction of -Christianity, the old law of succession was broken through, for Nkuwu a -ntinu, the fourth Ntotela, was a son of Ntinu Nimi a Lukeni, and was -succeeded by a son of his own, Nzinga a Nkuwa, the first Christian -Ntotela, better known in history as John I. - -If Dapper may be believed, it was the custom to bury twelve virgins with -the earlier kings--a distinction much sought after, as in other parts of -Africa; but the people of Kongo have never been charged with -cannibalism, nor its rulers with the bloody rites practised by the Jaga. - - -CO'S DISCOVERY OF THE KONGO, 1482.[298] - -It was towards the end of 1482, that the natives at the mouth of the -River Kongo for the first time saw rising above the horizon the white -wings of a European vessel, ascending, as it were, from the Land of -Spirits; and we can imagine their surprise when they for the first time -beheld the bleached faces of its inmates. Yet they came on board, -offering ivory in exchange for cloth. The interpreters from the Guinea -coast who were with Co naturally failed to make themselves understood, -but they learnt from signs that far inland there dwelt a powerful king. -Co at once despatched some Christian negroes in search of this -potentate. They were the bearers of suitable presents, and were -instructed to assure the King of the friendly intentions of his -visitors, whose only desire it was to trade with him. - -Before continuing his voyage, Co set up the first of the stone pillars, -or _padroes_, which he had on board. He then sailed south along the -coast, noting its prominent features, but curiously missed the Kwanza -or River of Angola, although its clayey waters discolour the sea for ten -or fifteen miles. On a low foreland, Cabo do Lobo,[299] ten miles beyond -the cliffs named by him Castello d'Alter Pedroso, he set up a second -pillar, to mark the furthest point reached by him. - -On again returning to the Kongo, he was annoyed to find that his -messengers had not returned; and as he was naturally anxious to make -known in Portugal his discovery of a magnificent river and a powerful -kingdom, he left them behind him, and seized instead four unsuspecting -visitors to his ship as "hostages;" giving their friends to understand -that they should be restored to them after the lapse of fifteen months, -when they would be exchanged for his own men. These latter appear to -have been treated with distinction at first, but when the King heard of -Co's high-handed proceedings he refused to admit them any longer to his -presence, and even threatened them with death, should his own people not -be restored. - -Among the hostages carried off by Co there was a man of some -distinction in his own country, Nsaku (Cauto) by name, who picked up -Portuguese quickly, and much pleased King John by the information he was -able to give. He, as well as his companions, were much petted in -Portugal, and, in defiance of all sumptuary laws, were dressed in fine -cloths and silks. - -Co himself, soon after his arrival, in April, 1484, was appointed a -cavalier in the Royal household, granted an annuity of 18,000 reals, and -on the 14th of that month he was "separated from the common herd," and -granted a coat-of-arms charged with the two pillars erected by him -during this memorable voyage. - - -CO'S SECOND VOYAGE, 1485-6. - -Co's departure on a second voyage was much delayed, either because the -King's Council were opposed to these adventures, which strained the -resources of a small kingdom like Portugal, or--and this is more -likely--because it was desired that a change in the Royal Arms, which was -only made in June, 1485, should be recorded on the stone pillars which -Co was to take with him. - -Great was the rejoicing when Co's "fleet" appeared in the Kongo, and -the hostages, loud in praise of the good treatment they had received, -were once more among their friends. Co at once forwarded rich presents -to the King, with an invitation to throw aside all fetishes, and to -embrace the only true and saving faith; promising that, on his return -from a voyage to the south, he would personally visit the capital of his -kingdom. This promise Co was not permitted to fulfil, for having set up -a pillar on Monte Negro (15 40 S.) and another on Cape Cross (21 -50),[300] he died a short distance beyond. Of the details of his death -we know nothing.[301] It seems, however, that the loss of their -commander induced a speedy return home: for Co's vessels must have -arrived in Portugal before August, 1487, as in that month Dias sailed on -his famous voyage, taking with him the negroes whom Co had kidnapped to -the south of the Kongo, with a view to their learning Portuguese, and -being employed as interpreters in future voyages. - -Co, therefore, never saw the King of Kongo; and there are good grounds -for believing that Nsaku who was sent by the King to Portugal to ask -for priests, masons, carpenters, agricultural labourers, and women to -make bread, only reached Europe in one of Dias's vessels, in December, -1488. Nsaku, most certainly, was first introduced to King John at Beja, -in January, 1489, when he and his companions were baptised, the King -himself, the Queen, and gentlemen of title acting as sponsors.(312) He -was sent back to the Kongo with Don Gonalo de Sousa, in December, 1490, -about two years after he had been baptised.[302] - - -THE EMBASSY OF 1490-1.[303] - -Don Joo de Sousa, the ambassador, left Portugal on December 19th, 1490, -with a fleet commanded by Gonalo de Sousa, as captain-major. Among the -pilots were Pero d'Alemquer and Pero Escovar, men famous in the maritime -history of Portugal. Ten Franciscan Friars[304] went out with this -fleet, and so did Nsaku, the ambassador of the King of Kongo. The plague -was raging at Lisbon at the time, and before the vessels reached the -Cape Verde Islands, this dreaded disease had carried off Joo de Sousa -(the ambassador), the captain-major, and many others. Ruy de Sousa, a -nephew of the captain-major, was then chosen to take the place of D. -Joo de Sousa. - -After a voyage of a hundred days the vessels reached the Kongo, and the -Mwana of Sonyo and his son, who had already been instructed in the -Christian doctrine by a priest from S. Thom, were baptised on Easter -Sunday, April 3rd, 1491, and were thenceforth known as Don Manuel and -Don Antonio da Silva; for it was the practice of the Portuguese, from -the very beginning, to bestow Portuguese names and titles upon the -negroes who submitted to the sacrament of baptism. - -This ceremony performed, Ruy de Sousa started for the King's -capital,[305] which he reached on April 29th. The King received him -seated on a platform, in a chair inlaid with ivory. He wore a -loin-cloth, presented to him by Co, copper bracelets, and a cap of -palm-cloth. A zebra tail depended from his left shoulder--a badge of -royalty.[306] - -The King was about to join his son Mbemba a Nzinga, Duke of Nsundi, who -had taken the field against the Bateke;[307] but before doing so he was -anxious to be baptised. The foundations of a church having been laid on -Rood Day, May 3rd,[308] the King and his Queen were baptised at once by -Frei Joo de Santa Maria, and were named Don Joo and Donna Leonor, -after the King and Queen of Portugal. - -The King, marching for the first time under the banner of the Cross, and -supported by the firearms of his Portuguese allies, came back a victor -to his capital. His eldest son and many nobles were then baptised. - -When Ruy de Sousa departed, he left behind him Frei Antonio[309] with -other priests, and gave instructions for an exploration of the Kongo -river above the cataracts, which do not appear to have been acted upon. -He also founded a factory near the mouth of the Kongo, where the -enterprising people of S. Thom had already established commercial -relations, although formal permission to do so was only granted them by -King Manuel on March 26th, 1500. Dom Pedro, a cousin of the King of -Kongo, accompanied him, with nine attendants, who, having been taught to -read and write, returned to their native country with D. Joo Soares, -early in 1494.[310] - -The missionaries lost no time in preaching the doctrines of their -Church; but whilst Don Affonso proved an ardent Christian, who -recklessly destroyed all fetishes discovered in his province of Nsundi, -the King himself soon grew lukewarm, owing to the priests' interference -with polygamy and other valued social institutions. In the country at -large, the heathen still held their ground. - - -D. AFFONSO I, 1509-1540.[311] - -And thus it happened that when Joo I died in 1509, the chiefs favoured -his second son, _Mpanzu a nzinga_,[312] a heathen, whilst the dowager -queen and the Count of Sonyo took the part of the elder brother. Don -Affonso, immediately on hearing of his father's illness, hurried up to -the capital, accompanied by only thirty-six Christians. He found that -his father had died. His brother approached with a mighty army, but five -flaming swords seen in the heavens on the eve of battle gave courage to -his small following, whilst a white cross and the appearance of St. -James at the head of the celestial host struck terror into the hearts of -the assailants. They fled in a panic.[313] Mpanzu himself was taken, -wounded, and decapitated. - -Order having been restored throughout the country, King Affonso availed -himself of the presence of Gonalo Rodriguez Ribeiro, who had come from -Portugal with a number of priests, and was about to return to that -country, to send an embassy to Pope Julius II and King Manuel.[314] The -head of this mission was Don Pedro (de Castro?), a cousin of the King -(who was accompanied by his wife), and with him went D. Manuel, a -brother of the King, and D. Henrique, a son. The presents conveyed to -Portugal included seven hundred copper bracelets, elephant tusks, -slaves, parrots, civet cats and other animals, and native cloth. D. -Henrique remained behind at Rome, where he was ordained and created -Bishop of Utica in 1518.[315] - -The mission sent by King Manuel in return was far-reaching in its -effects upon the political development of Kongo.[316] Of its magnitude -we may judge when we learn that it embarked in five vessels. Its leader, -Simo da Silva, dying on the road to S. Salvador, his place was taken by -Alvaro Lopes, the Royal factor. In his company were priests, experienced -soldiers, masons and carpenters to build churches and a royal palace, -and a lawyer (_leterado_) to explain the law books which figured among -the royal gifts, besides horses, mules, cloth, banners, church furniture -and images. The ambassador was instructed to explain the management of -the royal household in Portugal, and King Affonso quickly learnt the -lessons he received, and at once introduced the Portuguese titles of -Duke, Marquis, and Count. The ambassador likewise had with him an -elaborate coat-of-arms for the King,[317] and twenty less ambitious -heraldic designs for his principal noblemen; and the monarch himself -adopted a title closely imitated from that of his "brother" of -Portugal.[318] The ambassador was likewise instructed to make inquiries -about the origin of the Kongo in a lake, and to bring home cargoes of -slaves, copper and ivory. - -The King was delighted with all these gifts, not being aware that by -accepting them he virtually acknowledged himself to be a vassal of the -King of Portugal; and he published a long manifesto to his people, in -which he dwelt upon his past career, the blessings of the Christian -faith, and the honours now done him. He actually read the six bulky -folios, but he told Ruy d'Aguiar (in 1516) that if complicated laws like -these were to be introduced in his dominions, not a day would pass -without a legal offence of some kind being committed.[319] - -The intercourse between Kongo and Lisbon must have been very active in -those days. We learn, for instance, that in 1526 the King asked for -physicians and apothecaries, and in 1530 he forwarded to his "brother" -Manuel two silver bracelets, which he had received from Matamba. Many -young Kongoese were sent to Portugal to be educated; but, to judge from -a letter written by the King in 1517, the results were not always very -gratifying.[320] Nay, he accuses Antonio Viera, to whom he entrusted -twenty young relations to be taken to Portugal, of having parted with -several among them to Mpanzu-alumbu, his enemy, and of having left -others behind him at S. Thom.[321] A second embassy left Kongo in 1540, -to do homage to Pope Paul III. It was headed by D. Manuel, a brother of -the King, who had been a member of D. Pedro's mission. King Affonso -expected the King of Portugal to pay 3,000 cruzados towards the expenses -of this mission, in consideration of the large profits which he derived -from the trade with Kongo.[322] - -As a member of the Church militant, King Affonso deserved well of the -priesthood. He ruthlessly ordered all fetishes to be destroyed -throughout his dominions, but supplied their place with images of -saints, crosses, agni dei, and other ecclesiastical paraphernalia, which -he held to be more effectual. The clergy were numerous in his day, and -in addition to secular priests included Franciscans, Dominicans and -Austin Friars. They were wealthy, too, for lands and slaves had been -given them, and Christian churches arose even in remote parts of the -country. A Franciscan friar, Antonio de Dnis (known in the world as D. -Diogo de Vilhegas) had been appointed Bishop of S. Thom and Kongo,[323] -and took possession of his see in 1534, on which occasion exceptional -honours were shown him. He was a man of energy and much sincerity, but, -unhappily for his Church, survived only a few years. On his death-bed he -desired that D. Henrique, the King's son, whom he himself had ordained a -priest, when in Rome, and whom the Pope (as already mentioned) had -created Bishop of Utica in 1518, should succeed him in the episcopal -chair. The Pope, however, before he would consent to the appointment of -a native, desired personally to inquire into the matter. D. Henrique -went to Rome, but died on the voyage home, in 1539 or earlier. - -King Affonso deserved his reputation as a zealous Christian, and had -certainly proved himself a good friend to the regular and secular clergy -who undertook to convert his people. Yet, as early as 1515, he had -occasion to call upon the King of Portugal to aid him in suppressing the -irregularities of these "unworthy preachers of the Holy Catholic Faith," -whose inordinate desire of power and covetousness brought scandal upon -the Church, and promised little for the future.[324] Towards the close -of his reign, in 1540, one of these priests, Frei Alvaro, actually -attempted to assassinate the King, in church, and after Mass![325] - -The Portuguese living at the time in Kongo were placed under a royal -factor and a Corregedor (magistrate), and enjoyed ex-territorial -jurisdiction. They had a factory at Mpinda, at the mouth of the Kongo, -where the King of Portugal levied heavy duties. The commercial relations -do not appear to have been at all times of the most friendly nature. In -1514 the King complained that Ferno de Mello, the Governor of S. Thom, -traded with the Mpangu-lungu[326] who were his enemies; and in 1526 he -remonstrated against the conduct of the Portuguese slave-merchants. -Indeed, so preposterous were the claims put forward by the Portuguese -officials, that King Affonso, in 1517, humbly begged to be allowed to -employ a ship of his own when trading; or, at least to be exempted from -paying the heavy duties exacted by a foreign, albeit suzerain, power -upon the outlanders trading in his kingdom. These ill-advised exactions -explain, too, why trade gradually deserted the Kongo, and sought more -favourable openings to the south, at Luandu, as is shown by an inquiry -held in 1548.[327] - -The Portuguese made an effort to exploit the mineral wealth of the -country. Ruy Mendes, the "factor of the copper mines," is stated to have -discovered lead; and Gimdarlach (Durlacher?), a German "fundidor," in -1593 discovered copper, lead, and silver. The King, however, would not -allow the mines to be worked, for he feared that such a concession might -cost him his kingdom. - -Proposals for the exploration of the interior were made, but bore no -fruit. Gregrio de Quadra, who had spent several years as a prisoner -among the Arabs, was sent to Kongo in 1520, with instructions to make -his way thence to the country of Prester John. The King refused his -consent; Quadra returned to Portugal, and died a monk.[328] Balthasar de -Castro, the companion of Manuel Pacheco in Angola, desired to explore -the upper Kongo in 1526; but neither his scheme nor that of Manuel -Pacheco himself, who was to have built two brigantines, seems to have -been carried out. - -Of the domestic wars corned on by the King, we know next to nothing. -Angola and Matamba seem to have been virtually independent in his day, -though the island of Luandu, with its valuable cowry-fishery, was held -by him and his successors until 1649. He conquered, however, -Mpanzu-alumbu (Mpangu-lunga?)[329] on the lower Kongo, a district -inhabited by a predatory tribe.[330] That his successes in these "wars" -were due to his Portuguese mercenaries and their fire-locks is a matter -of course. - -Don Affonso died in 1540, or soon afterwards, leaving behind him a son, -D. Pedro, who succeeded him, and three daughters.[331] - - -D. PEDRO AND HIS SUCCESSORS, 1540-1561. - -PEDRO I had been educated in Portugal, and is described by Cavazzi as a -wise prince who had inherited all the virtues of his father, and was a -great friend of the missionaries. His reign was apparently a short -one,[332] and he was succeeded by a cousin, D. FRANCISCO, who only -reigned two or three years, and left the kingdom to a son,[333] D. -DIOGO.[334] Duarte Lopez describes this prince as a man of noble mind, -witty, intelligent, prudent in council, an upholder of the missionaries, -and at the same time a great warrior who, in the course of a few years, -conquered many of the neighbouring countries. His "wars" certainly did -not enlarge the borders of his kingdom, and the only war we know of -ended in disaster. The Portuguese at S. Salvador, jealous of the growing -commercial importance of Luandu, had persuaded the King to send an army -against Ngola Mbandi, they themselves furnishing an auxiliary corps. The -Kongoese, in spite of this, were defeated on the river Dande (about -1556); and Ngola not only appealed to Portugal for protection, but also -allied himself with the Jagas, with whose aid he invaded Kongo (in -1558). - -Nor were the relations of D. Diogo with the missionaries quite as -friendly as Lopez would lead us to believe. As early as 1549, D. Diogo -complained of the overbearing conduct of the Jesuits who had arrived in -that year in the company of D. Joo Baptista, the Bishop of S. -Thom;[335] the priests, on their side, accused the King of having shown -little respect to the bishop, and of having ordered them to be pulled -out of their pulpits, when they denounced his vices and those of his -people.[336] The Jesuits may have been over-zealous in the performance -of what they conceived to be their duty, and too prone to meddle in -politics; but they seem to have led clean lives, which cannot be said of -all of their clerical brethren. When D. Gaspar Co,[337] the Bishop of -S. Thom and Kongo, a man who took the duties of his office seriously, -visited S. Salvador, these priests openly defied his authority. But -after several of the recalcitrant priests had been deported to Portugal, -whilst others had left voluntarily with such wealth as they had been -able to amass, discipline was re-established.[338] - - -A REIGN OF ANARCHY, 1561-1568. - -When Diogo died, about 1561, the Portuguese residents endeavoured to -secure the throne for one of their own creatures, and caused the duly -elected favourite of the people to be assassinated. As a result, the -people of S. Salvador rose upon the Portuguese, many of whom were -killed, not even priests being spared. The accounts[339] of this period -of disorder are too confused to enable us to be certain even of the -names of the reigning kings. D. AFFONSO II, a son (probably -illegitimate) of D. Diogo, ascended the throne of his father, but was -murdered by his brother, D. BERNARDO, who appears to have been the -candidate favoured by the Portuguese. He at once sent Father Estevo de -Laguos on an embassy to Queen Catherine of Portugal, who, in a letter -dated June 26th, 1562,[340] congratulated him upon his accession, whilst -gently chiding him for the murder of his brother. This King was -evidently friendly disposed towards the Portuguese; and Antonio Vieira, -a negro, who had visited Portugal as member of an embassy, when writing -to Queen Catherine in April 1566,[341] suggested that he might be -induced to allow the mines of copper and tin to be worked. D. Bernardo -is stated by the Duke of Mbamba to have fallen in a war with the -Anzicas, "in defence of Christianity and the Fatherland." He was -succeeded by D. HENRIQUE, a brother of D. Diogo, who, after a short and -troubled reign, died of a wound received in a battle, either against -some revolted vassals,[342] or fighting the Anzicanas.[343] He was the -last king of the original dynasty, for Alvaro I, his successor, was only -a step-son. - - -D. ALVARO I AND THE AYAKA, 1568-1574.[344] - -D. Alvaro, immediately on his accession, sent an embassy to Portugal, to -apologise for the massacre of many Portuguese during the reigns of his -predecessors, which he excused on the ground of the vices and abuses of -the clergy. These excuses were apparently accepted in Portugal, -fortunately for D. Alvaro, for the very next year the dreaded Ayaka[345] -invaded his kingdom by way of Mbata; and, being worsted, the King fled -with his adherents to the Hippopotamus Island,[346] on the lower Kongo, -where they suffered many hardships, and whence he appealed piteously to -the Portuguese for help. This help was not denied him. Francisco de -Gouvea, corregedor of S. Thom, in 1570, hastened to his aid with six -hundred Portuguese, expelled the Ayaka, reinstated the King in his -capital, and built a wall round S. Salvador for greater security. The -King fully recognised the value of the service that had been rendered -him, for Paulo Dias de Novaes told Garcia Mendes[347] that he -acknowledged himself a vassal of Portugal;[348] and as neither gold or -silver had been discovered in his country, he agreed to pay a tribute in -_njimbos_, which he actually did for a few years. - -No sooner was Alvaro once more seated securely upon his throne than he -sent the Count of Sonyo against Ngola (1572). Several encounters took -place in Musulu and Mbuila (Ambuila); but in the end Ngola was allowed -to retain his father's conquests, the river Dande being fixed upon as -the boundary between the two kingdoms. Kongo, however, retained -possession of the valuable island of Luandu. - -Among other events of this reign we should mention a second visit of D. -Gaspar Co, the bishop, shortly before his death (in 1574); and the -scandal caused by the burial of a notorious infdel, D. Francisco Mbula -matadi, in the church of S. Cruz, the roof of which was taken off by -night, and the body, carried away by the Devil![349] - -D. Alvaro only enjoyed his prosperity for a short time, for when Paulo -Dias landed at Luandu, in 1575, he was already dead.[350] - - -D. ALVARO II, 1574-1614. - -Alvaro II, a son of Alvaro I, is described by Bishop D. Manuel Baptista -as a "zealous Christian, father and friend of all;"[351] but it is -evident that he looked not with overmuch favour upon the Portuguese -residents in his country, and he is charged, in a memoir addressed by -Domingos d'Abreu Brito to King Philip I, in 1592 with having plotted -with the kings of Ndongo and Matamba against the Portuguese. An army -which he sent ostensibly to the aid of the Portuguese in 1583 retired, -apparently without striking a blow, whilst he furnished a contingent to -the forces of Matamba which invaded Angola in 1590. He hindered, by -specious excuses, the completion of a stone fort at Mpinda, which had -been commenced in 1609 by Antonio Gonalves Pitta, until all the workmen -had died. He favoured Dutch traders to the great detriment of the -Portuguese; and we know from Samuel Braun,[352] that an effort was made -in 1612 to expel the Dutch from the Kongo, and that it would have been -successful, had not the natives sided with these heretical enemies, -whose dealings appeared to them to be more generous. Moreover, the King, -although he had promised Sebastian da Costa (1580) that he would allow -the supposed silver mines to be sought for, eventually refused his -consent.[353] - -Turning to Church affairs, we hear of the usual applications for -missionaries, and of several episcopal visitations by D. F. Antonio de -Goiva (1578), D. Manuel de Ulhoa, D. Miguel Baptista Rangel, and D. -Manuel Baptista. D. Manuel de Ulhoa presided over a synod at S. -Salvador, in 1585, and laid down statutes for the government of his see. -D. Miguel Baptista Rangel was the first Bishop of Kongo, which had been -separated from the diocese of S. Thom by a Bull of May 20th, 1596. His -successor, D. Manuel Baptista, resided for several years in Kongo, where -he died in 1621; and a letter addressed to King Philip II, in 1612,[354] -speaks of the results of over a century of missionary effort as -insignificant, and describes the people as incurable barbarians, full of -vice. - - -D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, 1622-1624. - -BERNARDO II, a son of Alvaro II, only reigned for a few months, for he -was killed by his brother, ALVARO III, and a complaint addressed to him -by the Governor of Angola about the admission of heretical Dutchmen to -trade in Sonyo was answered by his successor. This Alvaro III, the -fratricide, is nevertheless described by Cavazzi as having been "wise, -modest, courageous, and above all a zealous Christian." It was during -his reign, in 1619, that the Jesuits founded a college at S. Salvador. A -proposed mission of Italian Capuchins came to nothing, for King Philip -of Spain, by royal letters of September 22nd, 1620, forbade foreign -missionaries to enter Portuguese colonies without first obtaining a -royal license.[355] Alvaro III died on May 26th, 1622, and was succeeded -by D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, whom Cavazzi describes as a son of Alvaro III; -whilst a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador,[356] who wrote an interesting life -of this prince in 1624, makes him out to have been a son of Mbiki a -ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, and a descendant, in the female line, of the -first King of Kongo. If this biographer can be trusted, he was a man of -much promise, and of a mild, forgiving temper; for although the Duke of -Mbamba had sought his life, he conferred upon him the marquisate of -Wembo. His reign was a short and troubled one. In August, 1622, the Duke -of Mbata had been killed by rebels, and his vassal, the King of Kwangu -(Ocango), had suffered a defeat. Joo Corra de Souza, the Governor of -Angola, summoned him to surrender Luandu Island and all the copper -mines; and this being refused, the Portuguese under Luiz Gomez, aided by -the Jagas, crossed the Dande at Ikau and invaded Nambu a ngongo, and (in -December) also Mbumbi, where the Duke of Mpemba and many others were -killed and eaten by the Jagas, in spite of their being Christians. The -people of the invaded districts revenged themselves by killing the -Portuguese living in their midst, the King vainly endeavouring to -protect them. These invaders had scarcely been driven off, when Captain -Silvestre Soares, with a body of Jagas, entered Ngombe and Kabanda. But -that which gave most pain to the King was the destruction of the kingdom -of Bangu, and the murder of its King by the Jagas, with the aid of the -King of "Loango," which was the "trunk and origin of the kingdom of -Kongo."[357] In the midst of these afflictions, the King was rejoiced to -learn the arrival of D. Simo Mascarenhas at Luanda; but he met with an -accident, and died on April 13th, 1624, after a short reign of less than -two years, and mourned by six sons and two daughters.[358] - - -D. PEDRO'S SUCCESSORS, 1624-1641. - -GARCIA, the eldest son of D. Pedro, when elected was only twenty years -of age, He was succeeded by D. AMBROSIO, in October, 1626, whose reign, -up till March, 1631, was one continuous warfare with his powerful -vassals. The country became unsafe, and the Portuguese retired for a -time from S. Salvador. ALVARO IV, a son of Alvaro III, made himself -master of the kingdom, and retained possession until his death, February -25th, 1636. He was succeded by his son, ALVARO V, who, doubting the -loyalty of his half-brothers, the Duke of Mbamba and the Marquis of -Kiowa, made war upon them, was defeated and taken prisoner, but -liberated. Unmindful of the generosity of his opponents, he once more -tried the fortune of battle, was taken again, and executed (in August, -1636). The Duke of Mbamba was unanimously elected in his place, and -reigned, as ALVARO VI, until his death on February 22nd, 1641. He waged -two unsuccessful wars against the Count of Sonyo, in 1636 and again in -1637; and was obliged to surrender the district of Makuta (Mocata) to -his adversary. - - -GARCIA II AFFONSO, O KIMBAKU, 1641-1663,[359] - -the half-brother and old companion in arms of Alvaro VI, took possession -of the throne at a critical time; for in August of the year of his -accession, the Dutch captured Luandu, and the fortunes of the Portuguese -were at the lowest ebb. The Dutch lost no time in sending an embassy to -Kongo (1642),[360] and these new allies lent him their assistance in a -small war against Mwana Nsala, who had defied the royal authority.[361] -But they declined to give effective help against a more powerful vassal, -the Count of Sonyo, as it might have interfered with their trade -interests on the Lower Kongo.[362] The King's army was defeated twice on -April 29th, 1645, when Affonso, the King's son, was taken prisoner, and -again in July 1648, in the forest of Mfinda angulu. Meanwhile the Dutch -had broken the padro set up by Co at the mouth of the Kongo; they had -re-named S. Antonio's Bay after their river Pampus at Amsterdam; had -gone to S. Salvador; and at least one of them, Johan Herder,[363] had -travelled far inland, and visited the Mwana Nkundi on the Kwangu. The -heretical tracts and books which they liberally distributed were in due -course burnt by the Capuchin friars. - -Portugal was, moreover, irritated by the admission of Italian and -Castilian Capuchins, a batch of whom, headed by P. Bonaventura of -Alessano,[364] arrived at S. Salvador, on September 2nd, 1645, without -having previously called at Lisbon. This first mission was followed by -three others in 1648, 1651 and 1654,[365] and mission stations were -established in Mbata, in Nkusu, Nsundi, Mpemba, Mbwela, and Wembo -(Ovando).[366] Among the more noteworthy missionary travels of the time -was that of P. Girolamo of Montesarchio, who visited Konko a bele -(Concobello), in 1652.[367] - -Even greater offence was given to Portugal by a mission which the King -despatched to Rome in 1646, and which arrived there, by way of Holland, -in May, 1648. P. Angelo de Valenza, the head of this mission, had been -instructed to beg the Pope to appoint three bishops for Kongo, Matamba -and the Makoko's country, without reference to the claims of Portugal. -This the Pope declined to do; but to show his pleasure at receiving this -mission, he had a medal struck in memory of its visit, with the -inscription "Et Congo agnovit Pastorem," and sent the King a Royal crown -blessed by himself. The King, however, when his mission returned (1651), -and when he heard that the Pope had refused to change Kongo from an -elective into a hereditary monarchy, grew wroth. He openly renounced -Christianity, forbade the Capuchins to preach the word of God, and -recalled his native ngangas. But when some bags containing relics and -ornaments, which the King had taken out of the churches, were -miraculously spared by a fire which broke out in his palace, he -reconsidered his position. A reconciliation with the Capuchins was -effected, and soon afterwards the King, in penitential robes, actually -marched at the head of a procession which had been organised to turn -away a threatened plague of locusts; he allowed himself to be crowned by -P. Giannuario of Nola, in the name of his Holiness, and took an active -part in the celebration of the Pope's jubilee.[368] - -Meanwhile the Portuguese had recovered Luandu, and the King was called -upon to pay the penalty for having made friendship with the Dutch -heretics, and admitted foreigners as missionaries. Bartholomeu de -Vasconcellos invaded Kongo. The King at once sent P. Domingos Cardoso, a -Jesuit, and the Capuchin Friar Bonaventura Sardo, to Luandu, where they -had an interview with the Governor (on February 19th, 1649), and -preliminary terms of peace were arranged.[369] The treaty was reported -upon by the _Conselho Ultramarino_, and confirmed in 1651 at Lisbon, -whither Friar Bonaventura[370] of Sorrento had gone to do homage to the -King of Portugal, on behalf of the Prefect of the Capuchins, as also to -plead the cause of his Order in reference to the proposed treaty. The -terms of this treaty, as modified, were as follows:--Castilians or -Dutchmen not to be permitted to reside or travel in Kongo nor their -ships to be admitted, unless provided with a Portuguese passport; the -Capuchin friars to communicate with Rome only by way of Luandu or -Lisbon, and no Castilians to be admitted among them; the Kings of Kongo -and Portugal to mutually assist each other if attacked by an enemy; an -ambassador of the King of Kongo to take up his residence at Luandu, as -also a royal prince, as hostage, or in his absence two or three men of -rank; compensation to be granted for all the losses suffered by the -Portuguese since the arrival of the Dutch, and fugitive slaves to be -surrendered; Portuguese merchants to be exempted from the payment of -tolls; a site to be granted at the mouth of the Kongo for a fortress; -all gold and silver mines to be ceded to the crown of Portugal, and the -country to the south of the river Dande to be ceded absolutely; and -finally the King of Kongo to acknowledge himself a "tributario" of -Portugal. - -The King seems to have long hesitated before he ratified this treaty, -for in 1656, Diogo Gomes de Morales was ordered to invade Kongo to -enforce it, and was on the point of crossing the river Loje into Mbamba, -when he was recalled, as envoys from the King had arrived at Luandu, -definitely to arrange the terms of peace. - -During the later years of his life, D. Garcia once more fell away from -his Christian teachers, whom he accused of being influenced by political -motives. Suspecting the Duke of Mpemba of a desire to deprive his son of -the succession, he had him executed; and when the native diviners -accused his eldest son, Affonso, of aiming at his life, he had his -second son elected as his successor. He died in 1663. - - -D. ANTONIO I, 1663-66. - -D. Antonio had been enjoined by his dying father to avenge the -humiliation forced upon him by the Portuguese. He inaugurated his reign -by killing his own brother and other relatives, whom he suspected of -disloyalty. The warnings of heaven--fiery balls, an earthquake, which -destroyed part of his capital, a plague, which decimated the -population--were disregarded by him. - -He very soon found himself involved in a war with the Portuguese, who -claimed possession of the mines which had been promised by treaty, and -complained of raids made upon friendly chiefs. On July 13th, 1665, the -King called upon his people to rise in defence of their country and -liberty.[371] His diviners had promised him an easy victory. The -Portuguese had recently been reinforced from Brazil, yet the army which -they were able to put into the field only numbered four hundred -Europeans, with two field guns and six thousand negroes. It was -commanded by Luiz Lopez de Sequeira, the captain-major, with whom were -Manuel Rebello de Brito, Diogo Rodriguez de S, Simo de Matos and -Antonio Araujo Cabreira, the serjeant-major. The hostile forces met on -January 1st, 1666, at Ulanga, near the Pedras de Ambuilla.[372] Antonio, -seeing the small force opposed to him, hoped to gain an easy victory; -but the Portuguese, formed in square, resisted the onslaught of his -hosts for six hours. At last the King left the ranks, desirous of a -personal encounter with Lopez de Sequeira; but he was shot down, his -head was cut off, and stuck upon a pike. His followers fled in dismay. -The missionaries assert that the Virgin Mary, with her Child, was seen -to stand by the side of the Portuguese leader, directing the battle, and -that a fiery rain fell upon the idolaters.[373] - -The Governor of Angola, in commemoration of this victory, built the -chapel of N.S. da Nazareth at Luandu, whilst the King of Portugal amply -rewarded the victors. - - -A TIME OF ANARCHY, AFTER 1666. - -We are indebted to Pedro Mendes for an account of the history of Kongo -from the death of D. Antonio in 1666 to the beginning of the eighteenth -century.[374] During that time, according to this authority, there were -fourteen Kings of Kongo, of whom four were beheaded (or killed) by the -Musurongo, five by the Ezikongo, three died a natural death, and two -were survivors when he wrote, namely, D. Pedro IV, at Salvador, and D. -Joo at Mbula.[375] At one time there were actually three kings in the -field. - -ALVARO VII, a royal prince who had passed his early life in retirement, -but who, on being raised to the throne, turned out a monster of -iniquity, was killed by his own subjects, abetted by the Count of Sonyo -(1666), under whose auspices took place the election of his successor, -D. ALVARO VIII (1666-70), who was in turn removed by the Marquis of -Mpemba. Alvaro VIII[376] had allowed the Portuguese to search for gold, -but this search turned out as fruitless as the search for silver at -Kambambe. Meanwhile D. AFFONSO III AFFONSO had been proclaimed at -Kibangu, the new capital (1667), whilst D. PEDRO III _nsukia ntamba_ was -put up as an opposition King in Mbula. The latter defeated his rival, -who fled beyond the Mbiriji (Ambriz), and died there (of poison?). His -widow, D. Anna, a daughter of a former King, Garcia, retired to Nkondo -(Mucondo), and survived her husband until 1680. The people proclaimed D. -GARCIA III _nenganga mbemba_[377] his successor, whilst the opposition, -at the old capital (S. Salvador), declared D. DANIEL DE GUZMAN, -descendant of Mpanzu (Alvaro I), to be the rightful King. D. Daniel took -the field against D. Garcia III, but, before he reached the residence of -that King, he was overtaken by D. Pedro of Mbula; his army was -dispersed, and himself beheaded. His children sought refuge with the -Count of Sonyo, and by treachery they succeeded in getting D. Pedro into -their power, and killed him. The people of Mbula thereupon raised his -brother, D. JOO, to the throne, who survived until after 1710. S. -Salvador, after D. Daniel had deserted it, became the haunt of wild -beasts. - -Meanwhile D. RAFAEL, Marquis of Mpemba, who had been proclaimed King -some time anterior to this, had been obliged to seek refuge among the -Portuguese, and his reinstatement was one of the objects of the -disastrous expedition of 1670,[378] by which it was sought to punish -Count Estevo da Silva of Sonyo for his desecration of Christian -churches and the ill-treatment of Portuguese traders: or, rather, his -dealings with heretic competitors. - -Joo Soares de Almeida, the commander of this expedition, had with him -five hundred Portuguese, supported by a strong force of native allies, -among whom was a Jaga Kalandula. He won a battle, in which Estevo was -killed; but Pedro, the brother of the unfortunate Count, rallied the -forces of Sonyo, unexpectedly fell upon the Portuguese near the Mbiriji -(Ambriz), and scarcely a man among them escaped. Count Pedro then -expelled the Italian Capuchins, who were supposed to be friendly to -Portugal, and invited in their stead Belgian members of the same Order, -who arrived in September, 1673, under the lead of P. Wouters. But, -having been accused of stopping the rain, and having in reply -excommunicated the Count, they were speedily expelled.[379] Peace -between Sonyo and Portugal was only restored in 1690, when the former -promised to abolish idolatry and to sell no slaves to heretics. - -It was about this period (between 1669 and 1675) that Francisco do -Mura, the captain-major of Dande, visited S. Salvador, and proceeded -thence to Mbata and the Kwangu, where he was told that this river flowed -through the kingdom of the Makoko, and entered the sea at Mpinda, a fact -long before known to the missionaries. These latter had not quite -abandoned the Kongo, notwithstanding these troubles, and in 1668 the -Capuchins still occupied their monasteries at the capital of Mbamba and -at Mpembu;[380] whilst Girolamo Merolla (1682-88) and Antonio Zucchelli -steadily laboured (1700-02) in Sonyo and Luangu.[381] - -D. ANDRE succeeded D. Garcia, but died after a short reign. D. MANUEL -_nzinga elenge_, a descendant of Mpanzu, was duly elected, but expelled -by the sons of the late D. Garcia, who raised ALVARO IX to the throne in -his stead. This prince was never recognised by the Count of Sonyo, who -looked upon D. Manuel, who had sought refuge with him, as the legitimate -King. He was reinstated by him for a time, but ultimately fell into the -power of his enemies, and was beheaded. - -Alvaro IX was succeeded in 1694 by his brother PEDRO IV _nsanu a -mbemba_, also known as _agoa rosada_,[382] who once more returned to the -ancient capital. He and D. Joo of Mbula were the only Kings alive in -1701, when the Capuchin Friar Francisco de Pavia, and his colleague -Friar Joo Maria went throughout the kingdom of Kongo, preaching peace, -and calling upon the leading men to recognise D. Pedro as their King; -and thus put an end to quarrels which had distracted the country for an -entire generation. - - -A RETROSPECT. - -And if we ask to what extent, and in what manner, have the natives of -Kongo been benefited by two centuries of contact with the civilisation -of Europe, and of missionary effort, we feel bound to admit that they -have not been benefited at all--either materially or morally. On the -contrary. There were, no doubt, a few earnest men among the -missionaries, and the Church of Rome deserves some credit for the zeal -with which she addressed herself to the object of converting the -natives. At the same time it cannot be denied that the instruments she -employed, the methods she pursued, and the surrounding circumstances, -were not favourable to success. And success there has been none--at -least, none of an enduring nature--notwithstanding the boastful, if not -absolutely mendacious, reports of her missionaries. The assertion that -there was a time when the whole of Kongo had become Roman Catholic must -raise a smile on the face of those who have attentively studied the -missionary reports. There were eleven churches and a crowd of priests at -the capital; but the outlying provinces were but poorly attended to. The -number of missionaries, even including the native helpers, was never -large enough to administer, even to a tithe of the population, those -rites and sacraments, which the Roman Catholic Church professes to be of -essential importance.[383] - -I quite agree with the Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, when he says that the -"great spiritual edifice" [raised by the missionaries] has not only -"crumbled into the dust, but it has left the unfortunate inhabitants of -that country in as deep ignorance and superstition, and perhaps in -greater poverty and degradation, than they would have been if Roman -Catholicism had never been proclaimed among them."[384] Father Jos -Antonio de Souza, who resided at S. Salvador from 1881-87, and was -subsequently created Bishop of Mozambique, virtually admits this, for he -says: "Christianity did not penetrate deeply; it passed over the country -like a heavy rain, which scarcely wetted the surface of the land, and -left the subsoil absolutely dry and sterile."[385] He adds -significantly: "By the side of the missionary stood the slave-trader." -And surely it was the export slave trade, created by the cupidity of the -Portuguese, but shared in by Dutch, French and English, which undermined -the prosperity of the country, and decimated its population. And the -missionaries never raised a protest against this traffic, although it -was against the tenets of their Church,[386] for they profited by it. -The only thing which they did for the wretched slaves was to endeavour -to secure, as far as possible, that they should not fall into the hands -of heretics; so that at least their souls might be saved, whatever -became of their bodies. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO. - -(NTOTELA NTINU MAKONGO.) - - - 1. Ntinu mini a lukeni. - - 2. Nanga kia ntinu, his nephew or cousin. - - 3. -- -- - - 4. Nkuwu a ntinu, son of No. 1. - - 5. Joo I Nzinga a nkuwu, son of No. 4, baptised May - 3rd, 1491, died 1509. - - 6. Mpanzu a nzinga (Mpanzu a kitima?), second son of - No. 5, 1509. - - 7. Affonso I Mbemba a nzinga (Mbemba nelumbu), - eldest son of No. 5, 1509-40. - - 8. Pedro I Nkanga a mbemba, son of No. 7, 1540-44. - - 9. Francisco Mpudi a nzinga, 1544-46. - - 10. Diogo Nkumbi a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1546-61. - - 11. Affonso II Mpemba a nzinga, an illegitimate son of - No. 10? 1561. - - 12. Bernardo I, (bastard) son of No. 10, 1561-67. - - 13. Henrique (Nerika) a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1567-68. - - 14. Alvaro I o Mpanzu, Mini a lukeni lua mbamba, - stepson of No. 12, 1568-74. - - 15. Alvaro II Nempanzu a Mini, son of No. 14, 1574-1614. - - - 16. Bernardo II Nenimi a mpanzu, son of No. 15, 1615. - - 17. Alvaro III Mbiki a mpanzu, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 15, - 1615 to May 26th, 1622. - - 18. Pedro II Affonso Nkanga a mbiki, son of Mbiki an tumbo, - Duke of Nsundi, grandson of a daughter of No. 7, 1622 to April - 13th, 1624. - - 19. Garcia I Mbemba a nkanga, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 18, - April 1624, to June 26th, 1626. - - 20. Ambrosio I, October 10th, 1626, to March, 1631. - - 21. Alvaro IV, son of No. 17, 1631 to February 25th, 1636. - - 22: Alvaro V, son of No. 21, 1636-38. - - 23. Alvaro VI, Duke of Mbamba, August, 1638, to February 22nd, - 1641. - - 24. Garcia II o kimbaku, (Nkanga a lukeni), Marquis of Kiwa, - 1641-63. - - 25. Antonio I Nevita a nkanga, mwana mulaza, son of No. 24, - 1663-66. - - 26. Alvaro VII Nepanzu a masundu, 1666-67. - - 27. Pedro III Nsukia ntamba of Mbula, 1667-79. - - 28. Alvaro VIII, 1667-78. - - 29. Affonso III Affonso, 1667-69. - - 30. Garcia III Nenganga mbemba, 1669-78. - - 31. Rafael I, marquis of Mpemba, 1669-75. - - 32. Daniel de Guzman Nemiala nia gimbuilla (?), a descendant - of No. 14, 1678-80. - - 33. Joo of Mbula, brother of No. 27, 1679--(He was alive in - 1710). - - 34. Andr mulaza, a descendant of No. 25, 1679. - - 35. Manuel Nzinga elenge, a descendant of No. 14, 1680-16--. - - 36. Alvaro IX Nenimi a mbemba, a descendant both of No. 14 and - of No. 25. - - 37. Pedro IV, Nsanu a mbemba (Agoa rosada), brother of No. 36, - acceded 1694, and was alive in 1710. - - 38. Pedro Constantino Kibangu. He was executed in 1709. - -The dates given for Nos. 26-38, are for the most part very uncertain: -Nos. 26, 28, 31, and 32 I believe to have resided at S. Salvador; Nos. -29, 30, 34, 35, 36 and 37, at Kibangu; Nos. 27 and 33, in Mbula. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -EARLY PORTUGUESE VISITORS. - -The inhabitants of S. Thom were granted permission in 1500[387] to -trade as far as the Kongo river; but it is just possible that long -before that time, and notwithstanding an interdict of 1504, they had -felt their way southward along the coast, and had discovered that a -profitable trade, not hampered by the presence of royal officials or -"farmers," might be carried on at Luandu, and up a river which, after -the King of the country, was called the river of Ngola (Angola). - -Several years afterwards, a representative of this Ngola, whilst on a -visit at S. Salvador, suggested that missionaries should be sent to -convert his master. King Manuel was nothing loth to act upon this -suggestion, and entrusted Manuel Pacheco and Balthasar de Castro, both -of whom were old residents in Kongo, with an expedition, whose main -object was to report on the missionary and commercial prospects in -Ngola's country, to inquire into the existence of reputed silver mines, -and, eventually, to explore the coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope. -On arriving at the bar of Ngola's river (the Kwanza), B. de Castro was -to go to the King's court, where, if circumstances were favourable, he -was to be joined by a priest. Pacheco himself was to return to Portugal, -with a cargo of slaves, ivory, and silver.[388] - -No report of this mission has hitherto seen the light; but we know that -B. de Castro actually reached Ngola's residence, and that he was -retained there as a prisoner, until released in 1526, through the -intervention of the King of Kongo. He reported that he never saw silver -or precious stones anywhere in Angola.[389] - - -THE EARLY HISTORY OF NDONGO (ANGOLA). - -Ndongo is the original name of the vast territory now known as Angola, -from the name or title of its ruler (Ngola) when first the Portuguese -became acquainted with it. The early history of this region is involved -in obscurity, but it seems that its chiefs at one time owed allegiance -to the King of Kongo, whose authority was finally shaken off about the -middle of the sixteenth century, the King only keeping possession of -Luandu island and its valuable _njimbu_ fishery. - -Cavazzi, Antonio Laudati of Gaeta, Cadornega, and others, have published -long lists of Kings of "Angola;" but nearly all the names they give are -not those of the Kings, but the titles which they assumed,[390] and by -which they were generally known. The full title of the King of Ndongo -was _Ngola kiluanji kia Samba_,[391] and that title is still borne by -the present ruler, who claims to be a descendant of the kings of old, -and whose _Kabasa_[392] on the River Hamba (Va-umba or Umba) still -occupies the locality assigned by the missionaries to Queen Nzinga's -_Kabasa_, where they built the church of S. Maria of Matamba. - -Cavazzi's Matamba, however, included the whole of Queen Nzinga's -kingdom, as it existed in his day, whilst the original Matamba, as also -the country known by that name in the present day, had much narrower -limits. It was originally tributary to Kongo, but one of its rulers -assumed the title of _Kambulu_, that is, King, and renounced all -vassalage to his former suzerain. It existed as an independent kingdom -until 1627, when the famous Queen Nzinga took prisoner the dowager -Queen, Muongo Matamba, and incorporated this ancient kingdom in her own -dominions.[393] - -It may have been a Ngola kiluanji, described by Cavazzi as the son of -Tumba ria ngola and of a Ngola kiluanji kia Samba, who first invaded -lower Ndongo, and assigned his conquest to one of his sons. But all is -uncertainty, and there exists an inextricable confusion in the names of -the Kings of upper and lower Ndongo as transmitted to us. One thing, -however, is certain, namely, that as early as 1520 the country down to -the sea was held by a king bearing the name or title of Ngola.[394] - - -THE FIRST EXPEDITION OF PAULO DIAS DE NOVAES, 1560. - -In 1556 Ngola Ineve,[395] being threatened by Kongo, sent an ambassador -to Portugal asking for the establishment of friendly relations. This -ambassador arriving in the year of the death of King John III (1557), -action was deferred until 1559, when three caravels were fitted out and -placed under the command of Paulo Dias, a grandson of the discoverer of -the Cape of Good Hope. Dias left Lisbon on December 22nd, 1559, and -called at S. Thom (where Bishop Gaspar Co observed that the Jesuits, -who accompanied Dias, would meet with no success as long as commercial -intercourse was prohibited).[396] Dias arrived at the bar of the Kwanza -on May 3rd, and there waited patiently for six months, when Musungu, a -native chief, made his appearance at the head of a crew of painted -warriors, armed with bows and arrows. In his company Dias, accompanied -by the Jesuit fathers and twenty men, travelled up the country for sixty -leagues, when he arrived at the royal residence.[397] The King, not any -longer the Ngola who had asked for missionaries, but his successor,[398] -received his visitors kindly, but would net allow them to depart until -they had helped him against one of his revolted Sobas, called Kiluanji -kia kwangu by Garcia Mendes.[399] Having rendered this service Dias was -dismissed, but the Jesuits remained behind as hostages. Whilst Dias was -absent in Europe, Ngola defeated an army sent against him, and thus -compelled the recognition of the Dande river as his boundary, the -island of Luandu alone, with its productive _njimbu_ fishery, remaining -with Kongo. Ngola ndambi died (in 1568?) before Dias returned. - - -THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF DIAS, 1574. - -After a considerable delay, Dias was sent out as "Conquistador" of the -territory recently visited by him. He left Lisbon on October 23rd, 1574, -with seven vessels and three hundred and fifty men, most of them -cobblers, tailors, and tradesmen.[400] Among his officers were Pedro da -Fonseca, his son-in-law, Luis Serro, Andr Ferreira Pereira, and Garcia -Mendes Castellobranco, all of whom subsequently won distinction as -"Conquistadores." Three Jesuit fathers (with P. Balthasar Barreira as -superior), and three Dominicans accompanied him. These latter, however, -not finding the country to their liking, soon sought more comfortable -quarters in Kongo. Dias was authorised to grant estates (including full -seignorial rights) to all such among his companions as were prepared to -build a small fort at their own expense. - -In February, 1575, the fleet sighted the coast near the Kwanza, and -passing over the bar of Kurimba cast anchor in the fine bay of Luandu, -and on February 20th Dias laid the foundations of a church.[401] The -island, at that time, was inhabited by forty Portuguese who had come -from Kongo, and a considerable number of native Christians. Its cowry -fisheries yielded great profit to its owner, the King of Kongo, who was -represented by a governor.[402] Not finding the site originally chosen -for his capital to be suitable, Dias, in 1576, removed to what is now -known as the Morro de S. Miguel, and he named the new colony "Reino de -Sebaste na conquista de Ethiopia," in honour of the King who fell -gloriously at Al Kasr el Kebir, and its capital S. Paulo de Luandu. - -Meanwhile the customary presents were exchanged with the King, whose -name or title seems to have been Ngola a kiluanji. The King's gifts -included slaves, cattle, copper and silver bracelets, and aromatic -Kakongo wood. The Cardinal King D. Henrique (1578-80) converted the -silver bracelets into a chalice, which he presented to the church of -Belem. - -Friendly relations continued for three years. The King had been duly -helped against his rebellious sobas; Pedro da Fonseca lived at the -King's residence as "ministro conservador" of the Portuguese, and a -brisk trade seems to have sprung up with the new town of S. Paulo de -Luandu, when it was insinuated to the King that the Portuguese -ultimately intended to take possession of his country, and to sell his -subjects abroad as slaves. The _Catalogo_ traces these insinuations to -the jealousy of a Portuguese trader "inspired by the Devil," and -although neither Garcia Mendes nor Abreu de Brito alludes to this -infamy, their not doing so does not disprove the positive statement of -the _Catalogo_.[403] Moreover, whether the King's mind was influenced by -envoys from Kongo, or by a traitorous Portuguese, it must be admitted -that the intentions of the Portuguese were not altogether -misrepresented. - -At all events, the results were immediately disastrous, for twenty -Portuguese traders, who were at the King's kabasa at the time, were -murdered, together with one thousand slaves, and their merchandise was -confiscated. - - -DIAS IN THE FIELD, 1578-89. - -Dias, before this happened, had already (in 1577) built the fort of S. -Cruz,[404] ten leagues up the Kwanza, and was at the time at a stockade -on the Penedo de S. Pedro, still higher up on the river.[405] When -there, he was warned not to advance any further, and, suspecting -treachery, he retired with his one hundred and fifty men to Kanzele -(Anzele),[406] where he entrenched himself (in 1578). Twenty days later -he received news of the massacre. Dias at once hastened back to Luandu -for reinforcements, the serjeant-major, Manuel Joo, meanwhile valiantly -defending the stockade and raiding the neighbourhood. - -In September, 1580, Dias again left Luandu with three hundred men. -Slowly he proceeded along the Kwanza by land and in boats, punished the -sobas Muchima, Kitangombe, and Kizua, in Kisama, and defeated the King's -army at Makunde,[407] where he had his headquarters for two years, -during which time his subordinates, Joo Serro, Manuel Joo, and -others, established his authority among the sobas of Kisama and Lamba -(Ilamba). - -In 1582 he removed to Masanganu, at the "meeting of the waters" of the -Lukala and Kwanza. Determined to capture the reputed silver mines of -Kambambe, he set out with Luiz Serro, eighty Portuguese, and a "guerra -preta" of thirty thousand men. During his forward march he defeated the -soba Mbamba Tungu; and at an entrenched camp at Teka ndungu, on February -2nd, 1584, he inflicted a crushing defeat upon the King's forces; the -Jesuit Father Balthasar Barreiro claiming no little credit for having -contributed to this victory by his prayers.[408] As a result of this -success, many of the sobas declared in favour of Portugal, but so -inconsiderable were the forces at the command of Dias that he could do -no more than maintain his position at Masanganu. An army under the Duke -of Mbamba, which had been promised to him, was never sent.[409] -Reinforcements, however, arrived in the course of 1584 and 1586,[410] -and Dias fought a battle on the Lukala. But his subordinates did not -always meet with a like success; and Joo Castanhosa Vellez, with one -hundred Portuguese, was completely routed by the soba Ngola -Kalungu.[411] - -As an incident of the governorship of Paulo Dias may be mentioned the -building of a fort at Benguella velho, by his nephew, Antonio Lopes -Peixoto, in 1587. Unhappily, fifty men of the garrison ventured abroad, -unarmed, and fell in an ambush; and of the twenty who had remained in -the fort, and who offered a stout resistance, only two escaped. As a -matter of fact, the losses of human life in these native wars were very -considerable. - -Paulo Dias died in the midst of preparations for a fresh expedition -against Ngola, in October, 1589, and was buried in the church of N. S. -da Victoria, which he himself had built at Masanganu.[412] - -His soldiers elected Luiz Serro, the captain-major, to succeed him. - - -LUIZ SERRO AND THE BATTLE OF 1590. - -Luiz Serro, having completed his preparations, started with an army -numbering one hundred and twenty eight Portuguese musketeers (with three -horses), and fifteen thousand native allies armed with bows. With this -utterly insufficient force he crossed the Lukala, and then advanced to -the east. On Friday, December 25th, 1590, when at Ngwalema a kitambu -(Anguolome aquitambo) in Ari,[413] he found himself face to face with -the King of Matamba, whose army had been reinforced by Ngola, the King -of Kongo, the Jaga Kinda,[414] and others. Serro desired to retire -before this overwhelming host, but his subordinate officers, Andr -Ferreira Pereira and Francisco de Sequeira, persuaded him to attack the -enemy. He did so, on Monday, December 28th, 1590, and was defeated. The -retreat was effected in good order. The vanguard of forty musketeers -was led by Joo de Velloria, then came the "guerra preta," whilst Serro -himself commanded the rear, and fought almost daily with his pursuers. -The camp at Lukanza, with its valuable contents, had to be abandoned. At -length, on reaching Akimbolo,[415] many leagues to the rear, the -fugitives met Luiz Mendez Rapozo, who had come up from Luandu with -seventy-eight men. At last they reached the old presidio of Mbamba Tungu -and Masanganu; Manuel Jorge d'Oliveira was at once sent down to Luandu -for reinforcements, and on their arrival the siege was raised. L. Serro -survived this disaster only for a month; and when he died, his officers -elected Luiz Ferreira Pereira, the captain-major, to take his place. The -sobas all around, and in Lamba and Ngulungu, headed by one Muzi Zemba -(Muge Asemba), were in the field, but they were held in check by -Pereira, and the Portuguese name continued to be respected. - - -THE JAGA. - -Jaga or Jaka is a military title,[416] and by no means the name of a -people. The predatory man-eating bands at whose head they invaded the -agricultural districts towards the sea coast, included elements of all -kinds, not unlike the bands of the "Zulu" of our own time; and hence, -one of the names by which they became known in Angola was Bangala.[417] -I have already stated that I do not think that these military leaders, -or Jaga, have anything to do with the tribe of the Ayaka to the east of -Kongo. Still less can we adopt the monstrous notion that the various -inland tribes who, in the course of the sixteenth century, descended -upon the coast of the most opposite parts of Africa, are to be -identified with our Jaga. It was Joo Bermudes[418] who first identified -the Galla of Abyssinia with the Sumba, who raided the coast of Guinea -about 1570. Duarte Lopez (pp. 66, 67) would have us believe that the -Jaga came out of Moenemuge (Mwene muji), and called themselves -Agag.[419] But the people of Mwene muji, or the land of the Maravi, are -in reality the Zimbas, who raided Kilwa and Mombasa in 1589, whilst -"Agag" looks to me like a corruption of Agau, which is the name of an -Abyssinian tribe.[420] And hence arises this absurd confusion of Father -Guerreiro, who expects us to believe that the Jaga are known in Kongo as -Iacas, in Angola as Gindes,[421] in "India" (that is, on the East coast -of Africa) as Zimbas, in Prester John's country as Gallas, and in Sierra -Leone as Sumbas! Battell, who reports facts and leaves hypotheses alone, -confesses that in his day nothing was known about the origin of this -dreaded people.[422] - -We have already met with Jaga in Kongo, as allies of Ngola. In 1590 they -were fighting Luiz Serro as the allies of Matamba, and by 1600 they -appear to have advanced as far as the coast of Benguella, where Battell -joined them, and had an opportunity of gaining an intimate knowledge of -their daily life, not enjoyed by any other traveller. H. D. de -Carvalho[423] and A. R. Neves[424] have been at the trouble of -collecting such information on their origin as it is possible to gather -after the lapse of three centuries. Entrusting ourselves to the guidance -of the former of these authors, we learn that Kinguri, the son of the -chief of the Bungo, in Lunda, was excluded by his father from the -succession, in favour of his sister Lueji. Gathering around him his -adherents, he left his native land to found a "state" elsewhere. He -first settled in Kioko, then crossed the Upper Kwanza into Kimbundu -(Binbundu of Bi), and reached Lubolo, where he made friends with the -chief, Ngongo, whose daughter Kulachinga he married. He then crossed the -Kwanza above Kambambe, entered into friendly relations with the -Portuguese, visited the Governor, D. Manuel,[425] and offered to fight -on the side of the Portuguese. He was granted land at Lukamba,[426] on -the river Kamueji. Being dissatisfied with this land, on account of its -sterility, he again turned to the eastward, and, crossing the Lui, -finally settled in the country still occupied by his successors, who -(according to Carvalho), were Kasanje, Ngonga ka mbanda, Kalunga ka -kilombo, Kasanje ka Kulachinga, etc.[427] Having settled down, Kinguri -invited his father-in-law to join him, and his forces were subsequently -increased by some discontented subjects of Queen Nzinga, led by Kalungu. -His followers, being thus a mixture of many tribes, the Jagas were -thenceforth chosen alternately among the three leading families of -Kulachinga (Kinguri's wife), Ngongo and Kalunga.[428] - -It is perfectly clear from this information, collected in Lunda and -Kasanje, that it throws no light upon the original Jaga, although it may -explain the origin of the Jaga still ruling at Kasanje. - -The account given by Ladislaus Magyar[429] evidently refers to the same -leader. According to him, a Jaga Kanguri settled in the country now -occupied by the Sonyo three hundred years ago. His people were -cannibals, but the more intelligent among them saw that this practice -would ultimately lead to the destruction of the subject tribes upon whom -they depended for support, and they founded the secret society of the -Empacaceiros[430] for the suppression of cannibalism. Being worsted in a -civil war, they crossed the upper Kwanza into Bi, whilst Kanguri turned -to the north-west and settled in Kasanje. - -Cavazzi seems to go further back, for he tells us that Zimbo, who was -the first chief of the Jaga (Aiacca), invaded Kongo, whilst one of his -chiefs, "Dongij" (Ndongo?), invaded Matamba, and that the bloody -"kichile,"[431] or customs, were introduced by Musasa the wife, and -Tembandumba the daughter, of this "Dongij." The daughter married -Kulambo, whom she poisoned; he was succeeded by Kinguri, who was killed -during an invasion of Angola, Kulachimbo a great warrior, Kassanje, and -many others; the last of whom, Kassanje ka nkinguri, was baptised in -1657.[432] - -I confess my inability to evolve the truth out of these conflicting -statements, and can only suppose that the title of "Jaga" was assumed by -the leaders of predatory hordes of very diverse origin, in order to -inspire terror in the hearts of peaceful tribes; just, as in more recent -times, certain tribes in East Africa pretend to be Zulu for a like -reason. - - -D. FRANCISCO AND D. JERONYMO D'ALMEIDA, 1592-1594. - -The new Governor, D. Francisco d'Almeida, arrived at S. Paulo, on June -24th, 1592, accompanied by four hundred foot-soldiers and fifty African -horse, all picked men. Among the volunteers attending him were his -brother, D. Jeronymo, Luis Lopez de Sequeira and Balthasar Rebello de -Araga;[433] and perhaps also Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, who, in a -"Summario e descripo do Reino de Angola," presented to King Philip I, -proposed an expedition across Africa, and the protection of the road to -be opened by a chain of forts.[434] - -The new Governor, immediately on his arrival, found himself face to face -with a religious difficulty. The Jesuits, ever since the days of Dias, -expected to be consulted in all government business. They desired to be -appointed "preceptors" (amos) of the native chiefs, their aim being -evidently to create a theocratic government, such as they established -subsequently in Paraguay. They "used their spiritual influence to -induce the conquered sobas to refuse obedience to the civil powers;" and -when d'Almeida made use of the authority conferred upon him at Madrid in -order to crush this "nascent theocracy," he was excommunicated.[435] He -certainly was unequal to cope with these domineering priests. -Disheartened, he threw up a charge to which he felt unequal, and took -ship for Brazil (April 8th, 1593).[436] - -D. Jeronymo, at the urgent request of the Camara, took up the reins of -government, and being of a more conciliatory nature than his brother, -made peace with the Jesuits, and was thus able to take the field. He -started with four hundred men and twenty horses, and received the -submission of the sobas of Kisama, excepting the most powerful among -them. On reaching the salt mines of Ndemba[437] he founded a "presidio," -and garrisoned it with one hundred men. On his way to the silver-mines -of Kambambe he was struck down with fever, and returned to Luandu, -leaving Balthasar d'Almeida de Sousa and Pedro Alvares Rebello in -command of the troops. They were imprudent, and on April 22nd, 1594, -fell into an ambush prepared for them by the powerful chief Kafuche -kabara (Cafuxe cambara). Only the captain-major, thanks to the swiftness -of his horse, and a few men, escaped this disaster.[438] - - -JOO FURTADO DE MENDONA, 1594-1602. - -D. Jeronymo was on the point of hurrying up with reinforcements when -Joo Furtado de Mendona arrived at Luandu (August 1st, 1594). He -brought with him, not only four hundred men with thirty horses, but also -twelve European women,[439] the first ever seen in Luandu, in whose -honour the town was decorated. - -One of the most memorable events of his governorship was a campaign -which he conducted up the river Mbengu. Starting at the worst time of -the year (in March, 1496), he quickly lost two hundred men by fever. -Having brought up fresh recruits from Luandu, he avenged himself for a -disaster brought about by his own ignorance, by an exceptional severity -in his treatment of the "rebels," many of whom were blown from guns. -This expedition kept the field for several years, and proceeded as far -as Ngazi (Ingasia), the chief of which district was called Ngombe--the -bullock.[440] - -Meanwhile, Joo de Velloria,[441] the captain-major, had severely -punished the rebellious sobas of Lamba. Masanganu was once more -blockaded by the King Ngola (1597), until relieved by Balthasar Rebello -de Arago. On again descending the Kwanza, he built a presidio in the -territory of the chief Muchima, in Kisama (1559).[442] - - -THE CAMPAIGN OF 1602-3.[443] - -A new Governor, Joo Rodrigues Coutinho, arrived early in 1602. He was -acceptable to the Jesuits, and soon won the hearts of the people by his -liberality. He had been authorised by the King to bestow five habits of -the Order of Christ, dub five knights, and appoint thirty King's -chamberlains (moos da camara). Seven years' receipts of the export duty -on slaves were to be devoted to the building of forts at the salt mines -(Ndemba), Kambambe, and in Benguela. - -Six months after his arrival, the Governor took the field against the -powerful chief Kafuche. His force was the most formidable that had ever -been at the disposal of a Governor, numbering no less than eight hundred -Portuguese. It was joined at Songo by a portion of the garrison of -Masanganu. Unhappily, the Governor died before coming in contact with -the enemy, and appointed Manuel Cerveira Pereira as his successor. -Battell calls this man an "upstart," and he certainly had many enemies; -but he is well spoken of by the Jesuits, and was an able soldier. On -August 10th, 1603, he inflicted a crushing defeat upon Kafuche, at -Agoakaiongo,[444] on the very spot where, seven years before, the -Portuguese had met with a great disaster. Overcoming the stout -resistance of the chiefs of the Museke,[445] he arrived at the head of -the navigation of the Kwanza, and there, at Kambambe, he founded the -Presidio da N.S. do Rozario (1604). Having punished several of the -neighbouring chiefs, including Shila mbanza (Axilambanza), the -father-in-law of King Ngola, and left Joo de Araujo e Azevedo[446] in -command of the new presidio, Pereira returned to the coast. - -S. Paulo de Luandu had by that time grown into a fine town, where -commerce flourished. Unfortunately for the lasting prosperity of the -colony, human beings constituted the most valuable article of export, -and the profits yielded by this slave trade attracted Dutch and French -interlopers, notwithstanding a royal decree of 1605, which excluded all -foreign vessels from the vast territories claimed by Portugal. In 1607 -there were four "Presidios" or forts in the interior, namely Muchima, -Agoakaiongo, Masanganu, and Kambambe.[447] - - -D. MANUEL PEREIRA FORJAZ AND BENTO BANHA CARDOSO, 1607-15. - -We have already stated that Manuel Cerveira Pereira had many enemies, -and when D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, the new Governor, arrived towards the -end of 1607, very serious accusations must have been brought against the -former, for he was at once sent back to Lisbon. There, however, we are -bound to assume that he refuted these accusations, for otherwise it is -not likely that he would have been re-appointed Governor eight years -afterwards: unless, indeed, he had friends at court who profited by his -delinquencies. Forjaz himself showed to little advantage. He superseded -the commandant of Kambambe by one of his own creatures, and the fort -would certainly have been taken by the sobas who blockaded it, had not -Roque de S. Miguel and Rebello de Arago hastened to its relief. Forjaz, -moreover, is accused of having imposed an annual tax upon the sobas, -yielding from twelve to thirteen thousand cruzados, which seem to have -found their way into his own pockets, and those of his favourites.[448] -When he suddenly died in his bed, on April 11th, 1611, the bishop and -the leading men called upon the captain-major, Bento Banha Cardoso, to -take charge of the government. Cardoso was a man of enterprise, and -successful in his undertakings, but cruel. In 1611 he defeated King -Ngola. The sobas Kilonga and Mbamba Tungu, who fell into his hands, were -beheaded, as were also several of their makotas. To avenge these -executions, fourteen sobas of Ngola and Matamba made an attack upon -Kambambe in the following year; and although that place was valiantly -defended until relieved, it took a year before order was restored in the -surrounding district. To keep these sobas in check, a fort (Mbaka) was -built on the river Lukala (1614), eight leagues from Masanganu.[449] In -Kisama, the territory of Nambua ngongo (Nabo angungo) was raided in the -same year. - - -AN ATTEMPT TO CROSS AFRICA. - -Before proceeding with our account, there remains to be noticed a -serious attempt to cross the whole of Africa from the west coast to -"Manomotapa," on the Zambezi, which was made by Balthasar Rebello de -Arago, by order of D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz. Rebello de Arago himself -furnishes a very short account of this expedition,[450] from which we -learn that he discovered copper and iron, and was told that there was -also silver. The natives bred cattle and cultivated the land, and they -told him of a lake, in lat. 16 S., giving rise to many rivers, -including the Nile. Unfortunately, when he had advanced one hundred and -forty leagues from the sea, and eighty beyond the place he started from -(Kambambe?), he was summoned back, as the fort just named was threatened -by King Ngola.[451] - - -THE CONQUEST OF BENGUELLA. - -In 1615, Manuel Cerveira Pereira[452] returned to the scene of his -former labours, with special instructions to take possession of -Benguella, which for a considerable time past had been visited by -trading vessels. But before he started upon this enterprise, he ordered -his old comrade, Joo (or Paio?) de Araujo e Azevedo, to deal with -Kakulu Kabasa,[453] Mbumba (Bumba) a ndala, Kilomba kia tubia, and other -revolted chiefs in Angola, whilst he himself penetrated into the country -of the Kakulu Kahenda,[454] who had given offence by assisting fugitive -slaves and interfering with traders. - -Having entrusted Antonio Gonalves Pitta with the government of S. -Paulo, he left that place for the South, on April 11th, 1617, with four -vessels, a patacho, and one hundred soldiers.[455] Finding the site of -the old fort near the Terra das duas Puntas unsuitable, he continued his -voyage along the coast, until he came in sight of a "sombreiro," -overlooking the Bahia das Vaccas;[456] and there he built the fort of S. -Filippe de Benguella, which in course of time developed into a city of -some importance. The sobas of Ndombe, of whose territory he had -possessed himself, naturally objected to the presence of these uninvited -strangers, but they were compelled to submit after five defeats. The -Jaga on the river Murombo likewise gave in, after three months' -fighting, but soon afterwards broke the peace, and was executed. The -chief Kalunga, at the mouth of the Koporolo (Kuporol), and the -cattle-keeping Mukimba in the neighbouring hills, also submitted. It -scarcely admits of doubt that Pereira, in the course of his many -military excursions, discovered copper, sulphur and salt,[457] but he -was to benefit little by these discoveries. His harsh conduct and greed -had estranged his people. Headed by a priest and by their officers, they -mutinied, put their leader on board a patacho, and shipped him off to S. -Paulo, where no notice was taken of his presence, the Governor being -absent at that time, because of a native war (1618).[458] - -Pereira once more returned to Madrid, and having explained matters to -the satisfaction of the authorities, he was sent back, and again reached -S. Felippe de Benguella on August 8th, 1620. He sailed north to Sumba -mbela's country, at the mouth of the river Kuvu. A couple of days inland -he discovered more copper, three quintals of which he took to S. Paulo. -He died in the midst of his labours. The _Catalogo_ credits him with -having gone inland as far as Kakonda.[459] - - -THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. - -We have already learned that the native sobas were handed over to the -mercy of individual "conquistadores," and Rebello de Arago declares -that these sobas were being "robbed and maltreated." They were required -by their masters to pay a tax in slaves, to furnish carriers, and render -all kinds of services,[460] without payment. In addition to this the -Governor, D. M. P. Forjaz, imposed upon them a poll-tax, which produced -from twelve to thirteen thousand cruzados (say 1,650[461]) a year. -Rebello de Arago maintains that the native wars were largely due to -this pernicious system, which enriched the Governor and his officials, -whilst traders were made to suffer, and ceased to visit the "feiras" -because of the extortionate demands made upon them. At Mpinda nearly all -the "honest" trade had passed into the hands of the Dutch, because of -the monopoly conferred upon Portuguese slave-dealers. He declares that a -tax of 20 per cent. on the salt mined at Ndemba would pay all the -legitimate expenses of government; but that, although the export duty on -slaves yielded from five to six thousand cruzados, there had not yet -been built a decent house for the government offices. - -Garcia Mendes Castellobranco, in a memoir[462] addressed to the King in -1620, is equally outspoken with regard to the treatment of the native -chiefs, who, he maintains, ought not to be taxed more heavily than at -the time when they were still subjects of a native king. He, too, refers -to the salt mines as a source of revenue, recommends the levying of a -toll at river crossings, and the expropriation of the uncultivated -territory around S. Paulo.[463] - -Many of these abuses may, no doubt, be traced to the demoralising -influence of the slave-trade and the insufficient pay of the officials. -A slave costing 3 7_s._ in the interior (or nothing, if taken in the -course of one of the frequent slave raids) was sold for more than double -that sum on the coast; and whilst money could be made thus easily the -great natural resources of the country were neglected and the -population--which, on the arrival of the Portuguese, is said to have been -very considerable--shrank from year to year.[464] - -The export duties on slaves and ivory were farmed out in 1607 to one -Duarte Dias Enriques for twenty million reis annually (about -6,600).[465] - -S. Paulo and Masanganu enjoyed municipal institutions at that time, but -all outside these cities was ruled by military adventurers. The Governor -(in 1607) was paid a salary of 267, but the other officials were -decidedly underpaid; and thus, almost of necessity, were driven to -increase their incomes by illegitimate means.[466] - - -THE WAR WITH NGOLA NZINGA MBANDI. - -Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, the new Governor, arrived in November, -1617, and almost immediately found himself involved in a war with the -King of Ndongo. Nzinga mbandi ngola kiluanji,[467] a great tyrant, had -been "removed" by his indignant subjects shortly before the arrival of -the new Governor. He left behind him three daughters, one of whom, born -in 1582, became famous as Queen D. Anna de Souza Nzinga, and two sons, -one by a legitimate wife, the other by a slave woman. It was the latter, -Ngola nzinga mbandi,[468] whom his partisans raised to the throne, which -he reached through rivers of blood, among his victims being his own -brother, a son of his sister, and many of the trusted councillors of his -father. In 1618 the usurper took the field, intending to expel the -Portuguese, who seem to have given provocation by shifting the old -presidio of Mbaka (Ambaca) to a site much higher up the Lukala.[469] The -Governor, ably supported by his captain-major, Pedro de Souza Coelho, -not only defeated the King, but also captured his queen and many other -persons of consideration. The King sued for peace, but as he failed to -surrender the Portuguese whom he had taken prisoner, the war was renewed -in 1619. His allies fared no better than the King himself. His vice-king -of lower Ndongo, Ngola ari,[470] was compelled to pay a tribute of one -hundred slaves annually (in 1620); and while the Governor raided the -territories of Kahibalongo, Ndonga, and Kasa, his lieutenant, Lopo -Soares Lao, destroyed the kilombos of the sobas Ngunza a ngombe and -Bangu. - -It had been recognised by this time that many of these punitive -expeditions were provoked by the lawless conduct of white traders, -mulattoes and negros calados (that is, shoe-wearing negroes), who went -inland on slaving expeditions; and only Pumbeiros descalos, that is, -native agents or traders not yet sufficiently civilised to wear shoes, -should be permitted to do so in future.[471] - -When King Ngola nzinga mbandi heard of the arrival of Joo Corra de -Souza, the new Governor, in September, 1621,[472] he at once sent his -sister to Luandu to arrange terms of peace. This woman, then about forty -years of age, proved an excellent diplomatist. When the Governor alluded -to the payment of tribute, she declared that tribute could only be -demanded from a conquered people, and the treaty ultimately signed was -one of reciprocity: fugitive slaves were to be surrendered, and -assistance to be given against common enemies. - -Before this able ambassadress left Luandu, she was received into the -bosom of Holy Mother Church, being baptised as D. Anna de Souza (1622); -and on her return home she persuaded her brother to apply for the -services of a priest, or _Mamaganga_.[473] A priest was sent, but he was -a native, who had been ordained at Luandu, and one of the King's own -subjects. The King looked upon this as an insult; he treated the priest -with great indignity, and once more invaded the Portuguese territory. -Thrice beaten, and deserted by his vassals, he fled to the island of -Ndangi,[474] in the Kwanza river, where he died of poison administered -by his own sister Nzinga, who thus avenged the murder of her son (1623). - - -QUEEN NZINGA, 1623-1636. - -Nzinga at once renounced Christianity, and the bloody rites of the Jaga -were celebrated when she ascended her throne. She inaugurated her reign -by the murder of her brother's son, of his adherents, and her supposed -enemies. Having reduced her own people to subjection, with the aid of -the Jaga, she declared war upon Portugal. D. Felippe de Souza Ngola ari, -the King of Ndongo recognised by the Portuguese, was at once ordered to -defend the frontier, and, if possible, to invade the territories of his -kinswoman. On consideration, however, it was thought best, in the -interest of trade, to avoid a serious conflict. An officer was sent to -the court of the Queen, offering to restore the lost provinces (and thus -sacrificing their vassal D. Felippe), on condition of her acknowledging -herself a vassal, and paying tribute. These conditions were haughtily -rejected, and the war began in earnest. - -Joo de Araujo e Azevedo was placed at the head of the Portuguese -invading force.[475] He raided the country along the Lukala, and then -turned back upon the Kwanza, occupied the islands of Ukole and Kitaka, -and came up with the Queen's camp at Ndangi Island. The Queen, having -consulted the spirit of her brother Ngola mbandi,[476] declined to risk -a battle, and fled into Hako (Oacco). The Portuguese followed in -pursuit, passing through Bemba, Malemba and Kipupa, and Little Ngangela -(Ganguella); came up with the Queen's forces in the territory of soba -Matima (Mathemo), and inflicted a serious defeat upon them. Among the -prisoners taken were the Queen's sisters, Kambe and Funji, and many -Makotas. The pursuit was continued as far as Kina grande in Ngangela, a -deep and difficult gorge, into which some of the soldiers and the -_guerra preta_ descended by means of ropes. When the Queen fled to the -kingdom of Songo, the Portuguese forces retired to the west (1627).[477] - -The two princesses were taken to Luandu, where the Governor, Ferno de -Souza, lodged them in his own house. In baptism (1628), they received -the names of D. Barbara and D. Engracia. - -The Portuguese had no sooner retired than Queen Nzinga returned to -Ndangi Island, and having been reinforced by several Jaga, she undertook -the conquest of Matamba. At Makaria ka matamba she took prisoner the -dowager-queen[478] Muongo Matamba, and her daughter. The mother was -branded as a slave, and died of grief; but the daughter was taken into -favour, and was baptised in 1667. - -Having thus destroyed the ancient kingdom of Matamba, the Queen once -more invaded Portuguese territory, but she turned back when she heard -that the Jaga Kasanji was raiding her recent conquest, upon which he -claimed to have prior rights. - -At the same time she interfered continually with the commerce of the -Portuguese with the interior; and it was only in 1636, when the -Governor, Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, sent D. Gaspar Borgia and -Father Antonio Coelho on a mission to the Jaga in Little Ngangela, and -to the Queen at her Kabasa, in Umba, that peaceable relations were -established. The Queen, however, persistently refused to surrender her -claims to the provinces of Ndongo which had been occupied by the -Portuguese. - - -MINOR EVENTS, 1624-1641. - -Punitive expeditions were frequent. In 1624 the Jaga Kasanji, who had -taken advantage of the conflicts between the Portuguese and Queen Nzinga -to rob Pumbeiros, was severely punished, and Captain Roque de Miguel -returned from this expedition with a large number of captives, who as a -matter of course, were sold into slavery. During the provisional -governorship of the bishop D. Simo de Mascarenhas[479] (1623-4), Lopo -Soares Lao meted out punishment to the Jagas Nzenza a ngombe and -Bangu-Bangu, and to the irrepressible Kafuche.[480] A few years later, -in 1631, the captain-major Antonio Bruto waged a successful war against -rebellious sobas, and more especially impressed the natives by his -victory over the dreaded Mbuila anduwa (Ambuila Dua), who held out for -six months in a rocky stronghold deemed impregnable. The invasion of -Kongo, in 1622, by order of Governor Joo Corra de Souza, who claimed -the surrender of Luandu Island and of all the copper mines, has already -been referred to (see p. 123). - -Among the very few measures calculated to promote the material or moral -interests of the colony may be mentioned the establishment of the three -_feiras_, of Ndondo, Beja, and Lukamba, in 1625; the foundation of a -_Santa casa da misericordia_ (Poor-house and hospital) at S. Paulo de -Luandu, by the bishop D. Simo de Mascarenhas; the compulsory -cultivation of the banks of Mbengu (Bengo), when Luandu was threatened -with famine owing to the non-arrival of provision ships from Brazil, in -1629;[481] the reform of the administration of the Royal revenue, by -Ferno de Souza, in the same year; and the creation of a board of -revenue (_Junta da fazenda_), charged with the collection of the tithes -and of the tribute payable by the native chiefs, by Francisco de -Vasconcellos da Cunha, in 1638. - -The affairs of the missions will be dealt with subsequently, in a -comprehensive manner, but a difficulty which arose in 1623 between the -Governor, Joo Corra de Souza, and the Jesuits, may be dealt mentioned -at once. In 1619, Gaspar Alvares,[482] a wealthy merchant of Luandu, -placed 20,000 cruzados at the service of the Fathers, in order that they -might found a seminary[483] for the education of twelve natives. -Subsequently he himself became a member of the Society of Loyola, and -devoted the whole of his fortune, amounting to 400,000 cruzados, to its -purposes. The Governor not unnaturally objected to this sudden -enrichment of a Society which had always been a thorn in the side of the -government. Alvares himself escaped to S. Salvador, but the Prefect of -the Jesuits and three Fathers were sent as prisoners to Lisbon, where -they were at once liberated; whilst the Governor himself, who arrived -soon afterwards, perhaps with the intention of justifying his hasty -proceedings, was thrown into prison, and died in the _limoeiro_ in 1626. - - -THE DUTCH IN ANGOLA. - -When Philip of Spain seized upon the crown of Portugal in 1580, that -unfortunate country became at once involved in the troubles between -Spain and the United Netherlands. No sooner had the destruction of the -_Armada_, in 1588, enabled the Dutch to take the offensive on sea, than -they began to compete for a share in the trade of the Portuguese -possessions. The Dutch at first kept on the defensive, but in 1598 they -and the Portuguese came into hostile collision near the Ilha do -Principe; and all efforts to exclude these noxious heretics from sharing -in the trade of the Kongo proved futile, more especially as the natives -themselves preferred their Dutch visitors to the masterful -Portuguese.[484] - -An armistice concluded in 1609 expired in 1621. The Dutch West-India -Company was founded in that very year, and thenceforth the Dutch -proceeded aggressively. In 1623 they burnt several _patachos_ off the -mouth of the Kwanza; in 1629 a Dutch squadron cruised during three -months off the coast of Benguella and captured four Portuguese -merchantmen, but failed to force their way into the harbour of Luandu. -In 1633 two Dutch vessels menaced S. Felippe de Benguella, but were -driven off by Lopo Soares Lao, after a stout fight, on November 15th. -In 1637, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, the Governor's brother, -captured a Dutch man-of-war of 24 guns. At that time the coast was being -regularly patrolled by Portuguese men-of-war,[485] and in 1638 the -foundations of the Fort S. Miguel were laid on the Morro de S. Paulo, -the original site of the city of S. Paulo. - -When Portugal recovered her independence, in December, 1640, D. Joo IV -of Bragana at once sent Tristo de Mendoza Furtado to the Hague, with -instructions to demand a suspension of hostilities. The West-India -Company, which profited largely from a state of war, declared in favour -of a definite treaty of peace, but objected to the conclusion of an -armistice. The Portuguese envoy had no authority to sign such a treaty; -but after protracted negotiations an armistice for ten years was signed -on June 23rd, 1641, which was to take force outside Europe as soon as it -became known there. - -Meantime, the directors of the West-Indian Company had instructed Count -John Moritz of Nassau to take advantage of the momentary weakness of -Portugal, after her war of liberation, to seize all he could before the -terms of the treaty became known.[486] Count Moritz, being desirous to -increase the supply of slaves for the plantations in Brazil, determined -to seize upon Luandu. A fleet of twenty-one vessels was at once fitted -out at Pernambuco, and placed under the command of Cornelis Cornelissen -Jol, surnamed Houtebeen, or "Wooden leg." It was manned by nine hundred -sailors, and had on board two thousand troops, commanded by Jeems -Hindersen. This formidable armament left Pernambuco in June 30th, 1641, -sighted Cabo Negro on August 5th, and having captured the _Jesus Maria_, -on a voyage from Madeira, was by her piloted into the harbour of Luandu. -On August 24th the Dutch fleet unexpectedly appeared off S. Paulo, -surprising its inhabitants in the midst of their rejoicings at the -accession of the "liberator king." S. Paulo, at that time, was a city of -twenty thousand inhabitants, including three thousand Portuguese; but -the Governor, Pedro Cezar de Menezes, though he was at the head of nine -hundred white troops, offered only a feeble resistance; and, accompanied -by many of the citizens, he withdrew to the river Mbengu, and -subsequently to Masanganu. The booty which fell into the hands of the -Dutch included thirty ships and ninety-eight cannon. - -They lost no time in gaining the goodwill of the neighbouring sobas, -sent an embassy to the King of Kongo (see p. 125), and entertained -offers of alliance from Queen Nzinga. Aki musanu (Aca mochana) and Nambu -a ngongo (Nabo a ngongo), who had risen upon the Portuguese, were joined -by one hundred and fifty Dutchmen, and thus enabled to overcome their -enemies, whose leaders, Andr da Costa and Joo Vieira, they killed -(1642). - -In the following year (1643) information was received that the truce had -been signed, but the Dutch director very naturally declined to surrender -the town. He agreed, however, to suspend hostilities. Pedro Cezar had -been instructed by his government to avail himself of the first -opportunity to recover the city,[487] and it was evidently with a view -to this eventuality that he established a camp on the river Mbengu. The -Dutch suspected his treacherous design, and at dawn on May 26th, 1643, -they surprised his force. Many Portuguese were killed (including Antonio -Bruto), while Pedro Cezar himself, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, -and one hundred and eighty seven soldiers were taken prisoner. The -remainder escaped to Masanganu. The forces assembled there under the -captain-major, Antonio de Miranda, were unable to retrieve this -disaster, but the Governor, aided by friends, managed soon afterwards to -escape. - -But though unequal to meeting the Dutch in the field, the Portuguese -were still able to enforce their authority upon the natives; and in 1645 -Diogo Gomes de Morales led an expedition into Lubolo and Mbalundu -(Bailundo), and reduced the _kolombos_ of thirty "Jagas" to obedience. - -In 1645, the Portuguese of Brazil, under the leadership of Joo -Fernandez Vieira, rose upon their Dutch oppressors, and in the same year -the Dutch occupied S. Felippe de Benguella. The garrison under Antonio -Teixeira de Mendona, the captain-major, and Antonio Gomez de Gouvea, an -experienced _sertanejo_, or backwoodsman, retired northward along the -coast. On reaching Kikombo Bay, on July 27th, 1645, they met there -Francisco de Sotto-maior, just arrived from Rio de Janeiro with -reinforcements. By advice of Gomez, the troops and stores were landed in -Suto Bay, near Cabo ledo, and conducted by him in three detachments to -Masanganu, without the Dutch becoming aware of their arrival. The -Governor, Pedro Cezar de Menezes, returned by the same route to Rio, -taking with him a cargo of slaves. - -These reinforcements arrived just in time to be employed against Queen -Nzinga. That lady had set a black and a white cock to fight each other, -and the defeat of the white cock was looked upon by her as a favourable -augury for venturing an attack upon Masanganu. But Gaspar Borges de -Madureira fell upon her before her forces had been concentrated -(January, 1646). She suffered a severe defeat, notwithstanding the -presence of Dutch auxiliaries. Her sisters once more fell into the hands -of the Portuguese. D. Engracia was strangled soon afterwards for an act -of treachery, whilst D. Barbara was kept in honourable captivity until -1657.[488] - -Meanwhile the Dutch had made preparations for an advance up the Kwanza. -They had built Fort Mols at the mouth of the river, and another fort -higher up. The Governor, Francisco de Sotto-maior, having died of fever -in May, 1646, measures for a spirited defence were taken by the three -captains-major, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio Teixeira -de Mendona, and Joo Juzarte de Andrada. Muchima, which had been -furiously assaulted by the Dutch, was relieved by Diogo Gomes de -Morales. But in the following year the Portuguese suffered a reverse at -Kawala (Caoalla), and Masanganu itself was threatened by the combined -forces of Queen Nzinga, Kongo, and the Dutch. - -However a saviour was at hand in this extremity. On August 12th, 1648, -Salvador Corra de S Benevides,[489] with nineteen vessels, having on -board nine hundred soldiers, cast anchor in the harbour of Luandu, and -summoned the Dutch to surrender within forty-eight hours. On their -refusal he landed his troops, and after a short bombardment of Fort S. -Miguel, to which the Dutch had withdrawn, early on August 15th he -delivered an assault, which cost him one hundred and sixty three men, -but led to the surrender of a garrison numbering one thousand one -hundred men, including French and German mercenaries. When these -prisoners had been joined by the three hundred Dutchmen who were with -Queen Nzinga, and the garrison of Benguella, which surrendered without a -blow, they were shipped off to Europe. The city, in memory of the event, -assumed the name of "S. Paulo da Assumpo de Loanda," for it was on the -Day of Ascension of the Virgin Mary that a seven years' captivity ended. -The anniversary of that event is celebrated to the present day by a -religious procession. - - -RESTORATION OF PORTUGUESE AUTHORITY. - -No time was lost in restoring the authority of Portugal throughout the -colony. The King of Kongo was compelled to accept a treaty by which -Luandu Island and the whole of the country to the south of the Dande -river were unconditionally surrendered, and other advantages held out -(p. 128). Queen Nzinga, although she declined the overtures of Captain -Ruy Pegado[490] for a formal treaty, retired inland, and gave no trouble -for a number of years. As to the sobas of Lamba, Kisama, Lubolo, and the -Modiku islands, they were visited by punitive expeditions commanded by -Antonio Teixeira de Moraes, Diogo Mendes de Morales, Vicente Pegado de -Pontes, and Francisco de Aguiar. - -Order having been restored, the Governor, Salvador Corra de S, caused -the ruined buildings to be repaired, and granted crownland to the -inhabitants for houses and gardens. In a very short time prosperity -returned, and the trade of Luandu was as flourishing as ever it had -been.[491] - -But although the Portuguese were masters on shore, the Dutch, and -occasionally also French or English "pirates" frequented the coast. In -1650 Alvaro d'Aguiar defeated five of these interlopers, who had made -prizes of two ships on a voyage from Brazil; in 1651 Joo Duque was -killed in an action with Dutch men-of-war; in 1652 Joo de Araujo drove -away the Dutch from Mpinda and Luangu; in 1658 the same officer made a -prize of a English slaver off Benguella. A second English slaver was -captured in 1659 by Joo Cardoso, who also captured a Dutch vessel off -the Kongo in 1661. In 1662 the definite treaty of peace between Portugal -and Holland was signed, and "pirates" are no longer heard of; although -Dutch vessels provided with passes, or favoured by the Governors, seem -to have been admitted to Portuguese ports. - - -QUEEN NZINGA AND HER SUCCESSORS. - -Queen Nzinga, after the return of her General from a raid on the -territory of Mbuila (Imbuille), in 1655, whence he brought a miraculous -crucifix, felt troubled in her conscience; and on consulting the spirits -of five of her ancestors (see p. 166), she learned, to her no small -terror, that they were suffering eternal torments, which she could only -escape by once more embracing the Christian faith, and seeking the -friendship of the Portuguese.[492] Upon this advice she acted. The -negotiations for a treaty were conducted by Captain Manuel Freis Peixoto -and the Capuchin friar Antonio of Gaeta, who came to her Court for that -purpose in 1657. Her sister, D. Barbara, was restored to her on payment -of a ransom of two hundred slaves,[493] and the river Lukala was -thenceforth to form the boundary between the Queen's dominions and those -of the Portuguese. No tribute was to be paid by her. Friar Antonio had -the honour of once more baptising this ancient lady, then seventy-five -years of age, and also of marrying her, legitimately, to a slave-youth, -Don Salvatore; while her sister, D. Barbara, allied herself unto D. -Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mona, a foster-brother of the Queen, and the -General-in-Chief of her armies. A church, S. Maria de Matamba, was -specially built for these interesting ceremonies. This remarkable woman -died on December 17th, 1663, after Father Cavazzi had administered to -her the last consolations of religion, and was buried in the church of -St. Anna, which had been built within the precincts of the Royal palace. - -When D. Barbara died, on March 24th, 1666, her husband, D. Antonio -Carrasco Nzinga a mona, killed the legitimate heir, D. Joo Guterres -Ngola kanini, and usurped the throne, but was himself slain in a battle -against D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, in 1680. The conqueror then -attacked the allies of the Portuguese, robbed the pumbeiros, and -beheaded the Jaga Kasanji (1682).[494] Luiz Lopez de Sequeira at once -took the field against him with five hundred and thirty infantry, -thirty-seven horse, and ten thousand _empacaceiros_, and defeated him at -Katole, a place within three days of the Royal _kabasa_. The King -himself lost his life, but so did the leader of the Portuguese[495] and -Vasco de Mello da Cunha. Joo Antonio de Brito, who took the command -after his leader's death, remained encamped for thirty days on the site -of the battle; and finding that the enemies did not return, retired to -Mbaka; from which we may judge that the Portuguese, too, suffered heavy -losses. D. Veronica (or Victoria) Guterres, the sister of the late King, -sued for peace, which was readily granted. Fresh complications -threatened in 1689, when the Queen was charged--falsely, it appears--with -having stirred up the soba Kahenda to rebel against his Portuguese -masters; but matters were arranged through the intervention of bishop D. -Joo Franco de Oliveira. No further trouble seems to have occurred with -the successors of Queen Nzinga until 1744, when the Queen[496] provoked -a war by killing a white trader and robbing pumbeiros: the result of -which was the capture of her capital by Bartholomeu Duarte de Sequeira, -and the cession of the Kinalunga Islands to Portugal.[497] - - -THE LAST OF THE KINGS OF NDONGO, 1671. - -We have seen that D. Joo de Souza Ngola ari had been installed as the -first King of Ndongo, recognised by the Portuguese (see p. 164), about -1627, and had been succeeded by D. Filippe de Souza, who died in 1660, -and by Joo II. The hope that this tributary would prove a staunch ally -of the Portuguese was not to be realised, for immediately after the -disastrous campaign against Sonyo (see p. 131), in 1670, D. Joo Ngola -ari raised the standard of rebellion, and invaded the district of Mbaka. -The Governor, Francisco de Tavora,[498] a future Viceroy of India, who -on account of his youth (he was only 23 years of age) and supposed -prudence had been nick-named _o menino prudente_, despatched his -captain-major, Luiz Lopes de Sequeira, to reduce the rebel to obedience. -Ngola ari met with a defeat on the river Luchilu, close to the Pedras of -Pungu a ndongo, which were considered impregnable. Yet, on a dark night, -on November 18th, 1671, Manuel Cortes, the leader of the _guerra preta_, -surprised this rocky stronghold. The King himself was taken, and -beheaded as a traitor. Thenceforth there was no further need for -punitive expeditions on a large scale.[499] - - -RELATIONS WITH KONGO. - -No sooner had the Portuguese regained possession of S. Paulo than the -King of Kongo was called to account for having sided with the Dutch and -favoured the operations of "foreign" Capuchins. A threatened invasion of -his kingdom (1649) speedily led to the conclusion of a treaty of peace -(see p. 126). But as the supposed gold and silver mines were not ceded, -as promised, the Portuguese once more invaded the country, and in the -bloody battle of Ulanga, in 1666, the King lost his life and crown (p. -129). From that time to the close of the century anarchy reigned in -Kongo. The disastrous expedition against Sonyo in 1670 (see p. 131) was -partly undertaken in order to support one of the many rival kings of -that period. - - -MINOR PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS, 1658-95. - -Joo Fernandes Vieira, who had gained fame as the leader of the -Portuguese patriots in Brazil, where the capture of Pernambuco had won -him the surname of _o hero de nossa edade_, arrived as Governor on April -18th, 1658, and before the close of the year, a serious rebellion broke -out in Upper Ngulungu. The captain-major, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos, -took the field, and compelled Ngolome a kayitu (Golome Acaita), to -surrender his rocky stronghold after a siege of four months; Tanga a -ngongo submitted quietly, but Kiluanji kia kanga (Quiloange Acango), -faced the Portuguese four times, and then retired inland without -yielding submission. - -A second expedition, in the same year, traversed the districts to the -south of the Kwanza.[500] It started from Masanganu, and having crossed -the Kwanza into Hako was joined by Ngunza mbambe;[501] it entered the -district of Kabeza, where the Jaga of Rimba brought further -reinforcements. Jaga Ngonga ka anga, the chief of Nsela (Shella), on the -river Kuvu, surrendered his capital, Kangunza, by the advice of his -diviners, without striking a blow, and submitted to be baptised. The -expedition then returned to Mbaka by way of the river Gango and Tamba; -whilst Cavazzi, who accompanied it as chaplain, took a more direct road -through Kabeza. - -After the great victory over the King of Kongo in 1666 (see p. 130), a -detachment under Antonio da Silva was sent into the territory of the -Ndembu Mutemu Kingengo, whilst another, under Diogo Gomes Morales, -raided the villages of Nambua nongo, these chiefs having aided the -defeated King. - -Kisama, at all times an unruly district, and even now virtually -independent, though situated on the sea and within easy reach of Luandu, -has repeatedly given trouble to the Portuguese. In 1672, the sobas of -the district unsuccessfully assaulted the fort at Muchima. In 1686 they -blockaded that fort, until relieved by Joo de Figueiredo e Souza. In -1689, the sobas Kimone kia sanga and Muchima interfered with the free -navigation of the Kwanza, and were punished by the Portuguese leader -just named; and in 1695, the rebellion of the soba Katala brought into -the field the captain-major, Manuel de Magalhes Leito. - -A rebellion in Lubolo, in 1677, was suppressed by Luiz Lopez de -Sequeira. The soba Ngunga mbambe was killed, and his allies, Sakeda, -Ngola kitumba, and Ngola Kabuku, were severely punished. - -Far more serious was an expedition which the Governor, Gonalo da Costa -de Alcaova Carneiro de Menezes, despatched against the ndembu Mbuilu -(Ambuilla), who had expelled the Portuguese residents, robbed the -Pumbeiros, and burnt the church. Joo de Figueireda e Souza, a trusted -officer, was given the command; and notwithstanding that the garrison of -Masanganu mutinied and refused to join him, he mustered, on May 25th, -1682, a formidable force of six hundred musketeers, forty-two horse, and -a _guerra preta_ of forty thousand men, with two field guns. -Unfortunately, he lost precious time by lingering two months at -Kamolembe, where many of his people died; and when at last ready to -start, he heard that Mbuila had been reinforced by two "armies" sent to -his aid by King Manuel of Kongo[502] and Queen Nzinga, and lost his -head. Fortunately for the Portuguese a stroke of paralysis carried off -this pusillanimous leader, and his place was taken by Pascoal Rodrigues, -a man of much energy, who marched straight upon the mbanza of Mbuilu, -and there achieved a great victory. Mbuilu fled to his neighbour and -ally Ndamba (Dambe). The number of prisoners taken was so great that it -was feared they might endanger the safety of their captors, and they -were mercilessly beheaded, a nephew of Mbuilu alone being sent a -prisoner to Luandu.[503] - -When Pascaol Rodrigues fell ill, the Governor appointed Joo Baptista de -Maia to succeed him. The troops passed the rainy season in barracks. On -the return of fine weather, Mbuilu was pursued into the territory of -Ndamba and killed. The mbanzas and over one hundred and fifty libatas -were burnt. The Ndembu Kabanda, a partisan of Mbuilu, was pursued by -the sergeant-major, Loureno de Barros Morim, and the leader of the -_guerra preta_, Gonalo Borges de Barros, and killed with many of his -people. Another ndembu having been installed, and sworn allegiance to -the King of Portugal, the army returned to Mbaka, and thence to Lembo -near Masanganu. The victorious troops were refused admission into the -latter, the garrison of which had mutinied. It was only after the -Governor had promised a pardon to the offenders, with the exception of -the leaders, that order was restored (1693). - - -BENGUELLA. - -S. Filippe de Benguella was founded in 1617 by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, -and in 1661 its fortifications were rebuilt by Gaspar de Almeida Silva, -whilst Manuel de Tovar Froes fought the neighbouring sobas. A further -step in advance was taken in 1682, when the sergeant-major, Pedro da -Silva, founded the presidio of Kakonda a velha, in the territory of the -soba Bongo. Two years later, in 1684, this presidio was surprised by -Bongo, and Manuel da Rocha Soares, its commandant, was killed. Carlos de -Lacerda, who was despatched to avenge this outrage, being compelled to -fall back before superior forces, Joo Brz de Goes, the captain-major -of Benguella, himself took the field. The Jaga, deserted by his people, -sought refuge with Ngola njimbu (Golla Gimbo), but was pursued and -captured,[504] and the present presidio was built eighty miles further -inland (1685), in the territory of the soba Kitata. An attempt made by -the soba of Huambo (Hiamba), in 1698, to expel the Portuguese was -frustrated by Antonio de Faria, its commandant. A more formidable attack -by the neighbouring sobas, in 1718, proved equally ineffectual. The -Portuguese had thus gained an advanced post nearly one hundred and -fifty miles from the coast, the possession of which opened up to them -fresh sources for the supply of slaves, and contributed not a little to -the growing prosperity of S. Filippe de Benguella. - - -ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. - -The Jesuits were the earliest missionaries in Angola; but it would be in -vain to look to them for any precise geographical or historical -information, such as is furnished by members of the Society established -in other parts of the world. They confined their activity to the seat of -Government and its immediate vicinity, and Portuguese authors are severe -upon their love of power and covetousness. Their relations with the -Governors were on many occasions strained, but it cannot be asserted -that the Jesuit Fathers were in every instance in the wrong.[505] As an -illustration of their masterfulness, the following incident may serve. -In 1661, the Governor, Joo Fernandez Vieira, very properly ordered that -pigs, should no longer be allowed to run about the streets of the -capital. The Jesuits did not deign to take the slightest notice of this -order; and when several of their slaves were arrested for disregarding -it, they protested against this exercise of authority, and actually -excommunicated the Governor. But the Governor was not to be frightened. -He reported the case to his King, D. Affonso VI, and the King in a Royal -rescript of December 9th, 1666, severely reproved the Jesuits for their -insolence; and threatened, in case of similar conduct, to deprive them -of the crown lands, and to take other legal measures against them. - -Franciscans (Tertiaries of the Order of St. Joseph) followed the Jesuits -in 1604. Then came the Capuchins, for the most part Italians and -Castilians, in 1651; and lastly barefooted Carmelites (Religiozos de S. -Thereza). Of all these friars the Italian Capuchins alone appear to have -done good work; and to members of their Order, and especially to -Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, of Montecuccoli, Antonio Laudati, of Gaeta, -and Antonio Zucchelli, of Gradisco, we are indebted for much useful -information regarding the people among whom they laboured. Many of the -other friars seem to have been men whom their superiors in Europe were -glad to part with; and the same may be said with reference to the -secular clergy. - -A report of the ecclesiastical affairs of Angola and Kongo, drawn up in -1694 by Gonalo de Alcaova Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de Menezes, by -order of the Governor, presents us with a deplorable picture of the -state of affairs in that year. Throughout the country there were only -thirty-six friars[506] and twenty-nine secular clergy; and of these as -many as twenty-nine had taken up their quarters in the capital. Of fifty -churches and chapels, many were without priests, and had fallen into -ruins. The village missions (misses das Sanzalas) had long been given -up, and many baptised negroes had returned to the ancient superstitions. -The author proposes the institution of a court of clerics, in order that -all lapses of this kind might be punished in accordance with the "sacred -canons." A board of missions (Junta das misses), which had been created -in 1693, and richly endowed,[507] allowed things to drift. Lopes de -Lima[508] ascribes the failure of the Christian missions, first, to the -small number of missionaries and priests; secondly, to the corruption of -the clergy; and thirdly, to the slave-trade. - - -MEASURES OF ADMINISTRATION. - -Joo Fernandez Vieira must be credited with the first serious attempt to -organise the military forces of the country (1660), by raising a -regiment, or _tero_, of infantry, for Luandu, and a company for each -presidio. These "regulars" were to be supported by the _guerra preta_, -or _empacaceiros_. A company of cavalry was added to the regular troops -in 1672; and the exemption from every kind of military service conferred -upon the inhabitants of Luandu since 1660 was partly abolished in 1695, -and orders given for the organisation of a _tero_ of _ordenanas_ -(militia) for Luandu, and of seventeen companies for the districts and -presidios. The fortifications of Luandu had been much improved since the -expulsion of the Dutch. The fort of S. Miguel, at Luandu, which was -begun in 1638, had been completed by D. Joo de Lencastre in 1689; and -at the close of the century there existed forts, sufficiently strong to -resist native attack, at Muchima, Masanganu, Kambambe, Pungu a ndonga, -Mbaka, S. Filippe de Benguella, and Kakonda. - -The only measure bearing upon the civil administration of the country -seems to have been the publication of a _Regimento_ for the guidance of -officers of revenue and of justice, in 1675. At the same time, an extra -export-duty of ten testes[509] was ordered to be paid on every slave, -the proceeds to go towards the dowry of Queen Catherine, the consort of -Charles II of England. - -The introduction of copper coins (_makutas_) into Luandu, in 1624, -caused much dissatisfaction, and actually led to a mutiny of the troops, -who not unnaturally felt agrieved at being expected to accept 200 reis -in copper as an equivalent of a native cloth, up to that time valued at -700 reis.[510] The mutiny was suppressed, and the five ringleaders were -executed. In the interior of the country, the ancient currency remained -in force, larger amounts being paid in merchandise (_fazenda de lei_), -whilst smaller sums were paid in _zimbos_ (njimbu) or cowries, -_libongos_ (mbongo, plural jimbongo), or square pieces of native cloth, -or blocks of rock-salt. - -The only attempt at geographical exploration was that of Jos de Roza, -who left Masanganu in 1678, for the lower Zambezi, but turned back after -only a few days' journey, owing to the hostility of the natives. - - -At the end of the seventeenth century, Portugal held sway over a -territory of over fifty thousand square miles; she maintained fortified -posts far inland; her traders had penetrated as far as the upper Kwanza; -and on the coast she held the prosperous cities of S. Paulo de Luandu -and S. Filippe de Benguella. But this prosperity depended almost -exclusively upon the slave trade. Scarcely any attempt had been made to -develop the great natural resources of the country, and even the food of -the inhabitants was still largely supplied by the Brazils. The colonists -introduced included too large a criminal element; the Government -officials were more intent upon realising large fortunes[511] than -permanently benefiting the country they had been sent to rule; and even -among the preachers of the gospel were men quite unfit to hold the -office which they filled. And this deplorable state of affairs continued -long beyond the period with which we have dealt. Lopes de Lima[512] -calls D. Francisco Innocencio de Sousa Coutinho, who was appointed in -1764, the "first Governor who undertook to civilise this semi-barbarous -colony; and who during his rule of eight years and a-half, did more in -that sense than all his predecessors had ever thought of." Up to his -time, "Governors, captains, magistrates, men of the church and the -cloister" were only intent upon dividing the spoils of office, and acted -in the most scandalous manner. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX V. - -A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA, 1575-1702. - -_The date of arrival and departure are given, unless stated otherwise._ - - - 1. Paulo Dias de Novaes, February, 1575; October, - 1589. - - 2.[513] Luiz Serro, captain-major, 1589-91. - - 3.[513] Andr Ferreira Pereira, 1591, to June, 1592. - - 4. D. Francisco d'Almeida, June 24th, 1592, to April 8th, - 1593. - - 5.[513] D. Jeronymo d'Almeida, 1593-4. - - 6. Joo Furtado de Mendona, August 1st, 1594, to 1602. - - 7. Joo Rodrigues Coutinho, appointed January 23rd, - 1601; arrived in 1602. - - 8[513]. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, 1603-7. - - 9. D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, end of 1607; died April - 11th, 1611. - - 10.[513] Bento Banha Cardoso, captain-major, elected April - 15th, 1611 to 1615. - - 11. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, second term of office, - 1615 to 1617. - - 12. Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, November, 1617, to - 1621. - - 13. Joo Corra de Souza, September, 1621; departed - 1623. - - 14[[513]. Pedro de Souza Coelho, captain-major, during five - months, 1623. - - 15.[513] D. Simo de Mascarenhas, Bishop of Kongo and - Angola, 1623 to 1624. - - 16. Ferno de Souza, appointed October 21st, 1623; - in possession February, 1624, to 1630. - - 17. D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho, 1630 to 1634. - - 18. Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, 1634 to 1639. - - 19. Pedro Cezar de Menezes, 1639 to 1645. - - 20. Francisco de Sotto-maior, September, 1645, to May, - 1646. - - 21[513]. Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio - Texeira de Mendona, and Joo Juzarte de Andrada, the - captains-major, 1646 to 1648. - - 22. Salvador Corra de S Benevides, August, 1648 to - 1651. - - 23. Rodrigo de Miranda Henriques, October, 1651; - died 1653. - - 24.[513] Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, captain-major, - 1653 to 1655. - - 25. Luiz Martins de Souza Chichorro, October, 1655 to - 1658. - - He was killed in an engagement with a Dutch corsair, on - the voyage to Brazil. - - 26. Joo Fernandez Vieira, 1658 to 1661. - - 27. Andr Vidal de Negreiros, May 10th 1661, to - August, 1666. - - 28. Tristo da Cunha, August, 1666, to January, 1667; - when the people compelled him to depart in the vessel in - which he had come. - - 29.[513] Antonio de Araujo e Azevedo, president of the - Camara of Luandu, 1667 to 1669. - - 30. Francisco de Tavora, August 26th, 1669, to 1676. - - 31. Ayres de Saldanha de Menezes e Souza, August - 25th, 1676, to 1680. - - 32. Joo da Silva e Souza, September 11th, 1680, to 1684. - - 33. Luiz Lobo da Silva, September 12th, 1684, to 1688. - - 34. D. Joo de Lencastre, September 8th, 1688, to 1691. - - 35. Gonalo da Costa de Alcaova Carneiro de Menezes, - November 1st, 1691, to 1694. - - 36. Henrique Jaques de Magalhes, November 3rd, - 1694, to 1697. - - 37. Luiz Cezar de Menezes, November 9th, 1697, to 1700. - - 38. Bernardo de Tavora Souza Tavares, September 5th, - 1700, to 1702. - -[Illustration: MAP OF KONGO & ANGOLA - -illustrating their HISTORY TO THE CLOSE OF THE 17^{TH} CENTURY] - - -[Illustration: MAP OF NDONGO (ANGOLA)] - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] Battell tells us (p. 7) that he and Thomas Turner were transported -to Angola in the same vessel (1590). Purchas conferred with Turner after -he had returned to England, and obtained from him an account of his -travels, he having "lived the best part of two years in Brazil" (_lib._ -vi, c. 8). Elsewhere we learn that he "had also been in Angola" (see p. -71). - -This apparently straightforward information is quite irreconcilable with -what we are told by Knivet; for Knivet says he met Turner at Pernambuco -(about 1598); that he advised him to go to Angola; that Turner acted on -this advice, and "made great profit of his merchandise, for which he -thanked me when we met in England." Concerning Knivet, see _post_, p. -89. - -[2] This description does not, of course, apply to his "Voyage to the -East Indies," but it does to his "Description of the whole Coast of -Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc." - -[3] His _Schifffarten_ was first published at Basel in 1624. On this -traveller, see an _Abhandlung_ by D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who -rather absurdly calls him the "first German scientific traveller in -Africa." - -[4] _Vijf verscheyde Journalen ... Amsterdam [1620]._ - -[5] Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626. - -[6] Battell's narrative was reprinted in Astley's _New General -Collection of Voyages_, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton's _Collection_, -vol. xvi (1813). Translations or abstracts were published in the -_Collections_ of Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07); of Gottfried -(Leiden, 1706-26); of Prvt (Paris, 1726-74); in the _Allgemeine -Historie der Reisen_ (Leipzig, 1747-77), in the _Historische -Beschrijving der Reisen_ (The Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, -1826-31). - -[7] See "The Lake Region of Central Africa: a Contribution to the -History of African Cartography," by E. G. Ravenstein (_Scottish Geogr. -Mag._, 1891). - -[8] Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable are Don G. -Abreu de Brito's _Summario e Descripo do Reino de Angola_, 1592; and -Cadornega's _Historia_ (at least, in abstract). - -[9] Abraham Cocke had been in the Brazils before this voyage, for -we learn from Purchas (bk. vi, Pt. IV, London, 1625, p. 1141) that -George, Earl of Cumberland, who had left Gravesend on June 26, 1586, -with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January 10, 1587, with a -Portuguese vessel, a little short of the River Plate, and in her found -"Abraham Cock, of Leigh, near London," whom he brought home with him. - -[10] Pinnace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually -schooner-rigged; at present limited to a large rowing-boat carried by -great ships. - -[11] Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands. - -[12] Light-horseman: a pinnace, a rowing-boat. - -[13] Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long. 22 -W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he had no -business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thom really have -been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct course? - -[14] The island of S. Thom was discovered by the Portuguese about 1472, -and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the sixteenth -century it suffered much from the depredations of French, English, and -Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the Angolares: -that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum ashore when the -vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on the Sette Pedras, and -had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de S. Sebastio was intended -to defend the capital against piratical attacks. It was completed in -1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral Van der Dam, nevertheless sacked the -city in 1600. Only four years before the author's arrival, in 1485, the -city had been destroyed by fire. - -[15] The Ilho das Rlas (Turtle-dove Island) lies about a mile off the -southern extremity of S. Thom. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a -considerable height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about 100) -are dependent upon the rain for their drinking water, for there are no -springs. The chief articles of export are cacao and coffee. - -[16] That is, the Povoao of early days, on the Bahia de Anna de -Chaves, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thom. - -[17] Cabo de Lopo Gonalves, thus named after its discoverer, Cape Lopez -of our charts, in lat 0 36 S. - -[18] The "dolphin" of British sailors is the _doirada_, or gilthead, of -the Portuguese (_Coryphaena hippurus_), and delights to swim in the -shadow of the vessel. - -[19] The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23 10 S., sixty miles to the west of -Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and -shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery. - -[20] S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13 S. - -[21] That is, one of the "degradados" or convicts, whom it is even now -customary to banish to the Colonies. - -[22] The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off Maldonado Point, -and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approaching the Rio de la -Plata. - -[23] The Seal (_phoca vitulina_, Linn.) and Otary (_Otaria jubata_, -Desm.) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in the -Northern hemisphere. - -[24] These south-westerly winds are known as _Pamperos_. They are more -frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater force, but -generally cease sooner. - -[25] Isla Verde can be no other than Flores, a small island further west -than the Isla de Lobos. - -[26] The Ilha de So Sebastio, in lat. 23 50 S. - -[27] Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20 20 S. - -[28] This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest, -early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish -in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen -(Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a -different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been -at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola -in 1598. He says: "There came a small man-of-war to Great Island [Ilha -Grande, 70 miles west of Rio]; the captain's name was _Abram Cocke_; he -lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had taken them if -it had not been for five of his men that ran away with his boat that -discovered his being there; for within a sevennight after he was gone -three caravels came within the same road where he was. These five men -were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent, and were brought to the -river of Janeiro. I being at this time in some account with the Governor -favoured them as well as I could." In the further course of his -narrative Knivet names two of these five men, namely, _Richard Heixt_ -and _Thomas Cooper_. _Thomas Turner_ is referred to elsewhere, but not -under circumstances which would lead one to assume that he was one of -the five. Battell is not mentioned at all. - -Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cocke _was_ heard of once more, -and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine years -before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian? Such a -coincidence is possible, but most improbable. - -[29] This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England, -and Purchas had speech with him. - -[30] So Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8 48 S. - -[31] The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from the -sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The "town of garrison" was -Masanganu, founded in 1582. - -[32] Joo Furtado de Mendona only arrived at Loanda on August 1, 1594. -He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was succeeded by Joo -Rodriguez Coutinho. - -[33] That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known as -"tusks." - -[34] Battell's "wheat" is _masa-mamputo_, or zea mayz. Elsewhere he -speaks of "Guinea wheat," and this might be sorghum or millet; but as he -says that the natives call the grain "mas impoto," there can be no doubt -about its identity with _masa-mamputo_, the gro de Portugal, or maize, -which, according to Ficalho, was imported from America. - -[35] The River of Congo is known to the natives as "Nzadi," or "Nzari," -which merely signifies "great river "(Bentley's _Dictionary of the Congo -Language_). For Isle de Calabes we ought perhaps to read Ilha das -Calabaas (Calabash Island). The position of this island I am unable to -determine. Perhaps it is the same as an Ilheo dos Cavallos Marinhos -(Hippopotamus Island), described by Pimentel as lying within the Cabo do -Padro, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (_A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, -drawn out of the Writings of Duarte Lopez_, by F. Pigafetta, 1591. -Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London, 1881) says it was the first -island met with on entering the Zaire, and that, although small, the -Portuguese had a town upon it. - -[36] Palm cloth is made from the fronds of the _ntera_, or fan palm -(_Hyphne Guineensis_). - -[37] Dapper (_Africa_, Amsterdam, 1670, p. 520) tells us that the hairs -from an elephant's tail were highly valued by the natives, who wove them -into necklaces and girdles; fifty of these hairs or bristles were worth -1000 reis! Duarte Lopez (_Kingdom of Congo_, London, 1881, p. 46) says -that one such tail was equal in value to two or three slaves, and that -native hunters followed the elephants up narrow and steep defiles, and -there cut off the desired spoils. Battell himself (see p. 58) bought -20,000 (hairs) which he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves. - -[38] The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They appeared -in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A Royal order of -1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears to have had no more -effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of the thefts of which they -were accused, and their sorceries, threatened them with a flogging and -the confiscation of their goods, if caught within the kingdom. This law -was re-enacted in 1557, when the galleys were substituted for a -flogging; and in 1592 a still more severe law was enacted, which -threatened with death all those who should not quit the kingdom within -four months. Battel's associates were, no doubt, gipsies who had been -sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A. Coelho, _Os Ciganos de Portugal_, -Lisbon, 1892). - -The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese writers refer -to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as Africanos, and -Battell's Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish prisoners of war, or -Moors expelled from Portugal. - -[39] Mani or Muene, lord and even king, as Muene Putu, King of Portugal, -but also applied to a mere village chief. The _Cabech_ of Battell must -have resided somewhere about Muchima, but on the right bank of the -Coanza. - -[40] Battell's Guinea wheat is _masa-mamputo_, or _gro de Portugal_, -the zea mayz of botanists, which, according to Candolle and Ficalho, was -introduced from America. - -[41] Kasanza's lake can confidently be identified with the Lalama Lake -of modern maps, south of the Rio Bengo, thirty-six miles due east of S. -Paulo de Loanda. _Ka_ is a diminitive; _nsanza_ means village. - -[42] The river of Bengo or Nzenza, which enters the sea ten miles -north-east of Loanda. - -[43] Mani Bangono's district is not mentioned elsewhere. It cannot have -been far from the sea. - -[44] Mushi or Mwishikongo, a Congo-man: plural, Eshi-Kongo. - -[45] Bamba, or rather Mbamba, the south-west province of Congo, -extending to the lower Coanza. - -[46] Lamba, or Hamba, is bounded by the Bengo in the north, and by the -Coanza and its tributary the Lucalla on the south. The "Governor" here -referred to is Joo Furtado de Mendona. Battell seems to have been -among the reinforcements despatched after the disastrous campaign in the -spring of 1596. The "General" of Battell was Joo de Velloria, a -Spaniard, who was Capito mr do Campo. - -[47] The route followed by Battell is approximately indicated upon the -map. Sowonso may be the same as Dapper's Chonso or Douville's Quionso, -beyond Icolo. As to the other places along the route, I can suggest no -identifications. Namba Calamba certainly has nothing to do with the -Portuguese Fort Calumbu on the Coanza, built in 1571. - -[48] Kumba ria Kaiangu? - -[49] _Outeiro_ (Portuguese), a hill. - -[50] Battell's Ingasia is undoubtedly the Angazi or Engase of Duarte -Lopez, a Bunda district subject to Bamba, which in Pigafetta's map lies -to the south of the river Bengo. Mendez de Castellobranco, p. 11, -mentions Engombe (Ngombe). The name survives perhaps in the Ndembu -Ngombe a Muquiama on the northern bank of the Bengo, who, according to -J. V. Carneiro (_An. do conselho ultramar._, vol. ii, pp. 172 to 179, -1861), was in olden times dependent upon Congo. The name Ngombe ("ox") -is, however, a very common one. - -[51] The Pete, more correctly called _Puita_, or _Kipuita_, is a musical -instrument described by Monteiro (_Angola_, vol. ii, p. 140), and in -Cordeiro da Matta's _Diccionario_, p. 29. It consists of a hollow wooden -cylinder, one end of which is covered with sheepskin. A wooden stick is -passed through the centre of this sheepskin, and a most hideous noise is -produced by moving this stick to and fro. - -[52] The Pongo (_mpunga_) is an ivory trumpet. - -[53] Engeriay seems to be a misprint, perhaps for the _Ogheghe_ of -Duarte Lopez, which Ficalho identifies with Mung'eng'e (_Spondias -lutea_) of Angola, called _Gego_ by Lopez de Lima (_Ensaios_, vol. iii, -p. 15). Dr. Welwitsch found the tree growing wild in the mountains of -Benguella, whence it was transplanted to Loanda. It is valued for its -wood, the shade it affords, and its fruit, which resembles a yellow -plum, is of delicious flavour and esteemed as a remedy against bile -(Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 126; Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. ii, p. 298). -Purchas, in a marginal note, Bk. VII, c. 4, says that the _Ogheghe_ -"bears a fruit which is like a yellow plumme and is very good to eat, -and hath a very sweet smell withall." This information was given by -Battell. - -[54] Pome-water, a kind of apple, called _malus carbonaria_ by Coles -(Nares's _Glossary_). - -[55] _Margarita_ is the Portuguese (and Latin) for pearl. Purchas may -have suggested the word, whilst Battell simply referred to the _cowrie_ -currency of the country, or to a more valuable shell such as Cavazzi (p. -12) says was found near Cambambe, a collar of which had the value of a -slave; or to a crystal found in Shela, and called "thunder-stone" by -the natives. Mr. R. C. Phillips writes: "I have found that some kind of -stone used to pass as money in the old slave times, say in 1850 or 1860, -but I never saw one. These stones were of great value, and I have a -vague idea they were called 'agang.'" - -[56] The author's "wheat" is maize (see p. 7). - -[57] This is undoubtedly the bay upon which Manuel Cerveira Pereira, in -1617, founded the city of S. Filippe de Benguella. The bay at that time -was known as Bahia da Torre, or de S. Antonio. By its discoverers it -seems to have been named Golfo de S. Maria. The "torre" is, of course, -the Ponta do Sombreiro or S. Philip's bonnet. Pimentel (_Arte de -Navegar_, 1762, p. 276) locates a Bahia da Torre fifty miles to the -south of Benguella Bay, which therefore corresponds to the Elephant Bay -of modern maps, with its "mesa," or table-mountain rising to a height of -a thousand feet. - -[58] Cacongo (_recte_ Kikongo), according to Welwitsch, is the wood of -_Tarchonanthes camphoratus_. It is hard, of a greyish olive colour, and -has the perfume of camphor. Its powder is esteemed as a tonic (Ficalho, -_Plantas uteis_, p. 206). - -[59] Carraca, a vessel, generally of considerable burthen, and such as -could be profitably employed in the Brazilian and Indian trade. - -[60] Ndalabondo seems to be the name of a person. The people in the -interior of Benguella are known as Bi'nbundo. - -[61] Neither Mr. Dennett nor Mr. Phillips knows a bead of that name. -_Mpinda_ (plur. _Zimpinda_) means ground nut. - -[62] For an account of Dombe, which lies to the south of St. Filip de -Benguella, see Capello and Ivens, _From Benguella to the Territory of -Yacca_, London, 1882, vol. i, p. 308; and Serpa Pinto, _How I Crossed -Africa_, London, 1881, vol. i, p. 46. Copper ore abounds in the -district, and a mine, four miles inland, was recently worked by the -Portuguese (Monteiro, _Angola_, London, 1875, vol. ii, p. 198). - -[63] That is, bark-cloth made of the inner bark of the _nsanda_, Banyan -or wild fig-tree, or _Ficus Lutata_ (see Pechuel Loesche, _Loango -Exped._, vol. iii, p. 172). - -[64] Purchas spells indifferently Gaga, Iagge, Giagas, etc. The correct -spelling is Jaga or Jaka. For a sketch of the history of these military -leaders, see Appendix. - -[65] The Morro, or bluff, of Old Benguella, in lat. 10 48 S., is a -conspicuous headland, presenting a perpendicular cliff towards the sea, -its summit being covered with cactus trees. Here Antonio Lopez Peixoto, -a nephew of Paulo Dias, in 1587, had built a presidio, which was soon -afterwards abandoned. - -[66] The river Cuvo (Kuvu) enters the sea in 10 52 S. - -[67] In a note to Bk. VII, c. iv, 8 (Hartwell's translation of -Pigafetta), Battell is made to say that "the Iagges came from Sierre -Liona. But they dispersed themselves as a general pestilence and common -scourge through most parts of Ethiopia." But see p. 83, where Battell -denies the statements made by Lopez. - -Walkenaer (_Histoire des Voyages_, vol. xiii), says that Dapper's Sierra -Leone cannot be the place usually known by that name. The only locality -in that part of Africa named in honour of a lion, as far as I know, are -the Pedras de Encoge, or more correctly _del nkoshi_ (which means Lion). - -[68] Ndongo is the name of the kingdom of Ngola (Angola). Its old -capital was at Pungu-a-Ndongo, a remarkable group of rocks, popularly -known as Pedras Negras. - -[69] Ngongo (plural Jingongo), in Kimbundu, means twin, and hence -_Ngong'e_, a double bell, such as is described by Monteiro (_Angola_, -vol. i, p. 203); in Lunda it is called _rubembe_ (Carvalho, _Exp. -Port._, _Ethnographia_, p. 369). See also note, p. 80. - -[70] "Gingado," elsewhere spelt "Iergado," is evidently a misprint for -_Jangada_, a Portuguese word meaning "raft." Such a raft is called -_Mbimba_, and is made of the wood of the _bimba_ (_Herminiera -Elaphroxylon_, Guill. et. Perr.), which is identical with the _Ambaj_ of -the Nile, and grows abundantly on the swampy banks of the rivers. -Battell himself, at a critical point of his career, built himself such a -_jangada_ (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis da Africa_, 1884, p. 33). - -[71] _Tavale._ Mr. Dennet suggests that _tavale_ corresponds to the -_libala_ of Loango, a word derived from the Portuguese _taboa_ (table), -for the instrument of this name consists of a board supported by two -sticks of wood, and kept in its place by wooden pegs driven into the -ground. The player beats this board with his two index fingers. A. R. -Neves, _Mem. da Epedio a Cassange_, p. 110, calls _tabalha_ a drum, -which is beaten to make known the death of a Jaga Cassange. - -[72] Mbala or Embala merely means town or village. Lad. Magyar (_Reisen -in Sd-Afrika_, p. 383) has a district Kibala, abounding in iron, the -chief town of which is Kambuita on the river Longa. Walckenaer's -suggestion (_Histoire des Voyages_, vol. xiii, p. 30) that Bambala and -Bembe are identical is quite unacceptable. - -[73] The baobab is indifferently called by Battell _alicunde_, -_licondo_, _elicondi_, _olicandi_, or _alicunde_, all of which are -corruptions of _nkondo_, by which name the tree is known in Congo. The -Portuguese know this characteristic tree of the coast-land and the -interior as _imbondeiro_ (from _mbondo_ in Kimbundu). Its inner bark -yields a fibre known as _licomte_, is made into coarse cloth, and is -also exported to Europe to be converted into paper. The wood is very -light. The pulp of the fruit is refreshing, and was formerly esteemed as -a remedy against fever and dysentery. The seeds are eaten. The shell -(_macua_) is used to hold water (hence the popular name of Calabash -tree). Ficalho distinguishes three species, viz., _Adansonia digitata_, -Linn., the fruit of which is longish; _A. subglobosa_, bearing a -bell-shaped fruit; _A. lageniformis_, yielding a fruit shaped like a -cucumber (see Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. i, p. 78; Ficalho, _Plantas -uteis_, p. 100). - -[74] The cedar of the Portuguese is _Tamarix articulata_, Vahl., and -resembles a cypress (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis da Africa_, 1884, p. 94). - -[75] Kizangu, in Kimbundu, means fetish. Burton (_Two Trips to Gorilla -Land_, vol. ii, p. 120), saw a like image, also called Quesango, in a -village above Boma. - -[76] The so-called fetishes (from _feitio_, a Portuguese word meaning -sorcery) are not idols, but charms and amulets, generally known as -_nkissi_, _nkishi_, or _mukishi_. There are _nkissi_ peculiar to a -district, village, or family; charms and amulets to shield the wearer or -possessor against all the evils flesh is heir to, and others enabling -the priest or _nganga_ to discover crime or the cause of disease. The -idea underlying the belief in the efficacy of these charms was very -prevalent among our own ancestors, and the images, rosaries, crosses, -relics, and other articles introduced by the Roman missionaries are -looked upon by the natives as equivalent to their own _nkissi_. Even at -the present day, images of S. Francis and of other saints may be seen in -the collection of Royal Fetishes at S. Salvador, and a cross called -_santu_ (Santa Cruz) "is the common fetish which confers skill in -hunting" (Bentley, _Pioneering on the Congo_, vol. i, pp. 35, 36, 39). -The images, according to Bentley, seen among the natives are not idols -but receptacles of "charms" or medicine. As to a belief in witchcraft -(_ndoki_, witch; _Kindoki_, witchcraft), it is not even now quite -extinct among Christian people, boasting of their civilisation, for a -reputed wizard was drowned at Hedingham in Essex in 1863, and a witch -burnt in Mexico as recently as 1873. Matthew Hopkins, the famous -witch-finder, cannot claim a higher rank than an African _nganga_, -although his procedure was not quite the same. Nor can I see any -difference between a fetish and the miraculous "bambino" manufactured in -the sixteenth century, and kept in the church of S. Maria Aracoeli, -which a priest takes to the bedside of sick or dying persons, who are -asked to kiss it to be cured, and whose guardians are at all times ready -to receive the offerings of the faithful (see Dickens, _Pictures from -Italy_). - -[77] Marginal note by Purchas:--"Of these Giagas read also Pigafetta's -_Book of Congo_, translated into English by M. Hartwell, and my -_Pilgrimage_, l. 7. But none could so well know them as this author, who -lived so long with them." - -[78] The river Longa [Lungu] enters the sea in lat. 10 20 S. - -[79] A soba Calungo is shown on the most recent maps as residing north -of the river Longa. - -[80] Perhaps we ought to read _Tunda_, the bush, the East. Lad. Magyar -(_Reisen_, p. 378) has a chief Tunda in the country of the Sellas, and -Falkenstein (_Loango Expedition_, p. 73) heard of a district Tunda, -inland from Novo Redondo. - -[81] The Gonsa or Gunza (Ngunza) of Battell is undoubtedly the Coanza. A -river Ngunza enters the sea at Novo Redondo. - -[82] _Shila_, nasty; _mbanza_, towns. - -[83] According to Duarte Lopez (_Pigafetta_, p. 55), the feathers of -peacocks and of ostriches are used as a standard in battle. Hence, -peacocks are reared within a fence and reserved for the king. - -[84] _Njilo_ (in Kimbundu), bird; _mukishi_, a charm. - -[85] See note, p. 51. - -[86] Cambambe (_Ka_, diminutive; _mbambi_, gazelle), a village on the -north bank of the Coanza, below the falls formed by the river in forcing -its way through the Serra de Prata. Silver, however, has never been -found there (at least not in appreciable quantities), nor anywhere else -in Angola or Congo. Still we are told (Paiva Manso, p. 50) that the King -of Congo, in 1530, sent the wife of King Manuel two silver bracelets -which he had received from one of his chiefs in Matamba, and that among -the presents forwarded by Ngola Nbande, the King of Ndongo, to Paulo -Dias in 1576, there were several silver bracelets, which the Regent of -Portugal, Cardinal Henrique, had converted into a chalice, which he -presented to the church at Belem (_Catalogo dos Governadores de -Angola_). According to Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. ii, pp. 58, -233), silver ore is plentiful in Matamba, although they never saw any -_in loco_. - -[87] Battell's Casama is the wide province of Kisama (Quiama), to the -south of the Coanza. - -[88] This Casoch (a misprint for Cafoch) is the Cafuxe (Cafuche) of the -Portuguese, who defeated Balthasar de Almeida on April 22, 1594. On -August 10, 1603, the Portuguese, led by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, -retrieved this disaster. - -[89] The name Calandola is by no means rare. A Calandula Muanji resided -in 1884, eight miles to the north-east of Malanje (Carvalho, _Viagens_, -vol. i, p. 443); another resided, formerly, near Ambaca (_ib._, p. 230); -and a third on the Lucala, south of Duque de Bragana, was visited by -Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. ii, p. 45). A Jaga Calandula -accompanied Joo Soares de Almeida on his disastrous expedition to Sonyo -(_Cat. dos Gov._, p. 390). Either of these may have been a descendant of -Battell's Calandula. - -[90] Human victims are still sacrificed by the diviner when consulting -departed spirits (see A. R. Neves, _Memoria_, p. 119). - -[91] Cavazzi (_Historica Descrizione de tre Regni Congo, etc._, Bologna, -1687, p. 207) gives a plan of a Jaga camp, or Kilombo. It is formed of a -square stockade, having in its centre the quarters of the -Commander-in-chief, within a triple hedge of thorns. Between the -stockade, which has only a single gate, and the inner enclosure are the -quarters of the six principal officers, including the Golambolo -(_ngolo_, strength, _mbula_, a blow), or Lieutenant-General, the -Tendala, or Commander of the Rear-guard, and the Mani Lumbo (_lumbu_, a -stockade), or Engineer-in-chief. - -[92] _Tavales_ (see note, p. 21). - -[93] Bahia das Vaccas, old name for Benguella Bay. There seems to be no -native name for gold; yet Dr. Francisco Jos Maria de Lacerda, when with -the abortive expedition of 1797, which was charged with the exploration -of the Kunene, met a negress whose head-dress was composed of golden -lamin, said to have been washed in that river (Burton, _Lacerda's -Journey to Cazembe_, London, 1873, p. 23). Ladislaus Magyar (_Reisen_, -p. 176), says that about 1833 a Brazilian miner washed gold in the -mountains of Hambo. Quite recently, in 1900, the Mossamedes Company -granted a lease of the Kasinga goldfields to an English company. - -[94] The Imbondos are clearly the Nbundu of Angola, who draw the palm -wine from the top, whilst the Jagas cut down the tree. - -[95] Purchas adds, in a marginal note: "Fruges consumere nati." - -[96] "Flesh" in the sense of encourage. - -[97] Calando should be Calandola (see note on p. 28). - -[98] Mbamba, a whelk or trumpet-shell (Cordeiro da Matta, _Dicc. -Kimbundu_). - -[99] Mr. Dennet suggests _msose_, a turritella, popularly known as -screw-shell. - -[100] No ostriches are met with in Angola, and as to beads made of -ostrich eggs, I can give no explanation. - -[101] Monteiro was told that the Sobas and their wives among the Musele -only use human fat to anoint their bodies (vol. ii, p. 157). - -[102] The practice of wearing such nose ornaments exists to the present -day in Lunda, among the Bangala and other tribes (Capello and Ivens, -_Benguela_, vol. i, p. 265; Carvalho, _Expedio Portugueza ao -Muatianvua_, Lingua de Lunda, p. 367; _Ethnographia_, p. 349). - -[103] Marginal note by Purchas: "They use this ceremony in Florida." - -[104] Civet-cats are numerous in this part of Africa. - -[105] I am inclined to believe, from what we learn from Cavazzi and -other missionaries, that only those children were killed which were born -within the _Kilombo_. On the other hand, at the Court of the ferocious -queen Jinga, we are told by Captain Fller, a Dutchman, that, on two -days in 1648, 113 new-born infants born _outside_ the camp were killed -(Dapper, _Africa_, p. 545). - -[106] _Ngunza_, according to Cordeira da Matta, means all-powerful; -according to Bentley a herald, who speaks on behalf of a chief. - -[107] See note, p. 19. - -[108] Human sacrifices among the Jaga are even now of frequent -occurrence. They are made at the installation of a Jaga, one year after -his election (when the sacrifice and its accompanying banquet are -intended to conciliate the spirit of Kinguri, the founder of the -Dynasty), at his death, on the outbreak of war, etc. The ceremony -witnessed by Battell was an act of divination. The soothsayer summons -the spirit of Kinguri, who is supposed to foretell the results of any -enterprise about to be undertaken. In 1567, the Jaga Ngonga Kahanga, of -Shela, having been advised by his soothsayers that he would suffer -defeat in a war he was about to enter upon against the Portuguese, -declined the arbitration of the sword, and submitted voluntarily. The -body of the victim is cooked with the flesh of a cow, a goat, a yellow -dog, a cock and a pigeon, and this mess is devoured (ceremoniously) by -the Jaga and his _makotas_ (councillors). - -[109] The handle of this switch contains a potent medicine, which -protects the owner against death. - -[110] Casengula, called Kissengula, p. 86, was perhaps a trombash, for -_sangula_ means to kill at a long range (Bentley). - -[111] The Jagas are still buried sitting, and wives are sacrificed -(Capello and Ivens, _From Benguella to the Territory of the Iacca_, vol. -i, p. 330). In Ngois, likewise, the dead are occasionally buried in a -sitting posture (Bastian, vol. i, p. 82). For a full account of a -funeral, see Dennett's _Folklore_, p. 11. - -[112] These feasts are intended to secure the goodwill of the deceased, -so that he may not injure the living. Human beings are occasionally -sacrificed, in addition to goats and fowls. - -[113] Joo Rodrigues Coutinho received his appointment as Governor at -Madrid, on January 30, 1601 (see Appendix). - -[114] Ndemba, in Quissama, a territory famous for its salt mines, the -chief of which was the Caculo Caquimone Casonga (Cadornega, 1702). In -1783, when P. M. Pinheiro de Lacerda invaded Quissama, a Caculo -Caquimone still held the mines of Ndemba. _Kakulu_, the elder of twins, -a title. - -[115] Outaba seems to be a misprint for _libata_ (village). Tombo is on -the north bank of the Coanza, almost due south of Loanda. - -[116] Songa, on the Coanza, below Muchima, a village in the territory of -the Caculo Caquimone Casonga. - -[117] Machimba I believe to be Muchima or Muxima, whilst (according to -Cadornega) a chief Cavao occupied a district above Lake Quizua and below -Massangano. - -[118] According to the _Catalogo dos Governadores_, p. 356, the Governor -died in Quissama. He was succeeded by his captain-major, Manuel Cerveira -Pereira, and it was he who, on August 10, 1603, defeated Cafuxe, in the -bloody battle to which reference is made in the text. Battell's -Angoykayongo is undoubtedly identical with the _Agoacaiongo_ of an -anonymous account of the _Establimentos e Resgates Portuguezes_ (1607), -published by L. Cordeira. He was a Christian chief; and a captain-major, -with a detachment of cavalry, was stationed at his village to keep -Quissama in order. - -[119] See note, p. 27. - -[120] Queen Elizabeth died April 3, 1603; but peace with Spain was only -concluded on August 19, 1604. - -[121] Joo de Araujo e Azevedo was the officer left in command at -Cambambe. - -[122] That is S. Salvador. - -[123] Ngongo, according to Cavazzi (p. 521), is a place on the road from -Sundi to Batta, where Girolamo da Montesarchio destroyed the heathen -images. This place possibly corresponds to the modern Gongo, a station -on the Stanley Pool Railway. Cadornega has a Gongo de Bata, which -figures on Dapper's map as Congo de Bata, and lies to the west of the -Mbanza of Bata. It is impossible to tell which of these places was -visited by Battell; possibly he passed through both. - -[124] The Mbanza or chief town of Mbata, or Batta, still exists in 8 -S., long. 15 E. Bentley (_Pioneering_, vol. ii, p. 404) passed through -it, and discovered a huge wooden cross, a relic of the ancient -missionaries. - -[125] D. Manuel Cerveira Pereira had assumed government at the beginning -of 1603, and three years would conveniently carry us to 1606. The "new" -Governor, D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, was, however, only nominated on -August 2, 1607. - -[126] See note, p. 11. - -[127] Nkoko, a large grey antelope. - -[128] Impalanca, _Palanga_, or _Mpalanga_, an antelope (_Hippotragus -equinus_). - -[129] This is an electric silurus called _nsmbo_, plur. _sinsombo_, by -the natives. Fishermen dread its electrical discharges, but value its -flesh (Pechuel-Loesche, _Die Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 282). This -fish, Mr. Dennett tells me, is the "xina" (taboo) of women, generally -speaking, which may account for the word becoming a generic name for -fish, as in Unyamwezi, Ugogo, and other countries, if vocabularies can -be trusted. - -[130] See note, p. 21. - -[131] This is Red Point, or Ponta Vermelha, where there is a grove of -palms. - -[132] Kabinda, 5 31 S., on a fine bay. - -[133] The river Kakongo, or Chiloango, enters the sea in lat. 5 9 S. -to the north of Landana. It is a very considerable river, and its waters -discolour the sea for seven miles. - -[134] Mbale, according to Bentley, is the coast region between the Congo -and Ambrisette; but on Pigafetta's map (1591) a town, Monbales, is shown -to the south-east of the chief place of Sonho (Sonyo). - -[135] Pinda, or Mpinda, in Sonyo, is below the Mbanza of Sonyo, which on -modern maps figures as St. Antonio. - -[136] The Luiza Loango, or Massbi, river enters the sea in lat. 5 1 -S. Its depth across the bar is only 2 ft., but once within, it presents -a fair waterway for over a hundred miles. Kaia is about ten miles up it. - -[137] The Golfo das Almadias, or Canoe Bay, as described by Battell, -corresponds to Black Point Bay, 4 48 S., the inner bay of which, less -than half a mile across, had become all but silted up by 1884. - -[138] No logwood is found in Loango, and Purchas points out in a note -(_post_, p. 82), that Battell's dyewood must be Red Sanders -(_Pterocarpus tinctorius_), the _tacula_ of Angola, and identical with -the _tavila_ of D. Lopez (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 207). -Pechuel-Loesche (_Loango Exp._, vol. iii, p. 190), on the other hand, -states that the dye known as _tacula_ is camwood (_Baphia nitida, -Afz._), and Bentley (_Dict. of the Kongo Language_), who calls the dye -_nkula_, is of the same opinion. Another red dye is obtained from the -_Njilla sonde_ (_Pterocarpus erinaceus, Poir._). - -[139] _Nlunga_ (Bentley) or _malungu_ (Cordeira da Matta) is the native -word for bracelet. - -[140] The Maloango (_ma_, a contraction of _mani_ or _mwanu_, son; -_mfumu_, chief) or king is selected by the Mamboma (see p. 59) and the -princes, and must be a nephew (sister's son) of his predecessor. On his -election he takes the title of _Nganga nvumbu_ (_Nganga_, priest; -_nvumbu_, benevolent spirit, breath), but only proceeds to that of -Maloango when rich enough to summon the whole country to a great feast, -when declaration is made for the first time officially of the death of -the former Maloango, and he is buried. As these festivities are very -expensive, they are often deferred for years, and many a _Nganga nvumbu_ -has died without even troubling about the higher title. The successors -of the Maloango Njimbi of Loango, of Battell's time, according to Mr. -Dennett, have been: 1. Maloango Tati of Kondi; 2. Mani Puati of -Chibanga; 3. Mani Yambi; 4. Man'anombo; 5. Mani Makosso Matukila of -Kondi; 6. Mani Makosso Manombo; 7. Mani Makosso Masonga; 8. Mani Puati. -Nos. 3 to 8 never assumed the title of Maloango. Mani Puati very much -disgusted the people with his cruelty (he had killed his own daughter -because she refused to cohabit with him); and when the French, in 1898, -called upon the Mamboma and the princes to produce a Maloango, they -ignored the existence of Puati, and elected his nephew, Mani Luemba. -This list, however, is evidently imperfect. - -[141] Mr. Dennett, whose long residence at Loango and thorough knowledge -of the languages entitle him to speak with authority, finds this passage -unintelligible, but ventures to suggest the following:-- - -_Baliani_ (my companion) _ampembe_ (white) _mpolo_ (face), _muenyeye_ -(Boio, the underground _nkishni_), _ke zinga_ (not live -long)! - -Freely translated, it would mean "My companion, the white face, has -risen from underground, and will not live long." This is a curious -greeting, but it fairly represents native ideas: for the white man, as -long as he keeps to his ship (supposed to rise from the bottom of the -ocean), is believed to live long; whilst, once he comes to stay ashore, -he is condemned to an early death. - -[142] In a marginal note, Purchas says that the King's wives are called -_Macomes_. Such a title is known neither to Mr. Dennett nor to Mr. -Phillips. Macome is probably a misprint for Maconda, the title borne, -according to Dapper, p. 522, by the king's "mother." _Nkondi_, according -to Bentley, is a title of nobility. - -[143] Mr. Dennett informs me that, still at the present day, when the -King (Maloango) or rather _Nganga nvumbu_, drinks in state, he covers -his head with a cloth, so that the public may not see him drink. On -ordinary occasions, however, this custom is no longer observed. - -[144] The heads of all families eat alone; that is, they eat first, and -their wives and children afterwards. Maloango still observes the same -custom, with his _ma sa vi_, or house-steward, as the sole attendant -(Dennett). - -[145] Bensa may be a corruption of the Portuguese _banca_, a table. Mr. -Dennett does not know the word. - -[146] Not Sambe and Pongo, but Nzambi-ampungu! _Nzambi_ is the name by -which God is known; _Nzambi-ampungu_ means the Most High (Supreme) God -(Bentley, _Life on the Congo_, 1887, p. 62). - -[147] The rains begin in October and last till April, being heaviest -from November to March. They are very irregular. Thus, in February 1874, -2.2 ins. fell at Chinchosho; in the same month, 1875,12.0 ins.; but in -1876 only 0.2 ins. - -[148] _Ensaka_, according to D. Lopez (Pigafetta), a stuff resembling -velvet. - -[149] The _Ndamba_ is no drum, as understood by Purchas, but a musical -instrument made out of a piece of palm stem, about 4 or 5 ft. long. This -is split down one side, the soft centre is then scooped out, and the -edges of the split cut into notches. By rubbing these notches -energetically with a stick, a loud rasping noise is produced (Monteiro, -_Angola_, vol. ii, p. 139: Cordeiro da Matta, _Diccionario_, p. 118). - -[150] An ivory trumpet (see note, p. 15). - -[151] Battell seems to be mistaken. Mr. Dennett informs me that Maloango -as _Ngangu nvumbu_ (see note 44) collects the offerings of his people, -and sends them with a petition for rain to the great rain-doctor, -_Nganga m Bunzi_, in Ngoyo. He has never heard that Maloango had usurped -the functions of the great rain-doctor by shooting an arrow to the sky. -Abb Proyart (_Hist. de Loango_, c. 13), says that the Maloango being -desirous of not committing himself, orders one of his ministers to make -rain. - -[152] Mr. Dennett tells me that _Ndundu_ when born are thrown into the -bush. During his long residence in Africa he has only seen one, and that -was at Kinsembo, eighteen years ago. Proyart (_Histoire de Loango_, -Paris, 1819, p. 150) says that these albinos are held higher than the -Gangas, are looked upon almost as "divine," and that their hair is -valued as giving protection against accidents. See also p. 81. - -[153] _Mukishi Loango_, the fetish or "charm" of Loango. _Checocke_ is -identical with Dapper's _Kikoko_ (_Africa_, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 535). -Dapper's account is not derived from Battell. - -[154] According to Mr. Bentley, hysteria is very common in this country. -For the account of the ravings of a witch-doctor, see _Pioneering_, vol. -i, p. 271. - -[155] Mr. Dennett informs me that the underground speaking fetish in -Loango is at the present time called _Boio_, and is found at Chilunga. -He suggests that _Ngumbiri_ may be a river spirit, or _Nkishi_ from the -country north of Mayumba. Dr. Bastian paid a visit to the holy place of -the underground oracle of _Ngoio_ near Moanda, known as _Mbunzi_, which -only speaks on the accession of a king, whom he instructs as to his -royal duties (_Die Deutsche Expedition_, vol. i, p. 85, 223). - -[156] The mami (_mwana_, or princes) mentioned by Battell are those of -Chibanga, Selanganga (of the family of the Petra Praia of Kenga), Mbuku, -and Kaya, in Chikamba. (R. E. Dennett, on the law of succession, see -note on p. 44.) - -[157] Mani Lombe is a man's name: at least, at the present time, and is -never given to a woman. It means "One who is peaceful and quiet." No -special name or title is borne by the mother of the successors of -Maloango (R. E. Dennett); but as Lumbu means stockade, palace, or chiefs -house, Battell may have mistaken a word applied to this woman's -residence for that of her title. Lombo means a person supposed to be an -incarnation of a shimbi, or water-fairy. - -[158] Palm-cloth (see note, p. 9). - -[159] Dr. Bastian visited the Royal graves at Loangiri, or Loangele, and -found each grave marked by a tusk. The visitors pulled out grass around -the tomb and poured libations of rum upon the bare ground (_Die Deutsche -Expedition an der Loango-Kste_, Berlin, 1874, vol. i, p. 69). - -[160] This may be quite true of earlier times, when Europeans were -looked upon as great wizards, who rose out of the sea and were returned -to that element when they died. At present, however, a burial-place is -set apart for them, and is looked after by the Petra Praia (Salanganga), -an office created since the arrival of the Portuguese for the purpose of -looking after the affairs of the white men (R. E. Dennett). - -[161] There is some confusion here. Angeca is evidently the Anziki or -Anzique of D. Lopez and others, now represented by the Banteke, on -Stanley Pool. The word may be derived from _anseke_, far or distant. The -proper name of the tribe is Atio (A. Sims, _Kiteke Vocabulary_, 1886). -_Mococke_ (_Makoko_) is a title. Bongo is evidently the country of the -Obongo of Du Chaillu, the Babongo of Lenz, Bastian, and Falkenstein: a -race of dwarfs between the coast and the Banteke, varying in stature -between 51 and 56 ins. Compare note, p. 59. - -[162] Identical with Chinkanga, on the river Juma, where the French have -a post, Wemba. - -[163] The river Kuilu, 4 28 S. - -[164] _As duas moutas_ (the two corpses) of Juan de la Cosa's map -(1500), near the mouth of the Kuilu. - -[165] Fifteen miles carry us to the Longebonda of the Admiralty Chart, -4 20 S.. which has very little water in it at the most favourable time -of the year (_Africa Pilot_, vol. ii, 1893, p. 136), but the river meant -is evidently the Numbi, which enters Chilunga (Kilonga) Bay in 4 13 -S., a mere stream (_Deutsche Loango Expedition_). - -[166] Yumba is the name of the country. _Mayumba_ (_Mani Yumba_) means -chief of Yumba. The Bay of Mayumba, 3 19 S., lies about 10 miles to -the south of Cape Mayumba, which is undoubtedly the Cabo Negro of -Battell. - -[167] Dyewoods are still an article of export, but not logwood (see -note, p. 43.) - -[168] The Banya, a lagoon extending to the south-east, parallel with the -coast. - -[169] The _Mpungu_ is the gorilla. For _Engeco_ (printed _Encego_ in the -earlier editions) we ought to read _Nsiku_, the native name for the -chimpanzi, a larger variety of which is known as _Chimpenso_ -(Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 248). P. Du Chaillu, -the first European to kill a gorilla in his native haunts (_Adventures -in Equatorial Africa_), declares Battell's stories to be mere -traveller's tales, "untrue of any of the great apes of Africa." Sir R. -F. Burton (_Two Trips to Gorilla Land_, vol. i, p. 240) suggests that as -Battell had not seen a gorilla, he may have confounded gorillas with -bushmen. - -[170] Misprint for Mayumbas? - -[171] Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (_D. Loango Exp._, vol. iii, p. 302) says that -native dogs do _not_ bark, but that they often acquire the habit when -living among European dogs. Most of them are mongrels, but there are -some superior breeds trained for hunting. These dogs carry a wooden bell -(_ndibu_) round the neck, the clatter of which scares the game. When the -scent grows warm, the dogs begin to whine, and when the game is in sight -they give tongue. After each beat the dogs sit down apart from the -hunters, raise their heads, and howl for several minutes. Mr. Dennett, -in a letter to me, confirms the barking (_kukula_, to bark) of the -native dogs. - -[172] See p. 82 for further information on this fetish. - -[173] Neither Mr. Dennett, nor one of the officials in the French -Colonial Office, thoroughly acquainted with the language, has been able -to make sense out of this sentence. The latter suggests _Ku Kwiza bukie -lika_, "I come for the truth!" For another version of this appeal, see -p. 83. The sentence is evidently very corrupt. - -[174] Circumcision is common in some districts, but no magical or mystic -influence is ascribed to it (Bentley). - -[175] For an account of the initiation into the guild called _Ndembo_, -see Bentley's _Dictionary_, p. 506. - -[176] The custom of prohibiting certain food to be eaten, etc., is very -common. _Mpangu_ is the name for this taboo in the case of new-born -infants; _Konko_, a taboo imposed in connection with an illness. The -thing tabooed is called _nlongo_ (Bentley). - -[177] This refers no doubt to Sette, the river of which enters the sea -in 2 23 S. The capital of the same name being fifty miles up it. -Barwood is still exported, but no logwood. - -[178] His modern representative seems to be the Mani Kasoche on the -Upper Ngonga, who was visited by Gssfeldt. - -[179] Not to be taken literally, for Co certainly touched at this bay. - -[180] The usual designation for "Dwarf" is _mbaka_ or _kimbakabaka_ (the -diminutive of _mbaka_), but _Batumba_ (with which Battell's _matimba_ -seems to be identical) is likewise applied to a dwarf person or thing -(Bentley). In Angola, _Matumbu_ means a far-off, unknown country -(Cordeiro da Matta). Compare note, p. 52. - -[181] "Marombos" seems to be a misprint for Mayumbas (see note, p. 55). - -[182] The Mamboma is a sort of home secretary. He buries the Maloango, -and summons the princes for the election of a successor. _Mboma_ is the -black python; _boma_ means fear. Hence the title has been translated -"Lord of Terror." - -[183] _Mbundu_, the powdered root of a species of strychnos, is -administered to confessed witches accused of having caused the death of -a person. If the accused be guilty, this poison causes him to lose all -control over the _sphincter urethr_; he discharges red urine profusely, -runs a few paces, falls down and dies. An innocent person only -discharges a few drops on a banana leaf (Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango Exp._, -vol. iii, p. 188). _Nkasa_, prepared from the bark of _Erythrophlaeum -guineense_, paralyses the action of the heart, but if thrown up at once, -it will not kill (Dr. M. Boehr, _Correspon. der Deutschen Afrik. Ges._, -vol. i, p. 332). It is administered to persons who deny being witches. -(For a full account of such a trial, see Dennett, _Seven Years Among the -Fjort_, p. 165.) In the case of minor offences, the ordeal of the hot -matchet--_bikalo_, _bisengo_, or _bau_--is resorted to. The knife is -passed thrice over the skin of the leg, and if it burns the accused is -declared guilty (see also Dennett, _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the -Fjort_, p. 162). The Nganga is, of course, open to a bribe, and in the -case of a chief the poison may be administered to a substitute--a dog or -a slave--and the penalty commuted to a fine. See also Bentley's -_Pioneering on the Congo_, London, 1900. - -[184] The poison administered in this case was _nkasa_, and not _mbundu_ -(see p. 80). - -[185] _Ndoki_, a witch; _undoki_, that which pertains to witchcraft -(Bentley). - -[186] That is, _Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World_, bk. -vii, ch. 10, dealing with Loango. - -[187] Worthy Purchas grows quite incoherent in his indignation, but the -reader will nevertheless be able to gather his meaning, and will -appreciate his distinction between a Jewish priest and a heathen -_Nganga_, both administering the same rite. He thus shares the opinion -of the Roman Catholic missionaries who recognised the efficacy of native -charms, but ascribed it to the Devil, whilst claiming greater potency -for their crosses, relics, etc., deriving their potency from Heaven. - -[188] The poison ordeal, which required a woman suspected of infidelity -to her husband to drink "bitter water" administered by the Jewish -priest, is here referred to. This ordinance, of course, was not -applicable in case of a similar offence charged against a husband -(Numbers v, 12-31). - -[189] Valdez (_Six Years in Angola_, vol. ii, p. 130) calls this ordeal -_quirigu tubia_ (_Kirik tubia_), and says that the hot hatchet may be -applied to any part of the person. The meaning of _kiri_ is truth; of -_tubia_, fire. Purchas is evidently mistaken when he calls this -procedure _Motamba_, for _tambi_ or _mutambi_ is a kind of funeral feast -or wake. The body having been buried, and potsherds, pipes, and other -articles placed on the grave, the mourners devour a roast pig, the skull -of which is afterwards thrown into a neighbouring river. - -[190] Illness and death are frequently ascribed to witchcraft. If a -disease does not yield to medical treatment by a _Nganga a moko_, the -_nganga a ngombo_, or witch-doctor, is called in with his fetish. He may -ascribe the death to natural causes, or to a charm worked by a person -recently deceased and beyond his reach; or he may denounce one or more -persons as witches. The persons thus denounced are compelled to submit -to the poison ordeal (see, among others, Dennett's _Seven Years among -the Fjort_, and his _Folk-Lore_). - -[191] Garcia Mendes de Castellobranco, p. 33, says, in 1621, that hens -abounded and also goats and sheep, but that cows were rare. - -[192] Zebras are still found in Benguella, but not any longer in Angola -or Congo. Duarte Lopez, p. 49, speaks of a "pet zebra" (in Bamba?) which -was killed by a "tiger." Further on he says that zebras were common, but -had not been broken in for riding. M. Garcia Mendez likewise mentions -the "zebra." The native name is _ngolo_ (Kangolo). "Zebra" is a -corruption of its Abyssinian appellation. - -[193] Tandale, in Kimbundu, means councillor or minister of a _soba_ or -kinglet; _tumba'ndala_ was an old title of the Kings of Angola, and may -be translated Emperor (Cordeiro da Matta, _Diccionario_). - -[194] All this is borne out by Portuguese documents. From the very -beginning, Dias de Novaes handed over the Sovas to the mercy of his -fellow-adventurers and the Jesuits. The system was still in force in -1620 when Garcia Mendez de Castellobranco proposed to King Philip a -"regimen de aforamento" of the native chiefs, which would have yielded a -revenue of fifteen million Reis, and would, at the same time, afforded -some slight protection to the natives. Those who would have profited -most largely by these "reforms" would have been the Jesuits. - -[195] According to Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (_Die Loango Expedition_, vol. -iii, p. 279), this seems to be the cowfish of the whalers, or _Tursions -gillii_, Dale. The natives call it _ngulu-mputu_ (_ngulu_, -hog-fish;-_mputu_, Portugal). He says that the natives will not suffer -this fish to be injured, as it drives other fish ashore and into their -nets; and that if one of these fish were to be wounded or killed they -would stop away for ever so long. The Rev. W. M. Holman Bentley, in his -_Dictionary of the Kongo Language_, says that the _ngola_ of the natives -is a bagre, or catfish. A gigantic bagre, 8 ft. in length, is found in -the Upper Coanza (Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. ii, p. 134). Mr. Dennett -suggests the _Chialambu_, a kind of bream, which is said to chase other -fish; _Mboa_, _Mbwa_, or _Imboa_ certainly means dog, and is not the -name of a fish. - -[196] _Massa-ngo_, the _Penisetum typhoideum_, introduced from abroad. -It is the _milho_, or millet, of the Portuguese (see Capello and Ivens, -_Benguella_, vol. i, p. 103; vol. ii, p. 257). - -[197] _Massa-mballa_ is _sorghum_ (Ficalho). A white variety is known as -_Congo-mazzo_. - -[198] This is _luku_, or _Eleusine coracana_, introduced from Asia. It -is extensively grown in Abyssinia and among the Niamniam (Schweinfurth, -_The Heart of Africa_, vol. i, p. 248; Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 41). - -[199] _Massa-mamputo_, or Gro de Portugal, is _Zea mayz_, introduced -from America (Ficalho). See note, p. 7. - -[200] This is the ground-nut (_Arachis hypogaea_), or underground kidney -bean. Its native name is _nguba_ or _mpinda_. According to Ficalho, p. -142, it was introduced from America, while _Voandzeia subterranea_, -called _vielo_ in Angola, is certainly indigenous. The seeds of the -latter are smaller and less oleaginous than those of _Arachis_, and -hence its commercial value is less. - -[201] _Wandu_ (of Congo) is the _mbarazi_ of the Swahili, the _Cajanus -indicus_ of botanists. It is grown all over Africa, and Welwitsch -considers it indigenous. In Angola a variety is known as _nsonje_ -(Ficalho, p. 143; Burton, _Two Trips to Gorilla Island_, vol. ii, p. -119). - -[202] In a marginal note to his reprint of Pigafetta's book (p. 1005), -Purchas quotes Battell as confirming Lopez when he states, with regard -to the _Cola_ (_c. acuminata, R. Br._), that "the liver of a hen, or of -any other like bird, which putrified and stinketh, being sprinkled over -with the juice of this fruit (the _Cola_), returneth into its former -estate, and becometh fresh and sound again." - -[203] See note, p. 24. Monteiro (vol. ii, 165) confirms that hives are -securely placed in the branches of a tree, the _Baobab_ being chosen in -preference. - -[204] A misprint from _Inganda_, i.e., _Nsanda_, banyan. - -[205] The three kinds of palm are, the wine-palm (_Raphia_); the -oil-palm (_Elaeis_); and the date-palm (_Phoenix_). - -[206] _Lubmbu_ (in Kimbundu); _luvambu_ (in Congoese) means a chain. -Dr. Lacerda says that a _Libambo_ was made of sufficient length to hold -twelve slaves (_The Lands of Cazembe_, ed. by Burton, London; 1873, p. -18). - -[207] For his _Relations_, see Purchas, lib. VI. ch. viii. - -[208] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, in a memoir addressed in 1592 to King -Philip, states that 52,000 slaves were exported from Angola to Brazil -and the Spanish Indies between 1575 and 1591, and 20,131 during the last -four years of this period (Paiva Manso, _Hist. do Congo_, p. 140). -Cadornega, quoted by the same author, estimates the number of slaves -annually exported between 1580 and 1680 at eight or ten thousand (_ib._, -p. 287). - -[209] _Recte_, _Engenho_, a mill, and in Brazil more especially a sugar -mill. - -[210] Turner says, in his _Relations_, p. 1243, that John de Paiis -(_sic_) owned ten thousand slaves and eighteen sugar mills. - -[211] Manuel Cerveira Pereira was Governor 1603-7 (see p. 37). - -[212] Carvalho (_Ethnographia_, pp. 248, 258) describes trophies of -these as also trophies of war, built up of the skulls of enemies killed -in battle. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, p. 54) saw a fossil -tusk, which was looked upon as a fetish, around which were piled up the -horns of oxen, and the teeth and skulls of hippopotami. - -[213] Libations are a common practice. Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, -vol. i. p. 70) observed libations of rum being poured on the royal -graves at Loangiri; Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. i, p. 26) say -that the Bandombe, before they drink spirits, pour a portion on the -ground, as a libation to _Nzambi_; whilst in Congo (according to -Bentley), the blood of a beast killed in the chase is poured on the -grave of a good hunter, to ensure success in the future. Instances of -this practice could easily be multiplied. Compare note, p. 51. - -[214] _W_, an interjection, O! _Kizangu_ is a fetish image (see note, -p. 24). _Kuleketa_, to prove, to try (Cordeiro da Matta's -_Diccionario_). - -[215] On this ordeal, as practised in Angola, see note, p. 61. - -[216] _Nganga a mukishi._ - -[217] See note, p. 34. - -[218] See note, p. 55. - -[219] Battell is named in the margin as authority for this paragraph, -but it is not likely that he would have mentioned a lake Aquelunda, -which we now know does not exist. It rather seems that Purchas got this -bit of information out of Pigafetta. The Quizama here referred must not -be confounded with the country of the same name, to the south of the -Coanza. It was the district of the Quiluangi quia Sama (or quia Samba, -according to Lopez de Lima, p. 60), the ancestor of a chief of the same -name now living near the Portuguese fort of Duque de Bragana. The -"commonwealth" is an evident reference to the country of the Dembos -(_ndembu_, plural _jindembu_, ruler, chief), who recognise no superior -chief or king. - -[220] It need scarcely be stated that the horse was first introduced -into Angola by the Portuguese. The tails seen by the early Portuguese, -and sometimes described as horse-tails, were in truth the tails of the -Zebra. - -[221] See another version of the same story, p. 69. - -[222] The _nsanda_ is the banyan, or wild fig-tree (_ficus umbelata_, -Vahl). - -[223] Battell has been misunderstood by Purchas, for the _manga_ tree is -the Mangrove (_Rhyzophora mangle_) called _Mangue_ in Kimbundu, which -rejoices in adventitious roots, as also does the _nsanda_. - -[224] See p. 24, for note on the _Nkondo_ or _Baobab_. - -[225] For an account of this mode of climbing a tree, see -Pechuel-Lsche, _Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 179. - -[226] On honey, see note, p. 68. - -[227] _Nsanda_, the banyan-tree. - -[228] Schuit, a boat, in Dutch. - -[229] This sentence is introduced on the authority of Duarte Lopez -(Pigafetta, p. 22). The other tree referred to by Battell is the -_mfuma_, or cotton-tree (see Tuckey, _Narrative_, p. 225). Dr. -Falkenstein, however, affirms that the soft wood of the _baobab_ is that -usually employed for making canoes ("dug-outs"). - -[230] Battell, I have no doubt, never employed the word "Bramas" -(Bramanes in Portuguese, Brahmans). D. Lopez (Pigafetta) must be held -responsible for the statement that the inhabitants of Loango were -originally known as Bramas. Surely this cannot be (as supposed by -Degrandpr) because of the red and yellow stripes with which the women -in Loango paint their foreheads in honour of a certain fetish, and the -similarity of these with the marks of the votaries of Siva in India. - -[231] Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, pp. 158, 202, 232) -mentions offerings of this kind. Thus the skull of an animal killed in -the chase is placed before the fetish. - -[232] _Mbongo_, cloth (Bentley's _Dictionary_). - -[233] See note, p. 35. - -[234] Restrictions upon the use of certain articles of food are imposed -by the doctor (_nganga_), even before the child is born (_mpangu_), and -upon the sick (_konko_). The things forbidden to be eaten are called -_nlongo_, and it is believed that a disregard of this taboo entails most -disastrous consequences (Bentley, _Dictionary_, pp. 353, 389). In Loango -things forbidden are called _Shin_, or _thina_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, p. -138). - -[235] Any place guarded by a "charm," such as a shell, a bit of cloth, -or the like, is respected by the natives as being protected by the -_nkishi_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, pp. 6, 18). - -[236] See note, p. 48. - -[237] This bell is called _Shi-Ngongo_, and the Maloango alone is -allowed to order it to be struck. Thus, when a messenger is sent round -the town, striking this _Shi-Ngongo_, the people know that it is the -voice of Maloango which speaketh. It is thus quite likely that a thief, -under these circumstances, should be frightened into restoring stolen -property. (From a letter by Mr. Dennett.) See also note, p. 20. - -[238] See p. 59. - -[239] _Ndoke_, or _ndoki_, witchcraft, sorcerer. - -[240] A misprint for _Libata_, village. - -[241] See p. 48. - -[242] _Munsa_, should be _inzo_ or _nzo_, a house (see also note, p. -49). - -[243] _Nkishi ngolo_, a strong _nkishi_. - -[244] Marginal note by Purchas: "This seemeth to be Red Sanders. A. -Battell saith it is logwood." Purchas is right! _Tacula_ is Red Sanders -(_Pterocarpus tinctorius_). - -[245] _Nkwa_, the possessor of a thing or quality; _akwa_, possessed of. - -[246] Compare p. 56, where we are told that a fetish called _Maramba_ -(_Morumba_), stood in the town of the Mani Yumba. - -[247] Evidently a misprint for Mayumba. - -[248] Another version of this address will be found on p. 56. - -[249] Marginal note with reference to the existence of amazons -(Pigafetta, p. 124): "Andr. Battell, which travelled near to these parts -[where Amazons are supposed to exist] denieth this report of Lopez as -untrue." The Amazons of Lopez lived in Monomotapa, on the Zambezi. - -[250] We may presume that Purchas told his friend what was reported by -Lopez (Pigafetta, vol. ii, chs. 5, 9) and others about the origin of the -Jagas. Battell, upon this, not only rejects the conjecture of Lopez, but -also disclaims having any knowledge of their origin himself. Elsewhere, -however, Purchas makes his author responsible for the assertion that -they came from Sierra Leone (see note, p. 19). - -[251] The Bangla (_akibangla_, in Kimbundu _Jimbangla_, sing. -_kibangla_) are the people of the Jaga of Kasanj. The term merely means -"people," and they have absolutely nothing to do with the Bangala on the -middle Kongo, still less with the Galla (see Carvalho, _Exp. Port. do -Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 85). - -[252] The words within asterisks are obviously a parenthesis of worthy -Purchas. He speaks (p. 854) of the Gall [our Galla] as a "nationless -nation," either the same as or like in condition to the Giacchi or -Iaggs [Jaga], and (p. 857) of the Imbij as "a barbarous nation" near -Mombaza. There exists not the slightest justification for identifying -the Jagas of Angola with the Sumbas of Sierra Leone, the Mazimbas of the -Zambezi, or the Galla. The whole of this question is dealt with in the -Appendix. - -[253] On infanticide, see note, p. 32. - -[254] In a marginal note Purchas adds: "_Azimogli_ are the children of -Christians taken from the parents by the Turke, the spawne of their -_Ianizaries_". It should be _Ajem oglan_ ("inexperienced boys"), the -children of Christians who were handed over to Turks to be brought up as -Moslims, and trained as recruits for the _Yanizaries_ (_Yeni-cheri_, new -troops) organised by Sultan Urkhan in 1328. This unruly force ceased to -exist in 1826. - -[255] _Elembe_ means pelican. - -[256] See notes, pp. 19, 28. - -[257] See note, p. 26. - -[258] _Njilo mukisho_, see p. 27. - -[259] _Mpungi_, an ivory trumpet. - -[260] See note, p. 34. - -[261] See note, p. 33. - -[262] _Kuzambula_, a soothsayer, diviner. Neves, p. 19, mentions a -_Mocoa-co-Zambulla_ as officiating among the Jagas of Cassanje. - -[263] See pp. 1 and 6. - -[264] Masanganu is the famous fort on the Kwanza built by Paulo Dias de -Novaes in 1583. Anyeca, elsewhere called Ancica, Angica, Angila and -Anguca, is clearly meant for Anzica, that is the country of the Nteke -above Stanley Pool. - -[265] That is, St. Paul de Loanda, the chief town of Angola. - -[266] Joo Furtado de Mendona was Governor of Angola (not Kongo), -1594-1601. - -[267] I know of no town (or even church) in the whole of Angola -dedicated to St. Francis. - -[268] There is no such city in Angola. It seems to me that Knivet found -the name in Linschoten, a translation of whose work appeared in 1698. -Linschoten says here of the island of Luandu, which lies in front of the -Portuguese town of S. Paul de Loanda, that "there were seven or eight -villages upon it, at one of which called 'Holy Ghost', resides the -Governor of Kongo, who takes care of the right of fishing up shells." -This "Governor" was an officer of the King of Kongo. The island, with -its valuable cowrie fishery, was ceded to Portugal in 1649. - -[269] _Ngulu_, a hog. - -[270] _Sanji_, a hen. - -[271] _I'mboa_, or _mbwa_, dog. - -[272] Earlier in his narrative he mentions having seen, at the Straits -of Magellan, "a kind of beast bigger than horses; they have great eyes -about a span long, and their tails are like the tail of a cow; these are -very good: the Indians of Brazil call them _tapetywason_: of these -beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdom of Manicongo. The Portugals -call them _gombe_" (marginal note by Purchas). The gombe (_ngombe_) of -the Portugals is undoubtedly a cow, whilst the _tapetywason_, called -"taparussu" in a _Noticia de Brazil_ of 1589, and _tapyra_, in the -language of the Tupi Indians, is applied to any large beast, and even to -the oxen imported by the Portuguese, which they call _tapyra sobay go -ara_, that is, "foreign beasts," to distinguish them from their own -_tapyra caapora_ or "forest beast." - -[273] This account of a "trial by battle" does much credit to the -author's ingenuity. No such custom is referred to by any other visitor -to the Kongo. The meaning of "Mahobeque" we cannot discover, but -_mbenge-mbenge_ means "principally." - -[274] _Nkadi_, one who is, and _mpungu_, the highest. The usual word to -express the idea of God is _nzambi_, or _nzambi ampungu_, God the most -high! _Nkadi ampemba_, according to Bentley, means Satan. The word used -in Angola is, _Karia-pemba_. - -[275] _Ri-konjo_, banana. - -[276] _Mutombo_ is the flour from which cassava-bread is made. - -[277] The name for bread, both in Kimbundu and Kishikongo, is _mbolo_ -(derived from the Portuguese word for cake or _bolo_). _Anou_ or _auen_ -may stand for _mwan_, a cassava-pudding; _tala_ means look! _kuna_, -here! The Rev. Thomas Lewis would say, in the Kongo language of -Salvador: _Umpana mbolo tambula nzimbu_; literally, "Give me bread, take -or receive money." - -[278] The cowrie-shells fished up at Luanda Island (the old "treasury" -of the Kings of Kongo) are called _njimbu_ in Angola, but _nsungu_ in -Kongo. _Njimbu_ in Kongo means beads, or money generally, and hence the -author's "gullgimbo" evidently stands for _ngulu anjimbu_, red beads. - -[279] _Npuku_, a field mouse. - -[280] Crimbo (_kirimbo_) seems to be a corruption of the Portuguese -_carimbo_, a stamp. - -[281] The Rev. Thomas Lewis suggests: _Mundele ke sumbanga ko, kadi wan -bele-bele_; that is, "The white men do not buy, but they have gone away -in a hurry." - -[282] _Nlele_, the general name for European cloth. They do make cloth -from the inner bark of the banyan tree (see p. 18, _note_). - -[283] _Mukaji_; wife, woman, concubine. - -[284] The "fishes" are no doubt molluscs. - -[285] The King at the time of Knivet's alleged visit was Alvaro II. - -[286] The Vangala, spelt Bengala lower down, seems to represent the -Imbangolas of Battell, more generally known as Jagas (see p. 84, _note_) - -[287] D. Alvaro sent several embassies to Europe, but never a brother of -his. The most famous of these ambassadors was Duarte Lopez, who was at -Rome in 1590. - -[288] This certainly seems to be a misprint for Angola, for a party of -Portuguese going to Masanganu would never stray so far north as Anzica. -On the other hand, if Knivet was really on his way from the capital of -Congo to Prester John's country, that is, Abyssinia, he must have gone -in the direction of Anzica. - -[289] Masanganu actually stands at the confluence of the Rivers Kwanza -and Lukala! - -[290] That is, they suffered from elephantiasis. - -[291] Gold is often referred to in ancient documents, but its actual -discovery (so far in unremunerative quantities) is quite a recent -affair. Silver was supposed to exist in the hills of Kambambe above -Masanganu, but has not as yet been actually found. - -[292] These Angicas are certainly identical with the Anziques or -Anzicanas of Duarte Lopez, according to whom they eat human flesh and -circumcise. The Angolans have at no time been charged with cannibalism. - -[293] Cavazzi, p. 262, calls Corimba a province of the kingdom of Coango -(not Loango, as in Labat's version) on the Zaire. Cadornega (quoted by -Paiva Manso, p. 285) tells us that our river Kwangu (Coango) is called -after a lordship of that name, and was known to the people as the -"great" Zaire (_nzari anene_). On the other hand, D. Pedro Affonso II, -in a letter of 1624, speaks of Bangu, which had recently been raided by -the Jaga, aided by the King of Loango (_sic_), as the "trunk and origin -of Congo" (Paiva Manso, p. 177). But then this Pedro Affonso was not of -the original dynasty of Nimi a Lukeni. - -[294] Collectively known as Ambundu, a term applied in Angola to black -men generally, but in Kongo restricted to slaves, _i.e._, the conquered. -Bunda, in Kongo, has the meaning of "combine;" in Lunkumbi (Nogueira, -_Bol._ 1885, p. 246) it means "family." Cannecatim, in the introduction -to his Grammar, says that Kimbundu originated in Kasanj, and that the -meaning of Abundo or Bundo is "conqueror." According to Carvalho (_Exp. -Port. ao Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 123) Kimbundu should be -translated "invaders." The derivations of the word Kongo are quite as -fanciful. Bentley seems to favour _nkongo_, a "hunter." Cordeiro da -Matta translates Kongo by "tribute;" whilst Nogueira says that Kongo -(_pl._ Makongo) denotes a "prisoner of war." - -[295] "Palaver place" or "court," corrupted by European travellers into -"Ambasse." Subsequently this town became known as S. Salvador. - -[296] Both the Rev. W. H. Bentley and the Rev. Tho. Lewis believe Sonyo -to be a corruption, at the mouths of natives, of San Antonio. This is -quite possible, for when the old chief was baptised, in 1491, he -received the name of Manuel (after the King), whilst his son was -thenceforth known as Don Antonio. Images of Sa. Manuela and S. Antonio -are still in existence, and are venerated by the natives as powerful -fetishes (Bastian, _Loangokste_, vol. i, p. 286). Soyo, according to -the same author, is the name of a district near the Cabo do Padro. Yet -Garcia de Resende and Ruy de Pina, in their Chronicles of King Joo II, -only know a Mani Sonho, whom Joo de Barros calls Mani Sono. No hint of -the suggested corruption is given by any author. - -[297] On these northern kingdoms, whose connexion with Kongo proper -seems never to have been very close, see Proyart, _Histoire de Loango, -Cacongo, et autres royaumes d'Afrique_, Paris, 1776; Degrandpr, _Voyage - la cte occidentale d'Afrique_, 1786-7, Paris, 1801; and of recent -books, R. D. Dennett, _Seven Years among the Fjort_, London, 1887, -Gssfeldt, Falkenstein, and Pechuel-Loesche, _Die Loango Expedition_, -Berlin, 1879-83; and that treasury of ill-digested information, Bastian, -_Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loangokste_, Jena, 1874-5. - -[298] On the voyages of Co and Dias, see my paper in the _Geographical -Journal_, 1900, pp. 625-655. - -[299] Now Cape St. Mary, 13 28 S. - -[300] The "Cabo do Padro" of early maps. - -[301] A legend on the chart of Henricus Martellus Germanus (1489), and -the "Parecer" of the Spanish pilots of 1525, are our only authorities on -this fact. Co is not again mentioned in Portuguese documents (see my -Essay, _Geographical Journal_, p. 637). - -[302] Nsaku was henceforth known as Don Joo da Silva. See Ruy de Pina, -p. 149; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, _Asia_, t. I, Pt. 1, -pp. 177, 224. - -[303] On this embassy, see De Barros, _Asia, Dec. I_, Liv. 3; Ruy de -Pina's _Chronica_, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende's _Chronice_, cc. -155-61; D. Lopez, Bk. II, c. 2; Fr. Luis de Sousa, _Historia de S. -Domingos_, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte IV, Livro iv, c. 16. - -[304] Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says -Franciscans; and P. Fernando da Soledade, _Historia Serafica_, has -proved the documents published by Paiva Manso in favour of the Dominican -claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, _Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 64. - -[305] Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub _San -Salvador_. - -[306] The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a -bton, a bow and arrow, and the cap. - -[307] De Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should be -called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanas of later writers, about whose -identity with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore the -title of Makoko (Nkaka). - -[308] Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as -_Egreja da Vera Cruz_. In it the Christian kings of Kongo were formerly -buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and carried the body of the -unbelieving D. Francisco to hell, their coffins were removed to other -churches (see post, p. 121). Other churches, subsequently built, are S. -Salvador, N. S. do Socorro, S. Jago, S. Miguel, dos Santos, de -Misericordia, S. Sebastian. - -[309] Frei Joo had died soon after reaching the capital. - -[310] Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4. - -[311] Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and -documents bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between 1512, and -December 15th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but in letters -written between February 15th, 1539, and December 4th, 1540, the King -refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as his "brother." If -the letters had been written by his successor Don Pedro II Affonso, Don -Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a brother. - -[312] Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably _Mpangu_. - -[313] King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva -Manso, p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there can be no -doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-arms -subsequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) substitutes the -Virgin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273), and -others, down to Father Eucher (_Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 36), -unhesitatingly accept this miracle. The Rev. W. H. Bentley most -irreverently suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might account -for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. James. - -[314] On this embassy, see the documents printed by Paiva Manso, and -also Damian de Goes, _Chron. do Rei D. Emanuel_, vol. iii, c. 37. - -[315] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 419. - -[316] On this mission, see _Alguns documentos_, pp. 277-289, for the -instructions given to Simo da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King -Manuel's letter, and D. Affonso's manifesto; and also Damian de Goes, -_Chronica_, vol. iii, cc. 38-39. - -[317] This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself -(Paiva Manso, p. 11), as follows:--The field _gules_, and the chief of -the coat _azure_, quartered by a cross-fleury _argent_. Each quarter of -the chief charged with two shells, _or_, on a foot _argent_, bearing a -shield _azure_, charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field -_gules_ is charged with five arms holding swords, _or_. An open helmet, -_or_, with a royal crown surmounts the coat. Crest: the five swords. -Supporters: two idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The -coats figured on Pigafetta's map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less -elaborate, but are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the -latter is one of the royal insignia. - -[318] In the formal documents addressed to his "brother" of Portugal, he -claims to be "By the Grace of God, King of Kongo, Ibumgu, Kakongo, Ngoyo -this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus, of Ngola, Aquisyma -(Ptolemy's Agisymba) Muswalu, Matamba, Muyilu and Musuku, and of the -Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of Mpanzu-alumbu," &c. - -[319] D. de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iv, c. 3. - -[320] Paiva Manso, pp. 15, 17. - -[321] Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mpanzu-alumbu, see below. - -[322] On this mission, see Paiva Manso, pp. 69-74. - -[323] On the bishops of Kongo, see _Add. MS. 15183_ (British Museum), -and R. J. da Costa Mattos, _Corographia Historica das Ilhas S. Thom, -etc._ Oporto, 1842. - -[324] Paiva Manso, p. 31. - -[325] For King Affonso's account of this event, as also for an account -of a second conspiracy, apparently planned by Ferno Rodrigues Bulho, -see Paiva Manso, pp. 76-80. - -[326] For Mpangu-lungu, see Index and Glossary. - -[327] The minutes of this inquiry are printed by Paiva Manso, p. 84. - -[328] D. de Goes, _Chron. de Rei D. Em._, iv, c. 54. - -[329] See Index, _sub_ Mpanzu-alumbu _and_ Mpangu-lungu. - -[330] See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be -kings of the Matumbulas, _i.e._, the spirits of their dead ancestors -buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and -who were dreaded as fetishes. - -[331] According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p. -174), these daughters were: (1) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D. Diego, -Affonso II, and Bernardo; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba, the mother of -Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II; (3) D. Anna Tumba a -mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, whose -son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not seem to be quite trustworthy. - -[332] Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532, -but the letters written by D. Affonso, and published by Paiva Manso, -conclusively show that this is impossible (see _supra_). - -[333] His native name proves him to have been a _son_ of D. Francisco. -He is, however, generally described as a cousin or grandson of D. Pedro. - -[334] The earliest published letter of D. Diogo is dated April 25th, -1547. His death is mentioned in a letter dated November 4th, 1561 (Paiva -Manso, pp. 81, 113). He may, however, have died a considerable time -before that date. Lopez de Lima (_An. Mar._ 1845, p. 101) makes him die -in 1552, after a reign of nine years. - -[335] This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1549. -The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovo Ribeira, Jacome -Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Soveral. - -[336] See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93. - -[337] He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thom in 1574. - -[338] For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one D. -Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101, 110. - -[339] Compare D. Lopez, p. 93; Cavazzi, p. 276; a list of kings given by -the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617 (Paiva -Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador made in -1624 (_ibid._, p. 174), and Christovo Dorte de Sousa's letter to Queen -Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561 (_ibid._, p. -113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Eucher, _Le Congo_, -p. 70). - -[340] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114. - -[341] His letter is printed by Paiva Manso, p. 116. It was during the -reign of this king, in 1563, that a "missionary" is stated to have -crossed Africa (Garcia d'Orta, _Coloquios dos simples e drogos_. Goa, -1567). - -[342] Lopez de Lima, _An. Mar._, 1845, p. 101. - -[343] Duarte Lopez, p. 93. - -[344] Alvaro, according to Cavazzi, came to the throne in 1542 and died -in 1587, whilst Lopez de Lima, quite arbitrarily, puts off his accession -to 1552. These figures are absolutely incorrect, as may be seen from the -date of the letter of Queen Catherine to D. Bernardo. D. Alvaro cannot -possibly have ascended the throne anterior to 1568. - -[345] The Ayaka still inhabit a large stretch of country along the -Kwangu, and are generally considered to be identical with the Jagas -(Cavazzi speaks of them as Jaga, or Aiaka), an opinion which I do not -share. See _post_, p. 149. - -[346] I imagine the account given by Duarte Lopez, p. 96, is much -exaggerated. - -[347] Garcia Mendes, p. 9. - -[348] As a proof of vassalage we may mention that the King was denied -the title of _Alteza_ (Highness), which would have implied sovereign -rights, and was only allowed that of _Senhoria_ (lordship). - -[349] Duarte Lopez, p. 9. Originally, the Christian kings of Kongo were -buried in this church, but upon this desecration their bodies were -removed to other churches. - -[350] Our information concerning the reign of this king is exceedingly -scanty. We think we have shown satisfactorily that he cannot have -reigned from 1542 to 1587, but are unable to vouch either, for the date -of the invasion of his country by the Ayaka, or for that of his death. - -[351] In a letter of September 15th, 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166). - -[352] Samuel Braun, who visited the Kongo in 1612, says that the fort -built near the Padro, and another on an uninhabited island, had been -razed. - -[353] Sebastian da Costa had been sent to Kongo to announce the -accession of Philip I, in 1580. He was given a letter by D. Alvaro, but -died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez, upon whose writings and discourses -Pigafetta based his work on the Kongo (see p. 19), was appointed in his -stead. For an account of this embassy, see Duarte Lopez, pp. 101-108. - -[354] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 158. - -[355] This order was, as a matter of course, issued at the instance of -the Council of Regency at Lisbon. - -[356] Paiva Manso, pp. 174-177. - -[357] We confess that this is unintelligible to us. Perhaps -we ought to read Coango (Kwangu), instead of Loango. There is, of -course, the "kingdom" of Kwangu beyond the Kwangu river, within which -lies the district of Kurimba, the birthplace of the first King of Kongo -(see p. 102). Bangu is evidently the district on the river Mbengu. It -may have been the home of the King's ancestors; and the Kwangu here -referred to may be a neighbouring district of that name (see Index). - -[358] It was during the reign of this King that five Portuguese -merchants crossed the Kwangu and fell into the hands of the Makoko, who -made slaves of them. But upon this, his kingdom was visited by plague -and famine, and his armies were beaten; and these "miracles" only ceased -when, acting on the advice of his diviners, he had sent back his -prisoners to S. Salvador, richly compensated for their sufferings -(Cavazzi, p. 281). - -[359] For documents referring to the reign of this king, see Paiva -Manso, pp. 187-237. - -[360] Whether the Dutch ambassadors prostrated themselves when presented -to the king, as shown on one of Dapper's plates, may be doubted. - -[361] The auxiliary force of thirty Dutchmen was commanded by Captain -Tihman (Dapper, p. 541). - -[362] They sent, indeed, a vessel to remonstrate, but the Duke defied -them to land, and they retired humbly. - -[363] Dapper, p. 572. Perhaps the itinerary on one of Dapper's maps from -Mpinda, by way of Mbamba, S. Salvador, Mbata and Nsundi, is supplied by -Herder. The names _conso_, _canda_, _quing_ and _ensor_ of the map are -corruptions of the names of the four week-days (_konso_, _nkanda_, -_nkenga_ and _nsona_), and designate places where markets are held on -those days. - -[364] He died at S. Salvador in 1651, when about to start for Abyssinia, -and was succeded by P. Giovanni Francisco of Valenza, as Prefect. For a -full account of the missions of 1645 and 1648, see Pellicer de Tovar, -_Mission Evangelica al Reyno de Congo_, Madrid, 1649; and P. Francisco -Fragio, _Breve Relazione_, Rome, 1648. - -[365] Giovanni Antonio de Cavazzi, of Montecuccolo, was a member of this -mission. - -[366] This district was invaded by Queen Nzinga, in 1649, and the -missionaries, P. Bonaventura of Correglia, and P. Francesco of Veas, -retired. - -[367] See Cavazzi, pp. 512-15. - -[368] Those of our readers who have no time or inclination to wade -through the bulky tomes of Cavazzi and other missionaries of those days, -may be recommended to read an excellent summary by the Franciscan Friar -Eucher (_Le Congo, Essai sur l'Histoire Religieuse de ce Pays_, Huy, -1860). - -[369] Paiva Manso, pp. 200-229. - -[370] Fr. Bonaventura had left Luandu in December, 1649; in June, 1650, -he was in Rome; in July, 1651, at Lisbon. He then returned to Kongo in -the company of P. Giacinto Brusciotto of Vetralla (1652), but ultimately -joined the mission in Georgia. To Brusciotto we are indebted for a -grammar and vocabulary of the Sonyo dialect, published at Rome in 1659. - -[371] Paiva Manso, p. 244. - -[372] I have no doubt that these "Pedras" are identical with the "Pedras -de Nkoshi," or "lion rocks," now occupied by the Presidio of Encoge. - -[373] Cavazzi, p. 287. - -[374] Published by Paiva Manso, pp. 350-355. - -[375] Pedro Mendes, however, only gives the names of ten Kings. If we -add to these Alvaro VII, D. Rafael, and Alvaro IX, mentioned by others, -we make up the number to thirteen. See Appendix III for a list and -classification of these Kings. - -[376] Cadornega says Affonso III. - -[377] He had some correspondence with the Pope in 1673 and 1677. - -[378] Paiva Manso, p. 254. - -[379] See Eucher, _Le Congo_, p. 176. Subsequently the Capuchins -returned to Sonyo (Merollo in 1683, Zucchelli in 1703). - -[380] Dionigi Carli paid a visit to these: see his _Viaggio_, Reggio, -1672. - -[381] See Merolla's _Relatione del Regno di Congo_, Naples, 1692; and -Zucchelli's _Viaggi_, Venice, 1712. - -[382] His captain-general, D. Pedro Constantino, managed to get himself -elected king, but was taken prisoner and beheaded at S. Salvador in -1709. - -[383] It was not unusual to make a charge for the administration of the -sacraments. In 1653, the parochial priests complained that the Capuchin -friars administered the sacraments without claiming an "acknowledgment;" -and the authorities at Rome (1653) prohibited their doing so within five -leagues of the capital (Paiva Manso, p. 233). At Mbamba, the priest had -a regular scale of prices. A baptism cost 7,000 cowries, for a marriage -a slave was expected, and so forth; and thus, adds the Bishop of Angola -(1722): "little children go to limbo, and grown-up people to hell!" - -[384] _Western Africa_, London, 1856, p. 329. - -[385] _Boletim_, Lisbon Geogr. Society, March 1889. - -[386] In 1709, the Holy Office declared the slave-trade in Africa -illicit. Only those persons were to be looked upon as slaves who were -born such; who had been captured in a just war; who had sold themselves -for money (a usual practice in Africa); or who had been adjudged slaves -by a just sentence. - -[387] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 107. - -[388] For the instructions given to Pacheco, see _Alguns Documentos_, p. -436. - -[389] Paiva Manso, p. 55. - -[390] Kiluanji, nzundu, and ndambi, which are given as names of kings, -are in reality only titles assumed by them.--Capello and Ivens, -_Benguella to the Iacca_, vol. ii, p. 53. Tumba-ndala (according to Hli -Chatelain) was another of these ancient royal titles. - -[391] Capello and Ivens, _ib._, vol. ii, p. 59. His proper name is -Kalunga (_i.e._, Excellency) ndombo akambo. - -[392] _Kabsa_, according to Cordeiro da Matta's _Diccionario_, simply -means "capital;" but J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._, vol. ii, p. -172, 1861) would have us distinguish between a Mbanza ia Kabasa and a -Mbanza ia Kakulu; the former meaning "second," the latter "first," -capital. This "first" or original capital of the kings of Ndongo was -undoubtedly in the locality of Queen Nzinga's kabasa; the second capital -was at Pungu a ndongo. - -[393] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 621. The Queen was branded as a slave (a practice -learnt from the Portuguese; see Marcador in the Index), and died of -grief; but her daughter was received into favour, and was baptized in -1667. - -[394] Lopes de Lima (_Ensaio_, vol. iii, _parte segundo_), is very -severe upon Cavazzi, whom he charges with having "falsified" history, -but does nothing himself to throw light upon the vexed question of the -names of the kings of Matamba and Ndongo. The following is a summary of -Cavazzi's very copious information (where Antonio of Gaeta gives -different names, these are added within brackets). _Ngola_, the smith, -or _musuri_ (_Ngola Bumbumbula_), was the founder of the kingdom of -Ndongo. Having no sons, he was succeeded by his daughter, _Nzunda ria -ngola_, and then by another daughter, _Tumba ria ngola_, who married a -_Ngola kiluanji kia Samba_, a great warrior. Their son, _Ngola -kiluanji_, was succeeded by _Ndambi ngola_. Then followed _Ngola -kiluanji kia ndambi_, another great warrior, who advanced to within ten -leagues of the sea, and planted a _nzanda_ tree (_Insandeira_), on the -northern bank of the Kwanza, a short distance above Tombo, to mark the -furthest point reached by his conquering hosts. _Nzinga ngola kilombo -kia kasende_ (_Ngola kiluanji_) followed next; then came _Mbandi ngola -kiluanji_, the father, and _Ngola mbandi_, the brother, of the famous -Queen _Nzinga (Jinga) mbandi ngola_ (born 1582, acceded 1627, died -1663), since whose day the upper part of Ndongo, including Matamba; has -been known as Nzinga or Ginga. The great queen was succeeded by her -sister, _D. Barbara da Silva_, who married _D. Antonio Carrasco nzinga a -mina_ (she died 1666). Then followed in succession _D. Joo Guterres -Ngola kanini_, _D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini_ (1680-81), and _D. -Victoria_, whom Cadornega calls _Veronica_. - -According to Lopez de Lima, it was a Jaga of Matamba, _Ngola a nzinga_, -who conquered Ndongo, and gave it as an appanage to his son, _Ngola -mbandi_. It was this _Ngola mbandi_ who invited the Portuguese in 1556, -and a son of his, bearing the same name or title, who received Dias in -1560. - -Cadornega (Paiva Manso, p. 281) gives the following names as the "Kings -of Angola" since the arrival of the Portuguese: Ngola a kiluanji, Ngola -mbandi, Ngola a kiluanji II, Queen Nzinga D. Anna de Sousa, D. Antonio -Carrasco Nzinga a mina, D. Barbara da Silva, his wife; D. Joo Guterres -Ngola kanini, D. Luis, D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Veronica, -the wife of D. Francisco. - -[395] Called Ngola mbandi by Lopes de Lima. - -[396] Paiva Manso, p. 112. - -[397] The Jesuit fathers (Francisco de Gouvea and Garcia Simes) date -their letters from _Angoleme_, and call the King's capital Glo-amba -Coamba, evidently a misprint. Sixty leagues would carry us far beyond -the later capital, Pungu a ndongo, perhaps as far as the Anguolome -aquitambo (Ngwalema a kitambu) of Garcia Mendes, in the district known -as Ari. Another Angolome (Ngolome) lived less than twenty leagues from -the coast, on the northern side of the Kwanza, and near him a soba, -Ngola ngoleme a kundu. Neves (_Exped. de Cassange_) says the old name of -Pungu a ndongo is Gongo a mboa. For the Jesuit letters of that time, see -(_Boletim_, 1883, pp. 300-344). - -[398] He is referred to as Ngola Mbandi or Ngola ndambi. - -[399] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. ix, calls him Kiluanji kia samba, an -ancestor of the chief residing near the presidio of Duque de Bragana. -V. J. Duarte (_Annaes do cons. ultramar._, vol. ii, p. 123), the -commandant of that presidio in 1847, confirms that it occupies the site -of a former chief of that name, who was, however, quite an insignificant -personage. - -[400] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, in a MS. of 1592, quoted by Lima, -_Ensaios_, p. x. Garcia Mendes mentions seven hundred men, but these -probably included the crews of the vessels. - -[401] F. Garcia Simes, S.J., informs us that a few days before the -arrival of Dias four men had been killed at a village only six leagues -from Luandu, and eaten.--_Boletim_, 1883. - -[402] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 139, informs -us that in 1592 it was governed by a Muene Mpofo, M. Luandu and M. -Mbumbi. - -[403] The King, after his defeat, is stated to have ordered the Makotas -who had given him this evil counsel to be killed (Lopes de Lima, p. -xiii). - -[404] Lima, _Ensaios_, vol. xi, suggests that this S. Cruz became -subsequently known as Kalumbu, and that its church was dedicated to S. -Jos. To me it seems more likely that it occupied the site of Tombo, and -was subsequently abandoned. - -[405] This "Penedo" seems subsequently to have been named after Antonio -Bruto, a captain-major. - -[406] Garcia Mendes, p. 19, describes Kanzele as lying half-way between -the rivers Kwanza and Mbengu. - -[407] According to Antonio of Gaeta two leagues below Masanganu. Garcia -Mendes calls this place Makumbe. - -[408] See his account of this battle in _Boletim_, 1883, p. 378. The -story in the _Catalogo_, that Dias sent loads of cut-off noses to S. -Paulo, is hardly credible. - -[409] So says Garcia Mendes, p. 25; whilst Duarte Lopez, p. 34, says -they were sent, but being defeated on the river Mbengu, retired again to -the north. - -[410] Diogo Rodrigues dos Colos brought three hundred men in 1584; -Jacome da Cunha, nine hundred in 1586. Two hundred Flemings, who arrived -in 1587, nearly all died soon after they had been landed. - -[411] Garcia Mendes, p. 24. - -[412] In 1809 his remains were transferred to the Jesuit Church at -Luandu. - -[413] This place is said to be eighty leagues from Masanganu, a gross -exaggeration. Vicente Jos, who was the commander of Duque de Bragana -in 1848, mentions a Ngolema Aquitamboa among the chiefs of Haire da cima -(_An. do Conselho ultram._, vol. ii, p. 123). - -[414] Garcia Mendes mentions the Kindas as if they were a tribe. To me -they seem to be the people of the Jaga Kinda (Chinda of the Italian -Capuchins), one of the chiefs killed by the famous Queen Nzinga. See -Cavazzi, p. 636, and Antonio de Gaeta's narrative in _La maravigliosa -conversione delle Regina Singa escritta dal. P. F. Francesco Maria Gioia -da Napoli_. Naples, 1669, p. 233. Emilio, a son of Count Laudati, was -born in 1615; he lived a few years as a knight of Malta, and then -entered a monastery of Capuchins, assuming the name of Antonio of Gaeta. -He landed at Luandu in November, 1650, and died there, after an active -life as a missionary, in July, 1662. - -[415] Called Kakalele in the _Catalogo_. - -[416] Douville, _Voyage au Congo_, Paris, 1832, vol. ii, p. 375; -Bowdich, _On the Bunda Language_, p. 138, note 2. - -[417] See note, p. 84. - -[418] _Breve Relao da embaixada_, etc., Lisbon, 1565. Reprint of 1875, -p. 98. - -[419] It will be remembered that Battell, p. 25, writes Gaga as an -alternative form for Jaga. May Agau stand for Agaga, the Jagas -collectively? - -[420] _Relaco anuel_, 1602-3. Lisbon, 1605. - -[421] Ginde (pronounced Jinde) may be derived from _njinda_, the meaning -of which is fury, hostility. - -[422] See p. 83. - -[423] _Expedio Portuguesa: Ethnographia_, p. 56. - -[424] _Expedio a Cassange_, Lisbon, 1854. - -[425] Perhaps Manuel Cerveira Pereira, who founded the Presidio of -Kambambe in 1604. The first DON Manuel, however, is D. Manuel Pereira -Forjaz (1607-11). But as the Jaga offered to fight Queen Nzinga, who -only acceded in 1627, this Don Manuel may have been D. Manuel Pereira -Coutinho (1630-34). - -[426] A "feira" was established at Lukamba, near Mbaka, in 1623. The -Kamueji is perhaps the Fumeji of Capello and Ivens. - -[427] The list of Neves, p. 108, begins with Kinguri kia bangala, who -was succeeded by Kasanje kaimba, Kasanje kakulachinga, Kakilombo, -Ngonga-nbande, etc. - -[428] Capello and Ivens, _Benguella to Iacca_, vol. i, p. 239, include -Mahungo and Kambolo among the family of Ngongo, and Mbumba among that of -Kulachinga. - -[429] _Reisen in Sd-Afrika_, Pest, 1869, p. 264. - -[430] From _Mpakasa_, a buffalo, and the meaning of the word is -therefore originally "buffalo-hunter," but it was subsequently applied -to natives employed by government, as soldiers, etc. Capello and Ivens, -_From Benguella to the Yacca_, vol. ii, p. 215, deny that they ever -formed a secret society for the suppression of cannibalism. - -[431] _Kichile_, transgression. - -[432] See Cavazzi, pp. 182-205. - -[433] It is to him we owe several memoirs, referred to p. xviii. He did -excellent service; but whilst Joo Velloria and others were made Knights -of the Order of Christ, and received other more substantial rewards, his -merits seem not to have been recognised. - -[434] This important MS., dated 1592, still awaits publication. - -[435] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 147. - -[436] However, there are two sides to this dispute, and it may well be -doubted whether the natives would not have been better off under a -Jesuit theocracy than they were under an utterly corrupt body of civil -officials. See P. Guerreiro, _Relao anual de_ 1605, p. 625, and Lopes -de Lima, p. xviii. - -[437] Erroneously called Adenda by most authors. Battell is the first to -give the correct name. - -[438] Garcia Mendes, p. 24. - -[439] They were "converts" from the Casa Pia founded by D. Maria, the -queen of D. Manuel--not reformed criminals, but converted Jewesses. - -[440] Battell gives some account of this campaign. See also Garcia -Mendes, p. 11. Ngombe a Mukiama, one of the Ndembu to the north of the -Mbengu, may be a descendant of this Ngombe (see Luis Simplico Fonseca's -account of "Dembos" in _An. do conselho ultram._, ii, p. 86). - -[441] Upon this Spaniard was conferred the habit of the Order of Christ, -he was granted a pension of 20,000 reis, and appointed "marcador dos -esclavos," an office supposed to yield I,000 cruzados a year (Rebello de -Arago, p. 23). - -[442] Luciano Cordeiro (_Terras e Minas_, p. 7), says that, according to -local tradition, the first presidio of that name was at Kasenga, a -village which we are unable to discover on any map. - -[443] See Battell's account of this campaign, p. 37. - -[444] See note, p. 37. - -[445] See Glossary, _Museke_. - -[446] Others call him Paio d'Araujo. - -[447] Estabelecimentos, 1607. - -[448] A. Beserra Fajardo, in _Producoes commercio e governo do Congo e -de Angola_, 1629, one of the documents published by Luciano Cordeiro in -1881. - -[449] Near where the railway now crosses that river. - -[450] Rebello de Arago, p. 15. - -[451] It seems that the explorer considers Kambambe to lie eighty -leagues inland (P. Guerreiro--_Rel. an._, 1515, f. 126--estimated the -distance from S. Paulo to Kafuchi's at sixty leagues). Accepting this -gross over-estimate in calculating his further progress, and assuming -him to have gone to the south-east, which was not only the shortest -route to Chikovo and Mwanamtapa, but also avoided the country of the -hostile Ngola, he cannot even have got as far as Bi. As to a "big -lake," he heard no more than other travellers have heard since, only to -be disappointed. The natives certainly never told him that one of the -rivers flowing out of that lake was the Nile. This bit of information he -got out of a map. His expedition _may_ have taken place in 1607--he -himself gives no date. Perhaps Forjaz had given the instructions, which -were only carried out in 1612, when Kambambe was in reality threatened -by the natives. - -[452] Rebello de Arago, p. 14, calls him Manuel da Silveira. - -[453] A Kakulu Kabasa still lives to the north-east of Masanganu, in 9 -4 S., 14 9 E. - -[454] The territory of a chief of that name is on the upper Mbengu, to -the north of Mbaka. The _Catalogo_ calls him Kakulu Kahango. - -[455] See _Benguella e seu serto_, 1617-22, by an anonymous writer, -published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881. - -[456] This bay is known by many aliases, such as S. Maria, S. Antonio, -do Sombreiro, and da Torre. - -[457] The anonymous MS. already cited by us is, however, silent on this -subject. - -[458] Antonio Diniz, who wrote in 1622 (_Produces do Congo e de -Angola_, Lisbon, 1881, p. 14), charges Pereira with having sent, without -the King's knowledge, three shiploads of salt to Luandu, which he -exchanged for "Farinha de guerra" (Commissariat flour), with which to -feed his men. - -[459] That is a _district_ called Kakonda, for the old fort of that name -(Caconda velha), sixty miles from the coast, was only built in 1682. -Letters from Pereira, dated September 9th, 1620, and January 23rd, 1621, -in _Egerton MS. 1133_ (British Museum), ff. 357-361. - -[460] I do not know whether oxen were employed as beasts of burthen -(_bois cavallos_) in these early days. - -[461] Reckoning the cruzado at 2_s._ 8_d._ - -[462] Published by Luciano Cordeiro. - -[463] Dapper, p. 592, regrets that these exactions ceased on the -occupation of the country by the Dutch (not from love of the native, we -may be sure), and that, as a consequence, his countrymen were little -respected. - -[464] Antonio Diniz, _Producoes, commercio e governo do Congo e de -Angola_, 1516-19, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881. - -[465] Luiz de Figuerido Falco, _Livro em que se contem toda a Fazenda_, -etc. Lisbon, 1855, p. 26. I reckon 400 reis to a cruzado worth 2_s._ -8_d._ - -[466] The Capito-mor do Campo, who was the chief officer next to the -Governor, was paid 67; the ouvidor (or judge), 34; the sergeant-major, -34; the principal financial officer (provedor da Fazenda), 27: a -captain of infantry, 40; a private, 18. There was a "marcador dos -esclavos," who branded the slaves. He received no pay but levied fees -which brought him in 140 a year (see _Estabelecimentos_, p. 21). - -In 1721 the Governor's salary was raised to 15,000 cruzados (2,000), -but he was forbidden to engage any longer in trade. - -[467] Called Nzinga mbandi ngola, or Mbandi Ngola kiluanji, by Cavazzi, -pp. 28, 601; Ngola akiluanji by Cadornega; and Nzinga mbandi, King of -Ndongo and Matamba, in the _Catalogo_. - -[468] Called Ngola mbandi by Cavazzi, Cadornega, and in the _Catalogo_; -Ngola-nzinga mbandi by Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 95. - -[469] This removal seems to have taken place immediately after the -Governor's arrival. The site chosen was that of the Praa velha of -modern maps, to the south of the present Ambaca. - -[470] D. Joo de Souza Ngola ari was the first King of Angola (Ndongo) -recognised by the Portuguese. He only survived a few days, and was -succeeded by D. Felippe de Souza, who died in 1660; and by D. Joo II, -the last of the line, who was executed as a traitor in 1671. - -[471] Livingstone, _Missionary Travels_, 1857, p. 371, calls this a law -dictated by motives of humanity. - -[472] He was appointed April 7th, 1621, took possession in September -1621, and left in 1623 (see _Add. MS._ 15, 183, I. 5). - -[473] Literally "mother priest." It is thus the natives of Angola call -the Roman Catholic priests, because of their long habits, to distinguish -them from their own _Nganga_. - -[474] Ndangi (Dangi), with the royal sepultures (_Mbila_), was two -leagues from Pungu a ndongo (according to Cavazzi, p. 20). - -[475] Bento de Benha Cardozo was originally given the command, but died -before operations were begun. - -[476] The Queen was in the habit of consulting the spirits of the Jagas -Kasa, Kasanji, Kinda, Kalandu and Ngola mbandi, each of whose _Mbila_ -(pl. _Jimbila_), or sepulture, was in charge of a soothsayer or -_Shingiri_ (Cavazzi, p. 656). - -[477] The _Catalogo_ is provokingly obscure with respect to the pursuit -of the Queen. Malemba (Lemba) is known to be above Hako, to the west of -the Kwanza, whilst Ngangela (Ganguella) is a nickname applied by the -Binbundo to the tribes to the east of them. "Little Ngangela," according -to Cavazzi, is identical with the country of the Bangala, or Kasanji, of -modern maps. Kina (quina) simply means "sepulture" or "cavern," and A. -R. Neves (p. 103) tells us that Kasanji, on first arriving in the -country where subsequently he settled permanently, took up his quarters -at Kina kia kilamba ("Sepulture of the exorcist"). The mountain -mentioned by Cavazzi (p. 770), as abounding in caverns full of the -skulls of Kasanji's victims, may be identical with this Kina. - -[478] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 622. In one place he calls her the dowager-queen, -in the other the daughter of Matamba Kalombo, the last King of Matamba. -J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._ 1861), asserts that Matamba was -the honorary title of the great huntsman of Ngola. - -[479] D. Simo de Mascarenhas had been appointed bishop of Kongo on -November 15th, 1621, and provisionally assumed the office of Governor at -the urgent request of the captain-major Pedro de Souza Coelho. He was a -native of Lisbon and a Franciscan. On the arrival of his successor, -Ferno de Souza, in 1624, he proceeded to his See at S. Salvador, and -died there in the following year under mysterious circumstances. Under -his successor, D. Francisco Soveral (1628, d. 1642) the See was -transferred to S. Paulo de Luandu. (_Add. MS._ 15,183). The dates given -by Lopes de Lima (_Ensaio_, iii, p. 166a) are evidently corrupt. - -[480] This Kafuche appears to have been a descendant of the warlike soba -of that name. Another Kafuche, likewise in Kisama, asked to be baptised -in 1694 (see Paiva Manso, p. 332). - -[481] Dapper, p. 579. This first attempt to cultivate the soil was -undertaken very reluctantly, but the profits derived therefrom soon -converted both banks of the Mbengu into flourishing gardens. - -[482] The _Catalogo_, p. 366, calls him Alvares, but Paiva Manso, p. -182, Gaspar Gonalves (see also Eucher, p. 83). - -[483] This seminary was never founded, notwithstanding repeated Royal -reminders of 1684, 1686, 1688, and 1691 (Lopez de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, -p. 149). - -[484] S. Braun, _Schifffarten_, Basel, 1624; and P. van der Broeck, -_Journalen_, Amst., 1624. - -[485] Jacome Ferreira, in command of these patrol ships, was killed in -action in 1639, when the command devolved upon Bartholomeu de -Vasconcellos. - -[486] N. G. van Kampen, _Geschiedenes der Nederlanders buiten Europa_, -Haarlem, 1831, vol. i, p. 436, asks his readers to decide upon the -morality of this proceeding, when negotiations were actually in -progress, and in the case of Portugal, which had only recently thrown -off the yoke of Spain, the common enemy. - -[487] _Catalogo_, p. 375. - -[488] _Cavazzi_, p. 626. - -[489] He was a son of the valiant Martim de S, the Governor of Rio de -Janeiro. Previously to sailing up to Luandu, he erected a factory on -Kikombo Bay. - -[490] This envoy likewise visited the Jagas Kasanji, Kalungu and Kalumbu -for the purpose of persuading them to abolish infanticide; and they -promised to shut an eye if the old practice was not followed. - -[491] In 1652 two years' grace for the payment of all debts incurred -anterior to the invasion of the Dutch was granted to all inhabitants of -Angola. - -[492] Cavazzi vouches for this (p. 637). - -[493] She was conducted back by Jos Carrasco. - -[494] This may have been Kasanji ka kinjuri, born in 1608, and baptised -by Antonio of Serraveza in 1655, and named D. Pasquale (Cavazzi, p. -784). - -[495] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, p. xxxii, says he was assassinated -by a Portuguese soldier. - -[496] All the successors of the famous Queen, as also her people and -country, are called Nzinga (Ginga) by Portuguese authors. - -[497] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, p. 117, and parte segunda, p. 18, -calls them Quinalonga, and there can be no doubt of their identity with -the Quihindonga (Kindonga) islands of Cavazzi. The _Catalogo_ does not -mention this cession. - -[498] He had arrived on August 26th, 1669, and spite of his prudence -must be held responsible for this disastrous Sonyo campaign. - -[499] See Paivo Manso, p. 255, who quotes an anonymous _Relao_, -published at Lisbon in 1671; also Cadornega. - -[500] Cavazzi, who accompanied this expedition as chaplain, gives a full -account of it, without naming the Portuguese commander. His geographical -data, as usual, are exceedingly vague: a circumstance all the more to be -regretted, as even now we know very little about this part of Angola. - -[501] This soba had been baptised. In 1684, a brother of his expelled -him, but he was reinstated by Joo de Figueireda e Souza. - -[502] From a letter published by Paiva Manso (p. 316), we learn that -Mbuilu had begged the King of Kongo to receive him as a vassal. - -[503] For King Pedro's letter of thanks for this victory, see -_Catalogo_, p. 401. In 1693, massacres of prisoners were strictly -prohibited. - -[504] He died in prison at Luandu. - -[505] The author of a Report referred to below admits that they had many -detractors who were envious of their success. - -[506] Seventeen Capuchins, eight Jesuits, seven Franciscans, and four -Carmelites. - -[507] In 1709 there were seven million reis in its treasury. - -[508] _Ensaio_, iii, p. 149. - -[509] The testoon was a coin of 100 reis, worth about 8_d._ - -[510] The assumed value of the _makuta_ was 50 reis; its actual value, -in silver, only 30 reis. There were pieces of half _makutas_ and of -quarter _makutas_, popularly called _paka_. - -[511] Zucchelli (p. xvii, 11), tells us that when Luiz Cerar de -Menezes returned to Rio, in 1701, he carried away with him 1,500,000 -crusados (200,000), realised in the slave trade. - -[512] _Ensaio_, iii, p. xxxiv. - -[513] Provincial Governors not appointed by the King, but elected by the -local authorities or the troops. - - - - -INDEX AND GLOSSARY. - - -For information additional to that given in the body of this volume, -consult Bramas, Margarita, Ostrich Eggs. - -Included in this Index are all the geographical names mentioned by -Duarte Lopes (Pigafetta's _Report of the Kingdom of Congo_), as also -many names referred to by Cavazzi, Paiva Manso, and others. - -The approximate geographical position is given in degrees and tenths of -degrees. - -For names beginning with _C_, _Ch_, or _Qu_, see also _K_. - - - +Abundu+, pl. of _mbundu_, a slave. In Angola the natives generally - are called _Ambundu_. - - +Aca mochana.+ _See_ Aki musanu. - - +Acca+, a corruption of _Aki_, followers. - - +Achelunda.+ _See_ Aquilunda. - - +Adenda.+ _See_ Ndemba. - - +Administration+ of natives, 161 - - +Affonso VI+, King of Portugal, 183 - - +Affonso I+, King of Kongo, 110, 136 - - +Affonso II+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Affonso III+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Agag+, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Aghirimba,+ according to D. Lopez, the ancient name for _Mbata_, - but called _Agisymba_ on his map, and evidently Ptolemy's region - of that name, 112 - - +Agoa Kaiongo+ (Augoy cayango), 9.8 S., 14.2 E., 37; - battle of 1603, 156 - - +Agoa rozada+, King of Kongo (Pedro IV), 133, 137 - - +Aguiar+, Alvaro, 175 - - +Aguiar+, Francisco de, 175 - - +Aguiar+, Ruy d', 113 - - +Aiacca+, _See_ Ayaka. - - +Aki+, followers. - - +Akimbolo+ (Aquibolo), about 9.3 S., 14.9 E., 149 - - +Aki musanu+ (Acamochana), a soba, 8.9 S., 13.8 E., 172 - - +Albinos+, 48, 81 - - +Alemquer+, Pero d', pilot, 108 - - +Alguns documentos+, quoted, 112, 139, 140 - - +Almadias+, Golfo das, undoubtedly Kabinda Bay (5.5 S.), but Battel's - _B. da Almadias_, 43, is identical with Black Point Bay, 4.8 S., 43 - - +Almeida+, D. Francisco, 153, 188 - - +Almeida+, D. Jeronymo, 153, 154, 188 - - +Almeida+, Joo Soares de, 132 - - +Alvares+, Gaspar (or Gonales), 169 - - +Alvaro I+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Alvaro II+, King of Kongo, 121, 136 - - +Alvaro III+, King of Kongo, 122,137 - - +Alvaro IV+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Alvaro V+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Alvaro VI+, King of Kongo, 125, 137 - - +Alvaro VII+, King of Kongo, 130, 137 - - +Alvaro VIII+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Alvaro IX+, King of Kongo, 130, 133, 137 - - +Alvaro+, Frei, the assassin, 115 - - +Alvaro Gonales Bay+, called _Alvaro Martins' Bay_ on map (D. Lopez); - identical with Yumba Bay, 3.3 S., 10.5 E. - - +Ambaca.+ _See_ Mbaka. - - +Ambasse+, or Ambresa, a corruption of _mbazi_ or _mbaji_. - _See_ S. Salvador. - - +Ambriz+ (Mbidiji or Mbiriji) river, 7.3 S., 12.9 E., 131, 132 - - +Amboella.+ _See_ Mbwela. - - +Ambrosio I+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Ambuilla.+ _See_ Mbuila. - - +Ambuila dua.+ _See_ Mbuila anduwa. - - +Ambandu+, _i.e._, negroes (in Kongo abundu = slaves), 103, 112 - - +Ambus+ (D. Lopez), tribe between coast and Anzica; perhaps the - _Balumbu_. Mbu = ocean. - - +Ampango.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Amulaza+, Congo de, 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Andala mbandos+ (Ndala mbandu), or Endalla nbondos, 17 - - +Andrada+, Joo-Juzarte, 174, 189 - - +Andr mulaza+, King of Kongo, 132, 137 - - +Angazi+, or Engazi (D. Lopez), Ingasia (Battell). _See_ Ngazi. - - +Angeka+, or Engeco (nsiku, Chimpanzee), 54 - - +Angelo+ of Valenza, capuchin, 126 - - +Angica+ of Knivet, are the Anzica. - - +Angoi.+ _See_ Ngoya. - - +Angola+, history, 139; - Knivet's account, 93 - - +Angola.+ _See_ Ngola. - - +Angoleme+ (Ngolome) of Jesuits was Ngola's capital in 1565, 143 - - +Anguolome aquitambo+ (Ngwalema a kitambu), 9. S., 15.8 E.; - battle 143, 148 - - +Angoy kayonga+, a chief. _See_ Agoa Kaiongo. - - +Antelopes+, 40 - - +Antonio I+, King of Kongo, 129, 137 - - +Antonio+, Friar, a Franciscan, 110 - - +Antonio+, de Dnis, or Diogo de Vilhgas, 114 - - +Antonio+ of Serravezza, Capuchin, 177 - - +Antonio Laudati+, of Gaeta, 148 _n._, 140, 146, 176, 184 - - +Anville+, B. d', his maps, xv - - +Anzele+ (D. Lopez) (Kanzele), fort, in Lower Ngulungu, 9. S., - 13.8 E., 147 - - +Anzicana+, Anzichi, Anziques, Mundiqueti, etc., the people of - the Makoko (_Anseke_, "distant," "remote"), are undoubtedly - the Bateke about Stanley Pool. - Knivet's account, 10, 91; - war with them, 112 - - +Aquilunda+, or Achelunda (D. Lopez), a supposed lake, 74; - Douville (_Voyage au Congo_, ii, 173), suggests that the name - meant "here (Aqui) is Lunda." - - +Aquibolo.+ _See_ Akimbolo. - - +Aquisyma+ (D. Lopez), misprint for Agisymba. - - +Arago+, Balth. Rebello de, xviii, 27, 153, 157, 158; - attempt to cross Africa, 161; - on Ouando, 206 - - +Araujo+, Joo, 175 - - +Araujo e Azevedo+, Antonio de, 190 - - +Araujo e Azevedo+, Joo, 157, 166 - - +Argento+, Monti dell (D. Lopez), supposed "Silver Mountains" (Serra - da Prata) near Kambambe. - - +Ari+, or Hary, a district, 9.0 S., 15.5 E. _See_ Ngola Ari. - - +Armada+, its destruction in 1588, xiv, 169 - - +Armistice+ of 1609-21, 170; - or 1641, 171 - - +Augoykayango.+ _See_ Agoa Kaiongo. - - +Austin Friars+ in Kongo, 114 - - +Axila mbanza.+ _See_ Shilambanza. - - +Ayaka+ (Aiacca), 7.5 S., 18.0 E., their invasion of Kongo, 120; - are not identical with Jaga, 149 - - - +Bagamidri.+ D. Lopez calls it a river, separating Mataman and - Monomotapa, but it is clearly _Bege meder_ of Abyssinia gone - astray. - - +Bahia das Vaccas+, 12.9 S., 13.4E., 16, 29, 160 - - +Bailundo+ (Mbalundu), 12.2 S., 19.7 E., 172 - - +Bakkebakke+ (Mbakambaka), diminutive of Mbaka, dwarf, and according - to Dennett, also the name of a fetish _Shibingo_ which prevents - growth. _See_ Matimba. - - +Bamba.+ _See_ Mbamba. - - +Bamba ampungo.+ _See_ Mbamba a mpungu. - - +Bambala+ (Mbala, Mbambela), a district, 10.6 S., 14.5 E., 22 - - +Bamba-tunga+ (Mbamba-tungu), soba, 9.6 S., 14.4 E., 147, 158 - - +Bananas+, 68 - - +Bancare+ (D. Lopez), a tributary of the Kongo, east of Nsundi. - - +Bangala+, the people of the Jaga, 9.5 S., 13.0 E., 84, 149 - - +Bango aquitambo+ (Bangu a Kitambu), missionary station, 9.1 S., - 14.9 E. - - +Bango-bango.+ _See_ Bangu-bangu. - - +Bangono+, mani, in hills north of Dande River, 8.5 S., 13.6 E., 12 - - +Bangu+, kingdom, "trunk" of Kongo, 24; - perhaps _Bangu_ on the river Mbengu. Bangu signifies an acclivity, - and the name occurs frequently. - - +Bangu+, a soba in Angola, 164 - - +Bangu-bangu+, soba near Nzenza a ngombe, 168 - - +Banna+ (Banya), river, 3.5 S., 11.0 E., 53 - - +Banyan-tree+, 18, 76, 77 - - +Baobab+, 24, 68, 71 - - +Baptista+, Joo, bishop, 118 - - +Baptista+, Manuel, bishop, 118, 121, 122 - - +Barama.+ _See_ Bramas. - - +Barbara+, Kambe, sister of Queen Nzinga, 166, 173, 176 - - +Barbela+ (Berbela), river, a tributary of the Kongo, which flows - through Mpangu. According to L. Magyar (_Peterm. Mitt._ 1857, - p. 187); the south arm of the Kongo opposite Mboma, is known - as Barbela. - - +Barkcloth+, 18, 28, 77 - - +Barros+, Gonzalo Borges de, 181 - - +Barros+, Joo de, quoted, 108 - - +Barreira+, F. Balthasar, Jesuit, 144, 147 - - +Barreiras+, "cliffs." - _Barreiras vermelhas_, north of Zaire, 5.3 S.; - _Ponta das barreiras_, 3.2 S. - - +Bastian+, Dr. A., quoted, 51, 52, 72, 73, 78, 104, 204 - - +Bateke+, tribe are identical with the Mundequetes, Anziquetes, - Anzicanas, etc., 109 - - +Batta+ (Mbata), province, Mbanza, 5.8 S., 15.4 E., 39, 104, 120 - - +Battell+, Andrew, character of his narrative, x; - chronology of his voyages, xiii; - account of "adventures," 1-70; - notes on the religion and customs, 71-87 - - +Batumba+, in Kongoese, a dwarf. _See_ Matimba. - - +Bavagul.+ _See_ Bravagul (D. Lopez). - - +Beads+, as ornaments, 9, 17, 32 - - +Beehives+, 68, 77 - - +Beja+, Feira de, 9.8 S., 15.3 E., 168 - - +Bembe+ (Mbembe), according to Cavazzi, p. 13, etc., a vast district - extending from the Kwanza to the Kunene (which separates it from - Benguella), traversed by the river Kutato, and inhabited by the - Binbundo. It included all Lubolo, and Kuengo (Kemgo), the - residence of Ngola Kakanje (according to Cadornega, a chief of - Hako) was its capital. I believe it to be the same as Chimbebe - (_q.v._), 166 - - +Bembem+ (Mbembe), a village between Luandu and R. Mbengu, 8.8 S., - 13.4 E. - - +Benevides.+ _See_ S de Benevides. - - +Bengledi+ (D. Lopez), a river, almost certainly a misprint for - Benguella. - - +Bengo+, district of Angola, at mouth of R. Mbengu, or Nzenza, - 8.7 S., 13.3 E. - - +Bengo+, river (Mbengu), 39, 155, 168 - - +Benguella+ (Mbangela), Battell's visit, 16; - conquest, 159; - events since 1617, 182 - - +Benguella a velha+, 10.8 S., 13.8 E., 147 - - +Benomotapa.+ _See_ Mwana mtapa. - - +Bentley+, Rev. W. H., quoted, xx, 7, 25, 33, 34, 42, 43, 45, 57, 59, - 60, 66, 73, 95, 104, 111 - - +Berbela+, or Verbela (D. Lopez), is evidently identical with the - Barbela river, _q.v._ - - +Bermudez+, Joo, Abysinian missionary, 150 - - +Bernardo I+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Bernardo II+, King of Kongo, 122, 137 - - +Bi+ (Bihe), 12.3 S., 16.8 E., 151, 152 - - +Binbundo+, or Va-nano, the hill tribes of Benguella, 13.0 S., - 15.5 E., 151 - - +Binger+, Captain, xvii - - +Binguelle+ (Cavazzi, ii), a misprint for Benguella. - - +Bock+ (Mbuku), mani, 4.9 S., 12.3 E. There are many other Mbukus. - - +Boehr+, Dr. M., quoted, 34, 73 - - +Boenza+, or Benza (Mbensa), about 4.6 S., 15.0 E. - - +Boma+ (Mboma) 5-8 S., 13.1 E. - - +Bonaventura+, of Alessano, Capuchin, 126 - - +Bonaventura+, of Correglia, Capuchin, 126 _n._ - - +Bonaventura+ Sardo (the Sardinian), Capuchin, 127 - - +Bonaventura+, of Sorrento, a Capuchin, 128 - - +Bondo+, province, or rather a tribe, 10.0 S., 17.0 E. - - +Bongo+, 32, the country of the Babongo dwarfs - - +Bongo+ soba, on site of Kakonda a velha, 182 - - +Boreras rosas+ (D. Lopez), should be Barreiras vermelhas, 5.4 S., - 12.2 E. - - +Borgia+, D. Gaspar, 167 - - +Bosso+, a rock, perhaps Mpozo hills, opposite Vivi. - - +Bowdich+, T. E., quoted, 149 - - +Bozanga+, kingdom in Kongo (Garcia Mendes, 8), identical either - with Nsanga or Nsongo? (_q.v._). - - +Bramas+, 677 _n._ According to D. Lopez, the original inhabitants - of all Luangu. According to A. Fort (_Compte rendu_ of Paris - Geog. Soc., 1894, p. 431), a trading tribe called Barama, or - Ivarrama, still lives to N. E. of Nyange, 2.7 S., 10.5 E. - See _note_, p. 77 - - +Braun+, Samuel, quoted, x, 122, 170 - - +Bravaghul+, or Bavagul (D. Lopez), a river; rises in Mountains of - Moon, and flows to Magnice, _i.e._, to Delagoa Bay. - - +Brito+, Domingos d'Abreu de, quoted, 121, 144, 145, 147, 153 - - +Brito+, Joo Antonio de, 179 - - +Brito+, Manuel Rebello de, 129 - - +Broeck+, Pieter van der, his journals, x - - +Brusciotto+, P. Giacinto, of Vetralla, a Capuchin, 128 - - +Bruto+, Antonio, 168; - his death, 172 - - +Bruto+, a "penedo" named after him, 9.1 S., 13.7 E., 146 - - +Bula.+ _See_ Mbula. - - +Bulho+, Ferno Rodrigues, 115 - - +Bumbe+ (Mbumbi), mani S. of River Loje, 7.8 S., 13.6 E., 123 - - +Bumbelungu+ (Mbumbu a lungu), a village near mouth of Kwanza, where - Dias' vessels awaited his return, 9.3 S., 13.2 E. - - +Bumba andalla+, (Mbumbu a ndala), a soba in Lamba, 159 - - +Bunda+ means family, kin: hence Binbundo (_sing._ Kibundo), - kinsfolk (Nogueira, _A raa negra_, 255). - _See_ also Abundu. - - +Burial+, 34, 73 - - +Burton+, Sir R. F., 24, 29, 54, 68 - - - +Cabech+, (Kabeka), soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 10, 11 - - +Cabango+ (Kabangu, or Chibanga), mani, in Luangu, 50 - - +Cabazo+, should be Kabasa, capital. - - +Cabenda+ (Kabinda), port, 5.5 S., 12.2 E., 42 - - +Cabreira+, Antonio Araujo, 129 - - +Cachoeira+ (D. Lopez), is the Portuguese for cataract, and refers - to the Falls of the lower Zaire. - - +Cacinga+ (Kasinga), river, a tributary of the Barbela, in Mbata - (D. Lopez). - - +Cacongo+ river, or Chiluangu, 5.1 S., 12.1 E., 42 - - +Cacongo+, (Chikongo), aromatic wood, 16 - - +Cauto+ (Nsaku), Co's hostage, 106, 107, 108 - - +Cadornega+, quoted, 38, 72, 131, 140, 142, 163 - - +Cafuche.+ _See_ Kafuche. - - +Calabes Island+ (Ilha des Calabaas), 8. - _See_ Cavalli. - - +Calando+ (Kalandu), a Jaga, 31, should be _Calandula_. Cavazzi, - however, (p. 656) mentions a Jaga _Calenda_. - - +Calicansamba+ (Katikasamba, or Kachisamba), a chief, 10.7 S., - 14.5 E., 22, 24, 25 - - +Calango+ (Kalungu), town in Lubolu, 10.30 S., 14.5 E., 26 - - +Calongo+ (Chilunga), district north of river Kuilu, 4.1 S., - 11.4 E., 52 - - +Camara+, Portuguese, a municipal council. - - +Camissa+, flows out of Lake Gale (_q.v._), and enters the sea as - _Rio doce_ at the Cape of Good Hope (D. Lopez). - - +Cango+ (Nkanga, Chinkanga), a district of Luengu, 3.9 S, - 12.3 E., 52 - - +Cannibalism+, 31, 144, 162 - - +Co+, Diogo, discovery of Kongo, 105; - second voyage, 107 - - +Co+, Gaspar, Bishop of S. Thom, 118, 121, 145 - - +Caoalla+ (Kawala), between Luandu and Masanganu; - fight 1648, 174 - - +Capello+ and Ivens, quoted, 17, 27, 28, 32, 34, 67, 73, 140, 141, - 151 - - +Capuchins+ in Kongo, 123, 126, 127, 128, 183; - in Angola, 183 - - +Cardoso+, Bento de Banha, 158, 166, 188 - - +Cardoso+, Joo, 175 - - +Cardoso+, Domingos, Jesuit, 127 - - +Carli+, Dionigi, Capuchin, 132 - - +Carmelites+ in Angola, 189 - - +Carneiro+, J. V., quoted, 14, 141, 167, 206 - - +Carrasco+, Jos, 176 - - +Carvalho+, H. B. de, quoted, 20, 32, 72, 84, 103, 150, 151, 202 - - +Casama+ of Battell, 27, is _Kisama_. - - +Casanza+ (Kasanza), a chief, 8.9 S., 13.7 E., 11, 40, 41 - - +Cashil+ (Kati, Kachi, or Kasila), chief, 10.8 S., 14.3 E., 23-25 - - +Cashindcabar+ (Kashinda kabare), mountains, 10.6 S., 14.6 E., 26 - - +Castellobranco.+ _See_ Mendes. - - +Castello d'Alter pedroso+, cliff, 13.3 S., 12.7 E., 106 - - +Castro+, Balthasar de, 116, 139, 152 - - _Catalogo_, quoted, xx, 145, 147, 159, 163, 166, 169, 172, 178, 181 - - +Catharina+, Cabo de S., 1.8 S., 9.3 E. - - +Catherine+, Queen of England, 185 - - +Catherine+, Queen of Portugal, 119 - - +Cauo+, Cavao of Cadornega, 9. S., 14.2 E., 37 - - +Cavalli+, isola (D. Lopez). _See_ Hippopotamus Island. - - +Cavangongo+, Motemo, 8.4 S., 13.4 E.; - a second _Cavangongo_, 8.2 S., 15.3 E. - - +Cavazzi+, quoted, xix, 15, 29, 32, 38, 110, 111, 119, 123, 124, 126, - 130, 140, 141, 148, 152, 153, 163, 165, 166, 167, 176, 179, 184, - 193 - - +Cavendish+, Thomas, his voyage, 89 - - +Cay+, or Caye (Kaia), river and town, 4.8 S., 12.0 E., 42, 50 - - +Cedars+, 24 - - +Chabonda+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Kabanda. - - +Chatelein+, Hli, quoted, 140 - - +Chekoke+, a fetish, 82 - - +Chichorro.+ _See_ Souza Chichorro. - - +Chiluangu+, 5.2 S., 12.1 E., 42 - - +Chilunga+ (Calongo), 4.1 S., 11.4 E., 52 - - +Chimbebe.+ _See_ Kimbebe. - - +Chimpanzee+, 54 - - +Chinchengo+ (Ki-nkenge) in Mbamba, on border of Angola (D. Lopez), - 8.0 E., 15.0 E. - - +Church+, Col. G. Earl, on Knivet's adventures, 90 - - +Circumcision+, 57 - - +Civet Cats+, 32, 111 - - +Climbebe+ (D. Lopez), a misprint for Qui mbebe. - - +Coandres+, perhaps the _Mukwanda_, a tribe to S. of Benguella, - 13.5 S., 13.0 E. - - +Coanga+ (Cavazzi, 440), a territory near Masanganu. - - +Coango.+ _See_ Kwangu. - - +Coanza.+ _See_ Kwanza. - - +Coari+ river (D. Lopez), perhaps Kari, a river flowing towards - Ari. - - +Coat-of-arms+ of Kongo, 112 - - +Cocke+, Abraham, his voyages, 1, 5; - his identity, 6, 8, 9 - - +Coelho+, F. A., quoted, 10 - - +Coelho+, Pedro de Souza, 163, 168, 189 - - +Coelho+, F. Antonio, 167 - - +Colos+, Diogo Rodrigo das, 147 - - +Combrecaianga+ (Kumba ria kaianga), village, about 8.9 S., 14.1 E., - 14 - - +Concobella+ (Konko a bele), on N. bank of the Zaire, below Stanley - Pool. - - +Congere amulaza+ (Kongo dia mulaza), 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Congre a molal+ (Kongo dia mulai?) name by which the Anzichi - (Anzica), are known in Luangu (D. Lopez). - - +Consa+, a misprint for Coanza (Kwanza). - - +Copper mines+, 17, 18, 31, 43, 111, 115, 119, 123, 160 - - +Copper coins+, introduction of, 185 - - +Cordeiro+, Luciano, quoted, xvi, 37, 155 - - +Corimba.+ _See_ Kurimba. - - +Corn+, native, 67 - - +Cortes+, Manuel, 178 - - +Costa+, Andr da, 172 - - +Coste+, Sebastien da, 122 - - +Costa de Alcaova Carneiro de Menezes+, Gonalo da, 190 - - +Coua+ (Kuvu) river, 10.9 S., 13.9 E., 19, 20, 161 - - +Coutinho+, D. Francisco Innocencia de Souza, 187 - - +Coutinho+, Joo Rodrigues, 36, 156, 188 - - +Coutinho+, D. Manuel Pereira, 189 - - +Cowrie fishery+ at Luandu, 96 - - +Crocodiles+, 11, 69, 75 - - +Cross+, Cape, 21.8 S., 107 - - +Crystal+ mountain (D. Lopez) in Nsundi. - - +Cuigij+ (Cavazzi), perhaps = Muija or Muguije, "river," 9.7 S., - 16.0 E. - - +Cunha+, Jacome da, companion of Dias, 147 - - +Cunha+, Tristo da, 189 - - +Cunha+, Vasconcellos da. _See_ Vasconcellos. - - - +Dambe+ (Ndambe), a territory near Mbuila, 7.8 S., 19.6 E., 181 - - +Dande+ (Dandi), river, 8.5 S., 13.3 E., 11, 39, 117, 120, 123, 128, - 144 - - +Dangi+ (Ndangi), island in Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.9 E. (?), 165, 166, - 167 - - +Daniel de Guzman+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Dapper+, quoted, xix, 9, 19, 32, 45, 48, 105, 125, 168 - - +Degrandpr+, quoted, 72, 104 - - +Demba+ (Ndemba), salt-mine, 9.9 S., 13.8 E., 36, 37, 154, 162 - - +Dembo.+ _See_ Ndembu. - - +Dennett+, R. E., quoted, xvii, 17, 21, 31, 40, 44-51, 56, 60, 61, - 66, 79, 80, 104, 192 - - +Dias de Novaes+, Bartholomeu, 107, 108 - - +Dias de Novaes+, Paulo, 120, 121, 142, 144, 148, 180 - - +Dias+, Jacome, priest, 118 - - +Dickens+, Charles, quoted, 25 - - +Diniz+, Antonio, quoted, 162 - - +Diogo+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Diogo de Vilhgas+, or Antonio de Dnis, Franciscan friar, 114 - - +Divination+, 33, 86, 129, 176 - - +Dogs+, 33, 86 - - +Dolphins+, 4 - - +Dombe+ (Ndombe), in Benguella, 13.8 S., 13.3 E., 17, 160 - - +Dominicans+, 108, 114, 144 - - +Dondo+ (Ndundu) of Battell, are Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Dondo+ (Ndondo), feira, 9.7 S., 14.5 E., 168 - - +Dongo+, 20, 26, is _Pungu a ndongo_. - - +Dongy+ (Ndongazi?), a Jaga (Cavazzi, 86, 200), 152 - - +Douville+, quoted, 149, 192 - - +Drinking+ customs, 32, 45 - - +Drums+, 33, 34 - - +Duarte+, V. J., quoted, 143, 205 - - +Du Chaillu+, quoted, 52, 54 - - +Dumbe a Pepo+, 8.63 S., 15.1 E. - - +Dumbe a Zocche+ (D. Lopez), a lake fed by streams rising in the - Monti nevosi; most likely the Dembea lake of Abyssinia. - - +Dunda+, or Dondo (Ndundu) are Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Duque+, Joo, 175 - - +Dutch+, embassy to Kongo, 125; - traders in Kongo, 121, 123, 131, 161, 170; - occupation of Angola, 169-174; - piracies, 170 - - - +Ecclesiastical+ state of Angola, 183 - - +Egyptians+, or gypsies, 10 _n._ - - +Elambe.+ _See_ Lamba. - - +Electric Fish+, 40 - - +Elembe+, a Jaga, 185 - - +Elephants+, how trapped, 97; - value of tails, 9, 58 - - +Eleusine+, 67 - - +Elizabeth+, Queen, 38 - - +Embacca.+ _See_ Mbaka. - - +Embo+, or Huembo, a marquisate of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 175). - _See_ Wembo. - - +Emcus+ of Zucchelli = _Nkusu._ - - +Empacaceiros+, from _Pakasa_, buffalo, originally buffalo-hunters, - then native militia-men. Supposed secret society, 152, 185. - - +Encoge+, should be Nkoshi, lion. - - +Endalla nbondo+, or Andala mbundos, 17 - - +Engase+, or Angaze (D. Lopez), is Battell's Ingasia _See_ Ngazi. - - +Engeriay+, a tree, 15 - - +English+ pirates, 175 - - +Engombe+, or Ingombe. _See_ Ngombe. - - +Engombia.+ _See_ Ngombe. - - +Engoy+ (Ngoyo), 42, 104 - - +Engracia Funji+, sister of Queen Nzinga, a prisoner, 166; - strangled, 173 - - +Enriques+, Duarte Dias, 162 - - +Ensala.+ _See_ Nsala. - - +Esiquilo+ (Esikilu), birthplace of D. Alvaro I., on the road from - S. Salvador to Nsundi (Cavazzi, 105), 5.5 S., 14.5 E.(?) - - +Escovar+, Pero d', pilot, 108 - - +Espiritu Santo+, Serra do, 2.8 S., 10.2 E. - - +Eucher+, F., quoted, 108, 111, 119, 127 - - +Ezikongos+, the people of Kongo, 130 - - - +Fajardo, A.+ Beserra, quoted, 158 - - +Falco+, Luiz de Figueirido, quoted, 162 - - +Falkenstein+, quoted, 26, 52, 77, 104 - - +Famine+ in Luandu, 168 - - +Faria+, Antonio de, 182 - - +Feira+ (Portuguese), fair, market. - - +Ferreira+, F. de Salles, quoted, 203 - - +Ferreira+, Jacome, 170 _n._ - - +Ferro+, serra do (iron mountains) to S. of Kwanza, 10.6 S., 15.2 E. - - +Fetishes+, 24, 41; - underground, 49, 81; - Maramba fetish, 56, 82; - possessed of a fetish, 182; - destruction by missionaries, 114 - - +Ficalho+, quoted, 7, 15, 16, 21, 24, 43, 67 - - +Figueirido e Souza+, Joo de, 180, 181 - - +Finda.+ _See_ Mfinda. - - +Fishing+, 166 - - +Flemish+ immigrants in Angola, 147 - - +Flores+, Fr. Antonio, quoted, 198 - - +Fonseca+, Luis Simplicio, quoted, 155 - - +Fonseca+, Pedro da, 144, 145 - - +Fort, A.+, quoted, 193 - - +Forjaz+, D. Manuel Pereira, 157, 161, 188 - - +Foster+, Mr. W., xvii - - +Fragio+, Francisco, capuchin, 126 - - +Franciscans+ in Angola, 108, 114, 183 - - +Francisco+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Francisco+ of Pavia, capuchin, 133 - - +Francisco+ of Veas, 126 _n._ - - +Freddi+, monti. _See_ Fria. - - +French+ pirates, 175 - - +Fria+, serra ("Cold Mountains"), on Pigafetta's map, in 17.5 - S.; the _Monti Freddi_ ("cold mountains") of the text, stated - to be known to the Portuguese as _Monti nivosi_ ("snowy - mountains"). Modern maps show a _Serra da neve_ in 14.0 S.; but - as I am not aware that snow ever fell in these mountains, - _neve_ may be an ancient misprint for _nevoas_ (mists). The - _Serra Fria_ may possibly be connected with the _Cabo Frio_, - thus named because of the cold current which washes it. - - +Froes+, Manuel de Tovar, 182 - - +Fumacongo+, (mfumu ekongo), a village (Cavazzi, 416). - - +Funerals+, 78 - - +Funji.+ _See_ Engracia. - - +Furtado+, Tristo de Mendona, 170 - - - +Gaga+, 13, are the Jaga. - - +Gale+, according to Pigafetta a lake giving rise to the river - _Camissa_, rashly supposed to represent Lake Ngami, but copied - from more ancient maps, upon which are to be read the names - _Gale_ (Galla), _Adia_, _Vaby_ (Webi), etc. Hence a lake in the - Galla country, south of Abyssinia. - - +Galla+, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Gangella.+ _See_ Ngangela. - - +Gango+, river, 9.8 S., 75.5 E., 180 - - +Gangue+ (Gange), village near Masanganu, with church S. Antonio. - - +Garcia I.+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Garcia II.+, King of Kongo, 125, 137 - - +Garcia III.+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Geographical+ explorers. _See_ Arago, Brito, Castro, Girolamo, - of Montesarchio, Herder, Mura, Pacheco, Quadra and Roza: - also pp. 119, 129 - - +Germanus+, Henricus Martellus, his map, 107 - - +Giaghi+, an Italian mode of spelling Jagas. - - +Giannuario+ of Nola, capuchin, 127 - - +Gimbo Amburi.+ _See_ Njimbu a mbuji. - - +Gimdarlach+, a German miner, 115 - - +Gindes+ (Njinda), a name by which the Jaga are known, 19, 150 - - +Giovanni Francisco+ of Valena, a capuchin, 126 - - +Gipsies+ in Angola, 2, 10 - - +Giribuma+, or Giringbomba, inland tribe. Perhaps the Buma, 3.0 S., - 16.5 E. - - +Girolamo+ of Montesarchio, a capuchin, 125, 126 - - +Glo-Amb Coambu+, supposed name of the capital of Angola, 142 _n._ - Rev. Tho. Lewis suggests Kwambu, or Kiambu. - - +Goats+, 63 - - +Goes+, Damian de, quoted, 112, 113, 116 - - +Goes+, Joo Braz de, 182 - - +Goiva+, D. Antonio de, bishop, 122 - - +Gola.+ _See_ Ngola. - - +Gold+, 20, 131, 179 - - +Golungo.+ _See_ Ngulungu. - - +Gomba.+ _See_ Ngombe - - +Gomez+, Luiz, 123 - - +Gonalves.+ _See_ Alvares, 169 - - +Gonga caanga+ (Ngonga kaanga), chief of Nsela, 180 - - +Gongha+ (Ngonga), original name of Kasanje Kakinguri (Cavazzi, - 773). - - +Gongo a mboa+ (Ngongo a mbwa), supposed old name of Pungu-a-Ndongo, - 143 _n._ - - +Gongo+ (Ngongo), a double bell, 20 - - +Gongon+, 38, on road from S. Salvador to Mbata. Perhaps _Gongo_ - (_Ngongo_), on the Kongo railway, 5.3 S., 14.8 E. Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Kongo dia Mbata_, 38 - - +Gonsa+, or Gunza, river, of Battell, 26, is the Kwanza. - - +Gorilla+, 54, 57. - - +Gouvea+, Francisco de, 120, 143 - - +Gouvea+, Antonio Gomez de, 173 - - +Ground-nuts+, 67 - - +Guerra preta+, "black warriors," _i.e._, the native militia. - - +Guerreira+, a Jesuit, 150, 154, 159 - - +Gulta+, Ngulta, (D. Lopez), town S. W. of Masanganu. - - +Gumbiri+, fetish. _See_ Ngumbiri. - - +Gunga bamba+ (Ngunga mbamba), chief in Lubulo, 180 - - +Gunza+, (Ngunza), on Pigafetta's map a town S. of the river Longa, - is undoubtedly Kangunze of Nsela. - - +Gunza a gombe+, (Ngunza a ngombe), a soba in Ndongo, 164 - - +Gssfeld+, quoted, 58, 104 - - +Guzambamba+ (Ngunza a mbamba), soba in Hako, 10.3 S., 15.3 E., 180 - - - +Hako+ (Oacca), country, 10.4 S., 15.5 E., 166, 180 - - +Hamba+ (Va-umba, or Umba) river, 8.0 S., 17.0 E., 141 - - +Hambo.+ _See_ Huambo. - - +Hary+, a district. _See_ Ari. - - +Henrique+, the Cardinal-King of Portugal, 111, 114, 145 - - +Henrique+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Henriques+, Rodrigo de Miranda, 189 - - +Herder+, Johan, 126 - - +Hiambo.+ _See_ Huambo. - - +Hindersen+, Jeems, 171 - - +Hippopotami+, 64 - - +Hippopotamus Island+, 120, the Ilha dos cavalhos marinhos of - the Portuguese, wrongly translated Isola Cavalli, or "Horse - Island," by Pigafetta. Perhaps identical with Battell's - Calabes Island. A "Hippopotamus Island" figures in the charts, - 12.9 E. - - +Hobley+, quoted, 202, 206 - - +Holy Ghost+, a village, on Luandu Island, 94 (called Espiritu Santo - by D. Lopez), 8.8 S., 13.2 E. - - +Hombia ngymbe+ (Hombia ngombe, equivalent to Wembo a ngombe in the - S. Salvador dialect), a "prince" in Benguella, on the river Kuvu, - 21 - - +Horse Island+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Hippopotamus Island. - - +Horses'+ (zebras') tails, 75 - - +Huambo+ (Hambo, Hiambo), district or soba in Benguella, 13.1 S., - 15.6 E.; gold found there, 29 - - +Huembo+, a province of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 50), perhaps Wembo. - - +Human+ sacrifices, 28, 33, 85, 86, 105 - - - +Iakonda+, a tributary of the Kwanza (Cavazzi), probably to be looked - for in the Kondo cataract, 9.9 S., 16.1 E. - - +Ibari+ (Ybari), a kingdom whither the Portuguese traded (Garcia - Mendes, 8). Rev. Tho. Lewis suggests that it refers to a place - where _mbadi_ cloth is made (the letters _r_ and _d_ being - interchangeable, and _m_ coming naturally before _b_). Sir H. - Stanley (_Through the Dark Continent_, ii, 283, 320, 323) heard - Kongo called _Ibari_, and subsequently was told of an Ibari Nkubu, - or river of Nkutu. A. Sims (_Kiteke Vocabulary_) knows of a tribe - Bakutu towards the Kasai. We believe the Ybari of G. Mendes to - refer to the country about the Kwangu, whither Portuguese traders - actually did go for cloth. - - +Icau+ (Ikau), 8.5 S., 13.9 E., 123 - - +Icolo+ (Ikolo), district on lower Mbengu, 8.8 S., 13.6 E. - - +Ilha grande+, Brazil, 4 - - +Ilamba+ (Lamba), Battell's campaign in it, 13 - - +Imbangola+, identical with Bangala, 84 _n._ - - +Imbondos+ of Battell, 30 are the Mbundu of Angola. - - +Imbuella.+ _See_ Mbuila. - - +Imbuilla+, _recta_, Mbila, sepulture. - - +Incorimba.+ _See_ Kurimba. - - +Incussu.+ _See_ Nkusu. - - +Infanticide+, 32, 84 - - +Ingasia+, 14, 155. _See_ Ngazi. - - +Ingombe.+ _See_ Ngombe. - - +Initiation+ of native priests, 56, 57, 82 - - +Innocent X+, Pope, 127 - - +Insandeira+ (Nzanda), the tree planted by Ngola Kiluanji on Kwanza, - 9.1 S., 13.4 E., 142 - - +Insandie+. _See_ Nsande. - - +Iron+, 52 - - +Ivory+, 7, 9, 42, 52, 58 - - - +Jagas+, - Battell's account, 19, 83; - origin, 83; - infanticide among them, 32, 89; - allies of the Portuguese, 123; - history of the Jaga of Kasangi, 149; - their invasion of Kongo in 1558, 117 - - +Jesuits+, - in Angola, 143; - in Kongo, 118; - Jesuit college, 123; - political intrigues, 153, 183; - a legacy, 169 - - +Jinga+. _See_ Nzinge. - - +Joo II+, of Portugal, 106, 108 - - +Joo IV+, of Portugal, 127, 170 - - +Joo I+, King of Kongo, 109, 136 - - +Joo II+, King of Kongo, 136 - - +Joo+ of Mbula, King of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Joo+, Manuel, 146 - - +Joo de S. Maria+, Franciscan, 109 - - +Joo Maria+, capuchin, 133 - - +John+. See Joo. - - +John Moritz+ of Nassau. _See_ Nassau. - - +Jol+, Cornelis Cornelisson, 171 - - +Jos+, Duarte, 147, 150 - - +Jos+, Vicente, 148 - - - +Kabanda+, - district in Motolo, on road to Mpemba mines (Garcia Mendes, 11, - 12); - the Chabonda of D. Lopez, 8.7 S., 146 E., 124, 181 - - +Kabangu+, (Cabengo), mani in Luangu, 50 - - +Kabasa+, capital, chief town, group of villages, 141 _n._ - - +Kabasa+, Kakulu, 9.3 S., 14.9 E., 159; - another chief Kakulu Kabasa, in 8.3 S., 15.3 E., in Banga mountains - (map of Fr. Antonio Flores, 1867). - - +Kabeka+ (Cabech), soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 10, 11 - - +Kabeza+ (Cabezzo) district, 10.2 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Kabinda+, seaport, 5.5 S., 12.2 E., 42 - - +Kabuku+ (kia mbula), soba, 9.5 S., 15.0 E. - - +Kafuche+ (Kafuche Kabara), 10.0 S., 14.4 E., 27, 37, 156, 168 - - +Kahenda+, Kakulu, 8.9 S., 15 5 E., 159, 177 - - +Kakonda a velha+, 13.2 S., 14.0 E., 161, 182 - - +Kakonda+, 13.7 S., 15.1 E., 182 - - +Kakongo+, kingdom, N. of Zaire, 104, 112 - - +Kakongo+, (Kikongo), an aromatic wood, 16 _n._, 145 - - +Kakulu+, the first-born of twins, a title in Angola. _See_ Kimone. - - +Kakulu kia Nkangu+ (Caculo quenacango), a soba in whose territory - Kanzele was built (Garcia Mendes), 9.1 S., 13.8. - - +Kalandu+, ancestor of Queen Nzinga, 166 - - +Kalandula+, name or title among the Jaga, 28, 33, 83, 86, 132 - - +Kale+, Jesuit farm in Kisama, 9.1 S., 13.4 E. - - +Kalemba.+ _See_ Namba Calemba. - - +Kalumbu+, presidio, on Kwanza, 9.1 S., 13.5 E., 146; - Jaga in Little Ngangele, 175 - - +Kalungu+, soba at mouth of Koporolo, 12.9 S., 13.0 E., 160 - - +Kalungu+ (Calongo), Jaga, near Kasanji, 9.8 S., 18.1 E., 151, 152, - 175 - - +Kalungu+ (Calango), 10.3 S., 14.6 E., 26 - - +Kambambe+, presidio, 9.7 S., 14.6 E., 17, 27, 36, 38, 147, 156, 158 - - +Kambe.+ _See_ Barbara. - - +Kambo+, river in Matamba, enters the Kwangu, 7.6 S., 17.3 E. - - +Kambulu+, a royal title in Matamba, 141 - - +Kamolemba+, village on road from Masanganu to Mbuila; perhaps Lembo, - _q.v._ - - +Kamuegi+, perhaps the Fumeji river of Capello and Ivens, 9.5 S., - 15.5 E., 151 - - +Kamundai+, village of Bangala (Neves); perhaps named from "mundai," - a tree which is supposed to protect against lightning. - - +Kangunze+, capital of Nsela, 11.2 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Kanguri+, or Kinguri, Jaga, 152 - - +Kanguana+, _See_ Kinguana. - - +Kanzele+ (Anzela), stockade, 9.0 S., 13.8 E., 147 - - +Kasa+, Jaga, one of Queen Nzinga's relations, 164, 166 - - +Kasandama+, battery at S. Paulo de Loanda, 8.7 S., 13.2 E. - - +Kasanji+, Jagas, 151, 152, 166, 167, 175 _n._ Residence of the - principal among them, about 9.6 S., 18.0 E. - - +Kasanji ka knjuri+, Jaga, 177 - - +Kasanza+ (Cazzanza), mani, 8.9 S., 13.7 E., 11, 40, 41 - - +Kasinga+, river, tributary of the Barbela (D. Lopez). - - +Kasoko+, Kilombo of Kasanji ka Kinjuri, 9.7 S., 18.0 E. - - +Kaswea+, mani, 8.8 S., 13.6 E., 40 - - +Katala+, soba in Kisama, 9.6 E., 14.1 S., 180 - - +Katole+, three days from Mbanza or Matamba, 177. A village, Katala - ka nzinga, on the river Kambo, 8.8 S., 16.6 E., was visited by - Mechow (_Zeitsch. f. Erdk._, 1882). - - +Kawala+ (Caoalla), is Kisama, 74 - - +Kay+, 4.8 S., 12.0 E.; 42, 50 - - +Kazanga+, island, 8.9 S., 13.0 E. - - +Kenga+ (Kinga), the port of Luangu, 4.6 S., 118 E., 48, 50 - - +Kesock+, mani, 2.8 S., 11.0 E., 58 - - +Kibangu+, temporary capital of Kongo, perhaps identical with an old - "priests'" town (Kinganga), 6.9 S., 14.6 E., 131 - - +Kfangondo+, village on lower Mbengu, 8.6 S., 13.3 E. - - +Kjila+ (Quixille), the laws or customs of the Jaga, 152 - - +Kikombo+, bay, 11.3 S., 13.9 E. - - +Kilolo+, a warrior. - - +Kilombo+, "dwelling-place." Cavazzi, p. 893, applies it to the - residence of the Jaga. - - +Kilomba kia tubia+, chief in upper Ngulungu, 159 - - +Kilonga+, a soba, 158. A Kilonga kia Bango still live close to - Kambambe, 9.6 S., 14.5 E. - - +Kiluanji kia Kanga+ (Quiloange Acango), soba of upper Ngulungu, - 179 - - +Kiluanji kia Kwangu+, according to Garcia Mendes, the chief whom - Dias defeated, 143. _See_ Kwangu. - - +Kiluanji kia Samb+a, title of kings of Ndongo. A small chief of - that title still resides near Duque de Bragana, 141 _n._ - - +Kimbadi+ (Quimbazi), a small piece of cloth. - - +Kimbaka+, fort, stockade. - - +Kimbebe.+ _See_ Quimbebe. - - +Kimbundu.+ _See_ Binbundo. - - +Kimone kia Sanga+, principal chief of Kisama, 180 - - +Kina grande+, the "great sepulture," 9.5 S., 17.7 E. (?), 166 - - +Kinalunga+, or Kindonge (Quihindonga), islands in Kwanza river, - 9.7 S., 15.8 E., 166, 177 - - +Kinda+, Jaga, 148 _n._, 166 - - +Kindonga.+ _See_ Kinalunga. - - +Kinganga+, "priests' town," applied to old stations of the Roman - Catholic missionaries. - - +Kinga+ (Kenga), port of Luengu, 4.6 S., 11.8 E., 48, 50 - - +Kingengo+ (Chingengo or Quinguego). _See_ Mutemu. - - +Kinguri+ (Kanguri), a Jaga, 151, 152 - - +Kinzambe+, ndembu at Koporolo mouth (Dapper), 12.9 S., 12.9 E. - - +Kioko+, tribe, 12.0 S., 18.0 E., 151 - - +Kiowa+ (Quia) duchy in Sonyo, 6.1 S., 13.0 E., 125 - - +Kipaka+, a kraal, entrenchment. - - +Kipupa+, soba, 10.2 S., 18.7 E., 166 - - +Kisala+, a steep mountain in Lit. Ngangela (Cavazzi, 771), 9.8 S., - 17.9 E. - - +Kisama+, country S. of Kwanza, 9.3 S., 13.5 E., 27, 74, 146, 180. - Another Kisama (Chizzema, Quesama on Pigafetta's map) is said by - D. Lopez to lie E. of Mpemba and Mbamba. - - +Kisamu+ (Quisomo), village with chapel two leagues above Masanganu. - - +Kisembo+, 7.7 S., 13.1 E. - - +Kisembula+ (Kuzambulo), a soothsayer, 87 - - +Kisengula+, a war hatchet, 34, 81 - - +Kisengengele+ (Quicequelle), soba in Masanganu district with church - of S. Anna. - - +Kisutu+ (Quixoto) village with church (N.S. do Desterro), in - Masanganu district. - - +Kitaka+, island in the Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.7 E., 166 - - +Kitangombe+, "cattle dealer," soba in Kisama, 146 - - +Kitata+, soba near Kakonda, 13.4 S., 15.1 E., 182 - - +Kizua+, a soba in Kisama, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 146 - - +Knivet+, Anthony, his credibility, x, travels, 6, 89-101 - - +Kole+ (Cola, Icole), tributary of Lukala, 9.1 S., 16.1 E. - - +Kongo+, kingdom, history, 102-135; - list of kings, 136; - Battell's visit to Kongo, 38; - Kongo, river, 7; - Knivet's visits, 89, 94 - - +Kongo dia Mulaza+, 6.0 S., 16.0 E. - - +Konko a bele+ (Concobella), town. The confused account given of - Girolamo of Montesarchio's visit to that town, merely enables - us to locate it on the northern bank of the Zaire. The place - was likewise visited by Luca of Caltanisetta (Zucchelli, - xviii, 3). - - +Konzo+, one of the four days of the week, and hence applied to - places where a market is held on that day. - - +Koporolo+, river, 12.9 S., 12.9 E., 160 - - +Kuari.+ _See_ Coary. - - +Kuilu+ (Quelle), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E., 52 - - +Kulachimba+, a warrior, 152 - - +Kulachinga+, a woman, 151, 152 - - +Kulambo+, a Jaga, 152 - - +Kumbu ria Kaianga.+ _See_ Combre. - - +Kumba ria Kina+, 9.8 S., 14.7 E. - - +Kundi.+ _See_ Nkundi. - - +Kurimba+, or Kwimba? (Corimba, Incorimba), a district on the Kwangu, - 6.0 S., 17.0 E., 102; another Kwimba, 6.1 S., 14.8 E. - - +Kurimba+, bar of, 8.9 S., 13.1 E., 144 - - +Kuvu+ (Covo), river, 10.9 S., 13.9 E., 19, 20, 161 - - +Kwangu+, river, formerly looked upon as the principal source stream - of the Zaire (Zari anene, the "big river"). It joins the Kasai - 3.2 S., 17.3 E. - - +Kwangu+ (Ocango, Coango), kingdom, after which the river is named, - 4.5 S., 17.0 E., 102 - - +Kwangu+, a minor district (Coanga) near Masanganu (Cavazzi, 440), - 124. _See_ Kiluanji kia Kwangu. - - +Kwanza+ (Coanza), the "river of Ngola," 9.3 S., 13.2 E., 7, 10, 92, - 106, 146, 149, 173 - - - +Lacerda+, Carlos de, 182 - - +Lacerda+, Dr. J. M. de, 29, 69 - - +Lao+, Lopo Soares, 168, 169, 170 - - +Laguos+, Esteva de, 119 - - +Lake+, reported in Central Africa, 159 - - +Lamba+ (Ilamba), district, 9.3 S., 14.3 E., 13, 146, 149 - - +Longere+, a chief in Kisama, 9.9 S., 14.4 E., 27 - - +Lead+, discovered, 115 - - +Ledo+, cabo, 9.8 S., 13.3 E. - - +Lefumi+, river. _See_ Lufune. - - +Leigh+ in Essex, xi - - +Leito+, Manuel de Magalhes, 180 - - +Lelunda+, river (D. Lopez), enters the sea 6.9 S., 12.8 E. - - +Lemba.+ _See_ Malemba. - - +Lemba+, name of several villages or chiefs in Kongo (Kongo di Lemba, - 6.2 S., 14.2 E.; Lemba, on coast, 8.3 S.; Lemba Mbamba, 7.5 S., - 17.1 E.) - - +Lembo+, village near Masanganu, 9.5 S., 14.4 E., 181 - - +Lencastre+, D. Joo de, 185, 190 - - +Lendi+, province of Kongo. A village _Lendi_, S.S.E. of S. Salvador, - in 6.6 S., 14.5 E. - - +Lewis+, Rev. Tho, quoted, xvii, 104, 197, 198, 210 - - +Libations+, 58, 73 - - +Libolo.+ _See_ Lubolo. - - +Light-horse+ man, 2, 3, 5 - - +Lima+, Lopez de, quoted, xx, 74, 117, 119, 140, 142, 143, 145, 146, - 154, 163, 168, 169, 177, 178, 184, 187 - - +Limoeiro+, a prison at Lisbon, 169 - - +Linschoten+, quoted, x, 94 - - +Livingstone+, quoted, 164 - - +Loanda.+ _See_ Luandu. - - +Loango.+ _See_ Luangu. - - +Lobo+, Cabo do, with Co's pillar, now C. St. Maria, 13.4 S., 106 - - +Logwood+, 43, 53 - - +Loje+, river, 7.8 S., 13.2 E., 28 - - +Longa+, river, 10.3 S., 13.6 E., 26 - - +Longeri+ (Loangele, or Luanjili), the royal tombs of Luangu, 4.6 S., - 11.9 E., 51, 86 - - +Longo Leuys+, river. _See_ Luiza Luangu. - - +Lopez+, Alvaro, 112 - - +Lopez+, Duarte, quoted, x, xix, 8, 9, 26, 47, 64, 68, 75, 97, 110, - 111, 117, 119, 121, 122 - - +Lopo Gonalves+, Cape, 0.6 S., 3 - - +Loze+, river. _See_ Loje. - - +Luandu+ (Loanda), 8.7 S., 13.2 E., 115, 116, 121, 123, 140, 146; - Dutch occupation, 171-4; - fortifications, 185 - - +Luangu+ (Loango) kingdom, 4.6 S., 11.8 E., 9, 43, 44, 49, 50, 86, - 104; - Battell in Luangu, 9 - - +Luanjili.+ _See_ Longeri. - - +Lubolo+ (Libolo), district, formerly of much wider extent, 10.0 S., - 15.0 E., 151, 172, 180 - - +Luca+ of Caltanisetta, visited Concobella (Zucchelli, xvii, 3) - - +Luchilu+ (Luxilu), river W. of Pungu a ndongo, 9.7 S., 15.5 E., 178 - - +Ludolfus+, his proposed map of Africa, xv - - +Lueji+, princess of Lunda, 151 - - +Lufune+ (Lefumi), river, entering sea in 8.3 S. - - +Lui+, river, enters Kwangu in 8.3 S., 17.6 E., is the Luinene - ("big Lui"), called Lunino by Cavazzi. - - +Luiza Luangu+, river (Lovanga Luise, Longo Luys), the Masabi, - 5.0 S., 12.0 E. - - +Lukala+, river, tributary of Kwanza, 9.6 S., 14.2 E., 146, 166 - - +Lukamba+, district and feira, 9.4 S., 15.5 E., 151, 168 - - +Lukanza+, camp, W. of Ngwalema, 149 - - +Lula+, province of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 244); the mbanza, 5.3 S., - 15.7 E. - - +Lumbo+, or upper Ngulungu. - - +Lumbu.+ _See_ Panzalunbu. - - +Lusum+, river, crossed on road from Mpinda to S. Salvador. Perhaps - the _Luzu_, a tributary of the Mpozo, 6.2 S., 14.0 E. - - +Lutatu+, river of Bembe (Cavazzi, 13), probably misprint for Cutato. - - +Luxilu.+ _See_ Luchilu. - - - +Mabumbula+ (Mbumbula), mwana of Mpangala, 6.1 S., 14.6 E., 103 - - +Machimba+, 37, is probably identical with Muchima village. - - +Madureira+, Gaspar Borges de, 173 - - +Magalhes+, Henrique Jaques, 190 - - +Magyar+, Ladislas, quoted, 22, 26, 29, 152, 192 - - +Maia+, Baptista de, 181 - - +Maize+, 67 - - +Majinga+, Mwixi, a "man of Majinga," a term of contempt for - "Bushman" (Bentley, _Dictionary_, 364). - - +Makaria kia matamba+, village, 167 - - +Makella colonge+, chief, 9.8 S., 15.4 E., 26 - - +Makoko+, title of the King of the Bateke (Anzicana), perhaps more - correctly given as Nkaka, a title of respect, lit. "grandfather," - 52, 124 _n._, 127, 132 - - +Makota+ (plur. rikota), counsellor of a chief. - - +Makunde+ (Makumbe), 9.6 S., 14.2 E., 146 - - +Makuta+, perhaps 6.3 S., 13.0 E.; surrendered to Sonyo, 125. There - are other localities of the same name. - - +Malemba+ (Lemba), a kingdom, 11.4 S., 17.0 E., 166 - - +Malomba+ (D. Lopez), seems to be a misprint for Malumba. - - +Malombe+, a "great lord" in Kisama, 9.8 S., 14.2 E., 37 - - +Mamboma+, an official in Luangu, 59 _n._ - - +Mambumba+ (D. Lopez), between river Loje and Onzo, the same as Mani - Mbumbi. - - +Manuel+, King of Portugal, 110, 111, 113, 133, 137, 139 - - +Manuel+, King of Kongo, 137, 181 - - +Manuel+, brother of Affonso I, of Kongo, 111, 113 - - +Mangroves+, 76 - - +Manso+, Paiva, quoted, xviii, 27, 72, 102, 108, 110, 111, 119, 121, - 124, 125, 130, 169, 178, 181 - - +Maopongo+ (Cavazzi), a corrupt spelling of Mpungu a ndongo. - - +Maps+, illustrating this volume, xv. - - +Maramara+, river, between S. Salvador and Kibangu (P. Manso), 351 - - +Maramba+, fetish in Yumba, 56, 82 - - +Maravi+, they are Zimbas and not Jagas, 150 - - +Marcador dos esclaves+, an officer charged with "branding" the slaves. - - +Margarita+ stone, 15. Garcia Simes, the Jesuit, in 1575, says that - "provisions are bought for cloth and margaridit." Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Ngameta_, a special kind of beads. It is just possible - that these "stones" may be perforated quartz-pebbles, worn as - beads, such as were recently discovered by Mr. Hobley in Kavirondo, - where they are highly valued. They are found after thunder-storms, - and of unknown antiquity. - - +Masanganu+, presidio, 9.6 S., 14.3 E., 7, 10, 13, 91, 92, 99, 146, - 155, 171, 173, 181 - - +Mascarenhas+, bishop Simo de, 124, 167, 189 - - +Masicongo+ (Muizi Kongo), a Kongo man, 12 - - +Masongo+, a "kingdom," the country of the Songo, 11.0 S., 13.0 E. - - +Masinga+, a "kingdom;" perhaps Majinga (_q.v._), hardly to be - identified with the Chinge, beyond the Kwangu. - - +Matama+, King of Quimbebe (D. Lopez). Perhaps identical with Matimu. - _See_ Quimbebe. - - +Matamba+, kingdom, 7.5 S., 16.5 E., 113, 116, 121, 127, 141, 142, 167 - - +Matamba Kalombo+, King of Matamba, 167 - - +Matambulas+, the spirits of the King of Kongo's ancestors, 116 _n._ - - +Matapa+ (D. Lopez), stands for Monomatapa, _q. v._ - - +Matari+ (Matadi). There are many villages of that name. Cavazzi's - Matari, on road to Nsundi, 5.8 S., 14.6 E. - - +Matimu+, soba, in Ngangela, battle, 166 - - +Matimbas+ (Batumba), or pygmies, 59 - - +Matinga+, a town 60 miles N. E. of Cabo do Palmar (D. Lopez). - - +Matos+, Simo de, 129 - - +Matta+, Cordeira da, quoted, xx, 103, 141 - - +Mattos+, R. J. da Costa, quoted, 114 - - +Maxilongos+, the people of Sonyo (Paiva Manso, 350), should be - Osolongo, or Musurongo. - - +Mayombe+ (Yumba), country, 3.3 S., 10.7 E., 53, 82 - - +Mbaji+, a "palaver place," corrupted into Ambassi. _See_ S. Salvador. - - +Mbaka+ (Ambaca), first fort, 9.4 S., 14.7 E., 158; - new fort, 9.3 S., 15.4 E., 163 - - +Mbakambaka+. _See_ Bakkebakke. - - +Mbale+ (Mombales), 6.5 S., 12.7 E., 42 - - +Mbalundu+ (Bailundo), 12.2 S., 15.7 E., 172 - - +Mbamba+, province of Kongo, 12, 123. The chief Mbanza is probably - identical with Kiballa, 7.5 S., 14.0 E. - - +Mbamba+ (Dapper, 577), district of Lamba, 9.1 S., 14.0 E. - - +Mbamba a mpungu+, village on river Mbengu (Garcia Mendes, ii), - 8.9 S., 14.1 E. - - +Mbamba Tunga+, soba, 147, 158 - - +Mbanza+, residence of a chief or king. - - +Mbata+, province of Kongo, capital, 5.8 S., 15.4 E., 39, 104, 120 - - +Mbemba+, same as Mpemba, or Mbamba, 42 - - +Mbembe.+ _See_ Bembe. - - +Mbengu+ (Bengo), river, 5.7 S., 13.3 E., 39, 155, 168 - - +Mbila+, sepulture, 165 - - +Mbiriji+ (Ambriz), river, 7.3 S., 12.9 E., 131, 132 - - +Mbuila+ (Ambuila), 8.0 S., 15.7 E., 120, 176, 181 - - +Mbuila amduwa+ (Ambuila dua, 168) - - +Mbuku+ (Buck), 4.9 S., 12.3 E.; and many others of the same name. - - +Mbula+, one of royal residences of Kongo, perhaps 5.2 S., 15.0 E., - 134 - - +Mbula matadi+, D. Francisco, carried off by the Devil, 121. There - are several villages named Matadi or Matari ("stones"), and a - mbula matari lies beyond the Zaire in 5.5 S., 13.4 E. - - +Mbumba a ndala+, soba in Angola, 159 - - +Mbumbi+, soba in Mbamba, 7.9 S., 13.6 E., 123 - - +Mbundu+, root of a species of strychnos, 59 _n._ - - +Mbwela+ (Amboelle), 7.8 S., 15.0 E., (F. de Salles Ferreira, _An. - do Cons. ultr._, ii, 1859, p. 59), 126 - - +Mechow+, Major, quoted, 199, 210 - - +Mello da Cunha+, Vasco de, 177 - - +Mello+, Ferno de, 115 - - +Mendes Castellobranco+, Garcia, quoted xvii, 14, 63, 64, 65, 120, - 143-147, 145, 146, 154, 155, 162 - - +Mendes+, Pedro, quoted, 130 - - +Mendes+, Ruy, 115 - - +Mendona+, Joo Furtado de, 17, 93, 155, 188 - - +Mendona+, Antonio Texeira de, 173, 174, 189 - - +Menezes+, Gonalo de Alcaova Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de, 181 - - +Menezes+, Luis Cesar de, 190 - - +Menezes+, Gonalo da Costa de Alcaova Carneiro de, 184, 190 - - +Menezes+, Pedro Cezar de, 171-173, 186, 189 - - +Menezes e Souza+, Ayres de Saldanha de, 190 - - +Merolla+, Girolamo, of Sorrento, 132 - - +Messa+ (D. Lopez) is a town in Morocco. - - +Mfinda a ngulu+, forest between Sonyo and S. Salvador, 6.2 S., - 13.2 E., 125 - - +Mfinda a nkongo+ (P. Manso, 355), perhaps E. of Lukunga, 5.2 S., - 14.2 E. - - +Mfuma ngongo+, 6.3 S., 13.5 E. - - +Miguel+, Roque de, 167 - - +Military+ organisation, 185 - - +Millet+, 17 - - +Mimos+, synonym of Bakkebakke (Dapper). - - +Miracles+, 111, 121, 124 _n._, 124, 127, 129, 130 - - +Miranda+, Antonio de, 172 - - +Missions+ in Kongo, 108, 110, 111, 114; - destruction of fetishes, 114, 117; - scandalous conduct, 122; - small results, 123, 126; - heretic Dutchmen, 126; - troubles in Sonyo, 132; - failure in Kongo, 133; - mission in Angola, 139, 183, 187 - - +Mo-.+ _See_ Mu-. - - +Moanda+, 5.9 S., 12.3 E., 49 - - +Mocata.+ _See_ Makuta. - - +Mocicongo+ (D. Lopez), should be mwizi-Kongo, a native of Kongo - (plur. Ezikongo). - - +Mococke+, 52, a corrupt spelling of Makoko. - - +Modiku+, islands in upper Kwanza, 9.7 S., 15.9 E. - - +Moenemugi+ (Mwene muji), "Lord of villages" in the country of the - Maravi, 150 - - +Mofarigosat+, a "lord" in Benguella, 10.9 S., 14.1 E., 22, 23 - - +Moko a nguba+, mani, in Kongo (Paiva Manso), 109 - - +Mols+, Fort, 9.3 S., 13.2 E., 173 - - +Molua+, frequently used as a synonym for Lunda, means "carrier of - information" (Carvalho, _Ethnographia_), 66 - - +Mombales+ (Mbale), 6.5 S., 12.7 E., 72 - - +Monomatapa+ (Mwanamtapa), the famous empire to the E. of the Zambesi. - - +Monsobos+ (D. Lopez), elsewhere called Muzombi. They are the Zombo of - Mbata. - - +Monsul+, capital of the Makoko, a corruption of Monjol, - "scratch-faces" (?) - - +Monte di Ferro.+ _See_ Ferro. - - +Monteiro+, quoted, 15, 17, 21, 24, 31, 47, 66, 68 - - +Monte negro+, with Co's pillar, 15.7 S., 107 - - +Montes queimados+, "burnt mountains" (D. Lopez), 6.9 S., 15.1 E. - - +Monti freddi+, and Nevosi (D. Lopez). _See_ Fria. - - +Moon+, Mountains of the; these fabulous mountains, on Pigafetta's - map, rise in 25.0 S. - - +Moraes+, Antonia Texeira de, 175 - - +Morales+, Diogo Gomez de, 128, 172, 174, 180 - - +Morales+, Diogo Mendez de, 175 - - +Morim+, Loureno de Barros, 181 - - +Moriscoes+, or Moormen, 10 - - +Morombes+, 55, 59, a misprint for Mayumbas (?). - - +Morro de Benguella+, 10.8 S., 13.7 E., 19 - - +Morumba+, 82, a town 30 leagues N. of Luangu; should be Mayumba (?). - - +Moseche+. _See_ Museke. - - +Mosombi+. _See_ Zombo. - - +Mosul+. _See_ Musulu. - - +Motemmo+. _See_ Mutemu. - - +Motolo+, - an inland district in Mbamba, N. of the Mbengu or Dande (D. Lopez); - Kabanda is in Motolo (Garcia Mendes), 8.7 S., 14.6 E. - - +Mpangala+, district in Kongo, 6.0 S., 14.6 E., 103, 104 - - +Mpangu+, or +Ulolo+, on road from Nsundi to Mbata, 5.4 S., - 14.9 E. (?) - - +Mpangu+ (Panga), a lordship bestowed upon the bishop D. Henrique, - in 1625 (Paiva Manso, 51), seems to be identical with Mpangu-lungu. - - +Mpangu-lungu+, the Pango or Pangalungo of Cavazzi, S. 454, and - D. Lopez, variously spelt Pangelungu or Pamzelungua in King - Affonso's letters (Paiva Manso, 29, 36, 41), is undoubtedly - a district on the lower Kongo, bordering upon the country of - the Musurongo. There are numerous villages called Mpangu, - several of which are indicated upon our map, but the Mbanza - of Mpangu, according to Lopez, was near the river Barbela, - which is another name for the Kongo. _See also_ Mpanzu alumbu, - 115, 116. - - +Mpanzu-alumbu+ (Panzu or Pazoalumbu) a village or district on - the lower Kongo, either in Mpangu-lungu or that district itself. - King Affonso (Paiva Manso, 50) calls himself "Lord of the Conquest - of Pazoallumbo," and does not mention Pangalungu, which certainly - was a district incorporated with Kongo in his day. Bastian - (_Exped. an der Loangokste_, i, 289), mentions a village Mpanzo, - and another Mpanzo mfinda ("Mpanzo in the Wood") as being near - Sonyo. Mpangu and Mpanzu may possibly be interchangeable, just as - Lopez gives the name of Mpango to the fourth king of Kongo, whom - others call Mpanzu, 112, 113 - - +Mpanzu anzinga+, King of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Mpemba+, province of Kongo, capital, 7.1 S., 14.8 E. - - +Mpemba-kasi+, district around S. Salvador, 103, 131 - - +Mpinda+, 6.1 S., 12.4 E., 42, 110, 115, 121, 161 - - +Mpozo+, river, enters Kongo at Matadi, 5.8 S., 13.5 E. - - +Mpunga+, an ivory trumpet. _See_ Ponge. - - +Mubela+, village with chapel, in Bengo (Mbengu.) - - +Muchima+, presidio and soba, 9.4 S., 13.9 E., 146, 155, 174, 186 - - +Mucondo.+ _See_ Nkondo. - - +Muene+, in Angole, a title, lord, owner. Ngana (Nga-) is a synonym. - - +Mugi.+ _See_ Muzi. - - +Mukimba+, cattle-breeders in hills of Benguella, 14.0 S., - 13.0 E., 160 - - +Mulato+ children, born white, 49 - - +Mulaza+ (Kongo dia Mulaza) 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Mundequetes+, derived from Nteke, _plur._ Manteke or Anazinteke, - our Bateke. - - +Muongo Matamba+, queen, 167 - - +Mura+, Francisco de, 132 - - +Muromba+, river N. of Felippe de Benguella, perhaps the Balombo, - 11.0 S., 13.8 E., 160 - - +Musasa+, the wife of Dongy, a Jaga, 152 - - +Museke+, "farm," or country-house, and hence used to denote the - vicinity of a town. There is thus a Museke of Luandu, a Museke - of Masanganu, etc., 156 - - +Muswalu+, province of Kougo, 112 - - +Musuku+, province of Kongo, 112. The Maungu, a tribe extending - eastward across the Kwangu (8.0 S.), are also known as Musuku; - a village Musuku lies on the lower Zaire. - - +Musulu+ (Mosul), 8.5 S., 13.3 E., 120 - - +Musurongo+, or Asolongo, the people of Sonyo, 130 - - +Mutemu+, Ndembu, at head of navigation of the Lufune, 8.2 S., - 14.3 E. - - +Mutemu Kavongonge+, 8.2 S., 15.3 E. - - +Mutemukingengo+, ndembu, about 7.9 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Mutiny+ at Luandu, 186; - at Masanganu, 181 - - +Muyilu+, province of Kongo, 112 - - +Muzombi+ (D. Lopez), are the Zombo in Mbatu, 5.8 S., 15.5 E. - - +Muzi zemba+ (Muge azemba), soba in Lamba, 149 - - +Mwana+, in Kongo, a title, son; mwana, a ntinu, prince; _synonyms_ - are Muene, Muata, Ngana. Mani is a corruption. - - +Mwana mtapa+, famous empire on lower Zambezi, described as - Benemotapa, 61 - - - +Nabo angungo+. _See_ Nambu a ngongo. - - +Nambu Calamba+ (Nambua kalambu), village, 14. Dapper, 397, mentions - Namboa and Kalumba as two separate but contiguous districts east - of Ikolo, about 8.9 S., 13.7 E. - - +Nambu a ngongo+ (Uambo ngongo?) 8.1 S., 14.3 E.; - invaded by Portuguese, 123; - rebellion, 172, 180. - Another soba of that name lives in Kisama, 158 - - +Nassau+, John Moritz of, 171 - - +Ndala+. _See_ Andala. - - +Native+ policy of the Portuguese, 65 - - +Ndamba+ (Damba), district in Kongo, 6.7 S., 15.2 E. - - +Ndamba+ (Dambe) a ndembu, 7.8 S., 14.7 E., 181 - - +Ndamba+, a musical instrument, 47 - - +Ndangi+ (Danji), island in Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.5 E. ? 165, 166, 167 - - +Ndemba+ (Demba of Battell, erroneously called Adenda), salt mines - in Kisama, 9.9 S., 13.8 E., 36, 37, 154, 162 - - +Ndembu+ (plur. jindembu), potentate. The commonwealth of these - home-rulers lies to the N. of the Dande, 8.2 S., 15.0 E. - - +Ndombe+ (Dombe), country around S. Felippe de Benguella, 13.0 S., - 13.3 E., 17, 160 - - +Ndondo+, feira, 9.7 S., 14.5 E., 168 - - +Ndonga+, a soba in Ndongo, 164 - - +Ndongo+ (the native name of Angola), - early history, 140 - list of kings, 142 - - +Ndundu+, or Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Negreiros+, Andr Vidal de, 189 - - +Negro+, Cabo, 15.7 S., 171 - - +Negro+, Cabo, 3.2. S., 10.5 E., 53 - - +Neves+, Capt. A. R., quoted, 28, 150, 151, 199 - - +Nevosi+, monti. _See_ Fria, monti. - - +Nganga+, a wise man, medicine-man, priest. - - +Ngangela+ (Ganguella), a nickname for the inland tribes. Little - Ngangela is identical with the Bangala country, 9.5 S., 17.7 E., - 166, 167 - - +Ngazi+ (Ingasia of Battell), 8.8 S. 14.2 E., 14, 153 - - +Nginga+. _See_ Nzinga. - - +Ngola+, title or name of kings of Ndongo. - - +Ngola ari+, king, 164, 165, 178 - - +Ngola Bumbumbula+, founder of kingdom of Ndongo, 142 _n._ - - +Ngola a nzinga+, jaga of Matamba, 142 _n._ - - +Ngola ineve+, 142 - - +Ngola kabuku+, soba in Kisama, 180. - Another Kabuku now lives on the Lukala, 9.4 S., 15.0 E. - - +Ngola kalungu+, a soba near Kambambe, 9.8 S., 14.6 E., 147 - - +Ngola kanini+, 177 - - +Ngola kiluanji+, 142 _n._ 145 - - +Ngola kiluanji kia Samba+, full title of kings. A chief of that title - occupied site of Duque de Bragana, 8.9 S., 16.0 E., 41, 141 _n._ - - +Ngola kitumba+, soba in Lubolo, 180 - - +Ngola mbandi+, 117, 142, 165, 169 - - +Ngola ndambi+, 140 - - +Ngola njimbu+ (Golla gimbo), near Kakonda, in Benguella, 182 - - +Ngola njinga mbandi+, king, 163, 164 - - +Ngola's+ river (the Kwanza), 139 - - +Ngola Ngolome a kundu+, a soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.2 E., 143 - - +Ngolome+, a soba on the Kwanza, 9.4 S., 14.2 E., 143 - - +Ngolome aquitamboa.+ _See_ Ngwalema. - - +Ngolome a kayiti.+ _See_ Ngwalema. - - +Ngombe+ (Ingombe), chief town of Ngazi, 8.8 S., 14.3 E., 14, 15, - 124, 155 - - +Ngombe a muchana+, 8.4 S., 13.5 E. - - +Ngombe kabonde+, 8.7 S., 13.7 E. - - +Ngongo.+ _See_ Gongon, 38 - - +Ngongo+, a chief in Lubolo, 151, 152 - - +Ngongo ka anga+ (Kanga) of Nsela (Shella), 180 - - +Ngoya+ (Angoy), kingdom, 5.6 S., 12.3 E., 42, 104 - - +Ngulungu+ (Golungo), a region between the Lukala and Mbengu, 9.0 S., - 14.5 E., 149, 179 - - +Ngumbiri+, fetish, 49, 81 - - +Ngunga mbamba+, soba in Lubolo, 180 - - +Ngunza a ngombe+, chief in Ndongo, 164 - - +Ngunza a mbamba+, in Hako, 10.3 S., 15.3 E., 180 - - +Ngwalema+ (Ngolome) +a Kayitu+, soba in Ngulungu, 179 - - +Ngwalema a kitambu+, the Ngolome akitambwa of V. J. Duarte (_An. do - cons ultram._, ii, p. 123), and the Anguolome aquitambo of Garcia - Mendes, 9.1 S., 15.8 E., 143, 148 - - +Njimbu+, native name for cowries. - - +Njimbu a mbuji+ (Gimbo Amburi) a fetish place, about 5.9 S., 14.5 E. - - +Nkanda Kongo+, of Girolamo of Montesarchio, is perhaps identical with - a modern village, Nkandu, 4.8 S., 14.9 E. - - +Nkandu+, one of the four days of the Kongo week, and hence applied to - a place where a market is held on that day. - - +Nkishi.+ _See_ Fetish. - - +Nkondo+ (Mucondo), district between Sonyo and Kibango, 16.7 S., - 14.1 E., 131 - - +Nkanga.+ _See_ Cango. - - +Nkundi+ (Kundi), female chief in Kwangu, 4.7 S., 16.8 E., 126 - - +Nkusu+ (Incussu), 26, district in Kongo, 6.7 S., 15.0 E., 126 - - +Nogueira+, A. F., quoted, 103, 194, 207 - - +Nombo+ (Numbu), river, enters Xilungu Bay, 4.3 S., 11.4 E., 53 - - +Nsaku+ (Cauto) Co's hostage, 106, 108 - - +Nsata+, a district in Kongo, 7.8 S., 16.0 E., 125 - - +Nsanda.+ _See_ Banyan tree. - - +Nsanga+, of Girolamo Montesarchio, is perhaps identical with a - modern village, Nsanga, 4.7 S., 15.2 E. - - +Nsela+ (Sheila), district, 11.3 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Nsongo+, a province of Mbata (Cavazzi, 6), 4.4 S., 16.5 E.? - - +Nsonso+ (Zucchelli, xvii, 3), a district above Nsundi, the capital - of which is Incombella (Konko a bela). - - +Nsoso+ (Nsusu), a province of Mbata, 6.7 S., 15.5 E. - - +Nsundi+ (Sundi), province of Kongo, capital perhaps, 5.2 S., - 14.3 E., 109 - - +Ntinu+, King of Kongo, 102 - - +Ntotela+, title of King of Kongo, 102, 136 - - +Nua Nukole+ (Nuvla nukole), river, (_nua_, mouth), 10.2 S., - 15.4 E. - - +Numbi.+ _See_ Nombo. - - +Nzari+, or Nzadi, "great river," applied to the river Kongo (Zaire) - and its tributaries. - - +Nzenza+, said to be the proper name of the river Mbengu, and is also - the name of several districts, as Nzenza of Ngulungu, the chief - place of which is Kalungembo, 9.2 S., 14.2 E. _Nzenza_ means - river-margin; _Nzanza,_ table-land. - - +Nzenza a ngombe+, a Jaga in Ndongo, 168 - - +Nzinga a mona+ (D. Antonio Carrasco), king, 176, 177 - - +Nzinga mbandi ngola+ (D. Anna de Souza), the famous queen, 141, 142, - 163, 164, 165, 173, 176, 181 - - +Nzinga mbandi ngolo+, kiluanji, 163 - - - +Oacco.+ _See_ Hako. - - +Oarij.+ _See_ Ari. - - +Ocango.+ _See_ Kwangu. - - +Offerings+, 77 - - +Oliveira+, Manuel Jorge d', 149 - - +Oliveira+, bishop Joo Franco de, 177 - - +Oloe+, a river, which on the map of D. Lopez, flows past S. Salvador, - and enters the Lilunda (Lunda)--an impossibility. The river flowing - past S. Salvador is the Luezi. - - +Onzo+, or Ozoni (D. Lopez), 8.2 S., 13.3 E. - - +Orta+, Garcia d', quoted, 119 - - +Ostrich eggs+, beads, 31. Mr. Hobley suggests to me that these may - merely be discs cut out of the shell of ostrich eggs and then - perforated, such as he saw used as ornaments in Kavirondo. - - +Ouuando+, seems to be a region to the N. of Encoge and the river - Loje. Rebello de Arago, p. 20, calls it _Oombo_ (Wumbo) and says - the copper mines of Mpemba are situated within it. J. C. Carneiro - (_An. do cons. ultr_, ii, 1861, p. 172) says that the proper name - is _Uhamba_ (pronounced Wamba) _or_ Ubamba. Dapper calls it - _Oando_ (pronounced Wando). Rev. Thos. Lewis tells me that the - natives pronounce d, b, and v quite indistinctly, and suggests - _Wembo_. He rejects _Ubamba_ as a synonym. From all this we may - accept Wembo, Wandu, or Wanbo as synonymous. _See_ Wembo. - - +Oulanga.+ _See_ Wanga. - - +Outeiro+, the "Hill," a vulgar designation of S. Salvador. - - +Ozoni.+ _See_ Onzo. - - - +Pacheco+, Manuel, 116, 139 - - +Padro+, Cabo do, at Kongo mouth, 6.1 S., 12.4 E., 105, 107, 125 - - +Palm cloth+, 9, 31, 43, 50, 52 - - +Palm oil+, 7 - - +Palm wine+, 30, 32 - - +Palm trees+, 69 - - +Palmar+, Cabo or Punta do, 5.6 S., 12.1 E. - - +Palmas+, Cabo das, on Guinea coast, 2 - - +Palongola+, a village one mile outside S. Salvador (Cavazzi.) - No such village exists now. - - +Palongola+, kilombo of Kasanji ka Kinjuri in Little Ngangela - (Cavazzi, 42, 781, 793). - - +Pampus Bay+, Dutch name given to S. Antonio Bay at Kongo mouth, 126 - - +Pangu.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Panzu.+ _See_ Mpanzu. - - +Parrots+, 54 - - +Partridges+, 63 - - +Paul III+, Pope, 113 - - +Peacocks+, sacred birds, 26 - - +Peas+, 67 - - +Pechuel-Loesche+, quoted, 18, 40, 43, 54, 55, 60, 66, 76, 104 - - +Pedras da Ambuila+, are the Pedras de Nkoski, or the "Roca" S. of - the Presidio de Encoge, 7.7 S., 15.4 E., 129 - - +Pedro+, King of Portugal, 181 - - +Pedro I+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Pedro II+, King of Kongo, 123, 137 - - +Pedro III+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Pedro IV+, King of Kongo, 130, 133, 137 - - +Pedro Constantino+, King of Kongo, 133, 138 - - +Pedro+, Dom, negro ambassador to Portugal, 110 - - +Pegado+, Captain Ruy, 175 - - +Peixoto+, Antonio Lopez, 19, 147 - - +Peixoto+, Manuel Freis, 176 - - +Pelicans+, 63 - - +Pemba.+ _See_ Mpemba. - - +Penedo de Bruto+, 9.1 S., 13.7 E., 146 - - +Pereira+, Andre Fereira, 144, 148 - - +Pereira+, Luiz Ferreira, 149 - - +Pereira+, Manuel Cerveira, 37, 38, 39, 72, 156, 159, 161, 182, 188 - - +Pete+ (puita), a musical instrument, 15, 21, 33 - - +Pheasants+, 63 - - +Philip+ of Spain, King of Portugal, 121, 153, 169 - - +Philip II+, King of Portugal, 122 - - +Phillips+, R. C., quoted, xvii, 15, 17, 45 - - +Pigafetta+, quoted, x, 14, 42, 74, 122. _See_ also Lopez. - - +Pimental+, quoted, 16 - - +Pina+, Ruy de, quoted, 104, 108 - - +Pinda.+ _See_ Mpinda. - - +Pinto+, Serpo, quoted, 17 - - +Pirates+, 170, 175 - - +Piri+, the lowland of Luangu, inhabited by the Bavili. - - +Pitta+, Antonio Gonalves, 121, 159 - - +Plata+, Rio de la, 4 - - +Plymouth+, departure, 2 - - +Poison+ ordeals, 59, 61, 73, 80 - - +Pongo+ (Mpunga), an ivory trumpet, 15, 21, 33, 47, 86 - - +Pontes+, Vicente Pegado de, 175 - - +Portuguese+ knowledge of inner Africa, xv; - massacre of Portuguese in Angola, 145; - in Kongo, 105 - - +Poultry+, 63 - - +Prata+, Serra da, the supposed "silver mountain" near Kambambe, 27 - - +Prazo+, Porto do, the bay of the Kongo. - - +Prohibitions.+ _See_ Tabu. - - +Proyart+, quoted, 64 - - +Pumbeiros+ (from _Pumbelu_, hawker), in Kongo, the country of the - Avumbu, the trading district about Stanley Pool is known as - Mpumbu (Bentley). _See_ p. 164 for "Shoeless Pumbeiros." - - +Punga+, an ivory trumpet. _See_ Pongo. - - +Purchas+, as editor, xi - - +Pungu a ndongo+, 9.7 S., 15.5. E., 143, 178 - - +Pygmies+, 59 - - - +Quadra+, Gregrio de, 116 - - +Quelle+ (Kuilu), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E., 52 - - +Quesama.+ _See_ Kisama. - - +Queimados+, serras, "burnt mountains" (D. Lopez), about 6.9 S., - 15.3 E. - - +Quesanga+, a fetish, 24 - - +Qui-.+ _See_ Ki. - - +Quigoango.+ _See_ Kinkwango. - - +Quina+ (Kina), sepulture, 166 - - +Quia.+ _See_ Kiowa. - - +Quisama.+ _See_ Kisama. - - +Quimbebe+ of D. Lopez, I believe ought to have been spelt Quimbebe - (pron. Kimbembe), and to be identical with Cavazzi's wide district - of Bembe (Mbembe). Its king, Matama, may have been the Matima - (Mathemo) near whose Kilombo Queen Nzinga was defeated, p. 166. - The Beshimba, or Basimba (Nogueira, _A raa negra_, 1881, p. 98) - have nothing to do with this Kimbembe, but may have given origin - to the Cimbebasia of the missionaries. _See_ Bembe. - - +Quingi.+ _See_ Kinti. - - +Quinguego+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Kingengo. - - - +Rafael+, king of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Raft+, built by Battell, 41 - - +Rain-making+ in Luangu, 46 - - +Rangel+, D. Miguel Baptista, bishop, 122 - - +Rapozo+, Luiz Mendes, 147 - - +Rebello+, Pedro Alvares, 154 - - +Resende+, Garcia de, quoted, 104, 108 - - +Revenue+, administrative reforms, 169 - - +Ribeiro+, Christovo, Jesuit, 118 - - +Ribeiro+, Gonalo Rodrigues, 111 - - +Rimba+, district, 11.5 S., 14.5 E., 180 - - +Rio de Janiero+, 6. - - "+Roebuck+," voyage of, 89 - - +Rolas+, Ilheo das, islet off S. Thom, 3 - - +Roza+, Jos de, 186 - - - +S+, Diogo Rodrigo de, 129 - - +S+, Salvador Corra de, governor of Rio, 90, 93 - - +S de Benevides+, Salvador Corra de, 174, 189 - - +Sabalo+, inland town S.-E., of Sela (D. Lopez). - - +Sakeda+, mbanza in Lubolo, 180 - - +Salag+, mani, 50. Dennett suggests _Salanganga_, Rev. Tho. Lewis - _Salenga_. - - +Salaries+ of officials in 1607, 163 - - +Saldanha de Menezes e Sousa+, Ayres de, 190 - - +Saltpeter+ mountains (Serras de Salnitre), of D. Lopez, are far - inland, to the east of the Barbela. - - +Salt mines+, 36, 37, 160 - - +Samanibanza+, village in Mbamba, 14 - - +Santa Cruz+ of Tenerife, 2 - - +S. Cruz+, abandoned fort on the Kwanza, perhaps at Isandeira, - 9.1. S., 13.4 E., 146 _n._ - - +S. Felippe de Benguella+, 12.6 S., 15.4 E., 160, 170, 173, 183 - - +S. Miguel+, Roque de, 157 - - +S. Miguel+, fort and morro, 8.8 S., 13.2 E., 145, 170, 174 - - +S. Paulo de Loande+, 8.8 S., 13.2 E., 7, 13, 144, 157, 171-174. - _See also_ Luandu. - - +S. Pedro+, Penedo de, (perhaps identical with the Penedo de A. Bruto, - 9.1 S., 13.7 E.), 145 - - +San Salvador+, 6.2 S., 14.3 E., the Portuguese name of the capital - of Kougo, also referred to simply as "Outeiro," the Hill, on the - ground of its situation. The native names are Mbaji a ekongo - (the palaver place of Kongo), Mbaji a nkanu (the place of judgment), - Nganda a ekongo or Ngandekongo (the "town") or ekongo dia ngungo - (town of church-bells, because of its numerous churches), 103, 109, - 117, 123, 131, 134 - - +S. Sebastian+, in Brazil, 6 - - +S. Thom+, island, 139 - - +Schweinfurth+, quoted, 67 - - +Seals+ in the Rio de la Plata, 5 - - +Seat.+ _See_ Sette. - - +Sebaste+, name given by Dias to Angola, 145 - - +Sebastian+, King of Portugal, 145 - - +Sela.+ _See_ Nsela. - - +Sequeira+, Bartholomeu Duarte de, 177 - - +Sequeira+, Francisco de, 148 - - +Sequeira+, Luiz Lopez de, 129, 153, 177, 178, 180 - - +Serra comprida+, the "long range," supposed to extend from - C. Catharina to the Barreira vermelha, 1.8 to 5.3 S. - - +Serro+, Joo, 146 - - +Serro+, Luiz de, 144, 147, 148, 150, 188 - - +Sette+, 2.6 S., 10.3 E., 58 - - +Shelambanza.+ _See_ Shilambanze. - - +Shells+, as ornaments, 31, 32 - - +Shilambanza+, 26, 86 (a village of the uncle of King Ngola), and - _Axilambansa_ (a village said to belong to the king's - father-in-law), are evidently the same place, situated about - 9.8 S., 15.1 E. - - +Shingiri+, a diviner, soothsayer. - - +Sierra Leone+, supposed home of the Jaga, 19 - - +Silva+, Antonio da, 180 - - +Silva+, Gaspar de Almeida da, 182 - - +Silva+, Luiz Lobo da, 190 - - +Silva+, Pedro da, 182 - - +Silva e Sousa+, Joo da, 190 - - +Silver+ and silver mines, 27, 113, 115, 122, 128, 140, 145 - - +Silver+ mountain (Serra da Prata), supposed to be near Kambambe. - - +Simo da Silva+, 112 - - +Simes+, Garcia, Jesuit, 143, 144, 202 - - +Sims+, Rev. A., quoted, 198 - - +Singhilamento+ (Cavazzi, 189, 198), a divination, from Shing'iri, - a diviner. - - +Sinsu+, a district on Mbengu river, N. of Luandu (Dapper), 8.7 S., - 13.3 E. - - +Slave+ trade, 71, 96, 135, 157 - - +Soares+, Joo, Dominican, 110 - - +Soares+, Manuel da Rocha, 182 - - +Soares+, Silvestre, 124 - - +Soba+, kinglet, chief, only used S. of the river Dande. - - +Sogno+, pronounced Sonyo, _q.v._ - - +Soledade+, P. Fernando de, 108 - - +Sollacango+ (Solankangu), a small lord in Angola, 14. Perhaps - identified with Kikanga, 8.9 S., 13.8 E. - - +Songa+, village on the Kwanza, 9.3 S., 13.9 E., 37, 156 - - +Songo+, a tribe, 11.0 S., 18.0 E., 152, 166 - - +Sonso+, a province of Kongo (P. Manso, 244), to N.E. of S. Salvador, - 15.7 S., 14.5 E.? - - +Sonyo+ (Sonho), district on lower Kongo, 6.2 S., 12.5 E., 42, 104 - (origin of name). - - +Sorghum+, 67 - - +Sotto-maior+, Francisco de, 173, 189 - - +Sousa+, Balthasar d'Almeida de, 154 - - +Sousa+, Christovo Dorte de, 118 - - +Sousa+, Luiz de, quoted, 108 - - +Sousa+, Ruy de, 108 - - +Souza+, Ferno de, 168, 189 - - +Souza+, Gonalo de, 108 - - +Souza+, Joo Corra de, 123, 164, 169, 187 - - +Souza+, Joo de, 108 - - +Souza+, Jos Antonio de, 134 - - +Souza Chichorro+, Luiz Martim de, 189 - - +Soveral+, Diogo, Jesuit, 118 - - +Soveral+, Francisco, bishop, 168 - - +Sowonso+ (Sonso), village 14 - - +Spelling+, rules followed, xvii - - +Stanley+, Sir H. M., quoted, 198 - - +Sulphur+ discovered, 160 - - +Sumba mbela'+, district at the Kuvu mouth, 10.8 S., 14.0 E., 160. - On modern maps it is called Amboella. - - +Sumbe+ of Sierra Leone, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Sun+ mountains (Serras do Sol) of D. Lopez, E. of Mbata and Barbela. - - +Sundi.+ _See_ Nsundi. - - +Susa+, district of Matamba, 7.8 S., 16.6 E. - - +Sutu+ Bay, 9.7 S., 13.3 E., 173 - - - +Tabu+ (prohibitions), 57, 78 - - +Tacula+ (red sanders), 82 - - +Talama mtumbo+ (S. Joo Bautista), in Nzenza do Ngulungu, 9.2 S., - 14.2 E. - - +Tala mugongo+, mountain, 9.8. S., 17.5 E. - - +Tamba+, district, 10.1 S., 15.5 E., 180 - - +Tari (Tadi) ria nzundu+, district in Kongo. A _Tadi_, 4.9 S., - 15.2 E.; a _Nzundu_, 5.6 S., 14.9 E. - - +Tavale+, a musical instrument, 21 - - +Tavares+, Bernardo de Tavora Sousa, 190 - - +Tavora+, Francisco de, 178, 190 - - +Teeth+, filed or pulled out, 37 - - +Teka ndungu+, near Kambambe, 9.7 S., 14.6 E., 147 - - +Temba ndumba+, a daughter of Dongy, 152 - - +Tenda+ (Tinda), town between Ambrize and Loze (D. Lopez). - - +Theft+, its discovery, 56, 80, 83 - - +Tihman+, Captain, 125 - - +Tin+ mines, 119 - - +Tombo+, village, 9.1 S., 13.3 E., 36, 145 - - +Tondo+ (Tunda), a district, 10.0 S., 15.0 E., 26 - - +Tovar+, Joseph Pellicer de, quoted, 126 - - +Treaties+ with Holland, 128, 175 - - +Trials+ before a fetish, 56, 80, 83 - - +Trombash+, or war-hatchet, 34, 86 - - +Tuckey+, Capt., quoted, 77 - - +Turner+, Thomas, ix, 7, 71 - - - +Ukole+, island in Kwanza, 9.7. S., 15.7 E. - - +Ulanga+, battle of 1666, 7.7 S., 17.4 E., 127, 179 - - +Ulhoa+, D. Manuel de, bishop, 122 - - +Ulolo.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Umba+, district of, 8.1 S., 16.7 E., 167 - - - +Vaccas+, Bahia das, 12.6 S., 13.4 E., 16, 29, 160 - - +Vamba+, river. _See_ Vumba. - - +Vamma+, district at mouth of Dande (Dapper), 8.5 S., 13.3 E. - - +Vambu a ngongo+, a vassal of Kongo, in the south, who sided with - the Portuguese. He seems to be identical with Nambu a ngongo, - _q. v._ - - +Vasconcellos+, Ernesto, quoted, 210 - - +Vasconcellos+, Luiz Mendes de, 163, 188 - - +Vasconcellos da Cunha+, Bartholomeu 127, 189 - - +Vasconcellos da Cunha+, Francisco de, 167-170, 174, 179, 189 - - +Veanga+ (Paiva Manso, 244), a prince of Kongo. Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Nkanga_, E. of S. Salvador, 6.3 S., 14.6 E. - - +Vellez+, Joo Castanhosa, 147 - - +Velloria+, Joo de, 149, 153, 155 - - +Verbela+, a river, perhaps the same as Barbela (Duarte Lopez). - - +Vira+, Antonio, 113 - - +Vieira+, Antonio, a negro, 119 - - +Vieira+, Joo Fernandez de, 173, 179, 183-185, 189 - - +Vilhegas+, Diogo de. _See_ Antonio de Dnis. - - +Voss+, Isaac, his work on the Nile, xv - - +Vumba+ (Va-umba, "at or near Umba,") a river that runs to the Zaire - (Lopez), called _Vamba_ (Cavazzi) = the _Hamba_ (C. and I). Mechow - (_Abh. G. F. E._, 1882, p. 486) mentions a large river _Humba_ to - the E. of the Kwangu; a river _Wamba_ joins the lower Kwangu; - another _Vamba_ joins the lower Zaire, and leads up to Porto Rico. - (Vasconcellos, _Bol._, 1882, 734); and there is a river _Umba_ or - _Vumba_ in E. Africa. (_Vumba_ = to make pots, in Kongo). _Vamba_ - is perhaps another name for the Kwangu. - - +Vunda+, district of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 104); but _Vunda_ means "to - rest," and there are many of these mid day halting-places of the - old slave gangs, the villages where they passed the night being - called Vemadia, _i.e._, Ave Maria (Tho. Lewis). A village _Vunda_, - on the Kongo, 5.2 S., 13.7 E. - - - +Walkenaer+, quoted, 19, 22 - - +Wamba+, river. _See_ Vumba. - - +Wembo+, or Wandu, district 7.5 S., 15.0 E., 123, 126. _See_ Ouuanda. - - +Welwitsch+, quoted, 16, 17 - - +West India Company+, Dutch, 170 - - +Wheat+ (maize), 7, 11 - - +Wilson+, Rev. Leighton, quoted, 134 - - +Witchcraft+, 61 - - +Women+, first European, at Luandu, 155 - - +Wouters+, a Belgian capuchin, 132 - - - +Ybare.+ _See_ Ibare. - - +Yumba+, country, 3.3 S., 10.7 E. 53, 82 - - - +Zaire+, (Nzari, or Nzadi). _See_ Kongo. - - +Zariambala+, Nzari Ambala of Zucchelli, probably the Mamballa R. of - Turkey, which is the main channel of the Kongo in 12.9 E. - - +Zebra+, and zebra tails, 33, 63 - - +Zenze+ (Nzenza), river bank, _Nzanza_, table land, said to be the - proper name of the river M'bengu, and also the name of several - districts. - - +Zenze angumbe.+ _See_ Nzenza. - - +Zerri+ (Chera), N. of Mboma, 5.8 S., 13.1 E. - - +Zimba+, the first Jaga, 152; - the Zimba are identical with the Maravi in East Africa, 150 - - +Zimbo+, soldiers of a Jaga (Cavazzi, 183). - - +Zoca+, an inland town, S. of Mbata (D. Lopez). - - +Zolo+ (Nzolo), a village on road from S. Salvador to Mbata, 6.0 S., - 15.1 E. - - +Zombo+, (Mosombi), the tribe inhabiting Mbata, 5.8 S., 15.5 E. - - +Zongo+, of Cavazzi, Mosongo of Rebello de Araga; our Songo, 11.0 S., - 17.5 E. - - +Zucchelli+, Antonio, 132, 184, 186 - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Strange Adventures of Andrew -Battell, by Andrew Battell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - -***** This file should be named 41282-8.txt or 41282-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/2/8/41282/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell - of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions - -Author: Andrew Battell - -Commentator: Anthony Knivet - -Editor: Samuel Purchas - Ernest George Ravenstein - -Release Date: November 3, 2012 [EBook #41282] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - -</pre> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41282 ***</div> <p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i"></a></span></p> @@ -11265,383 +11222,6 @@ Kougo, also referred to simply as “Outeiro,” the Hill, on the ground <li> <b>Zucchelli</b>, Antonio, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li></ul> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Strange Adventures of Andrew -Battell, by Andrew Battell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - -***** This file should be named 41282-h.htm or 41282-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/2/8/41282/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell - of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions - -Author: Andrew Battell - -Commentator: Anthony Knivet - -Editor: Samuel Purchas - Ernest George Ravenstein - -Release Date: November 3, 2012 [EBook #41282] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - +-----------------------------------------------------------+ - | Transcriber's note: | - | | - | Words with bold characters are enclosed within "+" signs. | - | | - +-----------------------------------------------------------+ - - - - - WORKS ISSUED BY - The Hakluyt Society - - THE STRANGE ADVENTURES - OF - ANDREW BATTELL. - - - SECOND SERIES. - No. VI. - - - THE - STRANGE ADVENTURES - OF - ANDREW BATTELL - OF LEIGH, - IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS. - - _REPRINTED FROM "PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES."_ - - Edited, with Notes and a Concise - HISTORY OF KONGO AND ANGOLA, - BY - E. G. RAVENSTEIN. - - - Reproduced, by permission of the - HAKLUYT SOCIETY - from the edition originally published by the Society - in 1901 - KRAUS REPRINT LIMITED - Nendeln/Liechtenstein - 1967 - - - Printed in Germany - - Lessing-Druckerei--Wiesbaden - - -COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. - - - SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT. - THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT. - REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT. - COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N. - C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A. - COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH. - SIR W. MARTIN CONWAY. - F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. - EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. - DUDLEY F. A. HERVEY, C.M.G. - E. F. IM THURN, C.B., C.M.G. - J. SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. - F. W. LUCAS. - A. P. MAUDSLAY. - E. J. PAYNE, M.A. - HOWARD SAUNDERS. - H. W. TRINDER. - CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A. - - WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., _Honorary Secretary_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION i - - BIBLIOGRAPHY xviii - - THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH. - - I. Andrew Battell, his voyage to the River of Plate, who being - taken on to the coast of Brazill was sent to Angola 1 - - II. His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment; - exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to - Elamba and Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences 9 - - III. Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running - countries. His trade with them, betraying, - escape to them, and living with them; with many - strange adventures. And also the rites and manner of - life observed by the Iagges, or Gagas, which no Christian - would ever know well but this author 19 - - IV. His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries; - abuses; flight from them, and living in the woods divers - months; his strange boat and coming to Loango 36 - - V. Of the province of Engoy, and other regions of Loango; - with the customs there observed by the King and people 42 - - VI. Of the provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, - Motimbas; of the ape-monster Pongo; their - Hunting, Idolatries, and divers other observations 52 - - VII. Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; the Portuguese Wars - in those parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things - remarkable 63 - - - ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF - ANGOLA, CONGO, AND LOANGO, from _Purchas His - Pilgrimage_, 1613 (1617) 71 - - - APPENDICES. - - I. ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA 89 - - II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END - OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 102 - - III. A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO 136 - - IV. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END - OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 139 - - V. A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA 188 - - - INDEX AND GLOSSARY 191 - - - MAPS. - - A GENERAL MAP OF KONGO AND ANGOLA. - - AN ENLARGED MAP OF ANGOLA. - - -[Illustration] - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Four Englishmen are known to have visited Angola towards the close of -the sixteenth century, namely, Thomas Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony -Knivet and Andrew Battell. All four were taken by the Portuguese out of -English privateers in South-American waters, and spent years of -captivity as prisoners of war; happy, no doubt, in having escaped the -fate of many of their less fortunate companions, who atoned with their -lives for the hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged. - -Thomas Turner,[1] although he furnished Samuel Purchas with a few notes -on Brazil, never placed on record what happened to him whilst in -Portuguese Africa. Towres was sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the -heinous offence of eating meat on a Friday; he attempted an escape, was -retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity in Angola. He -died at Masanganu, as we learn from Knivet. Knivet himself has left us -an account of his adventures in Angola and Kongo; but this account -contains so many incredible statements that it was with some hesitation -we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so we might be supposed to -vouch for the writer's veracity. - -Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly circumstantial -record of what he experienced in Kongo and Angola. His narrative bears -the stamp of truth, and has stood the test of time. It is unique, -moreover, as being the earliest record of travels in the _interior_ of -this part of Africa; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit -missionaries, the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell's -time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely historical -or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta's famous _Relatione del Reame di -Congo_, "drawn out of the writings and discourses of Duarte Lopez," and -first published at Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous -_Itinerarium_ of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English -translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed among books of -travel.[2] Samuel Braun, of Basel, who served as barber-surgeon on board -Dutch vessels which traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never -left the coast.[3] Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three voyages -to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as supercargo of Dutch vessels, -penetrate inland.[4] Nay, we are even able to claim on behalf of -Battell that he travelled by routes not since trodden by European -explorers. - - -Of Andrew Battell's history we know nothing, except what may be gathered -from his "Adventures," and an occasional reference to him by his friend, -neighbour, and editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a -native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing village by -the side of its populous upstart neighbour Southend, but formerly a -place of considerable importance. As early as the fifteenth century it -could boast of its guild of pilots, working in harmony with a similar -guild at Deptford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward bound -ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the outward bound. Henry VIII -incorporated both guilds as the "Fraternity of the Most Glorious and -Indivisible Trinity and of St. Clement;" and in the venerable church of -St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard may still be seen -monuments erected in honour of contemporaries of Battell who were -Brethren of the Trinity House; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567, -died 1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no tombstone in -memory of Andrew Battell; and if a memorial tablet was ever dedicated to -him, it must have been removed when the church was renovated in 1837. -Nor do the registers of the church afford a clue to Battell's death, for -the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year 1684. At the -present time no person of the name of Battell lives at Leigh. - - -Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village two miles to the -north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613. Battell returned to Leigh about 1610, -bringing with him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a -captive by a gorilla (see p. 55). Purchas had many conferences with -Battell, and the information obtained in this manner was incorporated by -him in _Purchas His Pilgrimage_, the first edition of which was -published in 1613,[5] and will be found in this volume, pp. 71-87. -Battell's papers, however, only reached Purchas after the author's -death, and were first published by him in _Hakluytus Posthumus, or -Purchas His Pilgrimes_, in 1625.[6] There is reason to fear that Purchas -did not perform his duties as editor, as such duties are understood at -the present day. As an instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told -his editor in private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was -known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying that Duarte Lopez -could have any information about it; yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is -made responsible for the statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor -is it likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda (p. 74), for -no such lake exists; and Purchas's authority for its supposed existence -is once more Duarte Lopez or Pigafetta. - -Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that Purchas abridged -portions of the MS.; as, for instance, the account of the overland -trading trip to Kongo and Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of -his MS., thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when we -come to inquire into the chronology of Battell's travels. - - -There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abraham Cocke sailed -for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of Spain had acceded to the throne -of Portugal in 1580, and that prosperous little kingdom thus became -involved in the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out of -Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt justified in -preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and intercepting Spanish -vessels on their way home from the Rio de la Plata. We do not think, -however, that we do Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to -have been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much by the -lust of gain as by patriotism. - -The determination of the chronology of Battell's adventures presents -some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a single date, namely, -that of his departure from England on May 7th, 1589. There are, however, -incidental references to events the dates of which are known; and these -enable us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confidence, -thus:-- - -1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose Battell to have reached -Luandu in June, 1590. - -2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for two months, and -return to Luandu, where he "lay eight months in a poor estate" (p. 7), -would carry us to the end of June, 1591. - -3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. Joao Furtado de Mendonca, then -employed him during two years and a half trading along the coast. This, -however, is quite impossible: for Mendonca only assumed office in -August, 1594; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell's day who held -office for a longer period than two and a half years--his term of office -extending to 1602--and as Battell is not likely to have forgotten the -name of an employer who gave him his confidence, we assume that he -really did make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period. Purchas -may be responsible for this transposition. - -4. He made a first attempt to escape (in a Dutch vessel), but was -recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he spent "six miserable years," -1591-96. - -5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three months in irons at -Luandu, up to June, 1596. - -6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, _note_). After a field -service of over three years, Battell was sent back to Luandu, wounded. -This would account for his time up to 1598 or 1599. - -7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence inspired by -his conduct in the field, the Governor now employed him on the trading -ships referred to above. - -9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601. - -10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one months with them. -Incidentally he mentions that the chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by -the Portuguese seven years before that time (he was actually defeated in -April, 1594). - -11. Battell was at Masanganu when Joao Rodrigues Coutinho was Governor -(Coutinho assumed office in 1602). - -12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio of Kambambe by -Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604; and stayed there till 1606, when news -was received of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised his -liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603. - -13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken up six months. - -14. The Governor having "denied his word," and a new Governor being -daily expected, Battell secretly left the city, spent six months on the -Dande, and was ultimately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected -was only appointed in August, 1607; and his arrival was actually -delayed.) - -15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half--say up to 1610. - -Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illustrating this -volume; and, if the outcome of my endeavour does not differ in its broad -features from the maps furnished by M. d'Anville, in 1732, to Labat's -_Relation Historique de l'Ethiopie Occidentale_, this should redound to -the credit of the great French geographer, but should not be accounted a -proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my maps exhibit an -advance in matters of detail, for our knowledge of the country has -increased considerably since the days of d'Anville. They would have -proved still more satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while -to produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had claimed -possession during four centuries. It seems almost incredible that even -now many of the routes followed by the Conquistadores and missionaries -of old cannot be laid down upon a modern map for lack of information. -Sonyo, for instance, through which led the high road followed by -soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador (the -present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is almost a _terra -incognita_. I am almost ashamed to confess that I have even failed to -locate the once-famous factory of Mpinda; all I can say is, that it -cannot have occupied the site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps. - -I need hardly say that modern research lends no support to the -extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the knowledge of Inner -Africa possessed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Pigafetta's -fantastic map, with its elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely -proves the utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of -critical geography. This has long since been recognised. The map which -accompanies Isaac Vossius's _De Nili et aliorum Fluminum Origine_ (Hagae -Com., 1659) only shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on -"Nimeamaie vel Monemugi," and may without hesitation be identified with -our Nyasa: for the Monemugi (Muene Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or -Zimbas. The "Iages, gens barbara et inculta," are placed right in the -centre of Africa. The "Fungeni," which are shown as neighbours of the -"Macoco," ought to have been placed to the west of Abyssinia, as they -are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried -out his intention of compiling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681), -these extravagancies of early map-makers would have been exposed more -fully long since.[7] - - -In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes illustrating -Battell's narrative, I felt bound to consult all accessible literary -sources dealing with the history and geography of Kongo and Angola. -Whilst ploughing my way through this mass of material, it struck me that -a concise history of these African countries, from the time of their -discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might form an -acceptable appendix to Battell's _Adventures_, and at the same time -increase the bulk of the volume dedicated to him to more respectable -proportions. Much material of use for such a purpose has seen the light -since the publication of J. J. Lopes de Lima's historical sketches. Yet -I am bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is -disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates and facts; -but much remains to be done before we can claim to be in possession of a -trustworthy history of that part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch -may rouse a Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano -Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be discoverable in the -archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.[8] - -The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell is retained, as a -matter of course; but it is obvious that in the historical appendices -the various ways in which native names are spelt had to be reduced to a -common system. Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese -manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided to adopt the -system now generally followed (even by a few Portuguese writers), viz., -that all vowels should be sounded as in Italian, and the consonants as -in English, with the only exception that the letter _g_ should always be -hard. I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo, as the -name of that district is spelt according to the nationality of the -writer. In transcribing the native names I have had the unstinted -assistance, among others, of the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist -Missionary Society; yet I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for -many names is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This -arises quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my -authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manuscripts or the -carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful cases are dealt with in the -GLOSSARY and INDEX. - - -In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude the kindly -assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett, who is spending a life-time -in Luangu; Mr. R. C. Phillips, who is thoroughly acquainted with the -Lower Kongo; the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; -Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not least, our -ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster. - -[Illustration] - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author's - name, or by abbreviated references, are included in this list. - - -_How cited:_ - - -ALGUNS DOC.--Alguns documentos do archivo nacional da Torre do -Tombo acerca das navegacoes e conquistas Portuguezas. Lisboa -(Impr. nac.), 1892. - - A Collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by Jose - Ramos-Coelho. See Index _sub_ Angola, Kongo, Manicongo. - - -PAIVA MANSO.--Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy) Visconde de -Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877. - - A collection of documents, 1492-1722. - - -BOLETIM.--Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa. - - The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliotheque - Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559; Letters of F. - Garcia Simoes, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits). - - Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens exploracoes e conquistas do - Portuguezes. Colleccao de Documentos por Luciano Cordeira. - Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881. - -The following Parts have been published:-- - - -GARCIA MENDES. - - (_a_) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes - Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the - companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes). - - -REBELLO DE ARAGAO. - - (_b_) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar - Rebello de Aragao. (He went out to Africa in 1593). - - -BENGUELLA E SEU SERTAO. - - (_c_) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu sertao per um Anonymo. (The - author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may - possibly have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira). - - -ESTABELECIMENTOS. - - (_d_) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa - occidental de Africa por um Anonymo. - - -ESCRAVOS E MIMAS. - - (_e_) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos. - -D. LOPEZ.--Relatione del Reame di Congo e delle circonvicine -contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez, -per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591. - - This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch, - French and English, but has not hitherto found a competent - editor. I quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson, - published at London in 1881. - - Duarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578; and the bulk of this - volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when - he was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded - the information thus obtained into a description of the - greater part of Africa. - - -CAVAZZI.--Istorica descrizione de' tre regni Congo, Matamba, e Angola, -accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo. -Bologna, 1687. - - Cavazzi, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67, - 1670-) and died at Genoa in 1693. This bulky folio only deals - with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato - Alamandini, of Bologna. Labat ("Relation historique de - l'Ethiopie," Paris, 1732) has given a useful version of it in - French, which must, however, be used with some caution. It is - by far the most important work we have at the hand of one of - the early Catholic missionaries. W. D. Cooley's observation - ("Inner Africa Laid Open," London, 1852, p. 3), that the works - published up to the time of Cavazzi "would hardly furnish - twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence," can apply - only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst Lopez de Lima - ("Ensaios," p. xi) is hardly justified in calling Cavazzi a - "fabulista," unless that opprobrious term be confined to what - the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and - others. - - -DAPPER.--Nauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van Olf. -Dapper. Amst., 1668. - - I quote the German translation ("Beschreibung von Afrika," - Amst., 1670). - - This is a very careful compilation; more especially - interesting, as it contains information on the country - collected during the Dutch occupation (1642-48), not to be - found elsewhere. - - -CADORNEGA.--Historia das guerras de Angola (Historia General Angolana), -por D. A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82. - - Cadornega, a native of Villa Vicosa, accompanied D. Pedro - Cezar de Menezes to Angola in 1639, and died at Luandu in - 1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists in MS. in the - library of the Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and in the - Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. I have not been able to consult - it with the minuteness which it deserves. A rough copy of a - considerable portion of it is to be found in the British - Museum (_Add. MS._ 15,183, fol. 33). Copious extracts from it - are given by Paiva Manso and D. Jose de Lacerda ("Exame das - Viagens do Dr. Livingstone," Lisbon, 1867). - - -CATALOGO.--Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola (Colleccao de -Noticias para a historia das nacoes ultramarinas publicada pela Academia -real das Sciencias, tome III, pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826. - - This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784. - J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his "Memorias contendo a biographia do - Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres," Paris, 1825, also - printed this chronological history, and continued it to the - year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel L. C. - C. Pinheiro Furtado. The "Catalogue" is useful, but it is not - free from very serious errors. - - -BENTLEY.--Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by the Rev. W. -Holman Bentley. 1887. - - -CORDEIRO DA MATTA.--Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portugueze coordenado -par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa, 1893. - -LOPES DE LIMA, ENSAIO.--Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possessoes -Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d'Angola e Benguella), por -Jose Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846. - - This is a fundamental work. The historical account is - contained in the Introduction and in chap. v. - - -LOPES DE LIMA, AN. MAR.--Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do reino do -Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J. Lopes de Lima ("Annaes -maritimos e coloniaes," Lisboa, 1845, pp. 93-108). - - -LOPES DE LIMA.--Successos do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii, pelo J. J. -Lopes de Lima (_ibid._, pp. 194-99). - - -[Illustration] - - - - -THE STRANGE ADVENTURES - -OF - -ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX, - -SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA, WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE -ADJOINING REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS. - - - - -Sec. I. - -_Andrew Battel, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the -coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola._ - - -[_From the Thames to Cape Palmas._] - -In the year 1589, Abraham Cocke[9] of Limehouse, began his voyage toward -the River of Plate, with two pinnaces[10] of fifty tons apiece: the one -was called the _May-Morning_, the other the _Dolphin_. - -We sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April; and the six and -twentieth of the same month we put into Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we -took in some provision for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea, -and with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth, where we -remained certain days, and then proceded on our voyage: And running -along the coast of Spain and Barbary we put into the road of Sancta -Cruz,[11] and there set our Light-horse-man[12] together which we -carried in two pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, thinking -that this boat should have made his voyage. This done, we put to sea, -and running along the coast of Guinea we were becalmed, because we were -so near the coast. - - -[_St. Thome and the Gulf of Guinea._] - -Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that there were very -few sound. And being within three or four degrees of the equinoctial -line we fell with the Cape de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, -wherewith our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas [Cabo -das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they would trade with us; but -it was but to betray us, for they are very treacherous, and were like to -have taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay -south-west off;[13] but the current and the calms deceived us, so that we -were driven down to the isle of St. Thome,[14] thinking that we had -been further off to the Sea than we were. And being in distress for wood -and water, we went in on the south end between San Tome and the islands -das Rolas,[15] where we rode very smooth, and with our light-horse-man -went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we found none in the -island. Here we had great store of plantains and oranges. We found a -village of negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of -San Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send them thither -to get their strength again. For the islands are very fruitful, and -though there be no fresh water, yet they maintain themselves with the -wine of the palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of -this island, we burned the village. And running on the east side of San -Tome we came before the town;[16] but we durst not come near, for the -castle shot at us, which hath very good ordnance in it. - -Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in four and twenty -hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo Gonsalves:[17] and being within -three leagues of the said cape we cast about and stood again toward the -island of San Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island; and -coming to a little river, which runneth out of the mountains, we went on -shore with our Light-horse-man, with six or seven butts to fill with -water. But the governor had ambushed one hundred men of the island; and -when we were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our men and -hurt another: wherefore we retired to our boat and got aboard. - - -[_Across the Atlantic to the Brazils._] - -Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of Brasil, and lay -west-south-west into the sea: and being some fifty leagues off, we fell -into a shoal of dolphins,[18] which did greatly relieve us, for they did -follow our ship all the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was -some thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we came to -Ilha Grande,[19] which standeth in five [_sic_] degrees southward of the -line, we put in betwixt the island and the main, and haled our ships on -shore, and washed them, and refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh -water. In this island are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And -being here some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was -bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and to get some -refreshments: and presently we went aboard, and took the Portugal -merchant out of the pinnace, which told Abraham Cocke, that within two -months there should two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the -town of Buenos Aires. - - -[_The Rio de la Plata._] - -From this town there come every year four or five caravels to Bahia[20] -in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which bring great store of treasure, -which is transported overland out of Peru into the River of Plate. There -Abraham Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the -_Dolphin's_ men into his ship, and sent the _Dolphin_ home again, which -had not as yet made any voyage. This Portugal merchant carried us to a -place in this island, where there was a banished man,[21] which had -planted great store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this -fruit, go to the River of Plate: for our bread and our victuals were -almost all spent. - -With this hard allowance we departed from this island, and were -six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of Lobos Marinos,[22] -which is in the mouth of the River of Plate. This island is half a mile -long, and hath no fresh water, but doth abound with seals and -sea-morses,[23] in such sort that our light-horseman could not get on -shore for them, without we did beat them with our oars: and the island -is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived some thirty days, lying -up and down in the river, and were in great distress of victuals. Then -we determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to -take one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so high up the -river as the town, we had a mighty storm at south-west,[24] which drove -us back again, and we were fain to ride under the Isla Verde[25]--that -is, the green island--which is in the mouth of the river on the north -side. - - -[_A Prisoner of the Portuguese._] - -Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and gave over the -voyage, and came to the northward again, to the isle of Sant Sebastian, -lying just under the tropic of Capricorn.[26] There we went on shore to -catch fish, and some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were -all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe fraught with -Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu Sancto.[27] These Indians -landed on the west side of the island, and came through the woods and -took five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de -Janeiro]. After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went to sea, -and was never heard of more.[28] - - -[_Transported to Angola--A Voyage to the Zaire._] - -When we that were taken had remained four months in the River of -Janeiro, I and one Torner[29] were sent to Angola in Africa, to the city -of Saint Paul,[30] which standeth in nine degrees to the southward of -the equinoctial line. Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put -into prison, and sent up the River Quansa,[31] to a town of garrison, -which is 130 miles up the river. And being there two months the pilot of -the governor's pinnace died: then I was commanded to carry her down to -the city, where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor -estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman. But being -recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de Mendoca,[32] who then was -governor, commanded me to go to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a -pinnace, to trade for elephants' teeth,[33] wheat,[34] and oil of the -palm-tree. The river Zaire[35] is fifty leagues from the city, to the -northward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the mouth of -that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes, which had at that -time a town in it. Here we laded our pinnace with elephants' teeth, -wheat, and oil of the palm, and so returned to the city again. - - - - -Sec. II. - - _His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment; - exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to Elamba and - Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences._ - - -[_Trading in Loango._] - -When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen leagues to the -northward of the River Zaire, and carried all commodities fit for that -country, as long glass beads, and round blue beads, and seed beads, and -looking-glasses, blue and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were -very rich commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for we -had for one yard of cloth three elephants' teeth, that weighed 120 -pounds; and we bought great store of palm-cloth[36] and elephants' -tails.[37] So, in little time we laded our pinnace. For this voyage I -was very welcome to the governor, who promised me my liberty if I would -serve him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon the coast. - - -[_An Attempted Escape._] - -Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the merchant of which -ship promised to carry me away. And, when they were ready to depart I -went secretly on board, but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in -the ship, and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put in -prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months, thinking that the -governor would have put me to death. But at last I was banished for ever -to the Fort of Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts. Here -I lived a most miserable life for the space of six years without any -hope to see the sea again. - - -[_A Second Attempt at Escape._] - -In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were banished as -myself. To one of these Egyptians[38] I brake my mind, and told him that -it were better for us to venture our lives for our liberty than to live -in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and -told me he would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got -three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got the best canoe -that we could find, and went down the river Cuanza, and being as far -down as Mani Cabech,[39] which is a little lord in the province of -Elamba [Lamba], we went on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and -shot. Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know where we -went on shore. We made a little fire in the wood, and scorched Guinea -wheat,[40] which we [had] brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we -had none other food. - -As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that night and the next -day, without any water at all. The second night we were not able to go, -and were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to -maintain life. The third day we met with an old negro which was -travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind him, and made him -lead us the way to the Lake of Casansa.[41] And, travelling all that day -in this extreme hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of -Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues from the city -of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask water, but they would give us -none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot; -but seeing that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani -Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us to stay all -night, only to betray us; but we departed presently, and rested that -night in (_sic_) the lake of Casansa. - -The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is towards the -north,[42] and passed it with great danger. For there are such abundance -of crocodiles in this river that no man dare come near the riverside -when it is deep. The fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande, -and travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against the -Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,[43] which is a lord that warreth -against the King of Congo, whither we intended to go. Here we passed the -river, and rested half the night. And being two leagues from the river -we met with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We told them -that we were going to Congo. These negroes said that we were in the -wrong way, and that they were Masicongos,[44] and would carry us to -Bambe,[45] where the Duke of Bambe lay. - -So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we perceived -that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled by the sun, and would go -no further that way, and turned back again to the westward; they stood -before us with their bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But -we, determining to go through them, discharged six muskets together and -killed four, which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they -followed us four or five miles, and hurt two of our company with their -arrows. The next day we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled -all that day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh day, -in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come after us with -horsemen and great store of negroes. Hereupon our company being -dismayed, seven of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the -thickets. I, and the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they -followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little wood. As soon -as the captain had overtaken us he discharged a volley of shot into the -wood, which made us lose one another. - - -[_Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain._] - -Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the negroes did take -me in the woods they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better -end among the Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood -with my musket ready charged, making none account of my life. But the -captain, thinking that we had been all twelve together, called to me and -said: "Fellow Soldier, I have the governor's pardon; if you will yield -yourselves you shall have no hurt." I, having my musket ready, answered -the captain that I was an Englishman, and had served six years at -Massangono, in great misery; and came in company with eleven Portugals -and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather than I will be -hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me and -said: "Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I protest, as I am -a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life for thy resolute mind." -Whereupon I yielded up my musket and myself. - -Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and negroes to search the -woods, and to bring them out alive or dead, which was presently done. -Then they carried us to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three -Egyptians lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great -bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped. - - -[_A campaign in Lamba._][46] - -At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that were banished out -of Portugal, up into the country of Elambe. Then I was with -proclamation through the city banished for ever to the wars, and marched -with them to Sowonso,[47] which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of -Bamba; from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a -great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his town, and then he obeyed -us, and brought three thousand warlike negroes to us. From thence [we -marched] to Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately -with us, but was forced to obey; and then to Combrecaianga,[48] where we -remained two years. From this place we gave many assaults and brought -many lords to subjection. We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched -to the Outeiro,[49] or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt all -Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to the chief town of -Ingombe, which is half a day's journey to go up.[50] - -This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand bows, and spoilt -many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoil among them, -whereupon he retired up into the mountain, and sent one of his captains -to our general, signifying that the next day he would obey him. The next -day he entered our camp with great pomp, with drums, petes,[51] and -Pongoes,[52] or waits, and was royally received; and he gave great -presents, and greatly enriched the general, and them which marched up. -Upon the top of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief -town; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes, and other -roots, and great store of oranges and lemons. Here is a tree that is -called _Engeriay_,[53] that beareth a fruit as big as a pome-water,[54] -and hath a stone in it, present remedy (_sic_) for the wind colic, which -was strange to the Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that -springeth out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We were -here five days, and then we marched up into the country, and burned and -spoiled for the space of six weeks, and then returned to Engombe again, -with great store of margarite stones,[55] which are current money in -that land. Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant -mountain, which remained twelve months: but I was shot in my right leg, -and many Portugals and Mulatoes were carried to the city to be cured. - - -[_A Voyage to Benguella._] - -Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with sixty soldiers, -myself being one of the company, and all kinds of commodities. We turned -up to the southward until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a -fair sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and sheep, -wheat[56] and beans; but we staid not there, but came to Bahia das -Vaccas: that is, the Bay of Cows, which the Portugals call Bahia de -Torre,[57] because it hath a rock like a tower. Here we rode on the -north side of the rock, in a sandy bay, and bought great store of cows, -and sheep--bigger than our English sheep--and very fine copper. Also, we -bought a kind of sweet wood, called _Cacongo_,[58] which the Portugals -esteem much, and great store of wheat and beans. And having laded our -bark we sent her home; but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little -fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are -treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days we had five -hundred head of cattle; and within ten days the governor sent three -ships, and so we departed to the city. - -In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth coast. -Here may any ship that cometh out of the East Indies refresh themselves. -For the Portugals carracks[59] now of late come along the coast, to the -city, to water and refresh themselves. These people are called -_Endalanbondos_,[60] and have no government among themselves, and -therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade with these -people must stand upon their own guard. They are very simple, and of no -courage, for thirty or forty men may go boldly into the country and -fetch down whole herds of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass -beads of an inch long, which are called _Mopindes_,[61] and paid fifteen -beads for one cow. - -This province is called Dombe,[62] and it hath a ridge of high _serras_, -or mountains, that stretch from the _serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, -wherein are mines, and lie along the coast south and by west. Here is -great store of fine copper, if they would work in their mines; but they -take no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this place wear -skins about their middles and beads about their necks. They carry darts -of iron, and bow and arrows in their hands. They are beastly in their -living, for they have men in women's apparel, whom they keep among their -wives. - -Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks, which weigheth -fifteen pound at the least; about their arms little rings of copper, -that reach to their elbows; about their middle a cloth of the _Insandie_ -tree, which is neither spun nor woven;[63] on their legs rings of copper -that reach to the calves of their legs. - - - - -Sec. III. - - _Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running - countries. His trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and - living with them; with many strange adventures. And also the - rites and manner of life observed by the Iagges or Gagas, - which no Christian could ever know well but this author._[64] - - -[_A Second Voyage to Benguella._] - -In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we came to the Morro, -or cliff of Benguelle,[65] which standeth in twelve degrees of southerly -latitude. Here we saw a mighty camp on the south side of the river -Cova.[66] And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore -with our boat; and presently there came a troop of five hundred men to -the waterside. We asked them who they were. Then they told us that they -were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra -Leoa],[67] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to -the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called Dongo.[68] The -great Gaga, which is their general, came down to the waterside to see -us, for he had never seen white men before. He asked wherefore we came. -We told him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade us -welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities. We laded our ship -with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did not -cost one real, which were worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis. - -[In a marginal note, Purchas adds:-- - - "He, in discourse with me, called them Iagges, and their chief - the great Iagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by - false spelling."] - - -[_Among the Jagas._] - -Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and desired our boat to -pass his men over the river Cova, for he determined to overrun the realm -of Benguele, which was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went -with him to his camp, which was very orderly, entrenched with piles of -wood; we had houses provided for us that night, and many burthens -[loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and flour. - -In the morning, before day, the general did strike his _gongo_,[69] -which is an instrument of war that soundeth like a bell, and presently -made an oration with a loud voice, that all the camp might hear, that he -would destroy the Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches -as were not to be looked for among the heathen people. And presently -they were all in arms, and marched to the river side, where he had -provided _Gingados_.[70] And being ready with our boat and _Gingados_, -the general was fain to beat them back because of the credit who should -be first. We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets we -beat the enemy off, and landed, but many of them were slain. By twelve -of the clock all the Gagas were over. - -Then the general commanded all his drums, _tavales_,[71] _petes_, -_pongos_, and all his instruments of warlike music to strike up, and -gave the onset, which was a bloody day for the Benguelas. These -Benguelas presently broke, and turned their backs, and a very great -number of them were slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and -child. The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of this -country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords, and their heads -presented and thrown at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women and -children that were brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that -were brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are -the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in the world, for they -feed chiefly upon man's flesh [notwithstanding of their] having all the -cattle of that country. - -They settled themselves in this country and took the spoil of it. We had -great trade with these Gagas, five months, and gained greatly by them. -These Gagas were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela, -although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of cattle -and wheat, and many other commodities; but they lacked wine, for in -these parts there are no palm-trees. - -After the five months were expired they marched toward the province of -Bambala,[72] to a great lord that is called Calicansamba, whose country -is five days up into the land. In these five months' space we made three -voyages to the city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found -them not. - - -[_March into the Interior._] - -Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go up into the land -after them. So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the -Bay of Benguela to stay for us. And marching two days up into the -country we came to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat; and coming -to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the Gagas had -passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we sent a negro which we had -bought of the Gagas, and [who] lived with us, and bid him say that he -was one of the great Gaga's men, and that he was left to carry us to the -camp. This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga, but he -delayed the time, and would not let us pass till the Gaga was gone out -of his country. This lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear -of him, began to palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land -till we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself a mighty -man having us with him. For in this place they never saw [a] white man -before, nor guns. So we were forced to go with him, and destroyed all -his enemies, and returned to his town again. Then we desired him that he -would let us depart; but he denied us, without we would promise him to -come again, and leave a white man with him in pawn. - - -[_Left as an Hostage._] - -The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place, -determined to draw lots who should stay; but many of them would not -agree to it. At last they consented together that it were fitter to -leave me, because I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I -was fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and shot, -promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two months they would come -again and bring a hundred men to help him in his wars, and to trade with -him. But all was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would -have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this lord till the two -months were expired, and was hardly used, because the Portugals came not -according to promise. - -The chief men of this town would have put me to death, and stripped me -naked, and were ready to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the town -commanded them to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come. -And after that I was let loose again, I went from one town to another, -shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And being in fear -of my life among them I ran away, purposing to go to the camp of the -Gagas. - - -[_He joins the Jagas._] - -And having travelled all that night, the next day I came to a great town -which was called Cashil, which stood in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here -I was carried into the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great -and small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was never any -white man seen. Here were some of the great Gaga's men, which I was glad -to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was. - -This town of the lord Cashil is very great and is so overgrown with -_Olicondie_ [_baobab_][73] trees, cedars,[74] and palms, that the -streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the town there is an -image, which is as big as a man, and standeth twelve feet high; and at -the foot of the image there is a circle of elephants' teeth, pitched -into the ground. Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men's -skulls, which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this image. -They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill goats, and pour their -blood at his feet. This image is called Quesango,[75] and the people -have great belief in him, and swear by him; and do believe when they are -sick that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this town -were little images, and over them great store of elephants' teeth -piled.[76] - -The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes, very orderly. -Their houses were round like a hive, and, within, hanged with fine mats -very curiously wrought. On the south-east end of the town was a mokiso -[_mukishi_] which had more than three tons of elephants' teeth piled -over him. - -From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country with the -Gagas[77] two days, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had -his camp, and was welcome to him. Among the cannibal people I determined -to live, hoping in God that they would travel so far to the westward -that we should see the sea again; and so I might escape by some ship. -These Gagas remained four months in this place, with great abundance and -plenty of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing, drinking, -dancing, and banquetting, with man's flesh, which was a heavy spectacle -to behold. - -At the end of four months they marched towards the _Serras_, or -mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty high, and have great copper -mines, and they took the spoil all the way as they went. From thence -they went to the river Longa,[78] and passed it, and settled themselves -in the town of Calango,[79] and remained there five or six months. Then -we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,[80] and came to the -river Gonsa [Coanza],[81] and marched on the south side of the river to -a lord that was called Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo. -Here we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very cold. - -Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals, they marched to the -westward again, and came along the river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that -is called Shillambansa,[82] uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his -chief town, which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded. This -place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found great store of wild -peacocks,[83] flying up and down the trees, in as great abundance as -other birds. The old lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the -town, and had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which -peacocks he gave to his _Mokeso_, and they were called _Angello -Mokeso_,[84] that is, the Devil's or Idol's Birds, and were accounted as -holy things. He had great store of copper, cloth, and many other things -laid upon his grave, which is the order of that country.[85] - -From this place we marched to the westward, along the river Coanza, and -came right against the _Serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, or Serras de -Prata.[86] Here is the great fall of water, that falleth right down, and -maketh a mighty noise that is heard thirty miles. We entered into the -province of Casama,[87] and came to one of the greatest Lords, which was -called Langere. He obeyed the great Gaga, and carried us to a Lord -called Casoch,[88] which was a great warrior, for he had some seven -years before overthrown the Portugals camp, and killed eight hundred -Portugals and forty-thousand negroes, that were on the Portugals side. -This Lord did stoutly withstand the Gagas, and had the first day a -mighty battle, but had not the victory that day. So we made a sconce of -trees after their fashion, and remained four months in the wars with -them. I was so highly esteemed with the great Gaga, because I killed -many negroes with my musket, that I had anything that I desired of him. -He would also, when they went out to the wars, give charge to his men -over me. By this means I have been often carried away in their arms, and -saved my life. Here we were within three days' journey of Massangano, -before mentioned, where the Portugals have a fort: and I sought means, -and got to the Portugals again with merchant negroes that came to the -camp to buy slaves. - - -[_Military Organisation of the Jagas._] - -There were in the camp of the Gagas twelve captains. The first, called -Imbe Calandola,[89] their general, a man of great courage. He warreth -all by enchantment, and taketh the Devil's counsel in all his exploits. -He is always making of sacrifices[90] to the Devil, and doth know many -times what shall happen unto him. He believeth that he shall never die -but in the wars. There is no image among them, but he useth certain -ceremonies. He hath straight laws to his soldiers: for, those that are -faint-hearted, and turn their backs to the enemy, are presently -condemned and killed for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He useth every -night to make a warlike oration upon an high scaffold, which doth -encourage his people. - -It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch their camp, -although they stay but one night in a place, to build their fort, with -such wood or trees as the place yieldeth: so that the one part of them -cutteth down trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and -buildeth a round circle with twelve gates.[91] So that every captain -keepeth his gate. In the middle of the fort is the general's house, -intrenched round about, and he hath many porters to keep the door. They -build their houses very close together, and have their bows, arrows, and -darts standing without their doors; and when they give alarm, they are -suddenly all out of the fort. Every company at their doors [gates?] keep -very good watch in the night, playing upon their drums and -_tavales_.[92] - - -[_A River of Gold._] - -These Gagas told us of a river that is to the southward of the Bay of -Vaccas,[93] that hath great store of gold: and that they gathered up -great store of grains of gold upon the sand, which the fresh water -driveth down in the time of rain. We found some of this gold in the -handles of their hatchets, which they use to engrave with copper; and -they called it copper also, and do not esteem it. - - -[_Palm Wine._] - -These Gagas delight in no country, but where there is great store of -Palmares, or groves of palms. For they delight greatly in the wine and -in the fruit of the palm, which serveth to eat and to make oil. And they -draw their wine contrary to the Imbondos.[94] These palm-trees are six -or seven fathoms high, and have no leaves but in the top: and they have -a device to go up to the top of the tree, and lay no hands on it, and -they draw the wine in the top of the tree in a bottle. - -But these Gagas cut the palm-trees down by the root, which lie ten days -before they will give wine. And then they make a square hole in the top -and heart of the tree, and take out of the hole every morning a quart, -and at night a quart So that every tree giveth two quarts of wine a day -for the space of six and twenty days, and then it drieth up. - - -[_Jaga Raids._] - -When they settle themselves in any country, they cut down as many palms -as will serve them wine for a month: and then as many more, so that in a -little time they spoil the country. They stay no longer in a place than -it will afford them maintenance. And then in harvest-time they arise, -and settle themselves in the fruitfullest place they can find; and do -reap their enemy's corn, and take their cattle. For they will not sow, -nor plant, nor bring up any cattle, more than they take by wars.[95] -When they come into any country that is strong, which they cannot the -first day conquer, then their General buildeth his fort, and remaineth -sometimes a month or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great wars to -the inhabitants to see him settled in their country, as though he fought -with them every day. So that many times the inhabitants come and assault -him at his fort: and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh[96] them on -for the space of two or three days. And when their General mindeth to -give the onset, he will, in the night, put out some one thousand men: -which do ambush themselves about a mile from their fort. Then in the -morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of the fort, as -though he would take their town. The inhabitants coming near the fort to -defend their country, being between them, the Gagas give the watchword -with their drums, and then the ambushed men rise, so that very few -escape. And that day their General overunneth the country. - - -[_Dress and Ornaments._] - -The great Gaga Calando[97] hath his hair very long, embroidered with -many knots of Banba[98] shells, which are very rich among them, and -about his neck a collar of _masoes_,[99] which are also shells, that are -found upon that coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twenty -shillings a shell: and about his middle he weareth _landes_, which are -beads made of the ostrich eggs.[100] He weareth a palm-cloth about his -middle, as fine as silk. His body is carved and cut with sundry works, -and every day anointed with the fat of men.[101] He weareth a piece of -copper cross his nose[102], two inches long, and in his ears also. His -body is always painted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty wives, -which follow him when he goeth abroad; and one of them carrieth his bows -and arrows; and four of them carry his cups of drink after him. And when -he drinketh they all kneel down, and clap their hands and sing.[103] - -Their women wear their hair with high _trompes_ full of bamba [_mbamba_] -shells, and are anointed with civet.[104] They pull out four of their -teeth, two above and two below, for a bravery. And those that have not -their teeth out are loathsome to them, and shall neither eat nor drink -with them. They wear great store of beads about their necks, arms, and -legs; about their middles, silk cloths. - - -[_Infanticide._] - -The women are very fruitful, but they enjoy none of their children: for -as soon as the woman is delivered of her child, it is presently buried -quick [alive], so that there is not one child brought up in all this -generation.[105] But when they take any town they keep the boys and -girls of thirteen or fourteen years of age as their own children. But -the men and women they kill and eat. These little boys they train up in -the wars, and hang a collar about their necks for a disgrace, which is -never taken off till he proveth himself a man, and bring his enemy's -head to the General: and then it is taken off and he is a freeman, and -is called _Gonso_ or soldier.[106] This maketh them all desperate, and -forward to be free, and counted men: and so they do increase. In all -this camp there were but twelve natural Gagas that were their captains, -and fourteen or fifteen women. For it is more than fifty years since -they came from Serra de Lion, which was their native country. But their -camp is sixteen thousand strong, and sometimes more.[107] - - -[_Human Sacrifices._][108] - -When the great Gaga Calandola undertaketh any great enterprise against -the inhabitants of any country, he maketh a sacrifice to the Devil, in -the morning, before the sun riseth. He sitteth upon a stool, having upon -each side of him a man-witch: then he hath forty or fifty women which -stand round about him, holding in each hand a _zevra_ [zebra][109] or -wild horse's tail, wherewith they do flourish and sing. Behind them are -great store of petes, ponges, and drums, which always play. In the midst -of them is a great fire; upon the fire an earthen pot with white -powders, wherewith the men-witches do paint him on the forehead, -temples, 'thwart the breast and belly, with long ceremonies and -inchanting terms. Thus he continueth till sun is down. Then the witches -bring his _Casengula_,[110] which is a weapon like a hatchet, and put it -into his hand, and bid him be strong against his enemies: for his -_mokiso_ is with him. And presently there is a man-child brought, which -forthwith he killeth. Then are four men brought before him; two whereof, -as it happeneth, he presently striketh and killeth; the other two he -commandeth to be killed without the fort. - -Here I was by the men-witches ordered to go away, as I was a Christian, -for then the Devil doth appear to them, as they say. And presently he -commandeth five cows to be killed within the fort, and five without the -fort: and likewise as many goats, and as many dogs, and the blood of -them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are eaten with great -feasting and triumph. And this is used many times by all the other -captains of their army. - - -[_Burial of the Dead._] - -When they bury the dead they make a vault in the ground, and a seat for -him to sit.[111] The dead hath his head newly embroidered, his body -washed, and anointed with sweet powders. He hath all his best robes put -on, and is brought between two men to his grave, and set in seat as -though he were alive. He hath two of his wives set with him, with their -arms broken, and then they cover over the vault on the top. The -inhabitants when they die are buried after the same fashion, and have -the most part of their goods buried with them. And every month there is -a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourn and sing doleful -songs at his grave for the space of three days, and kill many goats, and -pour their blood upon his grave, and palm-wine also; and use this -ceremony as long as any of their kindred be alive.[112] But those that -have no kindred think themselves unhappy men, because they have none to -mourn for them when they die. These people are very kind one to another -in their health; but in their sickness they do abhor one another, and -will shun their company. - - - - -Sec. IV. - - _His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries; - abuses; flight from them and living in the woods diverse - months; his strange boat, and coming to Loango._ - - -[_Joao Rodrigues Coutinho's Campaign, 1602._] - -Being departed from the Gagas I came to Masangano, where the Portugals -have a town of garrison. There was at that time a new Governor, which -was called Sienor Iuan Coutinho,[113] who brought authority to conquer -the mines or mountains of Cambamba; and to perform that service the King -of Spain had given him seven years' custom off all the slaves and goods -that were carried thence to the West Indies, Brazil, or whithersoever, -with condition that he should build three castles, one in Demba,[114] -which are the salt mines, the other in Cambamba, which are the silver -mines, and the other in Bahia das Vaccas, or the Bay of Cows. - -This gentleman was so bountiful at his coming that his fame was spread -through all Congo, and many mulatoes and negroes came voluntarily to -serve him. And being some six months in the city he marched to the -Outaba of Tombo,[115] and there shipped his soldiers in pinnaces, and -went up the river Consa or Coanza, and landed at the Outaba of -Songo,[116] sixty miles from the sea. This lord Songo is next to Demba, -where the salt-mines be. In this place there is such store of salt that -most part of the country are perfect clear salt, without any earth or -filth in it, and it is some three feet under the earth as it were ice; -and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is carried up into -the country, and is the best commodity that a man can carry to buy -anything whatsoever. - -Here the Governor staid ten days, and sent a pinnace to Masangano for -all the best soldiers that were there. So the captain of the castle sent -me down among a hundred soldiers, and I was very well used by the -Governor; and he made me a sergeant of a Portugal company, and then he -marched to Machimba,[117] from thence to Cauo, and then to Malombe, a -great lord. Here we were four days, and many lords came and obeyed us. -From thence we marched to a mighty lord called Angoykayongo,[118] who -stood in the defence of his country with more than sixty thousand men. -So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a great slaughter -among them. We took captives all his women and children, and settled -ourselves in his town, because it was a very pleasant place, and full of -cattle and victuals. And being eight days in this town the Governor -sickened and died, and left a captain in his room to perform the -service. - - -[_Manuel Cerveira Pereira carries on the war._] - -After we had been two months in the country of Angoykayongo we marched -towards Cambambe, which was but three days' journey, and came right -against the Serras da Prata, and passed the river Coanza, and presently -overran the country, and built a fort hard by the riverside. Here I -served two years. - -They opened the silver-mines, but the Portugals did not like of them as -yet, because they yielded small share of silver.[119] - -This new upstart governor was very cruel to his soldiers, so that all -his voluntary men left him; and by this means he could go no further. - -At this time there came news by the Jesuits that the Queen of England -was dead, and that King James had made peace with Spain.[120] Then I -made a petition to the Governor, who granted me licence to go into my -country; and so I departed with the Governor and his train to the city -of St. Paul. But he left five hundred soldiers in the fort of Cambambe, -which they hold still.[121] - - -[_A Trading Trip to Congo._] - -Then I went with a Portugal merchant to the province of Bamba, and from -thence to the Outeiro ["hill"], or city standing upon a mountain of -Congo,[122] from thence to Gongon[123] and Batta,[124] and there we -sold our commodities and returned in six months to the city [Loanda] -again. - - -[_Final Escape from Captivity._] - -Then I purposed to have shipped myself for Spain, and thence homewards. -But the Governor denied his word, and commanded me to provide myself -within two days to go up to the Conquest again. This Governor had served -his three years,[125] and the citizens looked every day for another out -of Portugal. So I determined to absent myself for ten or twenty days, -till the other Governor came, and then to come to the city again. For -every Governor that cometh maketh proclamation for all men that be -absent, to come with free pardon. - -The same day, at night, I departed from the city with two negro boys -that I had, which carried my musket and six pounds of powder, and a -hundred bullets, and that little provision of victuals that I could -make. In the morning I was some twenty miles from the city, up along the -river Bengo, and there I staid certain days, and then passed Bengo and -came to the river Dande, which is to the northward, purposing to know -what news was in the city, for I was near the highway of Congo. And one -of my negroes inquired of those that passed, and brought me word that it -was certain that the new Governor came not that year. - -Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would go to the city again and be -hanged, or to stay and live in the woods, for I had run away twice -before. So I was forced to live in the woods a month, betwixt the rivers -of Dande and Bengo. Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, and -passed over the river, and went to the lake of Casansa.[126] Here is the -greatest store of wild beasts that is in any place of Angola. About this -lake I staid six months, and lived only upon dried flesh, as buffes -[buffaloes], deer, mokokes,[127] impolancas,[128] and roebucks, and -other sorts, which I killed with my musket, and dried the flesh, as the -savages do, upon an hurdle, three feet from the ground, making -underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the flesh green boughs, -which keep the smoke and heat of the fire down, and dry it. I made my -fire with two little sticks, as the savages used to do. I had sometimes -Guinea wheat [maize] which my negro boy would get of the inhabitants for -pieces of dried flesh. - -This lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry sorts. I have taken -up a fish that hath skipped out of the water on shore, four feet long, -which the heathen call Sombo.[129] - -Thus, after I had lived six months with the dried flesh and fish, and -seeing no end of my misery, I wrought means to get away. - -In this lake are many little island that are full of trees called -_Memba_ [_bimba_][130] which are as light as cork and as soft. Of these -trees I built a _lergado_ [_Jangada_], with a knife of the savages that -I had, in the fashion of a box nailed with wooden pegs, and railed round -about, because the sea should not wash me out; and with a blanket that I -had I made a sail, and prepared three oars to row withall. - -This lake of Casanza is eight miles over, and issueth into the river -Bengo. So I entered into my _gingado_ [_Jangada_], and my two negro -boys, and rowed into the river Bengo, and so came down with the current -twelve leagues to the bar. Here I was in great danger, because the sea -was great; and being over the bar I rode into the sea, and then sailed -afore the wind along the coast, which I knew well, minding to go to the -kingdom of Longo [Loango], which is towards the north; and being that -night at sea, the next day I saw a pinnace come before the wind, which -came from the city, and was bound to San Thome, and she came near to me. -The master was my great friend, for we had been mates together, and for -pity's sake he took me in, and set me on shore in the port of Longo, -where I remained three years, and was well beloved of the king, because -I killed him deer and fowls with my musket. - - - - -Sec. V. - -_Of the Province of Engoy [Ngoyo], and other Regions of Loango, with the -Customs there observed by the King and People._ - - -_[Kabinda.]_ - -From the Point of the Palmar [Ponta do Palmar],[131] which is the north -side of the river Zaire, is the port of Cabenda [Kabinda],[132] where -many ships use to water and refresh themselves; and it is five leagues -northwards. This place is called, Engoy [Ngoyo], and is the first -province of Longo [Loango], and is full of woods and thickets. And seven -leagues northwards of that place is the river Cacongo,[133] a very -pleasant place and fruitful. Here is great stock of elephants' teeth, -and a boat of ten tons may go up the river. - -The Mombales[134] have great trade with them, and pass the river Zaire -in the night, because then it is calm, and carry great store of -elephants' teeth to the town of Mani Sonna [Sonyo], and sell them in the -port of Pinda to the Portugals, or any other stranger that first -cometh.[135] - -At four leagues from Cacongo is the river of Caye, or Longo Leuyes.[136] -This town of Caye [Kaia] is one of the four seats or lordships of -Longo. And then the Angra, or Gulf, das Almadias.[137] In this gulf, or -bay, are great store of canoes or fishermen, because the sea is smoother -there than upon the coast. And two leagues northward is the port of -Longo [Loango]. And it is a sandy bay, and a ship may ride within a -musket-shot of the shore in four or five fathoms. - - -[_The Capital of Loango._] - -The town of Mani Longo is three miles from the waterside, and standeth -on a great plain. This town is full of palm and plantain-trees and very -fresh, and their houses are built under the trees. The streets are wide -and long, and always clean swept. The King hath his houses on the west -side, and before his door he hath a plain, where he sitteth, when he has -any feastings or matters of wars to treat of. From this plain there -goeth a great wide street, some musket-shot from the place; and there is -a great market every day, and it doth begin at twelve of the clock. - -Here is great store of palm-cloths of sundry sorts, which is their -merchandizes; and a great store of victuals, flesh, hens, fish, wine, -oil, and corn. Here is also very fine log wood,[138] which they use to -dye withall--it is the root of the log wood which is the best--and -_molangos_[139] of copper. Here is likewise great store of elephants' -teeth, but they sell none in the market-place. - - -[_A Royal Audience._] - -The King hath ten great houses, and is never certain to be found but in -the afternoon, when he cometh to sit. And then he keepeth always [to] -one house. The house is very long, and at twelve of the clock it is full -of noblemen. They sit upon carpets upon the ground. The house is always -full of people till midnight. - -The last king, Gembe [Njimbe],[140] never used to speak in the day, but -always in the night. But this king speaketh in the day: howbeit he -spendeth most of the day with his wives. And when the king cometh in he -goeth to the upper end of the house, where he hath his seat, as it were -a throne. And when the king is set, they clap their hands and salute -him, saying in their language: _Byani Pemba_, _Ampola_, _Moneya_, -_Quesinge_.[141] - - -[_The King's Wives._][142] - -On the south side of the king's houses he hath a circuit [compound] or -village, where his wives dwell, and in this circuit no man may come on -pain of death. He hath in this place one hundred and fifty wives and -more. And if any man be taken within this circuit, if he be with a -woman, or do but speak to her, they be both brought into the -market-place and their heads be cut off, and their bodies quartered, and -lie one day in the street. The last king Gymbe [Njimbi], had four -hundred children by his women. - - -[_The King Drinks!_] - -When the king drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, and he that -bringeth it hath a bell in his hand, and as soon as he hath delivered -the cup to the king, he turneth his face from the king and ringeth the -bell; and then all that be there fall down upon their faces, and rise -not till the king have drunk. And this is very dangerous for any -stranger that knoweth not the fashions, for if any seeth the king drink -he is presently killed, whatsoever he be. There was a boy of twelve -years, which was the king's son. This boy chanced to come unadvisedly -when his father was in drinking. Presently the king commandeth he should -be well apparelled and victuals prepared. So the youth did eat and -drink. Afterward the king commandeth that he should be cut in quarters -and carried about the city, with proclamation that he saw the king -drink.[143] - - -[_The King at Dinner._][144] - -Likewise for his diet, when it is dinner-time, there is a house of -purpose, where he always eateth, and there his diet is set upon a -_bensa_,[145] like a table. Then he goeth in, and hath the door shut. So -when he hath eaten, then he knocketh and cometh out. So that none see -the king eat nor drink. For it is their belief, that if he be seen -eating or drinking, he shall presently die. And this is an order with -all kings that now are, or shall succeed, unless they abolish this cruel -custom. - - -[_The King as a Rain-maker._] - -The king is so honoured as though he were a god among them, and is -called _Sambe_ and _Pongo,_[146] that is God. And they believe that he -can give them rain when he listeth. So once a year, when it is time to -rain, that is in December, the people come to beg rain and bring their -gifts to the king, for none come empty.[147] Then he appointeth the day, -and all the lords far and near come to the feast with all their troops, -as they go in the wars. And when all the troops of men be before the -king, the greatest Lord cometh forthwith his bows and arrows, and -sheweth his skill with his weapon; and then he hath a merry conceit or -jest that he speaketh before the king, and kneeleth at his feet; and -then the king thanketh him for his love; and in like manner they do all. - -The king sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a carpet spread upon -the ground, which is some fifteen fathoms about, of fine _ensacks_,[148] -which are wrought like velvet, and upon the carpet his seat, which is a -fathom from the ground. Then he commanded his _Dembes_ [Ndamba][149] to -strike up, which are drums, so great, that they cannot carry them, and -others that are very great. He hath also eight _Pongos_,[150] which are -his waits, made of the greatest elephants' teeth, and are hollowed and -scraped light, which play also. And with the drums and waits they make -an hellish noise. After they have sported and shewed the king pleasure, -he ariseth and standeth upon his throne, and taketh a bow and arrows in -his hand, and shooteth to the sky; and that day there is great -rejoicing, because sometimes they have rain. I was once there when the -king gave rain, and it chanced that day to rain mightily, which made the -people have a great belief in their folly.[151] - - -[_Albinos._] - -Here are sometimes born in this country white children, which is very -rare among them, for their parents are negroes. And when any of them are -born, they are presented unto the king and are called _Dondos_ -[_Ndundu_].[152] These are as white as any white man. These are the -king's witches, and are brought up in witchcraft, and always wait on the -king. There is no man that dare meddle with these _Dondos_. If they go -to the market they may take what they list, for all men stand in awe of -them. The King of Longo had four of them. - - -[_The Nkishi, or Fetishes._] - -The king also is a witch, and believeth in two idols which are in Longo. -The one is called _Mokisso a Longo_, the other is called -_Checocke_.[153] This last is a little black image, and standeth in a -little house at a village called Kinga, which standeth in the -landing-place of Longo. This house of _Checocke_ standeth in the -highway, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesy of -the country. Those that be craftsmen, as fishermen, hunters, and -witches, do offer to this idol, that they may have good luck. This -_Checocke_ doth sometimes in the night come and haunt some of his best -beloved: sometimes a man, sometimes a boy or a woman. And then they be -frantic for the space of three hours; and whatsoever the frantic person -speaketh, that is the will of _Checocke_. And they make a great feast -and dancing at his house.[154] - -There is another _Mokisso_ which is also in Kinga, and it is called -_Gomberi_. It is the name of a woman, and is in a house where an old -witch dwelleth, and she is called _Ganga Gomberi_, which is, the Priest -of _Gomberi_. Here once a year is a feast made, and _Ganga Gomberi_ -speaketh under the ground.[155] And this is a common thing every year. I -have asked the negroes what it was, and they told me that it was a -strong _Mokisso_ that is come to abide with _Checocke_. - - -[_Children are born White._] - -The children in this country are born white, and change their colour in -two days to a perfect black. As, for example, the Portugals, which dwell -in the kingdom of Congo, have sometimes children by the negro women, and -many times the fathers are deceived, thinking when the child is born it -is theirs, and within two days it proveth the son or daughter of a -negro; which the Portugals do greatly grieve at, for they rejoice when -they have a mulato child, though it be a bastard. - - -[_The Royal Princes._] - -The town of Longo [Loango] standeth in the midst of four Lordships, and -is governed by four Princes, which are the King's sisters' sons, for -the King's sons can never be kings. The first is Mani Cabango,[156] the -second Mani Salag, the third Mani Bock, the fourth Mani Cay. This Mani -Cay is next to be king, and hath his train and court as a Prince. And -when the King dieth he cometh presently into the seat of the King. Then, -Mani Bock cometh to Cay, Mani Salag cometh to Bock, and Mani Cabango -cometh to Salag. And then they provide another to go to Cabango, so -there be four Princes that wait on the King when their turns come. - - -[_The Kings Mother._] - -The mother of these Princes is called Mani Lombo,[157] and she is the -highest and chief woman in all the land. She maketh choice of her -husband, and when she is weary of him she putteth him away, and taketh -another. Her children are greatly honoured, and whosoever passeth by -them kneel down and clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the -country. - -These Lordships are champaign grounds, and full of corn and fruit. - - -[_Palm Cloth._][158] - -The men in this kingdom make good store of palm-cloth of sundry sorts, -very fine and curious. They are never idle: for they make fine caps of -needlework as they go in the streets. - - -[_The Royal Tombs._] - -There is a place two leagues from the town of Longo, called -Longeri,[159] where all their kings be buried, and it is compassed round -about with elephants' teeth pitched in the ground, as it were a Pale, -and it is ten roods in compass. - - -[_Europeans Committed to the Sea._] - -These people will suffer no white man to be buried in their land,[160] -and if any stranger or Portugal come thither to trade, and chance to -die, he is carried in a boat two miles from the shore, and cast into the -sea. There was once a Portugal gentleman, that came to trade with them, -and had his house on shore. This gentleman died, and was buried some -four months. That year it did not rain so soon as it was wont, which -beginneth about December, so that they lacked rain for some two months. -Then their _mokisso_ told them that the Christian, which was buried, -must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the sea; and within three -days it rained, which made them have a great belief in the devil. - - - - -Sec. VI. - - _Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, - Motimbas: of the ape-monster Pongo: their Hunting, Idolatries, - and divers other observations._ - - -[_Bongo._] - -To the eastward of Longeri is the Province of Bongo, and it bordereth on -Mococke, [of which] the great Angeca[161] is king. In this place is -great store of iron, and palm-cloth, and elephants' teeth, and great -store of corn. - - -[_Cango._] - -To the north-east is the great province of Cango,[162] and it is -fourteen days journey from the town of Longo. This place is full of -mountains and rocky ground, and full of woods, and hath great store of -copper. The elephants in this place do excel, and there are so many that -the people of Longo hath great store of elephants' teeth, and bring them -to the port of Longo. - - -[_Calongo._] - -To the northwards of Longo, three leagues, is the river Quelle:[163] and -on the north side is the province of Calongo [Chilunga]. This country is -always tilled, and full of corn, and is all plain and champaign ground, -and hath great store of honey. Here are two little villages that show at -sea like two hummocks,[164] which are the marks to show the port of -Longo; and fifteen miles northward is the river Nombo,[165] but it hath -no depth for any bark to go in. This province, towards the east, -bordereth upon Bongo; and towards the north upon Mayombe, which is -nineteen leagues from Longo along the coast. - - -[_Yumbe._][166] - -The province of Mayombe is all woods and groves, so overgrown that a man -may travel twenty days in the shadow, without any sun or heat. Here is -no kind of corn nor grain, so that the people liveth only upon plantains -and roots of sundry other sorts, very good, and nuts; nor any kind of -tame cattle, nor hens. But they have great store of elephants' flesh, -which they greatly esteem, and many kinds of wild beasts; and great -store of fish. Here is a great sandy bay, two leagues to the southward -of Cape Negro, which is the port of Mayombe. Sometimes the Portugals -take logwood[167] in this bay. Here is a great river called Banna.[168] -In the winter it hath no bar, because the general winds cause a great -sea; but when the sun hath his south declination, then a boat may go in, -for then it is smooth because of the rain. This river is very great, and -hath many islands, and people dwelling in them. The woods are covered -with baboons, monkeys, apes and parrots, that it will fear any man to -travel in them alone. Here also are two kinds of monsters, which are -common in these woods, and very dangerous. - - -[_Gorillas and Chimpanzis._][169] - -The greatest of these two monsters is called _Pongo_ [_Mpungu_] in their -language, and the lesser is called _Engeco_. This _Pongo_ is in all -proportions like a man, but that he is more like a giant in stature than -a man; for he is very tall, and hath a man's face, hollow-eyed, with -long hair upon his brows. His face and ears are without hair, and his -hands also. His body is full of hair, but not very thick, and it is of a -dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man but in his legs, for they -have no calf. He goeth always upon his legs, and carryeth his hands -clasped upon the nape of his neck when he goeth upon the ground. They -sleep in the trees, and build shelters from the rain. They feed upon -fruit they find in the woods and upon nuts, for they eat no kind of -flesh. They cannot speak, and have no more understanding than a beast. - -The people of the country, when they travel in the woods, make fires -when they sleep in the night. And in the morning, when they are gone, -the _Pongoes_ will come and sit about the fire till it goeth out, for -they have no understanding to lay the wood together. They go many -together, and kill many negroes that travel in the woods. Many times -they fall upon the elephants, which come to feed where they be, and so -beat them with their clubbed fists and pieces of wood that they will run -roaring away from them. - -Those _Pongoes_ are never taken alive, because they are so strong that -ten men cannot hold one of them, but yet they take many of their young -ones with poisoned arrows. The young Pongo hangeth on his mother's -belly, with his hands clasped fast about her, so that when the country -people kill any of the females, they take the young one which hangeth -fast upon his mother. When they die among themselves, they cover the -dead with great heaps of boughs and wood, which is commonly found in the -forests. - -[Purchas adds in a marginal note: - - "He told me in a conference with him that one of these Pongos - took a negro boy of his, which lived a month with them, for - they hurt not those which they surprise at unawares, except - they look on them, which he [the boy] avoided. He said, their - height was like a man's, but their bigness twice as great. I - saw the negro boy. - - "What the other monster [the Engeco] should be he hath - forgotten to relate, and these papers came to my hand since - his death, which otherwise, in my often conferences, I might - have learned. Perhaps he meaneth the Pigmy Pongo-killers - mentioned."] - - -[_Hunting Dogs._] - -The Morombes[170] use to hunt with their country-dogs, and kill many -kinds of little beasts, and great store of pheasants. But their dogs be -dumb, and cannot bark at all.[171] They hang wooden clappers about their -necks, and follow them by rattling of the clappers. The huntsmen have -_Petes_ [whistles], which they whistle their dogs withall. These dogs, -in all this country, are very little, with prickt ears, and are for the -most part red and dun. The Portugal mastiff dog, or any other great dog, -are greatly esteemed because they do bark. I have seen a dog sold up in -the country for thirty pounds. - - -[_The Maramba Fetish._][172] - -In the town of Mani Mayombe is a fetish called Maramba, and it standeth -in a high basket made like a hive, and over it a great house. This is -their house of religion, for they believe only in him, and keep his -laws, and carry his reliques always with them. They are for the most -part witches, and use their witchcraft for hunting and killing of -elephants and fishing, and helping of sick and lame men, and to forecast -journeys, whether they shall speed well or evil. By this Maramba are all -thefts and murders tried, for in this country they use sometimes to -bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their neighbours are -brought before the Maramba; and if it be a great man that dieth, the -whole town cometh to swear. The order is, when they come before Maramba, -to kneel and clasp Maramba in their arms, and to say: _Emeno, eyge -bembet Maramba_, that is, "I come to be tried, O Maramba."[173] And if -any of them be guilty, they fall down stark dead for ever. And if any -of them that swear hath killed any man or child before, although it may -be twenty years past, he presently dieth. And so it is for any other -matter. - -From this place, as far as it is to Cape de Lopo Gonsalves, they are all -of this superstition. I was twelve months in this place, and saw many -die after this sort. - -These people be circumcised,[174] as they are through all Angola, except -the kingdom of Congo, for they be Christians. And those that will be -sworn to Maramba[175] come to the chief Gangas, which are their priests -or men-witches, as boys of twelve years of age, and men and women. Then -the Gangas put them into a dark house, and there they remain certain -days with very hard diet. After this they are let abroad, and commanded -not to speak for certain days, what injury soever they be offered, so -that they suffer great penury before they be sworn. Lastly, they are -brought before Maramba, and have two marks cut upon their shoulders -before, like a half moon, and are sworn by the blood that falleth from -them, that they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one kind -of flesh and some one kind of fish, with many other toys [trifles]. And -if they eat any of this forbidden meat they presently sicken, and never -prosper.[176] They all carry a relique of Maramba in a little box, and -hang it about their necks, under their left arms. - -The Lord of this province of Mayombe hath the ensign or shape of Maramba -carried before him, and whithersoever he goeth; and when he sitteth -down it is set before him; and when he drinketh his palm-wine the first -cup is poured at the foot of the _Mokiso_ or idol, and when he eateth -anything, the first piece he throweth towards his left hand, with -enchanting words. - - -[_Sette._] - -From Cape Negro northward is a great Lord called Mani Seat,[177] which -has the greatest store of elephants' teeth of any Lord in the kingdom of -Longo, for his people practice nothing else but to kill elephants. And -two of these negroes will easily kill an elephant with their darts. And -here is great store of logwood. - - -[_Mani Kesock._][178] - -There is another Lord, to the eastward, which is called Mani Kesock, and -he is eight days' journey from Mayombe. Here I was with my two negro -boys to buy elephants' hairs and tails. And in a month I bought twenty -thousand, which I sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves, and all my -charges borne. - -From this place I sent one of my negro boys to Mani Seat with a -looking-glass. He did esteem it much, and sent me four elephants' teeth -(very great) by his own men, and desired me to cause the Portugals, or -any other ship, to come to the northward of the Cape Negro, and he would -make fires where his landing place is, for there was never yet any -Portugal or other stranger in that place.[179] - - -[_Pygmy Elephant-Hunters._] - -To the north-east of Mani Kesock are a kind of little people called -Matimbas,[180] which are no bigger than boys of twelve years old, but -are very thick, and live only upon flesh, which they kill in the woods -with their bows and darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and bring -all their elephants' teeth and tails to him. They will not enter into -any of the Marombos[181] houses, nor will suffer any to come where they -dwell; and if by chance any Maramba, or people of Longo [Loango], pass -where they dwell, they will forsake that place and go to another. - -The women carry bow and arrows, as well as the men, and one of these -will walk in the woods alone, and kill the _Pongos_ [gorillas] with -their poisoned arrows. I have asked the Marombos whether the elephant -sheddeth his teeth or no, and they say no! But sometimes they find their -teeth in the woods, but they find their bones also. - - -[_Poison Ordeals._] - -When any man is suspected of any offence he is carried before the king, -or before Mani Bomma [Mamboma],[182] which is, as it were, a judge under -the king. And if it be upon matter that he denieth, and cannot be proved -but by their oath, then the suspected person is thus sworn: they have a -kind of root which they call _Imbondo_ [_mbundu_].[183] - -This root is very strong, and is scraped into water. The virtue of this -root is, that if they put too much of it into water, the person that -drinketh it cannot void urine, and so it striketh up into the brain, as -though he were drunk, and he falleth down, as though he were dead. And -those that fall are counted as guilty, and are punished.[184] - -[Purchas adds, in a marginal note:-- - - "He told me that this root makes the water as bitter as gall - (he tasted it), and one root will serve to try one hundred. - They which have drunk and made water are cleared, before - which, if dizziness take them, they cry: _Undoke_, - _Undoke_,[185] and presently execute them. See my _Relations_, - b. 7 c. 10, which I writ from his mouth.[186] Neither may this - be ascribed to the virtue of the herb, but to the vice of the - Devil, a murderer and his instrument, the _Ganga_ or - priest.[187] And therefore that conjecture seems unprobable. - For how could an ordinary trial of life where are so many so - perilous; and therefore curious (more than) spectators, nor - perceive this in so long and frequent experience, which costs - so many their dearest friends their dearest life? I think - rather that this was the transcriber's conjecture. I remember - no such scruple in his narrations to me. Who knows not the - Devil's ambition of Deity, and cruel misanthropy or - man-hating? This is his apish imitation of Divinity, and those - rites prescribed for trial in the case of jealousy, Numbers, - v.[188] In Guinea like trial is made by salt, and also by the - _Fetisseroes_ pot. In _Benomotapa_ by water also; in the - _Maramba_ trial before [mentioned (see p. 56)], and _Motamba_ - trial by hot iron in Angola;[189] the ploughshares in olden - times with us; and the trial of witches in the East parts by - water, etc., were not unlike in deceivable superstition."] - - -[_Death and Witchcraft._][190] - -In this country none of any account dieth but they kill another for him, -for they believe they die not of their own natural death, but that some -other hath bewitched them to death. And all those are brought in by the -friends of the dead which they suspect, so that many times there come -five hundred men and women to take the drink made of the foresaid root -_Imbonda_ [_mbundu_]. They are brought all to the high street or -market-place, and there the master of the _Imbonda_ sitteth with his -water, and giveth everyone a cop of water by one measure; and they are -commanded to walk in a certain place till they make water, and then they -be free. But he that cannot urine presently falleth down dead, and all -the people, great and small, fall upon him with their knives and beat -and cut him into pieces. But I think the witch that giveth the water is -partial, and giveth to him whom he will have to die, the strongest -water, but no man can perceive it that standeth by. And this is done at -the town of Longo almost every week in the year. - - - - -Sec. VII. - - _Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; The Portugal Wars in those - parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things remarkable._ - - -[_Domestic Animals._] - -In this kingdom there is no kind of tame cattle but goats, for none -other cattle will live here. Oxen and kine have been brought hither, but -they presently die. The hens in this place do so abound that a man may -buy thirty for the worth of sixpence in beads.[191] - - -[_Wild Birds._] - -Here is store of pheasants, and great plenty of partridges and wild -fowl. Here is a kind of fowl that lives in the land bigger than a swan, -and they are like a heron, with long legs and long necks, and it is -white or black, and hath in her breast a bare place without feathers, -where she striketh with her beak. This is the right Pelican, and not -those sea-birds which the Portugals call pelicans, which are white and -as big as geese, and these abound in this country also. - - -[_The Zebra._] - -Here is also the _zevera_ or zebra, which is like a horse, but that his -mane, his tail, his strakes and divers colours down his sides and legs -do make a difference. These _zeveras_ are all wild and live in great -herds, and will suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let them -shoot three or four times at them before they will run away.[192] - - -[_The Hippopotamus._] - -Moreover, there are great store of sea or river horses, which feed -always on the land, and live only by grass, and they be very dangerous -in the water. They are the biggest creature in this country, except the -elephant. They have great virtue in the claws of their left forefoot, -and have four claws on every foot, like the claws of an ox. The -Portugals make rings of them, and they are a present remedy for the -flux. - -[Illustration: The Zevera, or Zebra.] - - -[_Portuguese dealings with the Natives._] - -The Portugals make war against the negroes in this manner. They have out -of Congo a nobleman, which is known to be a good Christian and of good -behaviour. He bringeth out of Congo some one hundred negroes that are -his followers. This _Macicongo_ [_mwishi-Kongo_]is made _Tandala_,[193] -or general over the black camp, and hath authority to kill, to put down -Lords and make Lords, and hath all the chief doings with the negroes. -And when any Lord cometh to obey he first cometh to Tandala and bringeth -his present, as slaves, kine and goats. Then the Tandala carrieth him -before the Portugal Governor, and bringeth two slaves for the Governor's -page, before he goeth in. Then he must have a great gift for the -Governor, which is sometimes thirty or forty slaves, besides cattle. But -when he cometh before the Governor he kneeleth down and clappeth his -hands, and falleth down with his face upon the ground, and then he -riseth and saith: "I have been an enemy, and now I protest to be true, -and never more to lift my hand against you." Then the Governor calleth a -soldier, which hath deserved a reward, and giveth the Lord to him. This -soldier seeth that he have no wrong; and the Lord acknowledgeth him to -be his master, and he doth maintain the soldier and maketh him rich. -Also, in the wars he commandeth his master's house to be built before -his own, and whatsoever he hath taken that day in the wars, he passeth -[divideth] with his master. So that there is no Portugal soldier of any -account, but hath his negro _sova_, or Lord.[194] - - -[_Fishing._] - -They use upon this coast to fish with harping irons, and wait upon a -great fish that cometh once a day to fish along the shore, which is like -a grampus. He runneth very near the shore and driveth great shoals of -fish before him; and the negroes run along the shore as fast as they are -able to follow him, and strike their harping irons round about him, and -kill great store of fish, and leave them upon the sand till, the fish -hath done feeding; and then they come and gather their fish up. - -This fish will many times run himself on ground, but they will presently -shove him off again, which is as much as four or five men can do. They -call him _Emboa_, which is in their speech a dog, and will by no means -hurt or kill any of them.[195] - -Also, they use in the bays and rivers, where shoal water is, to fish -with mats, which are made of long rushes, and they make them of an -hundred fathoms long. The mats swim upon the water, and have long rushes -hanged upon one edge of the mat, and so they draw the mat in compass, as -we do our nets. The fishes, fearing the rushes that hang down, spring -out of the water and fall upon the mat, that lyeth flat on the water, -and so are taken. - - -["_Corn._"] - -They have four sorts of corn in Longo. The first is called -_Masanga_,[196] and it groweth upon a straw as big as a reed, and hath -an ear a foot long, and is like hempseed. The second is called -_Masembala_.[197] This is of great increase, for of one kernel there -springs four or five canes, which are ten foot high, and they bear half -a pint of corn apiece. This grain is as big as tares, and very good. -Thirdly, they have another that groweth low like grass, and is very like -mustard-seed: and this is the best.[198] They have also the great Guinea -wheat, which they call _Mas-impoto_.[199] This is the least esteemed. - - -[_Ground-nuts._] - -They have very good Peason [peas], somewhat bigger than ours, but they -grow not as ours do; for the pods grow on the roots, underneath the -ground, and by their leaves they know when they be ripe.[200] They have -another kind of Peason, which they call _Wando_.[201] This is a little -tree, and the first year that it is planted it beareth no fruit; but -after, it beareth fruit three years, and then it is cut down.[202] - - -[_Plantains, or Bananas._] - -Their plantain trees bear fruit but once, and then are cut down, and out -of the root thereof spring three or four young trees. - - -[_Bees and the Baobab._] - -They have great store of honey, which hangeth in the _Elicondy_ -trees.[203] They gather it with a hollow piece of wood, or chest, which -they hang in the top of the tree, and once a year it is full, by smoke -rewarding the laborious creatures with robbery, exile, death. - -[Purchas here adds in the margin, "out of Battell's own reports":-- - -This _Alicunde_ or _Elicondi_ tree is very tall and exceeding great, -some as big as twelve men can fathom, spreading like an oak. Some of -them are hollow, and from the liberal skies receive such plenty of -water, that they are hospitable entertainers of thousands in this -thirsty region. Once have I known three or four thousand remain at one -of these trees, and thence receiving all their watery provision for four -and twenty hours, and yet not empty. The negroes climbed up with pegs -of hardwood (which that softer easily receiveth, the smoothness not -admitting other climbing), and I think that some one tree hold forty -tuns of water. - -This tree affords not less bountiful hospitality to the back than belly, -yielding (as her belly to their bellies, so) her back to their backs; -excepting that this is better from the younger trees, whose tenderer -backs being more seasonable for discipline, are so soundly beaten (for -man's fault, whence came the first nakedness), whereby one fathom cut -from the tree is extended into twenty, and is presently fit for wearing, -though not so fine as the _Iuzanda_[204] tree yields. This tree yields -excellent cloth from the inner bark thereof by like beating.] - - -[_Palm Trees._] - -Of their palm trees, which they keep with watering and cutting every -year, they make velvets, satins, taffetas, damasks, sarsenets, and such -like; out of the leaves, cleansed and purged, drawing long threads and -even, for that purpose. They draw wine (as it is said) from the -palm-tree. There is another kind of palm-tree which beareth a fruit good -for the stomach and for the liver, and most admirable.[205] - - -[_A Crocodile Story._] - -One crocodile was so huge and greedy that he devoured an -_Alibamba_,[206] that is, a chained company of eight or nine slaves, -but the indigestible iron paid him his wages, and murdered the murderer, -found afterwards in his belly. I have seen them watch their prey, -hauling in gennet, man, or other creature, into the water. But one -soldier thus wrapt in shallower water drew his knife, took his taker in -the belly, and slew him.] - - -[THE END.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF ANGOLA, CONGO AND -LOANGO. - - - The following notes on the religion and customs of the Negroes - of Angola, Congo and Loango, are taken from Book vii, chapters - ix and x, of _Purchas His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the - World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places - discovered from the Creation unto this Present_. London (H. - Fetherstone), 1617. This account is a compilation. Purchas - quotes, among others, Duarte Lopez, De Barros, Osorio, Marmol, - and Du Jarric. In what follows, we confine ourselves to the - oral information which Purchas received from his friends or - acquaintances, Andrew Battell and Thomas Turner. - - -CHAP. IX, Sec. I.--ANGOLA. - -[_The Slave Trade._] - -Master Thomas Turner, one that had lived a long time in Brasil, and had -also been at Angola, reported to me[207] that it was supposed eight and -twenty thousand slaves (a number almost incredible, yet such as the -Portugals told him) were yearly shipped from Angola and Congo, at the -Haven of Loanda.[208] He named to me a rich Portugal in Brasil, which -had ten thousand of his own, working in his _Ingenios_[209] (of which he -had eighteen) and in his other employments. His name was John du Paus, -exiled from Portugal, and thus enriched in Brasil.[210] A thousand of -his slaves at one time entered into conspiracy with nine thousand other -slaves in the country, and barricaded themselves for their best defence -against their master, who had much ado to reduce some of them into their -former servitude. - - -[_Fetishes._] - -To return to Angola, we may add the report of another of our countrymen, -Andrew Battell (my near neighbour, dwelling at Leigh, in Essex) who -served under Manuel Silvera Pereira,[211] Governor under the King of -Spain, at his city of St. Paul, and with him went far into the country -of Angola, their army being eight hundred Portugals and fifty thousand -Naturals. This Andrew Battell telleth that they are all heathens in -Angola. They had their idols of wood in the midst of their towns, -fashioned like a negro, and at the foot thereof was a great heap of -elephants' teeth, containing three or four tuns of them: these were -piled in the earth, and upon them were set the skulls of dead men, which -they had slain in the wars, in monument of their victory.[212] The idol -they call _Mokisso_ [_Mukishi_], and some of them have houses built -over them. If any be sick, he accounteth it _Mokisso's_ hand, and -sendeth to appease his angry God, with pouring wine (which they have of -the palm tree) at his feet.[213] They have proper names of distinction -for their _Mokissos_, as _Kissungo_, _Kalikete_, etc., and use to swear -by them, _Kissungo wy_, that is, by _Kissungo_.[214] - - -[_Trial by Ordeal._] - -They have another more solemn oath in trial of controversies: this trial -is called _Motamba_,[215] for which purpose they lay a kind of hatchet, -which they have, in the fire, and the _Ganga-Mokisso_, or _Mokisso's_ -Priest,[216] taketh the same red-hot, and draweth it near to the skin of -the accused party; and if there be two, he causeth their legs to be set -near together, and draweth this hot iron without touching between them; -if it burns, that party is condemned as guilty, otherwise he is freed. - - -[_Burial._][217] - -For the ceremonies about the dead, they first wash him, then paint him, -thirdly apparel him in new clothes, and then bring him to his grave, -which is made like a vault, after it is digged a little way down, -undermined, and made spacious within; and there set him on a seat of -earth, with his beads (which they use on chains and bracelets for -ornament), and the most part of his goods, with him in his last home. -They kill goats and shed the blood in the graves, and pour wine there in -memorial of the dead. - - -[_Dogs._][218] - -... Andrew Battell saith that the Dogs in these countries are all of one -sort, prick-eared curs of a mean bigness, which they use also to hunt -with, but they open not (for they cannot bark), and therefore they hang -clappers made of little boards about their necks. He hath seen a mastiff -sold for three slaves.... - - -[_Quizama._] - -This kingdom [of Angola] hath many lordships subject thereto, as far as -the sea-coast as Cape Negro. Towards a lake called Aquelunda[219] lieth -a country called Quizama, the inhabitants whereof being governed after -the manner of a commonwealth, have showed themselves friendly to the -Portugals, and helped them in their wars against Angola. The houses in -Angola are made in fashion like a bee-hive. - - -[_Women and the Moon._] - -The women at the first sight of the new moon, turn up their bums in -despite, as offended with their menstruous courses, which they ascribe -unto her. - - -[_Horses' Tails._][220] - -The men sometimes, in a valorous resolution, will devote themselves unto -some haughty attempt in the wars; and, taking leave of the king, will -vow never to return until they bring him a horse-head, or some other -thing, very dangerous in the enterprise, and will either do it or die. -Horse-tails are great jewels, and two slaves will be given for one tail, -which commonly they bring from the River of Plate, where horses are -exceedingly increased and grown wild. They will, by firing the grass -round about, hem the horses about with a fiery circle, the fire still -straightening and growing nearer till they have advantage enough to kill -them. Thus have the European cattle, of horse and kine, so increased in -the other world, as they spare not to kill the one for their hides, and -the other for their tails. - - -CHAPTER IX, Sec. II.--OF CONGO. - -[_A Crocodile Story._][221] - -... Andrew Battell told me of a huge crocodile which was reported to -have eaten a whole _Alibamba_, that is, a company of eight or nine -slaves chained together, and at last paid for his greediness: the chain -holding him slave, as before it had the negroes, and by his undigestible -nature devouring the devourer; remaining in the belly of him after he -was found, in testimony of this victory. He hath seen them watch and -take their prey, haling a gennet, man, or other creature into the water. -A soldier thus drawn in by a crocodile, in shallower waters, with his -knife wounded him in the belly, and slew him. - - -CHAPTER IX, Sec. III.--OF THEIR ... STRANGE TREES.... - -Having stated that they use in Congo to make "clothes of the _Enzanda_ -tree,[222] of which some write the same things that are reported of the -Indian fig-tree," that it sends forth a hairy substance from the -branches, which no sooner touch the ground but they take root, and grow -up in such sort, that one tree would multiply itself into a wood if -nature set not some obstacle (a marginal note adds that "Andrew Battell -saith that the tree which thus strangely multiplieth itself is called -the _Manga_ tree"[223]). Purchas continues as follows:-- - -"But more admirable is that huge tree called _Alicunde_,[224] of which -my friend Andrew Battell supposeth some are as big (besides their -wonderful tallness) as twelve men can fathom. It spreads like a oak. -Some of them are hollow, and the liberal clouds into those natural casks -disperse such plenty of water, that one time three or four thousand of -them, in that hot region, continued four and twenty hours at one of -these, which yielded them all drink of her watery store, and was not -emptied. Their negroes climbed up with pegs[225] (for the tree is smooth -and not therefore otherwise to be climbed, and so soft that it easily -receiveth pegs of harder wood, driven into her yielding substance with a -stone), and dipped the water, as it had been out of a well. He supposed -that there is forty tuns of water in some one of them. It yielded them a -good opportunity for honey, to which end the country people make a kind -of chest, with one hole in the same, and hang it upon one of these -trees, which they take down once a year, and with fire or smoke chasing -or killing the bees, take thence a large quantity of honey.[226] Neither -is it liberal alone to the hungry or thirsty appetite, but very -bountifully it clothes their backs, and the bark thereof, which, being -taken from the younger _Alicundes_ [_nkondo_], and beaten, one fathom -which they cut out from the tree will by this means extend itself into -twenty, and presently is cloth fit for wearing, though not so fine as -that which the _Inzanda_[227] tree yieldeth. [It serves them also for -boats, one of which cut out in proportion of a scute[228] will hold -hundreds of men."][229] In a further marginal note Purchas adds: "These -boats, saith Andrew Battell, are made of another tree, for the -_Alicunde_ is of too spongy a substance for that purpose." - - -CHAPTER X, Sec. I.--OF LOANGO. - -[_Offerings._] - -... Andrew Battell lived among them [the Bramas of Loango][230] for two -years and a half. They are, saith he, heathens, and observe many -superstitions. They have their _Mokissos_ or images [_nkishi_] to which -they offer in proportion to their sorts and suits;[231] the fisher -offereth fish when he sueth for his help in his fishing; the countryman, -wheat; the weaver, _Alibungos_,[232] [that is] pieces of cloth; others -bring bottles of wine; all wanting that they would have, and bringing -what they want, furnishing their _Mokisso_ with those things whereof -they complain themselves to be disfurnished. - - -[_Funeral Rites._] - -Their ceremonies for the dead are divers. They bring goats and let them -bleed at the _Mokisso's_ foot, which they after consume in a feasting -memorial of the deceased party, which is continued four or five days -together, and that four or five several times in the year, by all his -friends and kindred. The days are known, and though they dwell twenty -miles thence, yet they will resort to these memorial exequies, and, -beginning in the night, will sing doleful and funeral songs till day, -and then kill, as aforesaid, and make merry. The hope of this maketh -such as have store of friends to contemn death; and the want of friends -to bewail him makes a man conceive a more dreadful apprehension of -death.[233] - - -[_Prohibitions--Taboo._] - -Their conceit is so ravished with superstition that many die of none -other death. _Kin_[234] is the name of unlawful and prohibited meat, -which, according to each kindred's devotion, to some family is some kind -of fish; to another a hen; to another, a buffe [beef]; and so of the -rest: in which they observe their vowed abstinence so strictly that if -any should (though all unawares) eat of his _Kin_, he would die of -conceit, always presenting to his accusing conscience the breach of his -vow, and the anger of _Mokisso_. He hath known divers thus to have died, -and sometimes would, when some of them had eaten with him, make them -believe that they had eaten of their _Kin_, till, having sported himself -with their superstitious agony, he would affirm the contrary. - -They use to set in their fields and places where corn or fruits grow, a -basket, with goat's horns, parrot's feathers, and other trash: this is -the _Mokisso's_ Ensign, or token, that it is commended to his custody; -and therefore, the people very much addicted to theft, dare not meddle, -or take anything. Likewise, if a man, wearied with his burthen, lay it -down in the highway, and knit a knot of grass, and lay thereon; or leave -any other note (known to them) to testify that he hath left it there in -the name of his idol, it is secured from the lime-fingers of any -passenger. Conceit would kill the man that should transgress in this -kind.[235] - -In the _banza_ [_mbanza_], or chief city, the chief idol is named -_Chekoke_.[236] Every day they have there a market, and the _Chekoke_ is -brought forth by the _Ganga_, or priest, to keep good rule, and is set -in the market-place to prevent stealing. Moreover, the king hath a -Bell,[237] the strokes whereof sound such terror into the heart of the -fearful thief that none dare keep any stolen goods after the sound of -that bell. Our author inhabited in a little reed-house, after the Loango -manner, and had hanging by the walls, in a cloth case, his piece, -wherewith he used to shoot fowls for the king, which, more for the love -of the cloth than the piece, was stolen. Upon complaint, this bell (in -form like a cow-bell) was carried about and rung, with proclamation to -make restitution; and he had his piece next morning set at his door. The -like another, found in a bag of beans of a hundred pound weight, stolen -from him, and recovered by the sound of this bell. - - -[_Poison Ordeal._][238] - -They have a dreadful and deadly kind of trial in controversies, after -this manner: there is a little tree, or shrub, with a small root (it is -called _Imbunda_) about the bigness of one's thumb, half a foot long, -like a white carrot. Now, when any listeth to accuse a man, or a family, -or whole street, of the death of any of his friends, saying, that such a -man bewitched him, the _Ganga_ assembleth the accused parties, and -scrapes that root, the scrapings whereof he mixeth with water, which -makes it as bitter as gall (he tasted of it); one root will serve for -the trial of a hundred men. The _Ganga_ brews the same together in -gourds, and with plantain stalks hitteth everyone, after they have -drunk, with certain words. Those that have received the drink walk by, -till they can make urine, and then they are thereby free'd. Others -abide till either urine frees them, or dizziness takes them, which the -people no sooner perceive but they cry, _Undoke, Undoke_,[239] that is -"naughty witch"; and he is no sooner fallen by his dizziness, but they -knock him on the head, and dragging him away, hurl him over the cliff. -In every Liberty[240] they have such drinks, which they make in case of -theft, and death of any person. Every week it falls out that some or -other undergoes this trial, which consumeth multitudes of people. - - -[_Albinos._][241] - -There be certain persons called _Dunda_ [_ndundu_], which are born by -negro parents, and yet are, by some unknown cause, white. They are very -rare, and when such happen to be born, they are brought to the king, and -become great witches: they are his councillors, and advise him of lucky -and unlucky days for execution of his enterprises. When the king goes -any whither the _Dundas_ go with him, and beat the ground round about -with certain exorcisms before the king sits down, and then sit down by -him. They will take anything in the market, none daring to contradict -them. - - -[_The Gumbiri Fetish._] - -Kenga is the landing-place of Loanga. They have there an idol called -_Gumbiri_, and a holy house called _Munsa Gumbiri_,[242] kept and -inhabited by an old woman, where once a year is a solemn feast, which -they celebrate with drums, dances, and palm-wines; and then, they say, -he speaketh under the ground. The people call him _Mokisso Cola_,[243] -or a strong _Mokisso_, and say, that he comes to stay with _Chekoke_, -the idol of the banza. That _Chekoke_ is a negro image, made sitting on -a stool; a little house is then made him. They anoint him with _Toccola_ -[_tacula_],[244] which is a red colour made of a certain wood, ground on -a stone, and mixed with water, wherewith they daily paint themselves, -from the waist upwards, esteeming it a great beauty; otherwise they -account not themselves ready. It is for like purposes carried from hence -to Angola. - - -[_Possessed of the Fetish._] - -Sometimes it falls out that some man or boy is taken with some sudden -enthusiasm, or ravishment, becoming mad, and making a whooping and great -clamours. - -They call them _Mokisso-Moquat_[245] that is, taken of the _Mokisso_. -They clothe them very handsomely, and whatever they bid in that fit (for -it lasteth not very long), they execute as the _Mokisso's_ charge. - - -[_The Maramba Fetish._][246] - -_Morumba_[247] is thirty leagues northwards from hence, in the Mani -Loango's dominions, where he [Battell] lived nine months. There is a -house, and in it a great basket, proportioned like to a hive, wherein is -an image called _Morumba_, whose religion extendeth far. They are sworn -to this religion at ten or twelve years old; but, for probation are -first put in a house, where they have hard diet, and must be mute for -nine or ten days, any provocation to speak notwithstanding. Then do -they bring him before _Morumba_, and prescribe him his _Kin_ [kina], or -perpetual abstinence from some certain meat. They make a cut in his -shoulder like to a half moon, and sprinkle the blood at _Morumba's_ -feet, and swear him to that religion. In the wound they put a certain -white powder in token of his late admission; which, so long as it -continueth, doth privilege him to take his meat and drink with -whomsoever he pleaseth, none denying him the same, at free cost. - -They also have their fatal trials before this image, where the accused -party, kneeling down and clasping the hive, saith: "_Mene quesa cabamba -Morumba_," signifying that he comes thither to make trial of his -innocence;[248] and if he be guilty he falls down dead; being free he is -free'd. - -Andrew Battell saith he knew six or seven, in his being there, that made -this trial. - - -CHAP. X, Sec. III.--OF THE GIACCHI, OR IAGGES.[249] - -[_Origin of the Jagas._] - -... Andrew Battel lived (by occasion of the Portugals treachery) with -the Iagges a longer time than ever any Christian or white man had done, -namely, sixteen months, and served them with their [his] musket in the -wars; neither could Lopez (saith he) have true intelligence whence they -came,[250] for the Christians at that time had but uncertain -conjectures of them: neither after had the Portugals any conversing, but -by way of commerce; but he, being betrayed, fled to them for his life, -and after, by stealth, escaped from them: the only European that ever -lived in their camp. - -He saith they are called Iagges by the Portugals, by themselves -Imbangolas*[251] (which name argues them to be of the Imbij and Galae -before mentioned) and come from Sierra Liona;*[252] that they are -exceeding devourers of man's flesh, for which they refuse beef and -goats, whereof they take plenty. They have no settled habitation, but -wander in an unsettled course. - - -[_Infanticide among the Jaga._] - -They rise in harvest, and invading some country, there stay as long as -they find the palms, or other sufficient means of maintenance, and then -seek new adventure. For they neither plant nor sow, nor breed up cattle, -and, which is more, strange, they nourish up none of their own children, -although they have ten or twenty wives a man, of the properest and -comeliest slaves they can take. But when they are in travail they dig a -hole in the earth, which presently receiveth in that dark prison of -death the new-born creature, not yet made happy with the light of life. -Their reason is that they will not be troubled with education, nor in -their flitting wanderings be troubled with such cumbersome -burthens.[253] - -Once, a secret providence both punisheth the father's wickedness, and -preventeth a viperous generation, if that maybe a prevention where there -is a succession without generation; and as Pliny saith of the Esseni -(lib. v, c. 15), _Gens aeterna est in qua nepto nascitur_. For of the -conquered nations they [the Jaga] preserve the boys from ten to twenty -years of age, and bring them up as the hope of their succession, like -_Negro-azimogli_,[254] with education fitting their designs. These wear -a collar about their neck in token of slavery, until they bring an -enemy's head slain in battle, and then they are uncollared, free'd, and -dignified with the title of soldiers; if one of them runs away he is -killed and eaten; so that, hemmed in betwixt hope and fear, they grow -very resolute and adventurous, their collars breeding shame, disdain, -and desperate fury, till they redeem their freedom as you have heard. - -Elembe,[255] the great Iagge, brought with him twelve thousand of these -cruel monsters from Sierra Liona, and after much mischief and spoil -settled himself in Benguele,[256] twelve degrees from the Zone -southwards, and there breedeth and groweth into a nation. But Kelandula, -sometime his page, proceeds in that beastly life before mentioned, and -the people of Elembe, by great troops, run to him and follow his camp in -hope of spoil. - - -[_Human Sacrifices._] - -They have no _fetissos_, or idols. The great Iagge, or Prince, is master -of all their ceremonies, and a great witch. I have seen this Kelandula -(sayth our author) continue a sacrifice from sun to sun, the rites -whereof are these: himself sat on a stool, in great pomp, with a cap -adorned with peacocks' feathers (which fowls, in one country called -_Shelambanza_,[257] are found wild; and in one place, empaled about the -grave of the king, are fifty kept and fed by an old woman, and are -called _Ingilla Mokisso_, that is, Birds of Mokisso).[258] Now, about -him thus set, attended forty or fifty women, each of them waving -continually a zebra's tail in their hands. There were also certain -Gangas, priests or witches. Behind them were many with drums and pipes, -and _pungas_[259] (certain instruments made of elephants' teeth, made -hollow a yard and a half, and with a hole like a flute, which yield a -loud and harsh sound, that may be heard a mile off). These strike and -sound, and sing, and the women wave (as is said) till the sun be almost -down. Then they bring forth a pot, which is set on the fire with leaves -and roots, and the water therein, and with a kind of white powder the -witches or Gangas spot themselves, one on the one cheek, the other on -the other; and likewise their foreheads, temples, breasts, shoulders, -and bellies, using many enchanting terms, which are holden to be prayers -for victory. At sunset a Ganga brings his _Kissengula_,[260] or -war-hatchet, to the Prince (this weapon they use to wear at their -girdles) and putting the same in his hands bid him to be strong, [that] -their God goes with him, and he shall have victory. After this they -bring him four or five negroes, of which, with a terrible countenance, -the great Iagge with his hatchet kills two, and the other two are -killed without the fort. Likewise, five kine are slain within, and other -five without the fort; and as many goats and as many dogs, after the -same manner. - -This is their sacrifice, at the end whereof all the flesh is, in a -feast, consumed. Andrew Battell was commanded to depart when the -slaughter begun, for their devil, or _Mokisso_ (as they said) would then -appear and speak to them.[261] - -This sacrifice is called _Kissembula_[262] which they solemnise when -they undertake any great enterprise. There were few left of the natural -Iagges, but of this unnatural brood the present succession was raised. - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA: - -BEING - - Extracts from "The Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes - of MASTER ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with MASTER THOMAS - CANDISH in his Second Voyage to the South Sea, 1591," - published in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, Part IV, lib. vi, c. 7. - London, 1625. - - -INTRODUCTION. - -Master Anthony Knivet joined the second expedition of Thomas Cavendish, -which left England in August, 1591. He seems to have served on board the -_Roebuck_, of which vessel one Cocke was captain. Nothing in his -narrative enables us to identify this Cocke with the Abraham Cocke of -Limehouse, who was "never heard of more" after he parted from Battell on -the coast of Brazil in 1590, nor with the Abram Cocke who, according to -Knivet, put in at the Ilha Grande in 1598, in the hope of making prizes -of some of the richly-laden Spanish vessels returning from the Rio de la -Plata. Battell, surely, may be supposed to have been acquainted with the -fate of his old shipmate, whilst Knivet gives no hint that the Abram -Cocke of the Ilha Grande was the captain of the _Roebuck_, to whom he -was indebted for his life when Cavendish was about to throw him -overboard in Magellan's Strait. It is, however, just possible that there -was but one Abraham Cock, who had not been heard of for some time when -Battell returned to England about 1610.[263] - -When Cavendish returned from Magellan's Strait, he put Knivet and -nineteen other sick men ashore near St. Sebastian, to shift for -themselves. Knivet was ultimately taken by the Portuguese; but they -spared his life, and he became the "bond-slave" of Salvador Correa de -Sa, the Governor of Rio de Janeiro; and apart from the time he spent -among the cannibal Indians, and on a voyage to Angola, he remained with -his master to the end, and returned with him to Portugal in 1599. - -My friend, Colonel G. Earl Church, to whom I applied for an opinion on -the trustworthiness of Knivet's statements with regard to Brazil, writes -as follows:-- - -"Yesterday morning I spent at the R. Geo. Soc., refreshing my memory of -Knivet's extraordinary adventures. One must read them always bearing in -mind the romantic spirit of the age in which they were written, and the -novel surroundings in which every adventurer found himself in the New -World. Giving due weight to all this, I find Knivet's relation of his -voyages singularly truthful, so far as my knowledge of Brazil goes. What -he states, excepting in two or three minor particulars, clashes with no -geographical, descriptive, or historical point with which I am familiar, -and he often throws in a sentence which relates to facts which no man -could invent, and which makes his narrative impressive with -truthfulness. I utterly discard Cavendish's opinion of his men and -companions for Cavendish appears to have been one of the most -cold-blooded freebooters who ever cut a throat or raided a settlement -or scuttled a prize." - -I regret not being able to write in terms equally favourable of what -Knivet claims to have experienced during his visit to Angola and Kongo. -Knivet says that he ran away from bondage on June 27th, 1597, and that -he reached the "port of Angola" after a perilous voyage of five months, -that is in November. He then sailed up the Kwanza, and reached -Masanganu, where he remained three months, when he was arrested in -consequence of a requisition of his master and sent back to Brazil, -which he must have reached before June, 1598. We should be quite -prepared to accept this part of his story if his description of -Masanganu did not show that he can never have been there. Knivet, -however, is not content with such modest honours, but claims to have -resided for some time at the court of the King of Kongo, and to have -fallen in the hands of the Portuguese when on his road to Prester John's -country. By them he was carried to Masanganu, where he lived three -months. These two accounts are absolutely irreconcilable. As to the -author's astounding geographical misstatements, I refer the reader to -the notes appended to his narrative. - - -FIRST ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1220-2). - -Continually I desired my master to give me leave to get my living, -intending to come into my country, but the Governor would not let me go -from him. When I saw no means to get leave of my master, I determined to -run away to Angola, for to serve the King as a soldier in Massangano -till such time that I might pass myself to the King of Anyeca,[264] -which warreth against the Portugals, and so have come through Prester -Johns country into Turkey. - -On the seven and twentieth day of June, 1597, I embarked myself unknown -to my master, in a small ship of one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for -Angola. In this voyage we were driven so near the Cape of Good Hope that -we thought all of us should have been cast away, the seas are there so -great; and by reason of the current they brake in such sort that no ship -is able to endure. There we brake both our main mast and our mizzen. It -pleased God to send us the wind Eastward, which brought us to our -desired harbour [of] Angola.[265] We had been five months in our voyage, -and by that means other ships that departed two months after us were -there before us. - -When I heard that there were ships of the River of Ienero [Rio de -Janeiro], I durst not go ashore for fear of being known of some of the -Portugals. The next day after that we came into the harbour, there came -a great boat aboard us, to ask if we would sell any Cassava meal. We -told them we would, and asked them whither they went with their boat. -They answered, that they tarried for the tide to go up to the River of -Guansa [Kwanza] to Masangano. Then I thought it a fit time for my -purpose, and so embarked myself in the bark. The Portugals marvelled to -see me go willingly to Masangano; for there men die like chickens, and -no man will go thither if he can chose. - -Nine days we were going up the River of Guansa [Kwanza], in which time -two Portugal soldiers died; the country is so hot that it pierceth their -hearts. Three days after I had been in Masangano, Don Francisco de -Mendosa Fortado,[266] the Governor of the city of Kongo, having -received a letter from Salvador Coria de Sasa [Salvador Correa de Sa], -who was his great friend, sent a Pursuivant for me, who brought me by -land through the King of Kongo's country, and in six days we came to a -town called Saint Francis[267] (where the Governor was), hard by the -kingdom of Manicongo. - -When I came before the Governor he used me very kindly in words, and -asked me what I meant, to cast myself away wilfully in Masangano. Then I -told him how long I had served Salvador Coria de Sasa; and in how many -dangers I had been for him and his Son, without ever having any -recompence of any of them, and therefore I thought it better to venture -my life in the King's service, than to live his Bond-slave. The Governor -commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a pair of bolts to be -put upon my legs, because I should not run away. - -About a fortnight after I was sent back again in a Carvell [caravel] of -Francis Lewes, and in two months we arrived in the River of Jenero [Rio -de Janeiro], and I was carried with my bolts on my legs before the -Governor; when he saw me he began to laugh and to jest with me, saying -that I was welcome out of England. So, after many jests he spake, he -bade pull off my bolts from my legs, and gave me clothes and used me -very well. - - -SECOND ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1233-7). - -Angola is a kingdom of itself in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did -begin to inhabit: The country of Angola cometh along the coast; as -Portugal doth upon Spain, so doth Angola run upon the Kingdom of Longa -[Luangu] and Manicongo. - -In Angola the Portugals have a City called the Holy Ghost,[268] where -they have great store of Merchandise, and the Moors do come thither with -all kind of such things as the country yieldeth; some bring elephant's -teeth, some bring negro slaves to sell, that they take from other -kingdoms which join hard by them; thus do they use once a week, as we -keep markets, so do all the Blackamoors bring hens and hogs, which they -call gula,[269] and hens they call Sange,[270] and a kind of beast that -they take in the wilderness, like a dog, which they call ambroa:[271] -then they have that beast which before I have told you of, called gumbe, -which is bigger than a horse.[272] - -The Blackamoors do keep good laws, and fear their King very much; the -King is always attended with the nobles of his realm, and whensoever he -goeth abroad, he has always at the least two hundred archers in his -guard, and ten or twelve more going before him, singing and playing with -pipes made of great canes, and four or five young Moors coming after -him as his pages. After them follow all his noblemen. - -When there falleth out any controversy among them, they crave battle of -the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the -King and fall flat on their breasts; then they rise up and kneel upon -their knees, stretching out their arms crying, _Mahobeque benge, -benge_;[273] then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a -horse-tail; then they go to the camp, and with their bows they fight it -out till they kill one another. After the battle is done, if any liveth, -he that liveth falleth down before the King in the same manner as he did -when he went to the field; and after a long oration made, he taketh the -horse-tail from the King's shoulder, and waveth it about the King's -head, and then layeth it on his shoulder again, and goeth away with -great honour, being accompanied with all the nobles of the Court. The -Moors of Angola do know that there is a God, and do call God -_Caripongoa_,[274] but they worship the sun and the moon. - -The country is champaign plain, and dry black earth, and yieldeth very -little corn; the most of anything that it yieldeth is plantons -[plantains], which the Portugals call _baynonas_ [bananas], and the -Moors call them _mahonge_[275] and their wheat they call _tumba_,[276] -and the bread _anou_; and if you will buy any bread of them, you must -say, _Tala cuna auen tumbola gimbo_; that is, _Give me some bread, here -is money_.[277] Their money is called _gullginbo_,[278] a shell of a -fish that they find by the shore-side; and from Brazil the Portugals do -carry great store of them to Angola. - -These Moors do esteem very much of red, blue and yellow cloths. They -will give a slave for a span of cloth in breadth, I mean, and the length -of it, of the breadth of the piece; those pieces of cloth they wear -about their middles, and under it they hang the skin of a great weasel -before them, and another behind them, and this is all the garments that -they wear. A weasel in their language is called _puccu_.[279] You can do -a Blackamoor no greater disgrace than to take away his skin from before -him, for he will die with grief if he cannot be revenged. - -The Portugals do mark them as we do sheep, with a hot iron, which the -Moors call _crimbo_.[280] The poor slaves stand all in a row one by -another, and sing _Mundele que sumbela he Carey ha belelelle_,[281] and -thus the poor rogues are beguiled, for the Portugals make them believe -that they that have not the mark is not accounted a man of any account -in Brazil or in Portugal, and thus they bring the poor Moors to be in a -most damnable bondage under the cover of love. - -The country of Angola yieldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moors -do make their houses all covered with earth. These houses are no bigger -than a reasonable chamber, and within are many partitions, like the -cabins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand upright in them. -Their beds are made of great bulrushes sewed together with the rinds of -a tree. They do make cloth like spark of velvet (but it is thinner) of -the bark of a tree, and that cloth they do call _mollelleo_.[282] - -The elephants do feed in the evening and in the morning in low marshes, -as there be many. The Moors do watch which way they come, and as soon as -the elephants are at meat, they dig great holes in the ground, and cover -them with sticks, and then they cover the pits with earth; and when they -have made all ready they go to the elephants and shoot at them with -their arrows; and as soon as the elephants feel themselves hurt, they -run at whatsoever they see before them, following after the Blackamores -that chase them. Then they fall into the deep pits where, after they are -once in, they cannot get out. - -The Moors of Angola are as black as jet; they are men of good stature; -they never take but one wife, whom they call _mocasha_.[283] These Moors -do cut long streaks in their faces, that reach from the top of their -ears to their chins. The women do wear shells of fishes[284] on their -arms, and on the small of their legs. The law amongst them is, that if -any Moor do lie with another's wife, he shall lose his ears for his -offence. These Moors do circumcise their children, and give them their -names, as we do when we baptize. - -Angola may very easily be taken, for the Portugals have no forts to -defend it of any strength. - -The King[285] of Congo is the greatest King in all Ethiopia; and doth -keep in the field continually sixty thousand soldiers, that do war -against the King of Vangala,[286] and the King of Angola; this King is a -Christian, and his brother-in-law of arms with the King of Spain. His -servants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and he doth favour -them very much. - -The King is of a very liberal condition, and very favourable to all -travellers, and doth delight very much to hear of foreign countries. He -was in a manner amazed to hear how it was possible Her Majesty [Queen -Elizabeth] had lived a maiden Queen so long, and always reigned in peace -with her subjects. When I was brought before the King, and told him of -my country, what plenty of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked -of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would show himself -very angry, and tell them that every man was best able to speak of his -country, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true. - -The King of Congo, when he goeth to the camp to see his army, rideth -upon an elephant in great pomp and majesty; on either side of the -elephant he hath six slaves. Two of them were kings, that he himself had -taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were -brothers to the King of Ancica, and some of them were of the chiefest -blood of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaves, at every command -of the King of Congo, do fall flat on the ground on their breasts. When -the King doth ride, as you have heard, they carry a canopy, as it were a -cloth of state, over his head. His two secretaries, the one a nobleman -of Spain, the other a Moor, do ride next after him. Before him goeth at -the least five hundred archers which are his guard; then there followeth -a Moor, which doth nothing but talk aloud in praise of the King, -telling what a great warrior he hath been, and praising his wisdom for -all things that he hath accomplished very honourably to his great fame -of such as knew him. - -When this King of Congo cometh to his host, all the soldiers, as he -passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He never cometh into -his host after any battle, but he dubbeth at the least twenty Knights -Portugals, and as many Moors, giving them very great living according to -their callings, and the service that they have done. The brother of this -King was in Spain at my coming from thence for ambassador from his -brother.[287] - -Here the Portugal Captain would have taken me perforce, to have been a -common soldier, but the King commanded that they should let me go -whither I would, and my determination at that time was to have gone for -the country of Prester John [Abyssinia], for I had a great desire to see -the River of Nilo and Jerusalem (for I accounted myself as a lost man, -not caring into what country or kingdom I came) But it was not the will -of God that I should at that time obtain my desire, for travelling -through the kingdom of Congo, to have gone to the kingdom of -Angila,[288] it was my fortune to meet a company of Portugal soldiers -that went to a conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken, called -Masangana; which place is on the borders of Anguca. Here they made me -serve like a drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and -lime to make a fort. - -It lyeth right under the Line, and standeth in a bottom in the middle -of four hills, and about are many fogges [bogs] but not one river.[289] -It is the unfirmest country under the sun. Here the Portugals die like -chickens. You shall see men in the morning very lusty, and within two -hours dead. Others, that if they but wet their legs, presently they -swell bigger than their middles;[290] others break in the sides with a -draught of water. O, if you did know the intolerable heat of the -country, you would think yourself better a thousand times dead, than to -live there a week. There you shall see poor soldiers lie in troops, -gaping like camelians [camels?] for a puff of wind. - -Here lived I three months, not as the Portugals did, taking of physick, -and every week letting of blood and keeping close in their houses when -they had any rain, observing hours, and times to go abroad morning and -evening, and never to eat but at such and such times. I was glad when I -had got anything at morning, noon, or night; I thank God I did work all -day from morning till night; had it been rain or never so great heat, I -had always my health as well as I have in England. - -This country is very rich. The king had great store of gold[291] sent -him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a -great city at Masangana; which city Paulas Dias, Governor of Angola, -took and situated there; and finding hard by it great store of gold, -fortified it with four forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round -about it, and within that wall; now the Portugals do build a city, and -from this city every day they do war against the King of Angica, and -have burnt a great part of his kingdom. - -The Angicas[292] are men of goodly stature; they file their teeth before -on their upper jaw, and on their under jaw, making a distance between -them like the teeth of a dog; they do eat man's flesh; they are the -stubbornest nation that lives under the sun, and the resolutest in the -field that ever man saw; for they will rather kill themselves than yield -to the Portugals. They inhabit right under the line, and of all kinds of -Moors these are the blackest. They do live in the law of the Turks, and -honour Mahomet. They keep many concubines, as the Turks do; they wash -themselves every morning upwards, falling flat on their faces towards -the east. They wear their hair all made in plaits on their heads, as -well men as women; they have good store of wheat, and a kind of grain -like vetches, of which they make bread: they have great store of hens -like partridges, and turkeys, and all their feathers curl on their -backs. Their houses are like the other houses of the kingdoms -aforenamed. - -And thus I end, showing you as brief as I can, all the nations and -kingdoms, that, with great danger of my life, I travelled through in -twelve years of my best age, getting no more than my travel for my pain. -From this kingdom, Angica, was I brought in irons again to my master, -Salvador Corea de Sasa, to the City of San Sebastian in Brazil, as you -have heard. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -THE EARLY HISTORY OF KONGO. - -If traditions may be accepted where written history fails us, the -foundation of the Empire of Kongo lies back no further than the middle -of the fifteenth century. - -The founder of the dynasty and first King of Kongo--Ntotela ntinu -nekongo--was Nimi a Lukeni, the son of Nimi a nzima and of Lukeni lua -nsanzi, the daughter of Nsa ku ki-lau. His father appears to have been a -mere village chief in Kurimba (Corimba),[293] a district of the kingdom -of Kwangu. He had established himself at a ferry on a great river -(_nzari_), now known to us as the Kwangu, and levied a toll upon all -travellers who crossed the stream. One day the young man's aunt came -that way, and claimed exemption on the ground of being the old chief's -sister. Her brother was absent, and not only was the claim denied, but -young Nimi a Lukeni, notwithstanding that she was with child, caused her -to be disembowelled. The younger members of his clan looked upon this -act of brutality as one of bravery, and shielded him against his -father's just wrath. He then placed himself at their head, assumed the -title of _ntinu_ (king), and started westward upon a career of conquest. - -The country he was about to invade was inhabited by a people kindred to -those of Angola and of the country to the north of the Zaire, split up -into numerous small clans[294] ruled by independent kinglets. This, no -doubt, would account for the rapidity and the extent of his conquests, -which have been matched however, in our own days, by the Makololo. - -Having defeated Mbumbulu mwana Mpangala of Mpemba-kasi, he founded his -capital--Mbazi a nkanu--[295] upon a rock within that chief's territory. -By degrees he extended his conquests southward to the Kwanza and even -beyond, installed his uncle Nsa ku ki-lau as ruler of the important -province of Mbata, bestowed large territories upon others of his -adherents, and even restored some of their father's territories to the -children of the Mwana Mpangala. His "sons," attended by the great Nganga -Ngoyo, he sent across the Zaire, and they became the founders of the -"kingdoms" of Kakongo and Luangu; whilst a third son, by a slave woman, -is supposed to be the ancestor of the "counts" of Sonyo or Soyo.[296] -Anciently the King of Kakongo, before he assumed his kingship, was bound -to marry a princess of the blood royal of Kongo, whilst he of Luangu -married a princess of Kakongo; yet the ruler of Luangu was highest in -rank, for he enjoyed the title of _nunu_ ("aged person"), whilst his -brother of Kakongo had to be contented with the inferior title of -_nkaji_ ("spouse"). The Kings were elected by the feudal princes, but -their choice was limited to the sons of princesses, as in a great part -of negro Africa.[297] - -Of the early institutions of Kongo we know next to nothing, though we -may presume that the law of succession was originally the same there as -in the sister-states to the north, for the first Ntotela was succeeded -by two nephews (Nanga kia ntinu and another, whose name has not reached -us). But even thus early, and anterior to the introduction of -Christianity, the old law of succession was broken through, for Nkuwu a -ntinu, the fourth Ntotela, was a son of Ntinu Nimi a Lukeni, and was -succeeded by a son of his own, Nzinga a Nkuwa, the first Christian -Ntotela, better known in history as John I. - -If Dapper may be believed, it was the custom to bury twelve virgins with -the earlier kings--a distinction much sought after, as in other parts of -Africa; but the people of Kongo have never been charged with -cannibalism, nor its rulers with the bloody rites practised by the Jaga. - - -CAO'S DISCOVERY OF THE KONGO, 1482.[298] - -It was towards the end of 1482, that the natives at the mouth of the -River Kongo for the first time saw rising above the horizon the white -wings of a European vessel, ascending, as it were, from the Land of -Spirits; and we can imagine their surprise when they for the first time -beheld the bleached faces of its inmates. Yet they came on board, -offering ivory in exchange for cloth. The interpreters from the Guinea -coast who were with Cao naturally failed to make themselves understood, -but they learnt from signs that far inland there dwelt a powerful king. -Cao at once despatched some Christian negroes in search of this -potentate. They were the bearers of suitable presents, and were -instructed to assure the King of the friendly intentions of his -visitors, whose only desire it was to trade with him. - -Before continuing his voyage, Cao set up the first of the stone pillars, -or _padroes_, which he had on board. He then sailed south along the -coast, noting its prominent features, but curiously missed the Kwanza -or River of Angola, although its clayey waters discolour the sea for ten -or fifteen miles. On a low foreland, Cabo do Lobo,[299] ten miles beyond -the cliffs named by him Castello d'Alter Pedroso, he set up a second -pillar, to mark the furthest point reached by him. - -On again returning to the Kongo, he was annoyed to find that his -messengers had not returned; and as he was naturally anxious to make -known in Portugal his discovery of a magnificent river and a powerful -kingdom, he left them behind him, and seized instead four unsuspecting -visitors to his ship as "hostages;" giving their friends to understand -that they should be restored to them after the lapse of fifteen months, -when they would be exchanged for his own men. These latter appear to -have been treated with distinction at first, but when the King heard of -Cao's high-handed proceedings he refused to admit them any longer to his -presence, and even threatened them with death, should his own people not -be restored. - -Among the hostages carried off by Cao there was a man of some -distinction in his own country, Nsaku (Cacuto) by name, who picked up -Portuguese quickly, and much pleased King John by the information he was -able to give. He, as well as his companions, were much petted in -Portugal, and, in defiance of all sumptuary laws, were dressed in fine -cloths and silks. - -Cao himself, soon after his arrival, in April, 1484, was appointed a -cavalier in the Royal household, granted an annuity of 18,000 reals, and -on the 14th of that month he was "separated from the common herd," and -granted a coat-of-arms charged with the two pillars erected by him -during this memorable voyage. - - -CAO'S SECOND VOYAGE, 1485-6. - -Cao's departure on a second voyage was much delayed, either because the -King's Council were opposed to these adventures, which strained the -resources of a small kingdom like Portugal, or--and this is more -likely--because it was desired that a change in the Royal Arms, which was -only made in June, 1485, should be recorded on the stone pillars which -Cao was to take with him. - -Great was the rejoicing when Cao's "fleet" appeared in the Kongo, and -the hostages, loud in praise of the good treatment they had received, -were once more among their friends. Cao at once forwarded rich presents -to the King, with an invitation to throw aside all fetishes, and to -embrace the only true and saving faith; promising that, on his return -from a voyage to the south, he would personally visit the capital of his -kingdom. This promise Cao was not permitted to fulfil, for having set up -a pillar on Monte Negro (15 deg. 40' S.) and another on Cape Cross (21 deg. -50'),[300] he died a short distance beyond. Of the details of his death -we know nothing.[301] It seems, however, that the loss of their -commander induced a speedy return home: for Cao's vessels must have -arrived in Portugal before August, 1487, as in that month Dias sailed on -his famous voyage, taking with him the negroes whom Cao had kidnapped to -the south of the Kongo, with a view to their learning Portuguese, and -being employed as interpreters in future voyages. - -Cao, therefore, never saw the King of Kongo; and there are good grounds -for believing that Nsaku who was sent by the King to Portugal to ask -for priests, masons, carpenters, agricultural labourers, and women to -make bread, only reached Europe in one of Dias's vessels, in December, -1488. Nsaku, most certainly, was first introduced to King John at Beja, -in January, 1489, when he and his companions were baptised, the King -himself, the Queen, and gentlemen of title acting as sponsors.(312) He -was sent back to the Kongo with Don Goncalo de Sousa, in December, 1490, -about two years after he had been baptised.[302] - - -THE EMBASSY OF 1490-1.[303] - -Don Joao de Sousa, the ambassador, left Portugal on December 19th, 1490, -with a fleet commanded by Goncalo de Sousa, as captain-major. Among the -pilots were Pero d'Alemquer and Pero Escovar, men famous in the maritime -history of Portugal. Ten Franciscan Friars[304] went out with this -fleet, and so did Nsaku, the ambassador of the King of Kongo. The plague -was raging at Lisbon at the time, and before the vessels reached the -Cape Verde Islands, this dreaded disease had carried off Joao de Sousa -(the ambassador), the captain-major, and many others. Ruy de Sousa, a -nephew of the captain-major, was then chosen to take the place of D. -Joao de Sousa. - -After a voyage of a hundred days the vessels reached the Kongo, and the -Mwana of Sonyo and his son, who had already been instructed in the -Christian doctrine by a priest from S. Thome, were baptised on Easter -Sunday, April 3rd, 1491, and were thenceforth known as Don Manuel and -Don Antonio da Silva; for it was the practice of the Portuguese, from -the very beginning, to bestow Portuguese names and titles upon the -negroes who submitted to the sacrament of baptism. - -This ceremony performed, Ruy de Sousa started for the King's -capital,[305] which he reached on April 29th. The King received him -seated on a platform, in a chair inlaid with ivory. He wore a -loin-cloth, presented to him by Cao, copper bracelets, and a cap of -palm-cloth. A zebra tail depended from his left shoulder--a badge of -royalty.[306] - -The King was about to join his son Mbemba a Nzinga, Duke of Nsundi, who -had taken the field against the Bateke;[307] but before doing so he was -anxious to be baptised. The foundations of a church having been laid on -Rood Day, May 3rd,[308] the King and his Queen were baptised at once by -Frei Joao de Santa Maria, and were named Don Joao and Donna Leonor, -after the King and Queen of Portugal. - -The King, marching for the first time under the banner of the Cross, and -supported by the firearms of his Portuguese allies, came back a victor -to his capital. His eldest son and many nobles were then baptised. - -When Ruy de Sousa departed, he left behind him Frei Antonio[309] with -other priests, and gave instructions for an exploration of the Kongo -river above the cataracts, which do not appear to have been acted upon. -He also founded a factory near the mouth of the Kongo, where the -enterprising people of S. Thome had already established commercial -relations, although formal permission to do so was only granted them by -King Manuel on March 26th, 1500. Dom Pedro, a cousin of the King of -Kongo, accompanied him, with nine attendants, who, having been taught to -read and write, returned to their native country with D. Joao Soares, -early in 1494.[310] - -The missionaries lost no time in preaching the doctrines of their -Church; but whilst Don Affonso proved an ardent Christian, who -recklessly destroyed all fetishes discovered in his province of Nsundi, -the King himself soon grew lukewarm, owing to the priests' interference -with polygamy and other valued social institutions. In the country at -large, the heathen still held their ground. - - -D. AFFONSO I, 1509-1540.[311] - -And thus it happened that when Joao I died in 1509, the chiefs favoured -his second son, _Mpanzu a nzinga_,[312] a heathen, whilst the dowager -queen and the Count of Sonyo took the part of the elder brother. Don -Affonso, immediately on hearing of his father's illness, hurried up to -the capital, accompanied by only thirty-six Christians. He found that -his father had died. His brother approached with a mighty army, but five -flaming swords seen in the heavens on the eve of battle gave courage to -his small following, whilst a white cross and the appearance of St. -James at the head of the celestial host struck terror into the hearts of -the assailants. They fled in a panic.[313] Mpanzu himself was taken, -wounded, and decapitated. - -Order having been restored throughout the country, King Affonso availed -himself of the presence of Goncalo Rodriguez Ribeiro, who had come from -Portugal with a number of priests, and was about to return to that -country, to send an embassy to Pope Julius II and King Manuel.[314] The -head of this mission was Don Pedro (de Castro?), a cousin of the King -(who was accompanied by his wife), and with him went D. Manuel, a -brother of the King, and D. Henrique, a son. The presents conveyed to -Portugal included seven hundred copper bracelets, elephant tusks, -slaves, parrots, civet cats and other animals, and native cloth. D. -Henrique remained behind at Rome, where he was ordained and created -Bishop of Utica in 1518.[315] - -The mission sent by King Manuel in return was far-reaching in its -effects upon the political development of Kongo.[316] Of its magnitude -we may judge when we learn that it embarked in five vessels. Its leader, -Simao da Silva, dying on the road to S. Salvador, his place was taken by -Alvaro Lopes, the Royal factor. In his company were priests, experienced -soldiers, masons and carpenters to build churches and a royal palace, -and a lawyer (_leterado_) to explain the law books which figured among -the royal gifts, besides horses, mules, cloth, banners, church furniture -and images. The ambassador was instructed to explain the management of -the royal household in Portugal, and King Affonso quickly learnt the -lessons he received, and at once introduced the Portuguese titles of -Duke, Marquis, and Count. The ambassador likewise had with him an -elaborate coat-of-arms for the King,[317] and twenty less ambitious -heraldic designs for his principal noblemen; and the monarch himself -adopted a title closely imitated from that of his "brother" of -Portugal.[318] The ambassador was likewise instructed to make inquiries -about the origin of the Kongo in a lake, and to bring home cargoes of -slaves, copper and ivory. - -The King was delighted with all these gifts, not being aware that by -accepting them he virtually acknowledged himself to be a vassal of the -King of Portugal; and he published a long manifesto to his people, in -which he dwelt upon his past career, the blessings of the Christian -faith, and the honours now done him. He actually read the six bulky -folios, but he told Ruy d'Aguiar (in 1516) that if complicated laws like -these were to be introduced in his dominions, not a day would pass -without a legal offence of some kind being committed.[319] - -The intercourse between Kongo and Lisbon must have been very active in -those days. We learn, for instance, that in 1526 the King asked for -physicians and apothecaries, and in 1530 he forwarded to his "brother" -Manuel two silver bracelets, which he had received from Matamba. Many -young Kongoese were sent to Portugal to be educated; but, to judge from -a letter written by the King in 1517, the results were not always very -gratifying.[320] Nay, he accuses Antonio Viera, to whom he entrusted -twenty young relations to be taken to Portugal, of having parted with -several among them to Mpanzu-alumbu, his enemy, and of having left -others behind him at S. Thome.[321] A second embassy left Kongo in 1540, -to do homage to Pope Paul III. It was headed by D. Manuel, a brother of -the King, who had been a member of D. Pedro's mission. King Affonso -expected the King of Portugal to pay 3,000 cruzados towards the expenses -of this mission, in consideration of the large profits which he derived -from the trade with Kongo.[322] - -As a member of the Church militant, King Affonso deserved well of the -priesthood. He ruthlessly ordered all fetishes to be destroyed -throughout his dominions, but supplied their place with images of -saints, crosses, agni dei, and other ecclesiastical paraphernalia, which -he held to be more effectual. The clergy were numerous in his day, and -in addition to secular priests included Franciscans, Dominicans and -Austin Friars. They were wealthy, too, for lands and slaves had been -given them, and Christian churches arose even in remote parts of the -country. A Franciscan friar, Antonio de Denis (known in the world as D. -Diogo de Vilhegas) had been appointed Bishop of S. Thome and Kongo,[323] -and took possession of his see in 1534, on which occasion exceptional -honours were shown him. He was a man of energy and much sincerity, but, -unhappily for his Church, survived only a few years. On his death-bed he -desired that D. Henrique, the King's son, whom he himself had ordained a -priest, when in Rome, and whom the Pope (as already mentioned) had -created Bishop of Utica in 1518, should succeed him in the episcopal -chair. The Pope, however, before he would consent to the appointment of -a native, desired personally to inquire into the matter. D. Henrique -went to Rome, but died on the voyage home, in 1539 or earlier. - -King Affonso deserved his reputation as a zealous Christian, and had -certainly proved himself a good friend to the regular and secular clergy -who undertook to convert his people. Yet, as early as 1515, he had -occasion to call upon the King of Portugal to aid him in suppressing the -irregularities of these "unworthy preachers of the Holy Catholic Faith," -whose inordinate desire of power and covetousness brought scandal upon -the Church, and promised little for the future.[324] Towards the close -of his reign, in 1540, one of these priests, Frei Alvaro, actually -attempted to assassinate the King, in church, and after Mass![325] - -The Portuguese living at the time in Kongo were placed under a royal -factor and a Corregedor (magistrate), and enjoyed ex-territorial -jurisdiction. They had a factory at Mpinda, at the mouth of the Kongo, -where the King of Portugal levied heavy duties. The commercial relations -do not appear to have been at all times of the most friendly nature. In -1514 the King complained that Fernao de Mello, the Governor of S. Thome, -traded with the Mpangu-lungu[326] who were his enemies; and in 1526 he -remonstrated against the conduct of the Portuguese slave-merchants. -Indeed, so preposterous were the claims put forward by the Portuguese -officials, that King Affonso, in 1517, humbly begged to be allowed to -employ a ship of his own when trading; or, at least to be exempted from -paying the heavy duties exacted by a foreign, albeit suzerain, power -upon the outlanders trading in his kingdom. These ill-advised exactions -explain, too, why trade gradually deserted the Kongo, and sought more -favourable openings to the south, at Luandu, as is shown by an inquiry -held in 1548.[327] - -The Portuguese made an effort to exploit the mineral wealth of the -country. Ruy Mendes, the "factor of the copper mines," is stated to have -discovered lead; and Gimdarlach (Durlacher?), a German "fundidor," in -1593 discovered copper, lead, and silver. The King, however, would not -allow the mines to be worked, for he feared that such a concession might -cost him his kingdom. - -Proposals for the exploration of the interior were made, but bore no -fruit. Gregorio de Quadra, who had spent several years as a prisoner -among the Arabs, was sent to Kongo in 1520, with instructions to make -his way thence to the country of Prester John. The King refused his -consent; Quadra returned to Portugal, and died a monk.[328] Balthasar de -Castro, the companion of Manuel Pacheco in Angola, desired to explore -the upper Kongo in 1526; but neither his scheme nor that of Manuel -Pacheco himself, who was to have built two brigantines, seems to have -been carried out. - -Of the domestic wars corned on by the King, we know next to nothing. -Angola and Matamba seem to have been virtually independent in his day, -though the island of Luandu, with its valuable cowry-fishery, was held -by him and his successors until 1649. He conquered, however, -Mpanzu-alumbu (Mpangu-lunga?)[329] on the lower Kongo, a district -inhabited by a predatory tribe.[330] That his successes in these "wars" -were due to his Portuguese mercenaries and their fire-locks is a matter -of course. - -Don Affonso died in 1540, or soon afterwards, leaving behind him a son, -D. Pedro, who succeeded him, and three daughters.[331] - - -D. PEDRO AND HIS SUCCESSORS, 1540-1561. - -PEDRO I had been educated in Portugal, and is described by Cavazzi as a -wise prince who had inherited all the virtues of his father, and was a -great friend of the missionaries. His reign was apparently a short -one,[332] and he was succeeded by a cousin, D. FRANCISCO, who only -reigned two or three years, and left the kingdom to a son,[333] D. -DIOGO.[334] Duarte Lopez describes this prince as a man of noble mind, -witty, intelligent, prudent in council, an upholder of the missionaries, -and at the same time a great warrior who, in the course of a few years, -conquered many of the neighbouring countries. His "wars" certainly did -not enlarge the borders of his kingdom, and the only war we know of -ended in disaster. The Portuguese at S. Salvador, jealous of the growing -commercial importance of Luandu, had persuaded the King to send an army -against Ngola Mbandi, they themselves furnishing an auxiliary corps. The -Kongoese, in spite of this, were defeated on the river Dande (about -1556); and Ngola not only appealed to Portugal for protection, but also -allied himself with the Jagas, with whose aid he invaded Kongo (in -1558). - -Nor were the relations of D. Diogo with the missionaries quite as -friendly as Lopez would lead us to believe. As early as 1549, D. Diogo -complained of the overbearing conduct of the Jesuits who had arrived in -that year in the company of D. Joao Baptista, the Bishop of S. -Thome;[335] the priests, on their side, accused the King of having shown -little respect to the bishop, and of having ordered them to be pulled -out of their pulpits, when they denounced his vices and those of his -people.[336] The Jesuits may have been over-zealous in the performance -of what they conceived to be their duty, and too prone to meddle in -politics; but they seem to have led clean lives, which cannot be said of -all of their clerical brethren. When D. Gaspar Cao,[337] the Bishop of -S. Thome and Kongo, a man who took the duties of his office seriously, -visited S. Salvador, these priests openly defied his authority. But -after several of the recalcitrant priests had been deported to Portugal, -whilst others had left voluntarily with such wealth as they had been -able to amass, discipline was re-established.[338] - - -A REIGN OF ANARCHY, 1561-1568. - -When Diogo died, about 1561, the Portuguese residents endeavoured to -secure the throne for one of their own creatures, and caused the duly -elected favourite of the people to be assassinated. As a result, the -people of S. Salvador rose upon the Portuguese, many of whom were -killed, not even priests being spared. The accounts[339] of this period -of disorder are too confused to enable us to be certain even of the -names of the reigning kings. D. AFFONSO II, a son (probably -illegitimate) of D. Diogo, ascended the throne of his father, but was -murdered by his brother, D. BERNARDO, who appears to have been the -candidate favoured by the Portuguese. He at once sent Father Estevao de -Laguos on an embassy to Queen Catherine of Portugal, who, in a letter -dated June 26th, 1562,[340] congratulated him upon his accession, whilst -gently chiding him for the murder of his brother. This King was -evidently friendly disposed towards the Portuguese; and Antonio Vieira, -a negro, who had visited Portugal as member of an embassy, when writing -to Queen Catherine in April 1566,[341] suggested that he might be -induced to allow the mines of copper and tin to be worked. D. Bernardo -is stated by the Duke of Mbamba to have fallen in a war with the -Anzicas, "in defence of Christianity and the Fatherland." He was -succeeded by D. HENRIQUE, a brother of D. Diogo, who, after a short and -troubled reign, died of a wound received in a battle, either against -some revolted vassals,[342] or fighting the Anzicanas.[343] He was the -last king of the original dynasty, for Alvaro I, his successor, was only -a step-son. - - -D. ALVARO I AND THE AYAKA, 1568-1574.[344] - -D. Alvaro, immediately on his accession, sent an embassy to Portugal, to -apologise for the massacre of many Portuguese during the reigns of his -predecessors, which he excused on the ground of the vices and abuses of -the clergy. These excuses were apparently accepted in Portugal, -fortunately for D. Alvaro, for the very next year the dreaded Ayaka[345] -invaded his kingdom by way of Mbata; and, being worsted, the King fled -with his adherents to the Hippopotamus Island,[346] on the lower Kongo, -where they suffered many hardships, and whence he appealed piteously to -the Portuguese for help. This help was not denied him. Francisco de -Gouvea, corregedor of S. Thome, in 1570, hastened to his aid with six -hundred Portuguese, expelled the Ayaka, reinstated the King in his -capital, and built a wall round S. Salvador for greater security. The -King fully recognised the value of the service that had been rendered -him, for Paulo Dias de Novaes told Garcia Mendes[347] that he -acknowledged himself a vassal of Portugal;[348] and as neither gold or -silver had been discovered in his country, he agreed to pay a tribute in -_njimbos_, which he actually did for a few years. - -No sooner was Alvaro once more seated securely upon his throne than he -sent the Count of Sonyo against Ngola (1572). Several encounters took -place in Musulu and Mbuila (Ambuila); but in the end Ngola was allowed -to retain his father's conquests, the river Dande being fixed upon as -the boundary between the two kingdoms. Kongo, however, retained -possession of the valuable island of Luandu. - -Among other events of this reign we should mention a second visit of D. -Gaspar Cao, the bishop, shortly before his death (in 1574); and the -scandal caused by the burial of a notorious infidel, D. Francisco Mbula -matadi, in the church of S. Cruz, the roof of which was taken off by -night, and the body, carried away by the Devil![349] - -D. Alvaro only enjoyed his prosperity for a short time, for when Paulo -Dias landed at Luandu, in 1575, he was already dead.[350] - - -D. ALVARO II, 1574-1614. - -Alvaro II, a son of Alvaro I, is described by Bishop D. Manuel Baptista -as a "zealous Christian, father and friend of all;"[351] but it is -evident that he looked not with overmuch favour upon the Portuguese -residents in his country, and he is charged, in a memoir addressed by -Domingos d'Abreu Brito to King Philip I, in 1592 with having plotted -with the kings of Ndongo and Matamba against the Portuguese. An army -which he sent ostensibly to the aid of the Portuguese in 1583 retired, -apparently without striking a blow, whilst he furnished a contingent to -the forces of Matamba which invaded Angola in 1590. He hindered, by -specious excuses, the completion of a stone fort at Mpinda, which had -been commenced in 1609 by Antonio Goncalves Pitta, until all the workmen -had died. He favoured Dutch traders to the great detriment of the -Portuguese; and we know from Samuel Braun,[352] that an effort was made -in 1612 to expel the Dutch from the Kongo, and that it would have been -successful, had not the natives sided with these heretical enemies, -whose dealings appeared to them to be more generous. Moreover, the King, -although he had promised Sebastian da Costa (1580) that he would allow -the supposed silver mines to be sought for, eventually refused his -consent.[353] - -Turning to Church affairs, we hear of the usual applications for -missionaries, and of several episcopal visitations by D. F. Antonio de -Goiva (1578), D. Manuel de Ulhoa, D. Miguel Baptista Rangel, and D. -Manuel Baptista. D. Manuel de Ulhoa presided over a synod at S. -Salvador, in 1585, and laid down statutes for the government of his see. -D. Miguel Baptista Rangel was the first Bishop of Kongo, which had been -separated from the diocese of S. Thome by a Bull of May 20th, 1596. His -successor, D. Manuel Baptista, resided for several years in Kongo, where -he died in 1621; and a letter addressed to King Philip II, in 1612,[354] -speaks of the results of over a century of missionary effort as -insignificant, and describes the people as incurable barbarians, full of -vice. - - -D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, 1622-1624. - -BERNARDO II, a son of Alvaro II, only reigned for a few months, for he -was killed by his brother, ALVARO III, and a complaint addressed to him -by the Governor of Angola about the admission of heretical Dutchmen to -trade in Sonyo was answered by his successor. This Alvaro III, the -fratricide, is nevertheless described by Cavazzi as having been "wise, -modest, courageous, and above all a zealous Christian." It was during -his reign, in 1619, that the Jesuits founded a college at S. Salvador. A -proposed mission of Italian Capuchins came to nothing, for King Philip -of Spain, by royal letters of September 22nd, 1620, forbade foreign -missionaries to enter Portuguese colonies without first obtaining a -royal license.[355] Alvaro III died on May 26th, 1622, and was succeeded -by D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, whom Cavazzi describes as a son of Alvaro III; -whilst a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador,[356] who wrote an interesting life -of this prince in 1624, makes him out to have been a son of Mbiki a -ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, and a descendant, in the female line, of the -first King of Kongo. If this biographer can be trusted, he was a man of -much promise, and of a mild, forgiving temper; for although the Duke of -Mbamba had sought his life, he conferred upon him the marquisate of -Wembo. His reign was a short and troubled one. In August, 1622, the Duke -of Mbata had been killed by rebels, and his vassal, the King of Kwangu -(Ocango), had suffered a defeat. Joao Correa de Souza, the Governor of -Angola, summoned him to surrender Luandu Island and all the copper -mines; and this being refused, the Portuguese under Luiz Gomez, aided by -the Jagas, crossed the Dande at Ikau and invaded Nambu a ngongo, and (in -December) also Mbumbi, where the Duke of Mpemba and many others were -killed and eaten by the Jagas, in spite of their being Christians. The -people of the invaded districts revenged themselves by killing the -Portuguese living in their midst, the King vainly endeavouring to -protect them. These invaders had scarcely been driven off, when Captain -Silvestre Soares, with a body of Jagas, entered Ngombe and Kabanda. But -that which gave most pain to the King was the destruction of the kingdom -of Bangu, and the murder of its King by the Jagas, with the aid of the -King of "Loango," which was the "trunk and origin of the kingdom of -Kongo."[357] In the midst of these afflictions, the King was rejoiced to -learn the arrival of D. Simao Mascarenhas at Luanda; but he met with an -accident, and died on April 13th, 1624, after a short reign of less than -two years, and mourned by six sons and two daughters.[358] - - -D. PEDRO'S SUCCESSORS, 1624-1641. - -GARCIA, the eldest son of D. Pedro, when elected was only twenty years -of age, He was succeeded by D. AMBROSIO, in October, 1626, whose reign, -up till March, 1631, was one continuous warfare with his powerful -vassals. The country became unsafe, and the Portuguese retired for a -time from S. Salvador. ALVARO IV, a son of Alvaro III, made himself -master of the kingdom, and retained possession until his death, February -25th, 1636. He was succeded by his son, ALVARO V, who, doubting the -loyalty of his half-brothers, the Duke of Mbamba and the Marquis of -Kiowa, made war upon them, was defeated and taken prisoner, but -liberated. Unmindful of the generosity of his opponents, he once more -tried the fortune of battle, was taken again, and executed (in August, -1636). The Duke of Mbamba was unanimously elected in his place, and -reigned, as ALVARO VI, until his death on February 22nd, 1641. He waged -two unsuccessful wars against the Count of Sonyo, in 1636 and again in -1637; and was obliged to surrender the district of Makuta (Mocata) to -his adversary. - - -GARCIA II AFFONSO, O KIMBAKU, 1641-1663,[359] - -the half-brother and old companion in arms of Alvaro VI, took possession -of the throne at a critical time; for in August of the year of his -accession, the Dutch captured Luandu, and the fortunes of the Portuguese -were at the lowest ebb. The Dutch lost no time in sending an embassy to -Kongo (1642),[360] and these new allies lent him their assistance in a -small war against Mwana Nsala, who had defied the royal authority.[361] -But they declined to give effective help against a more powerful vassal, -the Count of Sonyo, as it might have interfered with their trade -interests on the Lower Kongo.[362] The King's army was defeated twice on -April 29th, 1645, when Affonso, the King's son, was taken prisoner, and -again in July 1648, in the forest of Mfinda angulu. Meanwhile the Dutch -had broken the padrao set up by Cao at the mouth of the Kongo; they had -re-named S. Antonio's Bay after their river Pampus at Amsterdam; had -gone to S. Salvador; and at least one of them, Johan Herder,[363] had -travelled far inland, and visited the Mwana Nkundi on the Kwangu. The -heretical tracts and books which they liberally distributed were in due -course burnt by the Capuchin friars. - -Portugal was, moreover, irritated by the admission of Italian and -Castilian Capuchins, a batch of whom, headed by P. Bonaventura of -Alessano,[364] arrived at S. Salvador, on September 2nd, 1645, without -having previously called at Lisbon. This first mission was followed by -three others in 1648, 1651 and 1654,[365] and mission stations were -established in Mbata, in Nkusu, Nsundi, Mpemba, Mbwela, and Wembo -(Ovando).[366] Among the more noteworthy missionary travels of the time -was that of P. Girolamo of Montesarchio, who visited Konko a bele -(Concobello), in 1652.[367] - -Even greater offence was given to Portugal by a mission which the King -despatched to Rome in 1646, and which arrived there, by way of Holland, -in May, 1648. P. Angelo de Valenza, the head of this mission, had been -instructed to beg the Pope to appoint three bishops for Kongo, Matamba -and the Makoko's country, without reference to the claims of Portugal. -This the Pope declined to do; but to show his pleasure at receiving this -mission, he had a medal struck in memory of its visit, with the -inscription "Et Congo agnovit Pastorem," and sent the King a Royal crown -blessed by himself. The King, however, when his mission returned (1651), -and when he heard that the Pope had refused to change Kongo from an -elective into a hereditary monarchy, grew wroth. He openly renounced -Christianity, forbade the Capuchins to preach the word of God, and -recalled his native ngangas. But when some bags containing relics and -ornaments, which the King had taken out of the churches, were -miraculously spared by a fire which broke out in his palace, he -reconsidered his position. A reconciliation with the Capuchins was -effected, and soon afterwards the King, in penitential robes, actually -marched at the head of a procession which had been organised to turn -away a threatened plague of locusts; he allowed himself to be crowned by -P. Giannuario of Nola, in the name of his Holiness, and took an active -part in the celebration of the Pope's jubilee.[368] - -Meanwhile the Portuguese had recovered Luandu, and the King was called -upon to pay the penalty for having made friendship with the Dutch -heretics, and admitted foreigners as missionaries. Bartholomeu de -Vasconcellos invaded Kongo. The King at once sent P. Domingos Cardoso, a -Jesuit, and the Capuchin Friar Bonaventura Sardo, to Luandu, where they -had an interview with the Governor (on February 19th, 1649), and -preliminary terms of peace were arranged.[369] The treaty was reported -upon by the _Conselho Ultramarino_, and confirmed in 1651 at Lisbon, -whither Friar Bonaventura[370] of Sorrento had gone to do homage to the -King of Portugal, on behalf of the Prefect of the Capuchins, as also to -plead the cause of his Order in reference to the proposed treaty. The -terms of this treaty, as modified, were as follows:--Castilians or -Dutchmen not to be permitted to reside or travel in Kongo nor their -ships to be admitted, unless provided with a Portuguese passport; the -Capuchin friars to communicate with Rome only by way of Luandu or -Lisbon, and no Castilians to be admitted among them; the Kings of Kongo -and Portugal to mutually assist each other if attacked by an enemy; an -ambassador of the King of Kongo to take up his residence at Luandu, as -also a royal prince, as hostage, or in his absence two or three men of -rank; compensation to be granted for all the losses suffered by the -Portuguese since the arrival of the Dutch, and fugitive slaves to be -surrendered; Portuguese merchants to be exempted from the payment of -tolls; a site to be granted at the mouth of the Kongo for a fortress; -all gold and silver mines to be ceded to the crown of Portugal, and the -country to the south of the river Dande to be ceded absolutely; and -finally the King of Kongo to acknowledge himself a "tributario" of -Portugal. - -The King seems to have long hesitated before he ratified this treaty, -for in 1656, Diogo Gomes de Morales was ordered to invade Kongo to -enforce it, and was on the point of crossing the river Loje into Mbamba, -when he was recalled, as envoys from the King had arrived at Luandu, -definitely to arrange the terms of peace. - -During the later years of his life, D. Garcia once more fell away from -his Christian teachers, whom he accused of being influenced by political -motives. Suspecting the Duke of Mpemba of a desire to deprive his son of -the succession, he had him executed; and when the native diviners -accused his eldest son, Affonso, of aiming at his life, he had his -second son elected as his successor. He died in 1663. - - -D. ANTONIO I, 1663-66. - -D. Antonio had been enjoined by his dying father to avenge the -humiliation forced upon him by the Portuguese. He inaugurated his reign -by killing his own brother and other relatives, whom he suspected of -disloyalty. The warnings of heaven--fiery balls, an earthquake, which -destroyed part of his capital, a plague, which decimated the -population--were disregarded by him. - -He very soon found himself involved in a war with the Portuguese, who -claimed possession of the mines which had been promised by treaty, and -complained of raids made upon friendly chiefs. On July 13th, 1665, the -King called upon his people to rise in defence of their country and -liberty.[371] His diviners had promised him an easy victory. The -Portuguese had recently been reinforced from Brazil, yet the army which -they were able to put into the field only numbered four hundred -Europeans, with two field guns and six thousand negroes. It was -commanded by Luiz Lopez de Sequeira, the captain-major, with whom were -Manuel Rebello de Brito, Diogo Rodriguez de Sa, Simao de Matos and -Antonio Araujo Cabreira, the serjeant-major. The hostile forces met on -January 1st, 1666, at Ulanga, near the Pedras de Ambuilla.[372] Antonio, -seeing the small force opposed to him, hoped to gain an easy victory; -but the Portuguese, formed in square, resisted the onslaught of his -hosts for six hours. At last the King left the ranks, desirous of a -personal encounter with Lopez de Sequeira; but he was shot down, his -head was cut off, and stuck upon a pike. His followers fled in dismay. -The missionaries assert that the Virgin Mary, with her Child, was seen -to stand by the side of the Portuguese leader, directing the battle, and -that a fiery rain fell upon the idolaters.[373] - -The Governor of Angola, in commemoration of this victory, built the -chapel of N.S. da Nazareth at Luandu, whilst the King of Portugal amply -rewarded the victors. - - -A TIME OF ANARCHY, AFTER 1666. - -We are indebted to Pedro Mendes for an account of the history of Kongo -from the death of D. Antonio in 1666 to the beginning of the eighteenth -century.[374] During that time, according to this authority, there were -fourteen Kings of Kongo, of whom four were beheaded (or killed) by the -Musurongo, five by the Ezikongo, three died a natural death, and two -were survivors when he wrote, namely, D. Pedro IV, at Salvador, and D. -Joao at Mbula.[375] At one time there were actually three kings in the -field. - -ALVARO VII, a royal prince who had passed his early life in retirement, -but who, on being raised to the throne, turned out a monster of -iniquity, was killed by his own subjects, abetted by the Count of Sonyo -(1666), under whose auspices took place the election of his successor, -D. ALVARO VIII (1666-70), who was in turn removed by the Marquis of -Mpemba. Alvaro VIII[376] had allowed the Portuguese to search for gold, -but this search turned out as fruitless as the search for silver at -Kambambe. Meanwhile D. AFFONSO III AFFONSO had been proclaimed at -Kibangu, the new capital (1667), whilst D. PEDRO III _nsukia ntamba_ was -put up as an opposition King in Mbula. The latter defeated his rival, -who fled beyond the Mbiriji (Ambriz), and died there (of poison?). His -widow, D. Anna, a daughter of a former King, Garcia, retired to Nkondo -(Mucondo), and survived her husband until 1680. The people proclaimed D. -GARCIA III _nenganga mbemba_[377] his successor, whilst the opposition, -at the old capital (S. Salvador), declared D. DANIEL DE GUZMAN, -descendant of Mpanzu (Alvaro I), to be the rightful King. D. Daniel took -the field against D. Garcia III, but, before he reached the residence of -that King, he was overtaken by D. Pedro of Mbula; his army was -dispersed, and himself beheaded. His children sought refuge with the -Count of Sonyo, and by treachery they succeeded in getting D. Pedro into -their power, and killed him. The people of Mbula thereupon raised his -brother, D. JOAO, to the throne, who survived until after 1710. S. -Salvador, after D. Daniel had deserted it, became the haunt of wild -beasts. - -Meanwhile D. RAFAEL, Marquis of Mpemba, who had been proclaimed King -some time anterior to this, had been obliged to seek refuge among the -Portuguese, and his reinstatement was one of the objects of the -disastrous expedition of 1670,[378] by which it was sought to punish -Count Estevao da Silva of Sonyo for his desecration of Christian -churches and the ill-treatment of Portuguese traders: or, rather, his -dealings with heretic competitors. - -Joao Soares de Almeida, the commander of this expedition, had with him -five hundred Portuguese, supported by a strong force of native allies, -among whom was a Jaga Kalandula. He won a battle, in which Estevao was -killed; but Pedro, the brother of the unfortunate Count, rallied the -forces of Sonyo, unexpectedly fell upon the Portuguese near the Mbiriji -(Ambriz), and scarcely a man among them escaped. Count Pedro then -expelled the Italian Capuchins, who were supposed to be friendly to -Portugal, and invited in their stead Belgian members of the same Order, -who arrived in September, 1673, under the lead of P. Wouters. But, -having been accused of stopping the rain, and having in reply -excommunicated the Count, they were speedily expelled.[379] Peace -between Sonyo and Portugal was only restored in 1690, when the former -promised to abolish idolatry and to sell no slaves to heretics. - -It was about this period (between 1669 and 1675) that Francisco do -Murca, the captain-major of Dande, visited S. Salvador, and proceeded -thence to Mbata and the Kwangu, where he was told that this river flowed -through the kingdom of the Makoko, and entered the sea at Mpinda, a fact -long before known to the missionaries. These latter had not quite -abandoned the Kongo, notwithstanding these troubles, and in 1668 the -Capuchins still occupied their monasteries at the capital of Mbamba and -at Mpembu;[380] whilst Girolamo Merolla (1682-88) and Antonio Zucchelli -steadily laboured (1700-02) in Sonyo and Luangu.[381] - -D. ANDRE succeeded D. Garcia, but died after a short reign. D. MANUEL -_nzinga elenge_, a descendant of Mpanzu, was duly elected, but expelled -by the sons of the late D. Garcia, who raised ALVARO IX to the throne in -his stead. This prince was never recognised by the Count of Sonyo, who -looked upon D. Manuel, who had sought refuge with him, as the legitimate -King. He was reinstated by him for a time, but ultimately fell into the -power of his enemies, and was beheaded. - -Alvaro IX was succeeded in 1694 by his brother PEDRO IV _nsanu a -mbemba_, also known as _agoa rosada_,[382] who once more returned to the -ancient capital. He and D. Joao of Mbula were the only Kings alive in -1701, when the Capuchin Friar Francisco de Pavia, and his colleague -Friar Joao Maria went throughout the kingdom of Kongo, preaching peace, -and calling upon the leading men to recognise D. Pedro as their King; -and thus put an end to quarrels which had distracted the country for an -entire generation. - - -A RETROSPECT. - -And if we ask to what extent, and in what manner, have the natives of -Kongo been benefited by two centuries of contact with the civilisation -of Europe, and of missionary effort, we feel bound to admit that they -have not been benefited at all--either materially or morally. On the -contrary. There were, no doubt, a few earnest men among the -missionaries, and the Church of Rome deserves some credit for the zeal -with which she addressed herself to the object of converting the -natives. At the same time it cannot be denied that the instruments she -employed, the methods she pursued, and the surrounding circumstances, -were not favourable to success. And success there has been none--at -least, none of an enduring nature--notwithstanding the boastful, if not -absolutely mendacious, reports of her missionaries. The assertion that -there was a time when the whole of Kongo had become Roman Catholic must -raise a smile on the face of those who have attentively studied the -missionary reports. There were eleven churches and a crowd of priests at -the capital; but the outlying provinces were but poorly attended to. The -number of missionaries, even including the native helpers, was never -large enough to administer, even to a tithe of the population, those -rites and sacraments, which the Roman Catholic Church professes to be of -essential importance.[383] - -I quite agree with the Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, when he says that the -"great spiritual edifice" [raised by the missionaries] has not only -"crumbled into the dust, but it has left the unfortunate inhabitants of -that country in as deep ignorance and superstition, and perhaps in -greater poverty and degradation, than they would have been if Roman -Catholicism had never been proclaimed among them."[384] Father Jose -Antonio de Souza, who resided at S. Salvador from 1881-87, and was -subsequently created Bishop of Mozambique, virtually admits this, for he -says: "Christianity did not penetrate deeply; it passed over the country -like a heavy rain, which scarcely wetted the surface of the land, and -left the subsoil absolutely dry and sterile."[385] He adds -significantly: "By the side of the missionary stood the slave-trader." -And surely it was the export slave trade, created by the cupidity of the -Portuguese, but shared in by Dutch, French and English, which undermined -the prosperity of the country, and decimated its population. And the -missionaries never raised a protest against this traffic, although it -was against the tenets of their Church,[386] for they profited by it. -The only thing which they did for the wretched slaves was to endeavour -to secure, as far as possible, that they should not fall into the hands -of heretics; so that at least their souls might be saved, whatever -became of their bodies. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO. - -(NTOTELA NTINU MAKONGO.) - - - 1. Ntinu mini a lukeni. - - 2. Nanga kia ntinu, his nephew or cousin. - - 3. -- -- - - 4. Nkuwu a ntinu, son of No. 1. - - 5. Joao I Nzinga a nkuwu, son of No. 4, baptised May - 3rd, 1491, died 1509. - - 6. Mpanzu a nzinga (Mpanzu a kitima?), second son of - No. 5, 1509. - - 7. Affonso I Mbemba a nzinga (Mbemba nelumbu), - eldest son of No. 5, 1509-40. - - 8. Pedro I Nkanga a mbemba, son of No. 7, 1540-44. - - 9. Francisco Mpudi a nzinga, 1544-46. - - 10. Diogo Nkumbi a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1546-61. - - 11. Affonso II Mpemba a nzinga, an illegitimate son of - No. 10? 1561. - - 12. Bernardo I, (bastard) son of No. 10, 1561-67. - - 13. Henrique (Nerika) a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1567-68. - - 14. Alvaro I o Mpanzu, Mini a lukeni lua mbamba, - stepson of No. 12, 1568-74. - - 15. Alvaro II Nempanzu a Mini, son of No. 14, 1574-1614. - - - 16. Bernardo II Nenimi a mpanzu, son of No. 15, 1615. - - 17. Alvaro III Mbiki a mpanzu, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 15, - 1615 to May 26th, 1622. - - 18. Pedro II Affonso Nkanga a mbiki, son of Mbiki an tumbo, - Duke of Nsundi, grandson of a daughter of No. 7, 1622 to April - 13th, 1624. - - 19. Garcia I Mbemba a nkanga, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 18, - April 1624, to June 26th, 1626. - - 20. Ambrosio I, October 10th, 1626, to March, 1631. - - 21. Alvaro IV, son of No. 17, 1631 to February 25th, 1636. - - 22: Alvaro V, son of No. 21, 1636-38. - - 23. Alvaro VI, Duke of Mbamba, August, 1638, to February 22nd, - 1641. - - 24. Garcia II o kimbaku, (Nkanga a lukeni), Marquis of Kiwa, - 1641-63. - - 25. Antonio I Nevita a nkanga, mwana mulaza, son of No. 24, - 1663-66. - - 26. Alvaro VII Nepanzu a masundu, 1666-67. - - 27. Pedro III Nsukia ntamba of Mbula, 1667-79. - - 28. Alvaro VIII, 1667-78. - - 29. Affonso III Affonso, 1667-69. - - 30. Garcia III Nenganga mbemba, 1669-78. - - 31. Rafael I, marquis of Mpemba, 1669-75. - - 32. Daniel de Guzman Nemiala nia gimbuilla (?), a descendant - of No. 14, 1678-80. - - 33. Joao of Mbula, brother of No. 27, 1679--(He was alive in - 1710). - - 34. Andre mulaza, a descendant of No. 25, 1679. - - 35. Manuel Nzinga elenge, a descendant of No. 14, 1680-16--. - - 36. Alvaro IX Nenimi a mbemba, a descendant both of No. 14 and - of No. 25. - - 37. Pedro IV, Nsanu a mbemba (Agoa rosada), brother of No. 36, - acceded 1694, and was alive in 1710. - - 38. Pedro Constantino Kibangu. He was executed in 1709. - -The dates given for Nos. 26-38, are for the most part very uncertain: -Nos. 26, 28, 31, and 32 I believe to have resided at S. Salvador; Nos. -29, 30, 34, 35, 36 and 37, at Kibangu; Nos. 27 and 33, in Mbula. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -EARLY PORTUGUESE VISITORS. - -The inhabitants of S. Thome were granted permission in 1500[387] to -trade as far as the Kongo river; but it is just possible that long -before that time, and notwithstanding an interdict of 1504, they had -felt their way southward along the coast, and had discovered that a -profitable trade, not hampered by the presence of royal officials or -"farmers," might be carried on at Luandu, and up a river which, after -the King of the country, was called the river of Ngola (Angola). - -Several years afterwards, a representative of this Ngola, whilst on a -visit at S. Salvador, suggested that missionaries should be sent to -convert his master. King Manuel was nothing loth to act upon this -suggestion, and entrusted Manuel Pacheco and Balthasar de Castro, both -of whom were old residents in Kongo, with an expedition, whose main -object was to report on the missionary and commercial prospects in -Ngola's country, to inquire into the existence of reputed silver mines, -and, eventually, to explore the coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope. -On arriving at the bar of Ngola's river (the Kwanza), B. de Castro was -to go to the King's court, where, if circumstances were favourable, he -was to be joined by a priest. Pacheco himself was to return to Portugal, -with a cargo of slaves, ivory, and silver.[388] - -No report of this mission has hitherto seen the light; but we know that -B. de Castro actually reached Ngola's residence, and that he was -retained there as a prisoner, until released in 1526, through the -intervention of the King of Kongo. He reported that he never saw silver -or precious stones anywhere in Angola.[389] - - -THE EARLY HISTORY OF NDONGO (ANGOLA). - -Ndongo is the original name of the vast territory now known as Angola, -from the name or title of its ruler (Ngola) when first the Portuguese -became acquainted with it. The early history of this region is involved -in obscurity, but it seems that its chiefs at one time owed allegiance -to the King of Kongo, whose authority was finally shaken off about the -middle of the sixteenth century, the King only keeping possession of -Luandu island and its valuable _njimbu_ fishery. - -Cavazzi, Antonio Laudati of Gaeta, Cadornega, and others, have published -long lists of Kings of "Angola;" but nearly all the names they give are -not those of the Kings, but the titles which they assumed,[390] and by -which they were generally known. The full title of the King of Ndongo -was _Ngola kiluanji kia Samba_,[391] and that title is still borne by -the present ruler, who claims to be a descendant of the kings of old, -and whose _Kabasa_[392] on the River Hamba (Va-umba or Umba) still -occupies the locality assigned by the missionaries to Queen Nzinga's -_Kabasa_, where they built the church of S. Maria of Matamba. - -Cavazzi's Matamba, however, included the whole of Queen Nzinga's -kingdom, as it existed in his day, whilst the original Matamba, as also -the country known by that name in the present day, had much narrower -limits. It was originally tributary to Kongo, but one of its rulers -assumed the title of _Kambulu_, that is, King, and renounced all -vassalage to his former suzerain. It existed as an independent kingdom -until 1627, when the famous Queen Nzinga took prisoner the dowager -Queen, Muongo Matamba, and incorporated this ancient kingdom in her own -dominions.[393] - -It may have been a Ngola kiluanji, described by Cavazzi as the son of -Tumba ria ngola and of a Ngola kiluanji kia Samba, who first invaded -lower Ndongo, and assigned his conquest to one of his sons. But all is -uncertainty, and there exists an inextricable confusion in the names of -the Kings of upper and lower Ndongo as transmitted to us. One thing, -however, is certain, namely, that as early as 1520 the country down to -the sea was held by a king bearing the name or title of Ngola.[394] - - -THE FIRST EXPEDITION OF PAULO DIAS DE NOVAES, 1560. - -In 1556 Ngola Ineve,[395] being threatened by Kongo, sent an ambassador -to Portugal asking for the establishment of friendly relations. This -ambassador arriving in the year of the death of King John III (1557), -action was deferred until 1559, when three caravels were fitted out and -placed under the command of Paulo Dias, a grandson of the discoverer of -the Cape of Good Hope. Dias left Lisbon on December 22nd, 1559, and -called at S. Thome (where Bishop Gaspar Cao observed that the Jesuits, -who accompanied Dias, would meet with no success as long as commercial -intercourse was prohibited).[396] Dias arrived at the bar of the Kwanza -on May 3rd, and there waited patiently for six months, when Musungu, a -native chief, made his appearance at the head of a crew of painted -warriors, armed with bows and arrows. In his company Dias, accompanied -by the Jesuit fathers and twenty men, travelled up the country for sixty -leagues, when he arrived at the royal residence.[397] The King, not any -longer the Ngola who had asked for missionaries, but his successor,[398] -received his visitors kindly, but would net allow them to depart until -they had helped him against one of his revolted Sobas, called Kiluanji -kia kwangu by Garcia Mendes.[399] Having rendered this service Dias was -dismissed, but the Jesuits remained behind as hostages. Whilst Dias was -absent in Europe, Ngola defeated an army sent against him, and thus -compelled the recognition of the Dande river as his boundary, the -island of Luandu alone, with its productive _njimbu_ fishery, remaining -with Kongo. Ngola ndambi died (in 1568?) before Dias returned. - - -THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF DIAS, 1574. - -After a considerable delay, Dias was sent out as "Conquistador" of the -territory recently visited by him. He left Lisbon on October 23rd, 1574, -with seven vessels and three hundred and fifty men, most of them -cobblers, tailors, and tradesmen.[400] Among his officers were Pedro da -Fonseca, his son-in-law, Luis Serrao, Andre Ferreira Pereira, and Garcia -Mendes Castellobranco, all of whom subsequently won distinction as -"Conquistadores." Three Jesuit fathers (with P. Balthasar Barreira as -superior), and three Dominicans accompanied him. These latter, however, -not finding the country to their liking, soon sought more comfortable -quarters in Kongo. Dias was authorised to grant estates (including full -seignorial rights) to all such among his companions as were prepared to -build a small fort at their own expense. - -In February, 1575, the fleet sighted the coast near the Kwanza, and -passing over the bar of Kurimba cast anchor in the fine bay of Luandu, -and on February 20th Dias laid the foundations of a church.[401] The -island, at that time, was inhabited by forty Portuguese who had come -from Kongo, and a considerable number of native Christians. Its cowry -fisheries yielded great profit to its owner, the King of Kongo, who was -represented by a governor.[402] Not finding the site originally chosen -for his capital to be suitable, Dias, in 1576, removed to what is now -known as the Morro de S. Miguel, and he named the new colony "Reino de -Sebaste na conquista de Ethiopia," in honour of the King who fell -gloriously at Al Kasr el Kebir, and its capital S. Paulo de Luandu. - -Meanwhile the customary presents were exchanged with the King, whose -name or title seems to have been Ngola a kiluanji. The King's gifts -included slaves, cattle, copper and silver bracelets, and aromatic -Kakongo wood. The Cardinal King D. Henrique (1578-80) converted the -silver bracelets into a chalice, which he presented to the church of -Belem. - -Friendly relations continued for three years. The King had been duly -helped against his rebellious sobas; Pedro da Fonseca lived at the -King's residence as "ministro conservador" of the Portuguese, and a -brisk trade seems to have sprung up with the new town of S. Paulo de -Luandu, when it was insinuated to the King that the Portuguese -ultimately intended to take possession of his country, and to sell his -subjects abroad as slaves. The _Catalogo_ traces these insinuations to -the jealousy of a Portuguese trader "inspired by the Devil," and -although neither Garcia Mendes nor Abreu de Brito alludes to this -infamy, their not doing so does not disprove the positive statement of -the _Catalogo_.[403] Moreover, whether the King's mind was influenced by -envoys from Kongo, or by a traitorous Portuguese, it must be admitted -that the intentions of the Portuguese were not altogether -misrepresented. - -At all events, the results were immediately disastrous, for twenty -Portuguese traders, who were at the King's kabasa at the time, were -murdered, together with one thousand slaves, and their merchandise was -confiscated. - - -DIAS IN THE FIELD, 1578-89. - -Dias, before this happened, had already (in 1577) built the fort of S. -Cruz,[404] ten leagues up the Kwanza, and was at the time at a stockade -on the Penedo de S. Pedro, still higher up on the river.[405] When -there, he was warned not to advance any further, and, suspecting -treachery, he retired with his one hundred and fifty men to Kanzele -(Anzele),[406] where he entrenched himself (in 1578). Twenty days later -he received news of the massacre. Dias at once hastened back to Luandu -for reinforcements, the serjeant-major, Manuel Joao, meanwhile valiantly -defending the stockade and raiding the neighbourhood. - -In September, 1580, Dias again left Luandu with three hundred men. -Slowly he proceeded along the Kwanza by land and in boats, punished the -sobas Muchima, Kitangombe, and Kizua, in Kisama, and defeated the King's -army at Makunde,[407] where he had his headquarters for two years, -during which time his subordinates, Joao Serrao, Manuel Joao, and -others, established his authority among the sobas of Kisama and Lamba -(Ilamba). - -In 1582 he removed to Masanganu, at the "meeting of the waters" of the -Lukala and Kwanza. Determined to capture the reputed silver mines of -Kambambe, he set out with Luiz Serrao, eighty Portuguese, and a "guerra -preta" of thirty thousand men. During his forward march he defeated the -soba Mbamba Tungu; and at an entrenched camp at Teka ndungu, on February -2nd, 1584, he inflicted a crushing defeat upon the King's forces; the -Jesuit Father Balthasar Barreiro claiming no little credit for having -contributed to this victory by his prayers.[408] As a result of this -success, many of the sobas declared in favour of Portugal, but so -inconsiderable were the forces at the command of Dias that he could do -no more than maintain his position at Masanganu. An army under the Duke -of Mbamba, which had been promised to him, was never sent.[409] -Reinforcements, however, arrived in the course of 1584 and 1586,[410] -and Dias fought a battle on the Lukala. But his subordinates did not -always meet with a like success; and Joao Castanhosa Vellez, with one -hundred Portuguese, was completely routed by the soba Ngola -Kalungu.[411] - -As an incident of the governorship of Paulo Dias may be mentioned the -building of a fort at Benguella velho, by his nephew, Antonio Lopes -Peixoto, in 1587. Unhappily, fifty men of the garrison ventured abroad, -unarmed, and fell in an ambush; and of the twenty who had remained in -the fort, and who offered a stout resistance, only two escaped. As a -matter of fact, the losses of human life in these native wars were very -considerable. - -Paulo Dias died in the midst of preparations for a fresh expedition -against Ngola, in October, 1589, and was buried in the church of N. S. -da Victoria, which he himself had built at Masanganu.[412] - -His soldiers elected Luiz Serrao, the captain-major, to succeed him. - - -LUIZ SERRAO AND THE BATTLE OF 1590. - -Luiz Serrao, having completed his preparations, started with an army -numbering one hundred and twenty eight Portuguese musketeers (with three -horses), and fifteen thousand native allies armed with bows. With this -utterly insufficient force he crossed the Lukala, and then advanced to -the east. On Friday, December 25th, 1590, when at Ngwalema a kitambu -(Anguolome aquitambo) in Ari,[413] he found himself face to face with -the King of Matamba, whose army had been reinforced by Ngola, the King -of Kongo, the Jaga Kinda,[414] and others. Serrao desired to retire -before this overwhelming host, but his subordinate officers, Andre -Ferreira Pereira and Francisco de Sequeira, persuaded him to attack the -enemy. He did so, on Monday, December 28th, 1590, and was defeated. The -retreat was effected in good order. The vanguard of forty musketeers -was led by Joao de Velloria, then came the "guerra preta," whilst Serrao -himself commanded the rear, and fought almost daily with his pursuers. -The camp at Lukanza, with its valuable contents, had to be abandoned. At -length, on reaching Akimbolo,[415] many leagues to the rear, the -fugitives met Luiz Mendez Rapozo, who had come up from Luandu with -seventy-eight men. At last they reached the old presidio of Mbamba Tungu -and Masanganu; Manuel Jorge d'Oliveira was at once sent down to Luandu -for reinforcements, and on their arrival the siege was raised. L. Serrao -survived this disaster only for a month; and when he died, his officers -elected Luiz Ferreira Pereira, the captain-major, to take his place. The -sobas all around, and in Lamba and Ngulungu, headed by one Muzi Zemba -(Muge Asemba), were in the field, but they were held in check by -Pereira, and the Portuguese name continued to be respected. - - -THE JAGA. - -Jaga or Jaka is a military title,[416] and by no means the name of a -people. The predatory man-eating bands at whose head they invaded the -agricultural districts towards the sea coast, included elements of all -kinds, not unlike the bands of the "Zulu" of our own time; and hence, -one of the names by which they became known in Angola was Bangala.[417] -I have already stated that I do not think that these military leaders, -or Jaga, have anything to do with the tribe of the Ayaka to the east of -Kongo. Still less can we adopt the monstrous notion that the various -inland tribes who, in the course of the sixteenth century, descended -upon the coast of the most opposite parts of Africa, are to be -identified with our Jaga. It was Joao Bermudes[418] who first identified -the Galla of Abyssinia with the Sumba, who raided the coast of Guinea -about 1570. Duarte Lopez (pp. 66, 67) would have us believe that the -Jaga came out of Moenemuge (Mwene muji), and called themselves -Agag.[419] But the people of Mwene muji, or the land of the Maravi, are -in reality the Zimbas, who raided Kilwa and Mombasa in 1589, whilst -"Agag" looks to me like a corruption of Agau, which is the name of an -Abyssinian tribe.[420] And hence arises this absurd confusion of Father -Guerreiro, who expects us to believe that the Jaga are known in Kongo as -Iacas, in Angola as Gindes,[421] in "India" (that is, on the East coast -of Africa) as Zimbas, in Prester John's country as Gallas, and in Sierra -Leone as Sumbas! Battell, who reports facts and leaves hypotheses alone, -confesses that in his day nothing was known about the origin of this -dreaded people.[422] - -We have already met with Jaga in Kongo, as allies of Ngola. In 1590 they -were fighting Luiz Serrao as the allies of Matamba, and by 1600 they -appear to have advanced as far as the coast of Benguella, where Battell -joined them, and had an opportunity of gaining an intimate knowledge of -their daily life, not enjoyed by any other traveller. H. D. de -Carvalho[423] and A. R. Neves[424] have been at the trouble of -collecting such information on their origin as it is possible to gather -after the lapse of three centuries. Entrusting ourselves to the guidance -of the former of these authors, we learn that Kinguri, the son of the -chief of the Bungo, in Lunda, was excluded by his father from the -succession, in favour of his sister Lueji. Gathering around him his -adherents, he left his native land to found a "state" elsewhere. He -first settled in Kioko, then crossed the Upper Kwanza into Kimbundu -(Binbundu of Bie), and reached Lubolo, where he made friends with the -chief, Ngongo, whose daughter Kulachinga he married. He then crossed the -Kwanza above Kambambe, entered into friendly relations with the -Portuguese, visited the Governor, D. Manuel,[425] and offered to fight -on the side of the Portuguese. He was granted land at Lukamba,[426] on -the river Kamueji. Being dissatisfied with this land, on account of its -sterility, he again turned to the eastward, and, crossing the Lui, -finally settled in the country still occupied by his successors, who -(according to Carvalho), were Kasanje, Ngonga ka mbanda, Kalunga ka -kilombo, Kasanje ka Kulachinga, etc.[427] Having settled down, Kinguri -invited his father-in-law to join him, and his forces were subsequently -increased by some discontented subjects of Queen Nzinga, led by Kalungu. -His followers, being thus a mixture of many tribes, the Jagas were -thenceforth chosen alternately among the three leading families of -Kulachinga (Kinguri's wife), Ngongo and Kalunga.[428] - -It is perfectly clear from this information, collected in Lunda and -Kasanje, that it throws no light upon the original Jaga, although it may -explain the origin of the Jaga still ruling at Kasanje. - -The account given by Ladislaus Magyar[429] evidently refers to the same -leader. According to him, a Jaga Kanguri settled in the country now -occupied by the Sonyo three hundred years ago. His people were -cannibals, but the more intelligent among them saw that this practice -would ultimately lead to the destruction of the subject tribes upon whom -they depended for support, and they founded the secret society of the -Empacaceiros[430] for the suppression of cannibalism. Being worsted in a -civil war, they crossed the upper Kwanza into Bie, whilst Kanguri turned -to the north-west and settled in Kasanje. - -Cavazzi seems to go further back, for he tells us that Zimbo, who was -the first chief of the Jaga (Aiacca), invaded Kongo, whilst one of his -chiefs, "Dongij" (Ndongo?), invaded Matamba, and that the bloody -"kichile,"[431] or customs, were introduced by Musasa the wife, and -Tembandumba the daughter, of this "Dongij." The daughter married -Kulambo, whom she poisoned; he was succeeded by Kinguri, who was killed -during an invasion of Angola, Kulachimbo a great warrior, Kassanje, and -many others; the last of whom, Kassanje ka nkinguri, was baptised in -1657.[432] - -I confess my inability to evolve the truth out of these conflicting -statements, and can only suppose that the title of "Jaga" was assumed by -the leaders of predatory hordes of very diverse origin, in order to -inspire terror in the hearts of peaceful tribes; just, as in more recent -times, certain tribes in East Africa pretend to be Zulu for a like -reason. - - -D. FRANCISCO AND D. JERONYMO D'ALMEIDA, 1592-1594. - -The new Governor, D. Francisco d'Almeida, arrived at S. Paulo, on June -24th, 1592, accompanied by four hundred foot-soldiers and fifty African -horse, all picked men. Among the volunteers attending him were his -brother, D. Jeronymo, Luis Lopez de Sequeira and Balthasar Rebello de -Aragoa;[433] and perhaps also Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, who, in a -"Summario e descripcao do Reino de Angola," presented to King Philip I, -proposed an expedition across Africa, and the protection of the road to -be opened by a chain of forts.[434] - -The new Governor, immediately on his arrival, found himself face to face -with a religious difficulty. The Jesuits, ever since the days of Dias, -expected to be consulted in all government business. They desired to be -appointed "preceptors" (amos) of the native chiefs, their aim being -evidently to create a theocratic government, such as they established -subsequently in Paraguay. They "used their spiritual influence to -induce the conquered sobas to refuse obedience to the civil powers;" and -when d'Almeida made use of the authority conferred upon him at Madrid in -order to crush this "nascent theocracy," he was excommunicated.[435] He -certainly was unequal to cope with these domineering priests. -Disheartened, he threw up a charge to which he felt unequal, and took -ship for Brazil (April 8th, 1593).[436] - -D. Jeronymo, at the urgent request of the Camara, took up the reins of -government, and being of a more conciliatory nature than his brother, -made peace with the Jesuits, and was thus able to take the field. He -started with four hundred men and twenty horses, and received the -submission of the sobas of Kisama, excepting the most powerful among -them. On reaching the salt mines of Ndemba[437] he founded a "presidio," -and garrisoned it with one hundred men. On his way to the silver-mines -of Kambambe he was struck down with fever, and returned to Luandu, -leaving Balthasar d'Almeida de Sousa and Pedro Alvares Rebello in -command of the troops. They were imprudent, and on April 22nd, 1594, -fell into an ambush prepared for them by the powerful chief Kafuche -kabara (Cafuxe cambara). Only the captain-major, thanks to the swiftness -of his horse, and a few men, escaped this disaster.[438] - - -JOAO FURTADO DE MENDONCA, 1594-1602. - -D. Jeronymo was on the point of hurrying up with reinforcements when -Joao Furtado de Mendonca arrived at Luandu (August 1st, 1594). He -brought with him, not only four hundred men with thirty horses, but also -twelve European women,[439] the first ever seen in Luandu, in whose -honour the town was decorated. - -One of the most memorable events of his governorship was a campaign -which he conducted up the river Mbengu. Starting at the worst time of -the year (in March, 1496), he quickly lost two hundred men by fever. -Having brought up fresh recruits from Luandu, he avenged himself for a -disaster brought about by his own ignorance, by an exceptional severity -in his treatment of the "rebels," many of whom were blown from guns. -This expedition kept the field for several years, and proceeded as far -as Ngazi (Ingasia), the chief of which district was called Ngombe--the -bullock.[440] - -Meanwhile, Joao de Velloria,[441] the captain-major, had severely -punished the rebellious sobas of Lamba. Masanganu was once more -blockaded by the King Ngola (1597), until relieved by Balthasar Rebello -de Aragao. On again descending the Kwanza, he built a presidio in the -territory of the chief Muchima, in Kisama (1559).[442] - - -THE CAMPAIGN OF 1602-3.[443] - -A new Governor, Joao Rodrigues Coutinho, arrived early in 1602. He was -acceptable to the Jesuits, and soon won the hearts of the people by his -liberality. He had been authorised by the King to bestow five habits of -the Order of Christ, dub five knights, and appoint thirty King's -chamberlains (mocos da camara). Seven years' receipts of the export duty -on slaves were to be devoted to the building of forts at the salt mines -(Ndemba), Kambambe, and in Benguela. - -Six months after his arrival, the Governor took the field against the -powerful chief Kafuche. His force was the most formidable that had ever -been at the disposal of a Governor, numbering no less than eight hundred -Portuguese. It was joined at Songo by a portion of the garrison of -Masanganu. Unhappily, the Governor died before coming in contact with -the enemy, and appointed Manuel Cerveira Pereira as his successor. -Battell calls this man an "upstart," and he certainly had many enemies; -but he is well spoken of by the Jesuits, and was an able soldier. On -August 10th, 1603, he inflicted a crushing defeat upon Kafuche, at -Agoakaiongo,[444] on the very spot where, seven years before, the -Portuguese had met with a great disaster. Overcoming the stout -resistance of the chiefs of the Museke,[445] he arrived at the head of -the navigation of the Kwanza, and there, at Kambambe, he founded the -Presidio da N.S. do Rozario (1604). Having punished several of the -neighbouring chiefs, including Shila mbanza (Axilambanza), the -father-in-law of King Ngola, and left Joao de Araujo e Azevedo[446] in -command of the new presidio, Pereira returned to the coast. - -S. Paulo de Luandu had by that time grown into a fine town, where -commerce flourished. Unfortunately for the lasting prosperity of the -colony, human beings constituted the most valuable article of export, -and the profits yielded by this slave trade attracted Dutch and French -interlopers, notwithstanding a royal decree of 1605, which excluded all -foreign vessels from the vast territories claimed by Portugal. In 1607 -there were four "Presidios" or forts in the interior, namely Muchima, -Agoakaiongo, Masanganu, and Kambambe.[447] - - -D. MANUEL PEREIRA FORJAZ AND BENTO BANHA CARDOSO, 1607-15. - -We have already stated that Manuel Cerveira Pereira had many enemies, -and when D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, the new Governor, arrived towards the -end of 1607, very serious accusations must have been brought against the -former, for he was at once sent back to Lisbon. There, however, we are -bound to assume that he refuted these accusations, for otherwise it is -not likely that he would have been re-appointed Governor eight years -afterwards: unless, indeed, he had friends at court who profited by his -delinquencies. Forjaz himself showed to little advantage. He superseded -the commandant of Kambambe by one of his own creatures, and the fort -would certainly have been taken by the sobas who blockaded it, had not -Roque de S. Miguel and Rebello de Aragao hastened to its relief. Forjaz, -moreover, is accused of having imposed an annual tax upon the sobas, -yielding from twelve to thirteen thousand cruzados, which seem to have -found their way into his own pockets, and those of his favourites.[448] -When he suddenly died in his bed, on April 11th, 1611, the bishop and -the leading men called upon the captain-major, Bento Banha Cardoso, to -take charge of the government. Cardoso was a man of enterprise, and -successful in his undertakings, but cruel. In 1611 he defeated King -Ngola. The sobas Kilonga and Mbamba Tungu, who fell into his hands, were -beheaded, as were also several of their makotas. To avenge these -executions, fourteen sobas of Ngola and Matamba made an attack upon -Kambambe in the following year; and although that place was valiantly -defended until relieved, it took a year before order was restored in the -surrounding district. To keep these sobas in check, a fort (Mbaka) was -built on the river Lukala (1614), eight leagues from Masanganu.[449] In -Kisama, the territory of Nambua ngongo (Nabo angungo) was raided in the -same year. - - -AN ATTEMPT TO CROSS AFRICA. - -Before proceeding with our account, there remains to be noticed a -serious attempt to cross the whole of Africa from the west coast to -"Manomotapa," on the Zambezi, which was made by Balthasar Rebello de -Aragao, by order of D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz. Rebello de Aragao himself -furnishes a very short account of this expedition,[450] from which we -learn that he discovered copper and iron, and was told that there was -also silver. The natives bred cattle and cultivated the land, and they -told him of a lake, in lat. 16 deg. S., giving rise to many rivers, -including the Nile. Unfortunately, when he had advanced one hundred and -forty leagues from the sea, and eighty beyond the place he started from -(Kambambe?), he was summoned back, as the fort just named was threatened -by King Ngola.[451] - - -THE CONQUEST OF BENGUELLA. - -In 1615, Manuel Cerveira Pereira[452] returned to the scene of his -former labours, with special instructions to take possession of -Benguella, which for a considerable time past had been visited by -trading vessels. But before he started upon this enterprise, he ordered -his old comrade, Joao (or Paio?) de Araujo e Azevedo, to deal with -Kakulu Kabasa,[453] Mbumba (Bumba) a ndala, Kilomba kia tubia, and other -revolted chiefs in Angola, whilst he himself penetrated into the country -of the Kakulu Kahenda,[454] who had given offence by assisting fugitive -slaves and interfering with traders. - -Having entrusted Antonio Goncalves Pitta with the government of S. -Paulo, he left that place for the South, on April 11th, 1617, with four -vessels, a patacho, and one hundred soldiers.[455] Finding the site of -the old fort near the Terra das duas Puntas unsuitable, he continued his -voyage along the coast, until he came in sight of a "sombreiro," -overlooking the Bahia das Vaccas;[456] and there he built the fort of S. -Filippe de Benguella, which in course of time developed into a city of -some importance. The sobas of Ndombe, of whose territory he had -possessed himself, naturally objected to the presence of these uninvited -strangers, but they were compelled to submit after five defeats. The -Jaga on the river Murombo likewise gave in, after three months' -fighting, but soon afterwards broke the peace, and was executed. The -chief Kalunga, at the mouth of the Koporolo (Kuporol), and the -cattle-keeping Mukimba in the neighbouring hills, also submitted. It -scarcely admits of doubt that Pereira, in the course of his many -military excursions, discovered copper, sulphur and salt,[457] but he -was to benefit little by these discoveries. His harsh conduct and greed -had estranged his people. Headed by a priest and by their officers, they -mutinied, put their leader on board a patacho, and shipped him off to S. -Paulo, where no notice was taken of his presence, the Governor being -absent at that time, because of a native war (1618).[458] - -Pereira once more returned to Madrid, and having explained matters to -the satisfaction of the authorities, he was sent back, and again reached -S. Felippe de Benguella on August 8th, 1620. He sailed north to Sumba -mbela's country, at the mouth of the river Kuvu. A couple of days inland -he discovered more copper, three quintals of which he took to S. Paulo. -He died in the midst of his labours. The _Catalogo_ credits him with -having gone inland as far as Kakonda.[459] - - -THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. - -We have already learned that the native sobas were handed over to the -mercy of individual "conquistadores," and Rebello de Aragao declares -that these sobas were being "robbed and maltreated." They were required -by their masters to pay a tax in slaves, to furnish carriers, and render -all kinds of services,[460] without payment. In addition to this the -Governor, D. M. P. Forjaz, imposed upon them a poll-tax, which produced -from twelve to thirteen thousand cruzados (say L1,650[461]) a year. -Rebello de Aragao maintains that the native wars were largely due to -this pernicious system, which enriched the Governor and his officials, -whilst traders were made to suffer, and ceased to visit the "feiras" -because of the extortionate demands made upon them. At Mpinda nearly all -the "honest" trade had passed into the hands of the Dutch, because of -the monopoly conferred upon Portuguese slave-dealers. He declares that a -tax of 20 per cent. on the salt mined at Ndemba would pay all the -legitimate expenses of government; but that, although the export duty on -slaves yielded from five to six thousand cruzados, there had not yet -been built a decent house for the government offices. - -Garcia Mendes Castellobranco, in a memoir[462] addressed to the King in -1620, is equally outspoken with regard to the treatment of the native -chiefs, who, he maintains, ought not to be taxed more heavily than at -the time when they were still subjects of a native king. He, too, refers -to the salt mines as a source of revenue, recommends the levying of a -toll at river crossings, and the expropriation of the uncultivated -territory around S. Paulo.[463] - -Many of these abuses may, no doubt, be traced to the demoralising -influence of the slave-trade and the insufficient pay of the officials. -A slave costing L3 7_s._ in the interior (or nothing, if taken in the -course of one of the frequent slave raids) was sold for more than double -that sum on the coast; and whilst money could be made thus easily the -great natural resources of the country were neglected and the -population--which, on the arrival of the Portuguese, is said to have been -very considerable--shrank from year to year.[464] - -The export duties on slaves and ivory were farmed out in 1607 to one -Duarte Dias Enriques for twenty million reis annually (about -L6,600).[465] - -S. Paulo and Masanganu enjoyed municipal institutions at that time, but -all outside these cities was ruled by military adventurers. The Governor -(in 1607) was paid a salary of L267, but the other officials were -decidedly underpaid; and thus, almost of necessity, were driven to -increase their incomes by illegitimate means.[466] - - -THE WAR WITH NGOLA NZINGA MBANDI. - -Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, the new Governor, arrived in November, -1617, and almost immediately found himself involved in a war with the -King of Ndongo. Nzinga mbandi ngola kiluanji,[467] a great tyrant, had -been "removed" by his indignant subjects shortly before the arrival of -the new Governor. He left behind him three daughters, one of whom, born -in 1582, became famous as Queen D. Anna de Souza Nzinga, and two sons, -one by a legitimate wife, the other by a slave woman. It was the latter, -Ngola nzinga mbandi,[468] whom his partisans raised to the throne, which -he reached through rivers of blood, among his victims being his own -brother, a son of his sister, and many of the trusted councillors of his -father. In 1618 the usurper took the field, intending to expel the -Portuguese, who seem to have given provocation by shifting the old -presidio of Mbaka (Ambaca) to a site much higher up the Lukala.[469] The -Governor, ably supported by his captain-major, Pedro de Souza Coelho, -not only defeated the King, but also captured his queen and many other -persons of consideration. The King sued for peace, but as he failed to -surrender the Portuguese whom he had taken prisoner, the war was renewed -in 1619. His allies fared no better than the King himself. His vice-king -of lower Ndongo, Ngola ari,[470] was compelled to pay a tribute of one -hundred slaves annually (in 1620); and while the Governor raided the -territories of Kahibalongo, Ndonga, and Kasa, his lieutenant, Lopo -Soares Laco, destroyed the kilombos of the sobas Ngunza a ngombe and -Bangu. - -It had been recognised by this time that many of these punitive -expeditions were provoked by the lawless conduct of white traders, -mulattoes and negros calcados (that is, shoe-wearing negroes), who went -inland on slaving expeditions; and only Pumbeiros descalcos, that is, -native agents or traders not yet sufficiently civilised to wear shoes, -should be permitted to do so in future.[471] - -When King Ngola nzinga mbandi heard of the arrival of Joao Correa de -Souza, the new Governor, in September, 1621,[472] he at once sent his -sister to Luandu to arrange terms of peace. This woman, then about forty -years of age, proved an excellent diplomatist. When the Governor alluded -to the payment of tribute, she declared that tribute could only be -demanded from a conquered people, and the treaty ultimately signed was -one of reciprocity: fugitive slaves were to be surrendered, and -assistance to be given against common enemies. - -Before this able ambassadress left Luandu, she was received into the -bosom of Holy Mother Church, being baptised as D. Anna de Souza (1622); -and on her return home she persuaded her brother to apply for the -services of a priest, or _Mamaganga_.[473] A priest was sent, but he was -a native, who had been ordained at Luandu, and one of the King's own -subjects. The King looked upon this as an insult; he treated the priest -with great indignity, and once more invaded the Portuguese territory. -Thrice beaten, and deserted by his vassals, he fled to the island of -Ndangi,[474] in the Kwanza river, where he died of poison administered -by his own sister Nzinga, who thus avenged the murder of her son (1623). - - -QUEEN NZINGA, 1623-1636. - -Nzinga at once renounced Christianity, and the bloody rites of the Jaga -were celebrated when she ascended her throne. She inaugurated her reign -by the murder of her brother's son, of his adherents, and her supposed -enemies. Having reduced her own people to subjection, with the aid of -the Jaga, she declared war upon Portugal. D. Felippe de Souza Ngola ari, -the King of Ndongo recognised by the Portuguese, was at once ordered to -defend the frontier, and, if possible, to invade the territories of his -kinswoman. On consideration, however, it was thought best, in the -interest of trade, to avoid a serious conflict. An officer was sent to -the court of the Queen, offering to restore the lost provinces (and thus -sacrificing their vassal D. Felippe), on condition of her acknowledging -herself a vassal, and paying tribute. These conditions were haughtily -rejected, and the war began in earnest. - -Joao de Araujo e Azevedo was placed at the head of the Portuguese -invading force.[475] He raided the country along the Lukala, and then -turned back upon the Kwanza, occupied the islands of Ukole and Kitaka, -and came up with the Queen's camp at Ndangi Island. The Queen, having -consulted the spirit of her brother Ngola mbandi,[476] declined to risk -a battle, and fled into Hako (Oacco). The Portuguese followed in -pursuit, passing through Bemba, Malemba and Kipupa, and Little Ngangela -(Ganguella); came up with the Queen's forces in the territory of soba -Matima (Mathemo), and inflicted a serious defeat upon them. Among the -prisoners taken were the Queen's sisters, Kambe and Funji, and many -Makotas. The pursuit was continued as far as Kina grande in Ngangela, a -deep and difficult gorge, into which some of the soldiers and the -_guerra preta_ descended by means of ropes. When the Queen fled to the -kingdom of Songo, the Portuguese forces retired to the west (1627).[477] - -The two princesses were taken to Luandu, where the Governor, Fernao de -Souza, lodged them in his own house. In baptism (1628), they received -the names of D. Barbara and D. Engracia. - -The Portuguese had no sooner retired than Queen Nzinga returned to -Ndangi Island, and having been reinforced by several Jaga, she undertook -the conquest of Matamba. At Makaria ka matamba she took prisoner the -dowager-queen[478] Muongo Matamba, and her daughter. The mother was -branded as a slave, and died of grief; but the daughter was taken into -favour, and was baptised in 1667. - -Having thus destroyed the ancient kingdom of Matamba, the Queen once -more invaded Portuguese territory, but she turned back when she heard -that the Jaga Kasanji was raiding her recent conquest, upon which he -claimed to have prior rights. - -At the same time she interfered continually with the commerce of the -Portuguese with the interior; and it was only in 1636, when the -Governor, Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, sent D. Gaspar Borgia and -Father Antonio Coelho on a mission to the Jaga in Little Ngangela, and -to the Queen at her Kabasa, in Umba, that peaceable relations were -established. The Queen, however, persistently refused to surrender her -claims to the provinces of Ndongo which had been occupied by the -Portuguese. - - -MINOR EVENTS, 1624-1641. - -Punitive expeditions were frequent. In 1624 the Jaga Kasanji, who had -taken advantage of the conflicts between the Portuguese and Queen Nzinga -to rob Pumbeiros, was severely punished, and Captain Roque de Miguel -returned from this expedition with a large number of captives, who as a -matter of course, were sold into slavery. During the provisional -governorship of the bishop D. Simao de Mascarenhas[479] (1623-4), Lopo -Soares Laco meted out punishment to the Jagas Nzenza a ngombe and -Bangu-Bangu, and to the irrepressible Kafuche.[480] A few years later, -in 1631, the captain-major Antonio Bruto waged a successful war against -rebellious sobas, and more especially impressed the natives by his -victory over the dreaded Mbuila anduwa (Ambuila Dua), who held out for -six months in a rocky stronghold deemed impregnable. The invasion of -Kongo, in 1622, by order of Governor Joao Correa de Souza, who claimed -the surrender of Luandu Island and of all the copper mines, has already -been referred to (see p. 123). - -Among the very few measures calculated to promote the material or moral -interests of the colony may be mentioned the establishment of the three -_feiras_, of Ndondo, Beja, and Lukamba, in 1625; the foundation of a -_Santa casa da misericordia_ (Poor-house and hospital) at S. Paulo de -Luandu, by the bishop D. Simao de Mascarenhas; the compulsory -cultivation of the banks of Mbengu (Bengo), when Luandu was threatened -with famine owing to the non-arrival of provision ships from Brazil, in -1629;[481] the reform of the administration of the Royal revenue, by -Fernao de Souza, in the same year; and the creation of a board of -revenue (_Junta da fazenda_), charged with the collection of the tithes -and of the tribute payable by the native chiefs, by Francisco de -Vasconcellos da Cunha, in 1638. - -The affairs of the missions will be dealt with subsequently, in a -comprehensive manner, but a difficulty which arose in 1623 between the -Governor, Joao Correa de Souza, and the Jesuits, may be dealt mentioned -at once. In 1619, Gaspar Alvares,[482] a wealthy merchant of Luandu, -placed 20,000 cruzados at the service of the Fathers, in order that they -might found a seminary[483] for the education of twelve natives. -Subsequently he himself became a member of the Society of Loyola, and -devoted the whole of his fortune, amounting to 400,000 cruzados, to its -purposes. The Governor not unnaturally objected to this sudden -enrichment of a Society which had always been a thorn in the side of the -government. Alvares himself escaped to S. Salvador, but the Prefect of -the Jesuits and three Fathers were sent as prisoners to Lisbon, where -they were at once liberated; whilst the Governor himself, who arrived -soon afterwards, perhaps with the intention of justifying his hasty -proceedings, was thrown into prison, and died in the _limoeiro_ in 1626. - - -THE DUTCH IN ANGOLA. - -When Philip of Spain seized upon the crown of Portugal in 1580, that -unfortunate country became at once involved in the troubles between -Spain and the United Netherlands. No sooner had the destruction of the -_Armada_, in 1588, enabled the Dutch to take the offensive on sea, than -they began to compete for a share in the trade of the Portuguese -possessions. The Dutch at first kept on the defensive, but in 1598 they -and the Portuguese came into hostile collision near the Ilha do -Principe; and all efforts to exclude these noxious heretics from sharing -in the trade of the Kongo proved futile, more especially as the natives -themselves preferred their Dutch visitors to the masterful -Portuguese.[484] - -An armistice concluded in 1609 expired in 1621. The Dutch West-India -Company was founded in that very year, and thenceforth the Dutch -proceeded aggressively. In 1623 they burnt several _patachos_ off the -mouth of the Kwanza; in 1629 a Dutch squadron cruised during three -months off the coast of Benguella and captured four Portuguese -merchantmen, but failed to force their way into the harbour of Luandu. -In 1633 two Dutch vessels menaced S. Felippe de Benguella, but were -driven off by Lopo Soares Laco, after a stout fight, on November 15th. -In 1637, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, the Governor's brother, -captured a Dutch man-of-war of 24 guns. At that time the coast was being -regularly patrolled by Portuguese men-of-war,[485] and in 1638 the -foundations of the Fort S. Miguel were laid on the Morro de S. Paulo, -the original site of the city of S. Paulo. - -When Portugal recovered her independence, in December, 1640, D. Joao IV -of Braganca at once sent Tristao de Mendoza Furtado to the Hague, with -instructions to demand a suspension of hostilities. The West-India -Company, which profited largely from a state of war, declared in favour -of a definite treaty of peace, but objected to the conclusion of an -armistice. The Portuguese envoy had no authority to sign such a treaty; -but after protracted negotiations an armistice for ten years was signed -on June 23rd, 1641, which was to take force outside Europe as soon as it -became known there. - -Meantime, the directors of the West-Indian Company had instructed Count -John Moritz of Nassau to take advantage of the momentary weakness of -Portugal, after her war of liberation, to seize all he could before the -terms of the treaty became known.[486] Count Moritz, being desirous to -increase the supply of slaves for the plantations in Brazil, determined -to seize upon Luandu. A fleet of twenty-one vessels was at once fitted -out at Pernambuco, and placed under the command of Cornelis Cornelissen -Jol, surnamed Houtebeen, or "Wooden leg." It was manned by nine hundred -sailors, and had on board two thousand troops, commanded by Jeems -Hindersen. This formidable armament left Pernambuco in June 30th, 1641, -sighted Cabo Negro on August 5th, and having captured the _Jesus Maria_, -on a voyage from Madeira, was by her piloted into the harbour of Luandu. -On August 24th the Dutch fleet unexpectedly appeared off S. Paulo, -surprising its inhabitants in the midst of their rejoicings at the -accession of the "liberator king." S. Paulo, at that time, was a city of -twenty thousand inhabitants, including three thousand Portuguese; but -the Governor, Pedro Cezar de Menezes, though he was at the head of nine -hundred white troops, offered only a feeble resistance; and, accompanied -by many of the citizens, he withdrew to the river Mbengu, and -subsequently to Masanganu. The booty which fell into the hands of the -Dutch included thirty ships and ninety-eight cannon. - -They lost no time in gaining the goodwill of the neighbouring sobas, -sent an embassy to the King of Kongo (see p. 125), and entertained -offers of alliance from Queen Nzinga. Aki musanu (Aca mochana) and Nambu -a ngongo (Nabo a ngongo), who had risen upon the Portuguese, were joined -by one hundred and fifty Dutchmen, and thus enabled to overcome their -enemies, whose leaders, Andre da Costa and Joao Vieira, they killed -(1642). - -In the following year (1643) information was received that the truce had -been signed, but the Dutch director very naturally declined to surrender -the town. He agreed, however, to suspend hostilities. Pedro Cezar had -been instructed by his government to avail himself of the first -opportunity to recover the city,[487] and it was evidently with a view -to this eventuality that he established a camp on the river Mbengu. The -Dutch suspected his treacherous design, and at dawn on May 26th, 1643, -they surprised his force. Many Portuguese were killed (including Antonio -Bruto), while Pedro Cezar himself, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, -and one hundred and eighty seven soldiers were taken prisoner. The -remainder escaped to Masanganu. The forces assembled there under the -captain-major, Antonio de Miranda, were unable to retrieve this -disaster, but the Governor, aided by friends, managed soon afterwards to -escape. - -But though unequal to meeting the Dutch in the field, the Portuguese -were still able to enforce their authority upon the natives; and in 1645 -Diogo Gomes de Morales led an expedition into Lubolo and Mbalundu -(Bailundo), and reduced the _kolombos_ of thirty "Jagas" to obedience. - -In 1645, the Portuguese of Brazil, under the leadership of Joao -Fernandez Vieira, rose upon their Dutch oppressors, and in the same year -the Dutch occupied S. Felippe de Benguella. The garrison under Antonio -Teixeira de Mendonca, the captain-major, and Antonio Gomez de Gouvea, an -experienced _sertanejo_, or backwoodsman, retired northward along the -coast. On reaching Kikombo Bay, on July 27th, 1645, they met there -Francisco de Sotto-maior, just arrived from Rio de Janeiro with -reinforcements. By advice of Gomez, the troops and stores were landed in -Suto Bay, near Cabo ledo, and conducted by him in three detachments to -Masanganu, without the Dutch becoming aware of their arrival. The -Governor, Pedro Cezar de Menezes, returned by the same route to Rio, -taking with him a cargo of slaves. - -These reinforcements arrived just in time to be employed against Queen -Nzinga. That lady had set a black and a white cock to fight each other, -and the defeat of the white cock was looked upon by her as a favourable -augury for venturing an attack upon Masanganu. But Gaspar Borges de -Madureira fell upon her before her forces had been concentrated -(January, 1646). She suffered a severe defeat, notwithstanding the -presence of Dutch auxiliaries. Her sisters once more fell into the hands -of the Portuguese. D. Engracia was strangled soon afterwards for an act -of treachery, whilst D. Barbara was kept in honourable captivity until -1657.[488] - -Meanwhile the Dutch had made preparations for an advance up the Kwanza. -They had built Fort Mols at the mouth of the river, and another fort -higher up. The Governor, Francisco de Sotto-maior, having died of fever -in May, 1646, measures for a spirited defence were taken by the three -captains-major, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio Teixeira -de Mendonca, and Joao Juzarte de Andrada. Muchima, which had been -furiously assaulted by the Dutch, was relieved by Diogo Gomes de -Morales. But in the following year the Portuguese suffered a reverse at -Kawala (Caoalla), and Masanganu itself was threatened by the combined -forces of Queen Nzinga, Kongo, and the Dutch. - -However a saviour was at hand in this extremity. On August 12th, 1648, -Salvador Correa de Sa Benevides,[489] with nineteen vessels, having on -board nine hundred soldiers, cast anchor in the harbour of Luandu, and -summoned the Dutch to surrender within forty-eight hours. On their -refusal he landed his troops, and after a short bombardment of Fort S. -Miguel, to which the Dutch had withdrawn, early on August 15th he -delivered an assault, which cost him one hundred and sixty three men, -but led to the surrender of a garrison numbering one thousand one -hundred men, including French and German mercenaries. When these -prisoners had been joined by the three hundred Dutchmen who were with -Queen Nzinga, and the garrison of Benguella, which surrendered without a -blow, they were shipped off to Europe. The city, in memory of the event, -assumed the name of "S. Paulo da Assumpcao de Loanda," for it was on the -Day of Ascension of the Virgin Mary that a seven years' captivity ended. -The anniversary of that event is celebrated to the present day by a -religious procession. - - -RESTORATION OF PORTUGUESE AUTHORITY. - -No time was lost in restoring the authority of Portugal throughout the -colony. The King of Kongo was compelled to accept a treaty by which -Luandu Island and the whole of the country to the south of the Dande -river were unconditionally surrendered, and other advantages held out -(p. 128). Queen Nzinga, although she declined the overtures of Captain -Ruy Pegado[490] for a formal treaty, retired inland, and gave no trouble -for a number of years. As to the sobas of Lamba, Kisama, Lubolo, and the -Modiku islands, they were visited by punitive expeditions commanded by -Antonio Teixeira de Moraes, Diogo Mendes de Morales, Vicente Pegado de -Pontes, and Francisco de Aguiar. - -Order having been restored, the Governor, Salvador Correa de Sa, caused -the ruined buildings to be repaired, and granted crownland to the -inhabitants for houses and gardens. In a very short time prosperity -returned, and the trade of Luandu was as flourishing as ever it had -been.[491] - -But although the Portuguese were masters on shore, the Dutch, and -occasionally also French or English "pirates" frequented the coast. In -1650 Alvaro d'Aguiar defeated five of these interlopers, who had made -prizes of two ships on a voyage from Brazil; in 1651 Joao Duque was -killed in an action with Dutch men-of-war; in 1652 Joao de Araujo drove -away the Dutch from Mpinda and Luangu; in 1658 the same officer made a -prize of a English slaver off Benguella. A second English slaver was -captured in 1659 by Joao Cardoso, who also captured a Dutch vessel off -the Kongo in 1661. In 1662 the definite treaty of peace between Portugal -and Holland was signed, and "pirates" are no longer heard of; although -Dutch vessels provided with passes, or favoured by the Governors, seem -to have been admitted to Portuguese ports. - - -QUEEN NZINGA AND HER SUCCESSORS. - -Queen Nzinga, after the return of her General from a raid on the -territory of Mbuila (Imbuille), in 1655, whence he brought a miraculous -crucifix, felt troubled in her conscience; and on consulting the spirits -of five of her ancestors (see p. 166), she learned, to her no small -terror, that they were suffering eternal torments, which she could only -escape by once more embracing the Christian faith, and seeking the -friendship of the Portuguese.[492] Upon this advice she acted. The -negotiations for a treaty were conducted by Captain Manuel Freis Peixoto -and the Capuchin friar Antonio of Gaeta, who came to her Court for that -purpose in 1657. Her sister, D. Barbara, was restored to her on payment -of a ransom of two hundred slaves,[493] and the river Lukala was -thenceforth to form the boundary between the Queen's dominions and those -of the Portuguese. No tribute was to be paid by her. Friar Antonio had -the honour of once more baptising this ancient lady, then seventy-five -years of age, and also of marrying her, legitimately, to a slave-youth, -Don Salvatore; while her sister, D. Barbara, allied herself unto D. -Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mona, a foster-brother of the Queen, and the -General-in-Chief of her armies. A church, S. Maria de Matamba, was -specially built for these interesting ceremonies. This remarkable woman -died on December 17th, 1663, after Father Cavazzi had administered to -her the last consolations of religion, and was buried in the church of -St. Anna, which had been built within the precincts of the Royal palace. - -When D. Barbara died, on March 24th, 1666, her husband, D. Antonio -Carrasco Nzinga a mona, killed the legitimate heir, D. Joao Guterres -Ngola kanini, and usurped the throne, but was himself slain in a battle -against D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, in 1680. The conqueror then -attacked the allies of the Portuguese, robbed the pumbeiros, and -beheaded the Jaga Kasanji (1682).[494] Luiz Lopez de Sequeira at once -took the field against him with five hundred and thirty infantry, -thirty-seven horse, and ten thousand _empacaceiros_, and defeated him at -Katole, a place within three days of the Royal _kabasa_. The King -himself lost his life, but so did the leader of the Portuguese[495] and -Vasco de Mello da Cunha. Joao Antonio de Brito, who took the command -after his leader's death, remained encamped for thirty days on the site -of the battle; and finding that the enemies did not return, retired to -Mbaka; from which we may judge that the Portuguese, too, suffered heavy -losses. D. Veronica (or Victoria) Guterres, the sister of the late King, -sued for peace, which was readily granted. Fresh complications -threatened in 1689, when the Queen was charged--falsely, it appears--with -having stirred up the soba Kahenda to rebel against his Portuguese -masters; but matters were arranged through the intervention of bishop D. -Joao Franco de Oliveira. No further trouble seems to have occurred with -the successors of Queen Nzinga until 1744, when the Queen[496] provoked -a war by killing a white trader and robbing pumbeiros: the result of -which was the capture of her capital by Bartholomeu Duarte de Sequeira, -and the cession of the Kinalunga Islands to Portugal.[497] - - -THE LAST OF THE KINGS OF NDONGO, 1671. - -We have seen that D. Joao de Souza Ngola ari had been installed as the -first King of Ndongo, recognised by the Portuguese (see p. 164), about -1627, and had been succeeded by D. Filippe de Souza, who died in 1660, -and by Joao II. The hope that this tributary would prove a staunch ally -of the Portuguese was not to be realised, for immediately after the -disastrous campaign against Sonyo (see p. 131), in 1670, D. Joao Ngola -ari raised the standard of rebellion, and invaded the district of Mbaka. -The Governor, Francisco de Tavora,[498] a future Viceroy of India, who -on account of his youth (he was only 23 years of age) and supposed -prudence had been nick-named _o menino prudente_, despatched his -captain-major, Luiz Lopes de Sequeira, to reduce the rebel to obedience. -Ngola ari met with a defeat on the river Luchilu, close to the Pedras of -Pungu a ndongo, which were considered impregnable. Yet, on a dark night, -on November 18th, 1671, Manuel Cortes, the leader of the _guerra preta_, -surprised this rocky stronghold. The King himself was taken, and -beheaded as a traitor. Thenceforth there was no further need for -punitive expeditions on a large scale.[499] - - -RELATIONS WITH KONGO. - -No sooner had the Portuguese regained possession of S. Paulo than the -King of Kongo was called to account for having sided with the Dutch and -favoured the operations of "foreign" Capuchins. A threatened invasion of -his kingdom (1649) speedily led to the conclusion of a treaty of peace -(see p. 126). But as the supposed gold and silver mines were not ceded, -as promised, the Portuguese once more invaded the country, and in the -bloody battle of Ulanga, in 1666, the King lost his life and crown (p. -129). From that time to the close of the century anarchy reigned in -Kongo. The disastrous expedition against Sonyo in 1670 (see p. 131) was -partly undertaken in order to support one of the many rival kings of -that period. - - -MINOR PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS, 1658-95. - -Joao Fernandes Vieira, who had gained fame as the leader of the -Portuguese patriots in Brazil, where the capture of Pernambuco had won -him the surname of _o hero de nossa edade_, arrived as Governor on April -18th, 1658, and before the close of the year, a serious rebellion broke -out in Upper Ngulungu. The captain-major, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos, -took the field, and compelled Ngolome a kayitu (Golome Acaita), to -surrender his rocky stronghold after a siege of four months; Tanga a -ngongo submitted quietly, but Kiluanji kia kanga (Quiloange Acango), -faced the Portuguese four times, and then retired inland without -yielding submission. - -A second expedition, in the same year, traversed the districts to the -south of the Kwanza.[500] It started from Masanganu, and having crossed -the Kwanza into Hako was joined by Ngunza mbambe;[501] it entered the -district of Kabeza, where the Jaga of Rimba brought further -reinforcements. Jaga Ngonga ka anga, the chief of Nsela (Shella), on the -river Kuvu, surrendered his capital, Kangunza, by the advice of his -diviners, without striking a blow, and submitted to be baptised. The -expedition then returned to Mbaka by way of the river Gango and Tamba; -whilst Cavazzi, who accompanied it as chaplain, took a more direct road -through Kabeza. - -After the great victory over the King of Kongo in 1666 (see p. 130), a -detachment under Antonio da Silva was sent into the territory of the -Ndembu Mutemu Kingengo, whilst another, under Diogo Gomes Morales, -raided the villages of Nambua nongo, these chiefs having aided the -defeated King. - -Kisama, at all times an unruly district, and even now virtually -independent, though situated on the sea and within easy reach of Luandu, -has repeatedly given trouble to the Portuguese. In 1672, the sobas of -the district unsuccessfully assaulted the fort at Muchima. In 1686 they -blockaded that fort, until relieved by Joao de Figueiredo e Souza. In -1689, the sobas Kimone kia sanga and Muchima interfered with the free -navigation of the Kwanza, and were punished by the Portuguese leader -just named; and in 1695, the rebellion of the soba Katala brought into -the field the captain-major, Manuel de Magalhaes Leitao. - -A rebellion in Lubolo, in 1677, was suppressed by Luiz Lopez de -Sequeira. The soba Ngunga mbambe was killed, and his allies, Sakeda, -Ngola kitumba, and Ngola Kabuku, were severely punished. - -Far more serious was an expedition which the Governor, Goncalo da Costa -de Alcacova Carneiro de Menezes, despatched against the ndembu Mbuilu -(Ambuilla), who had expelled the Portuguese residents, robbed the -Pumbeiros, and burnt the church. Joao de Figueireda e Souza, a trusted -officer, was given the command; and notwithstanding that the garrison of -Masanganu mutinied and refused to join him, he mustered, on May 25th, -1682, a formidable force of six hundred musketeers, forty-two horse, and -a _guerra preta_ of forty thousand men, with two field guns. -Unfortunately, he lost precious time by lingering two months at -Kamolembe, where many of his people died; and when at last ready to -start, he heard that Mbuila had been reinforced by two "armies" sent to -his aid by King Manuel of Kongo[502] and Queen Nzinga, and lost his -head. Fortunately for the Portuguese a stroke of paralysis carried off -this pusillanimous leader, and his place was taken by Pascoal Rodrigues, -a man of much energy, who marched straight upon the mbanza of Mbuilu, -and there achieved a great victory. Mbuilu fled to his neighbour and -ally Ndamba (Dambe). The number of prisoners taken was so great that it -was feared they might endanger the safety of their captors, and they -were mercilessly beheaded, a nephew of Mbuilu alone being sent a -prisoner to Luandu.[503] - -When Pascaol Rodrigues fell ill, the Governor appointed Joao Baptista de -Maia to succeed him. The troops passed the rainy season in barracks. On -the return of fine weather, Mbuilu was pursued into the territory of -Ndamba and killed. The mbanzas and over one hundred and fifty libatas -were burnt. The Ndembu Kabanda, a partisan of Mbuilu, was pursued by -the sergeant-major, Lourenco de Barros Morim, and the leader of the -_guerra preta_, Goncalo Borges de Barros, and killed with many of his -people. Another ndembu having been installed, and sworn allegiance to -the King of Portugal, the army returned to Mbaka, and thence to Lembo -near Masanganu. The victorious troops were refused admission into the -latter, the garrison of which had mutinied. It was only after the -Governor had promised a pardon to the offenders, with the exception of -the leaders, that order was restored (1693). - - -BENGUELLA. - -S. Filippe de Benguella was founded in 1617 by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, -and in 1661 its fortifications were rebuilt by Gaspar de Almeida Silva, -whilst Manuel de Tovar Froes fought the neighbouring sobas. A further -step in advance was taken in 1682, when the sergeant-major, Pedro da -Silva, founded the presidio of Kakonda a velha, in the territory of the -soba Bongo. Two years later, in 1684, this presidio was surprised by -Bongo, and Manuel da Rocha Soares, its commandant, was killed. Carlos de -Lacerda, who was despatched to avenge this outrage, being compelled to -fall back before superior forces, Joao Braz de Goes, the captain-major -of Benguella, himself took the field. The Jaga, deserted by his people, -sought refuge with Ngola njimbu (Golla Gimbo), but was pursued and -captured,[504] and the present presidio was built eighty miles further -inland (1685), in the territory of the soba Kitata. An attempt made by -the soba of Huambo (Hiamba), in 1698, to expel the Portuguese was -frustrated by Antonio de Faria, its commandant. A more formidable attack -by the neighbouring sobas, in 1718, proved equally ineffectual. The -Portuguese had thus gained an advanced post nearly one hundred and -fifty miles from the coast, the possession of which opened up to them -fresh sources for the supply of slaves, and contributed not a little to -the growing prosperity of S. Filippe de Benguella. - - -ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. - -The Jesuits were the earliest missionaries in Angola; but it would be in -vain to look to them for any precise geographical or historical -information, such as is furnished by members of the Society established -in other parts of the world. They confined their activity to the seat of -Government and its immediate vicinity, and Portuguese authors are severe -upon their love of power and covetousness. Their relations with the -Governors were on many occasions strained, but it cannot be asserted -that the Jesuit Fathers were in every instance in the wrong.[505] As an -illustration of their masterfulness, the following incident may serve. -In 1661, the Governor, Joao Fernandez Vieira, very properly ordered that -pigs, should no longer be allowed to run about the streets of the -capital. The Jesuits did not deign to take the slightest notice of this -order; and when several of their slaves were arrested for disregarding -it, they protested against this exercise of authority, and actually -excommunicated the Governor. But the Governor was not to be frightened. -He reported the case to his King, D. Affonso VI, and the King in a Royal -rescript of December 9th, 1666, severely reproved the Jesuits for their -insolence; and threatened, in case of similar conduct, to deprive them -of the crown lands, and to take other legal measures against them. - -Franciscans (Tertiaries of the Order of St. Joseph) followed the Jesuits -in 1604. Then came the Capuchins, for the most part Italians and -Castilians, in 1651; and lastly barefooted Carmelites (Religiozos de S. -Thereza). Of all these friars the Italian Capuchins alone appear to have -done good work; and to members of their Order, and especially to -Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, of Montecuccoli, Antonio Laudati, of Gaeta, -and Antonio Zucchelli, of Gradisco, we are indebted for much useful -information regarding the people among whom they laboured. Many of the -other friars seem to have been men whom their superiors in Europe were -glad to part with; and the same may be said with reference to the -secular clergy. - -A report of the ecclesiastical affairs of Angola and Kongo, drawn up in -1694 by Goncalo de Alcacova Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de Menezes, by -order of the Governor, presents us with a deplorable picture of the -state of affairs in that year. Throughout the country there were only -thirty-six friars[506] and twenty-nine secular clergy; and of these as -many as twenty-nine had taken up their quarters in the capital. Of fifty -churches and chapels, many were without priests, and had fallen into -ruins. The village missions (missoes das Sanzalas) had long been given -up, and many baptised negroes had returned to the ancient superstitions. -The author proposes the institution of a court of clerics, in order that -all lapses of this kind might be punished in accordance with the "sacred -canons." A board of missions (Junta das missoes), which had been created -in 1693, and richly endowed,[507] allowed things to drift. Lopes de -Lima[508] ascribes the failure of the Christian missions, first, to the -small number of missionaries and priests; secondly, to the corruption of -the clergy; and thirdly, to the slave-trade. - - -MEASURES OF ADMINISTRATION. - -Joao Fernandez Vieira must be credited with the first serious attempt to -organise the military forces of the country (1660), by raising a -regiment, or _terco_, of infantry, for Luandu, and a company for each -presidio. These "regulars" were to be supported by the _guerra preta_, -or _empacaceiros_. A company of cavalry was added to the regular troops -in 1672; and the exemption from every kind of military service conferred -upon the inhabitants of Luandu since 1660 was partly abolished in 1695, -and orders given for the organisation of a _terco_ of _ordenancas_ -(militia) for Luandu, and of seventeen companies for the districts and -presidios. The fortifications of Luandu had been much improved since the -expulsion of the Dutch. The fort of S. Miguel, at Luandu, which was -begun in 1638, had been completed by D. Joao de Lencastre in 1689; and -at the close of the century there existed forts, sufficiently strong to -resist native attack, at Muchima, Masanganu, Kambambe, Pungu a ndonga, -Mbaka, S. Filippe de Benguella, and Kakonda. - -The only measure bearing upon the civil administration of the country -seems to have been the publication of a _Regimento_ for the guidance of -officers of revenue and of justice, in 1675. At the same time, an extra -export-duty of ten testoes[509] was ordered to be paid on every slave, -the proceeds to go towards the dowry of Queen Catherine, the consort of -Charles II of England. - -The introduction of copper coins (_makutas_) into Luandu, in 1624, -caused much dissatisfaction, and actually led to a mutiny of the troops, -who not unnaturally felt agrieved at being expected to accept 200 reis -in copper as an equivalent of a native cloth, up to that time valued at -700 reis.[510] The mutiny was suppressed, and the five ringleaders were -executed. In the interior of the country, the ancient currency remained -in force, larger amounts being paid in merchandise (_fazenda de lei_), -whilst smaller sums were paid in _zimbos_ (njimbu) or cowries, -_libongos_ (mbongo, plural jimbongo), or square pieces of native cloth, -or blocks of rock-salt. - -The only attempt at geographical exploration was that of Jose de Roza, -who left Masanganu in 1678, for the lower Zambezi, but turned back after -only a few days' journey, owing to the hostility of the natives. - - -At the end of the seventeenth century, Portugal held sway over a -territory of over fifty thousand square miles; she maintained fortified -posts far inland; her traders had penetrated as far as the upper Kwanza; -and on the coast she held the prosperous cities of S. Paulo de Luandu -and S. Filippe de Benguella. But this prosperity depended almost -exclusively upon the slave trade. Scarcely any attempt had been made to -develop the great natural resources of the country, and even the food of -the inhabitants was still largely supplied by the Brazils. The colonists -introduced included too large a criminal element; the Government -officials were more intent upon realising large fortunes[511] than -permanently benefiting the country they had been sent to rule; and even -among the preachers of the gospel were men quite unfit to hold the -office which they filled. And this deplorable state of affairs continued -long beyond the period with which we have dealt. Lopes de Lima[512] -calls D. Francisco Innocencio de Sousa Coutinho, who was appointed in -1764, the "first Governor who undertook to civilise this semi-barbarous -colony; and who during his rule of eight years and a-half, did more in -that sense than all his predecessors had ever thought of." Up to his -time, "Governors, captains, magistrates, men of the church and the -cloister" were only intent upon dividing the spoils of office, and acted -in the most scandalous manner. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - - - -APPENDIX V. - -A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA, 1575-1702. - -_The date of arrival and departure are given, unless stated otherwise._ - - - 1. Paulo Dias de Novaes, February, 1575; October, - 1589. - - 2.[513] Luiz Serrao, captain-major, 1589-91. - - 3.[513] Andre Ferreira Pereira, 1591, to June, 1592. - - 4. D. Francisco d'Almeida, June 24th, 1592, to April 8th, - 1593. - - 5.[513] D. Jeronymo d'Almeida, 1593-4. - - 6. Joao Furtado de Mendonca, August 1st, 1594, to 1602. - - 7. Joao Rodrigues Coutinho, appointed January 23rd, - 1601; arrived in 1602. - - 8[513]. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, 1603-7. - - 9. D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, end of 1607; died April - 11th, 1611. - - 10.[513] Bento Banha Cardoso, captain-major, elected April - 15th, 1611 to 1615. - - 11. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, second term of office, - 1615 to 1617. - - 12. Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, November, 1617, to - 1621. - - 13. Joao Correa de Souza, September, 1621; departed - 1623. - - 14[[513]. Pedro de Souza Coelho, captain-major, during five - months, 1623. - - 15.[513] D. Simao de Mascarenhas, Bishop of Kongo and - Angola, 1623 to 1624. - - 16. Fernao de Souza, appointed October 21st, 1623; - in possession February, 1624, to 1630. - - 17. D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho, 1630 to 1634. - - 18. Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, 1634 to 1639. - - 19. Pedro Cezar de Menezes, 1639 to 1645. - - 20. Francisco de Sotto-maior, September, 1645, to May, - 1646. - - 21[513]. Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio - Texeira de Mendonca, and Joao Juzarte de Andrada, the - captains-major, 1646 to 1648. - - 22. Salvador Correa de Sa Benevides, August, 1648 to - 1651. - - 23. Rodrigo de Miranda Henriques, October, 1651; - died 1653. - - 24.[513] Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, captain-major, - 1653 to 1655. - - 25. Luiz Martins de Souza Chichorro, October, 1655 to - 1658. - - He was killed in an engagement with a Dutch corsair, on - the voyage to Brazil. - - 26. Joao Fernandez Vieira, 1658 to 1661. - - 27. Andre Vidal de Negreiros, May 10th 1661, to - August, 1666. - - 28. Tristao da Cunha, August, 1666, to January, 1667; - when the people compelled him to depart in the vessel in - which he had come. - - 29.[513] Antonio de Araujo e Azevedo, president of the - Camara of Luandu, 1667 to 1669. - - 30. Francisco de Tavora, August 26th, 1669, to 1676. - - 31. Ayres de Saldanha de Menezes e Souza, August - 25th, 1676, to 1680. - - 32. Joao da Silva e Souza, September 11th, 1680, to 1684. - - 33. Luiz Lobo da Silva, September 12th, 1684, to 1688. - - 34. D. Joao de Lencastre, September 8th, 1688, to 1691. - - 35. Goncalo da Costa de Alcacova Carneiro de Menezes, - November 1st, 1691, to 1694. - - 36. Henrique Jaques de Magalhaes, November 3rd, - 1694, to 1697. - - 37. Luiz Cezar de Menezes, November 9th, 1697, to 1700. - - 38. Bernardo de Tavora Souza Tavares, September 5th, - 1700, to 1702. - -[Illustration: MAP OF KONGO & ANGOLA - -illustrating their HISTORY TO THE CLOSE OF THE 17^{TH} CENTURY] - - -[Illustration: MAP OF NDONGO (ANGOLA)] - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] Battell tells us (p. 7) that he and Thomas Turner were transported -to Angola in the same vessel (1590). Purchas conferred with Turner after -he had returned to England, and obtained from him an account of his -travels, he having "lived the best part of two years in Brazil" (_lib._ -vi, c. 8). Elsewhere we learn that he "had also been in Angola" (see p. -71). - -This apparently straightforward information is quite irreconcilable with -what we are told by Knivet; for Knivet says he met Turner at Pernambuco -(about 1598); that he advised him to go to Angola; that Turner acted on -this advice, and "made great profit of his merchandise, for which he -thanked me when we met in England." Concerning Knivet, see _post_, p. -89. - -[2] This description does not, of course, apply to his "Voyage to the -East Indies," but it does to his "Description of the whole Coast of -Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc." - -[3] His _Schifffarten_ was first published at Basel in 1624. On this -traveller, see an _Abhandlung_ by D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who -rather absurdly calls him the "first German scientific traveller in -Africa." - -[4] _Vijf verscheyde Journalen ... Amsterdam [1620]._ - -[5] Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626. - -[6] Battell's narrative was reprinted in Astley's _New General -Collection of Voyages_, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton's _Collection_, -vol. xvi (1813). Translations or abstracts were published in the -_Collections_ of Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07); of Gottfried -(Leiden, 1706-26); of Prevot (Paris, 1726-74); in the _Allgemeine -Historie der Reisen_ (Leipzig, 1747-77), in the _Historische -Beschrijving der Reisen_ (The Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, -1826-31). - -[7] See "The Lake Region of Central Africa: a Contribution to the -History of African Cartography," by E. G. Ravenstein (_Scottish Geogr. -Mag._, 1891). - -[8] Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable are Don G. -Abreu de Brito's _Summario e Descripcao do Reino de Angola_, 1592; and -Cadornega's _Historia_ (at least, in abstract). - -[9] Abraham Cocke had been in the Brazils before this voyage, for -we learn from Purchas (bk. vi, Pt. IV, London, 1625, p. 1141) that -George, Earl of Cumberland, who had left Gravesend on June 26, 1586, -with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January 10, 1587, with a -Portuguese vessel, a little short of the River Plate, and in her found -"Abraham Cock, of Leigh, near London," whom he brought home with him. - -[10] Pinnace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually -schooner-rigged; at present limited to a large rowing-boat carried by -great ships. - -[11] Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands. - -[12] Light-horseman: a pinnace, a rowing-boat. - -[13] Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long. 22 deg. -W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he had no -business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thome really have -been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct course? - -[14] The island of S. Thome was discovered by the Portuguese about 1472, -and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the sixteenth -century it suffered much from the depredations of French, English, and -Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the Angolares: -that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum ashore when the -vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on the Sette Pedras, and -had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de S. Sebastiao was intended -to defend the capital against piratical attacks. It was completed in -1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral Van der Dam, nevertheless sacked the -city in 1600. Only four years before the author's arrival, in 1485, the -city had been destroyed by fire. - -[15] The Ilheo das Rolas (Turtle-dove Island) lies about a mile off the -southern extremity of S. Thome. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a -considerable height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about 100) -are dependent upon the rain for their drinking water, for there are no -springs. The chief articles of export are cacao and coffee. - -[16] That is, the Povoacao of early days, on the Bahia de Anna de -Chaves, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thome. - -[17] Cabo de Lopo Goncalves, thus named after its discoverer, Cape Lopez -of our charts, in lat 0 deg. 36' S. - -[18] The "dolphin" of British sailors is the _doirada_, or gilthead, of -the Portuguese (_Coryphaena hippurus_), and delights to swim in the -shadow of the vessel. - -[19] The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23 deg. 10' S., sixty miles to the west of -Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and -shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery. - -[20] S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13 deg. S. - -[21] That is, one of the "degradados" or convicts, whom it is even now -customary to banish to the Colonies. - -[22] The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off Maldonado Point, -and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approaching the Rio de la -Plata. - -[23] The Seal (_phoca vitulina_, Linn.) and Otary (_Otaria jubata_, -Desm.) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in the -Northern hemisphere. - -[24] These south-westerly winds are known as _Pamperos_. They are more -frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater force, but -generally cease sooner. - -[25] Isla Verde can be no other than Flores, a small island further west -than the Isla de Lobos. - -[26] The Ilha de Sao Sebastiao, in lat. 23 deg. 50' S. - -[27] Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20 deg. 20' S. - -[28] This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest, -early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish -in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen -(Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a -different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been -at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola -in 1598. He says: "There came a small man-of-war to Great Island [Ilha -Grande, 70 miles west of Rio]; the captain's name was _Abram Cocke_; he -lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had taken them if -it had not been for five of his men that ran away with his boat that -discovered his being there; for within a sevennight after he was gone -three caravels came within the same road where he was. These five men -were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent, and were brought to the -river of Janeiro. I being at this time in some account with the Governor -favoured them as well as I could." In the further course of his -narrative Knivet names two of these five men, namely, _Richard Heixt_ -and _Thomas Cooper_. _Thomas Turner_ is referred to elsewhere, but not -under circumstances which would lead one to assume that he was one of -the five. Battell is not mentioned at all. - -Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cocke _was_ heard of once more, -and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine years -before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian? Such a -coincidence is possible, but most improbable. - -[29] This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England, -and Purchas had speech with him. - -[30] Sao Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8 deg. 48' S. - -[31] The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from the -sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The "town of garrison" was -Masanganu, founded in 1582. - -[32] Joao Furtado de Mendonca only arrived at Loanda on August 1, 1594. -He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was succeeded by Joao -Rodriguez Coutinho. - -[33] That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known as -"tusks." - -[34] Battell's "wheat" is _masa-mamputo_, or zea mayz. Elsewhere he -speaks of "Guinea wheat," and this might be sorghum or millet; but as he -says that the natives call the grain "mas impoto," there can be no doubt -about its identity with _masa-mamputo_, the grao de Portugal, or maize, -which, according to Ficalho, was imported from America. - -[35] The River of Congo is known to the natives as "Nzadi," or "Nzari," -which merely signifies "great river "(Bentley's _Dictionary of the Congo -Language_). For Isle de Calabes we ought perhaps to read Ilha das -Calabacas (Calabash Island). The position of this island I am unable to -determine. Perhaps it is the same as an Ilheo dos Cavallos Marinhos -(Hippopotamus Island), described by Pimentel as lying within the Cabo do -Padrao, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (_A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, -drawn out of the Writings of Duarte Lopez_, by F. Pigafetta, 1591. -Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London, 1881) says it was the first -island met with on entering the Zaire, and that, although small, the -Portuguese had a town upon it. - -[36] Palm cloth is made from the fronds of the _ntera_, or fan palm -(_Hyphaene Guineensis_). - -[37] Dapper (_Africa_, Amsterdam, 1670, p. 520) tells us that the hairs -from an elephant's tail were highly valued by the natives, who wove them -into necklaces and girdles; fifty of these hairs or bristles were worth -1000 reis! Duarte Lopez (_Kingdom of Congo_, London, 1881, p. 46) says -that one such tail was equal in value to two or three slaves, and that -native hunters followed the elephants up narrow and steep defiles, and -there cut off the desired spoils. Battell himself (see p. 58) bought -20,000 (hairs) which he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves. - -[38] The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They appeared -in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A Royal order of -1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears to have had no more -effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of the thefts of which they -were accused, and their sorceries, threatened them with a flogging and -the confiscation of their goods, if caught within the kingdom. This law -was re-enacted in 1557, when the galleys were substituted for a -flogging; and in 1592 a still more severe law was enacted, which -threatened with death all those who should not quit the kingdom within -four months. Battel's associates were, no doubt, gipsies who had been -sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A. Coelho, _Os Ciganos de Portugal_, -Lisbon, 1892). - -The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese writers refer -to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as Africanos, and -Battell's Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish prisoners of war, or -Moors expelled from Portugal. - -[39] Mani or Muene, lord and even king, as Muene Putu, King of Portugal, -but also applied to a mere village chief. The _Cabech_ of Battell must -have resided somewhere about Muchima, but on the right bank of the -Coanza. - -[40] Battell's Guinea wheat is _masa-mamputo_, or _grao de Portugal_, -the zea mayz of botanists, which, according to Candolle and Ficalho, was -introduced from America. - -[41] Kasanza's lake can confidently be identified with the Lalama Lake -of modern maps, south of the Rio Bengo, thirty-six miles due east of S. -Paulo de Loanda. _Ka_ is a diminitive; _nsanza_ means village. - -[42] The river of Bengo or Nzenza, which enters the sea ten miles -north-east of Loanda. - -[43] Mani Bangono's district is not mentioned elsewhere. It cannot have -been far from the sea. - -[44] Mushi or Mwishikongo, a Congo-man: plural, Eshi-Kongo. - -[45] Bamba, or rather Mbamba, the south-west province of Congo, -extending to the lower Coanza. - -[46] Lamba, or Hamba, is bounded by the Bengo in the north, and by the -Coanza and its tributary the Lucalla on the south. The "Governor" here -referred to is Joao Furtado de Mendonca. Battell seems to have been -among the reinforcements despatched after the disastrous campaign in the -spring of 1596. The "General" of Battell was Joao de Velloria, a -Spaniard, who was Capitao mor do Campo. - -[47] The route followed by Battell is approximately indicated upon the -map. Sowonso may be the same as Dapper's Chonso or Douville's Quionso, -beyond Icolo. As to the other places along the route, I can suggest no -identifications. Namba Calamba certainly has nothing to do with the -Portuguese Fort Calumbu on the Coanza, built in 1571. - -[48] Kumba ria Kaiangu? - -[49] _Outeiro_ (Portuguese), a hill. - -[50] Battell's Ingasia is undoubtedly the Angazi or Engase of Duarte -Lopez, a Bunda district subject to Bamba, which in Pigafetta's map lies -to the south of the river Bengo. Mendez de Castellobranco, p. 11, -mentions Engombe (Ngombe). The name survives perhaps in the Ndembu -Ngombe a Muquiama on the northern bank of the Bengo, who, according to -J. V. Carneiro (_An. do conselho ultramar._, vol. ii, pp. 172 to 179, -1861), was in olden times dependent upon Congo. The name Ngombe ("ox") -is, however, a very common one. - -[51] The Pete, more correctly called _Puita_, or _Kipuita_, is a musical -instrument described by Monteiro (_Angola_, vol. ii, p. 140), and in -Cordeiro da Matta's _Diccionario_, p. 29. It consists of a hollow wooden -cylinder, one end of which is covered with sheepskin. A wooden stick is -passed through the centre of this sheepskin, and a most hideous noise is -produced by moving this stick to and fro. - -[52] The Pongo (_mpunga_) is an ivory trumpet. - -[53] Engeriay seems to be a misprint, perhaps for the _Ogheghe_ of -Duarte Lopez, which Ficalho identifies with Mung'eng'e (_Spondias -lutea_) of Angola, called _Gego_ by Lopez de Lima (_Ensaios_, vol. iii, -p. 15). Dr. Welwitsch found the tree growing wild in the mountains of -Benguella, whence it was transplanted to Loanda. It is valued for its -wood, the shade it affords, and its fruit, which resembles a yellow -plum, is of delicious flavour and esteemed as a remedy against bile -(Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 126; Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. ii, p. 298). -Purchas, in a marginal note, Bk. VII, c. 4, says that the _Ogheghe_ -"bears a fruit which is like a yellow plumme and is very good to eat, -and hath a very sweet smell withall." This information was given by -Battell. - -[54] Pome-water, a kind of apple, called _malus carbonaria_ by Coles -(Nares's _Glossary_). - -[55] _Margarita_ is the Portuguese (and Latin) for pearl. Purchas may -have suggested the word, whilst Battell simply referred to the _cowrie_ -currency of the country, or to a more valuable shell such as Cavazzi (p. -12) says was found near Cambambe, a collar of which had the value of a -slave; or to a crystal found in Shela, and called "thunder-stone" by -the natives. Mr. R. C. Phillips writes: "I have found that some kind of -stone used to pass as money in the old slave times, say in 1850 or 1860, -but I never saw one. These stones were of great value, and I have a -vague idea they were called 'agang.'" - -[56] The author's "wheat" is maize (see p. 7). - -[57] This is undoubtedly the bay upon which Manuel Cerveira Pereira, in -1617, founded the city of S. Filippe de Benguella. The bay at that time -was known as Bahia da Torre, or de S. Antonio. By its discoverers it -seems to have been named Golfo de S. Maria. The "torre" is, of course, -the Ponta do Sombreiro or S. Philip's bonnet. Pimentel (_Arte de -Navegar_, 1762, p. 276) locates a Bahia da Torre fifty miles to the -south of Benguella Bay, which therefore corresponds to the Elephant Bay -of modern maps, with its "mesa," or table-mountain rising to a height of -a thousand feet. - -[58] Cacongo (_recte_ Kikongo), according to Welwitsch, is the wood of -_Tarchonanthes camphoratus_. It is hard, of a greyish olive colour, and -has the perfume of camphor. Its powder is esteemed as a tonic (Ficalho, -_Plantas uteis_, p. 206). - -[59] Carraca, a vessel, generally of considerable burthen, and such as -could be profitably employed in the Brazilian and Indian trade. - -[60] Ndalabondo seems to be the name of a person. The people in the -interior of Benguella are known as Bi'nbundo. - -[61] Neither Mr. Dennett nor Mr. Phillips knows a bead of that name. -_Mpinda_ (plur. _Zimpinda_) means ground nut. - -[62] For an account of Dombe, which lies to the south of St. Filip de -Benguella, see Capello and Ivens, _From Benguella to the Territory of -Yacca_, London, 1882, vol. i, p. 308; and Serpa Pinto, _How I Crossed -Africa_, London, 1881, vol. i, p. 46. Copper ore abounds in the -district, and a mine, four miles inland, was recently worked by the -Portuguese (Monteiro, _Angola_, London, 1875, vol. ii, p. 198). - -[63] That is, bark-cloth made of the inner bark of the _nsanda_, Banyan -or wild fig-tree, or _Ficus Lutata_ (see Pechuel Loesche, _Loango -Exped._, vol. iii, p. 172). - -[64] Purchas spells indifferently Gaga, Iagge, Giagas, etc. The correct -spelling is Jaga or Jaka. For a sketch of the history of these military -leaders, see Appendix. - -[65] The Morro, or bluff, of Old Benguella, in lat. 10 deg. 48' S., is a -conspicuous headland, presenting a perpendicular cliff towards the sea, -its summit being covered with cactus trees. Here Antonio Lopez Peixoto, -a nephew of Paulo Dias, in 1587, had built a presidio, which was soon -afterwards abandoned. - -[66] The river Cuvo (Kuvu) enters the sea in 10 deg. 52' S. - -[67] In a note to Bk. VII, c. iv, Sec. 8 (Hartwell's translation of -Pigafetta), Battell is made to say that "the Iagges came from Sierre -Liona. But they dispersed themselves as a general pestilence and common -scourge through most parts of Ethiopia." But see p. 83, where Battell -denies the statements made by Lopez. - -Walkenaer (_Histoire des Voyages_, vol. xiii), says that Dapper's Sierra -Leone cannot be the place usually known by that name. The only locality -in that part of Africa named in honour of a lion, as far as I know, are -the Pedras de Encoge, or more correctly _del nkoshi_ (which means Lion). - -[68] Ndongo is the name of the kingdom of Ngola (Angola). Its old -capital was at Pungu-a-Ndongo, a remarkable group of rocks, popularly -known as Pedras Negras. - -[69] Ngongo (plural Jingongo), in Kimbundu, means twin, and hence -_Ngong'e_, a double bell, such as is described by Monteiro (_Angola_, -vol. i, p. 203); in Lunda it is called _rubembe_ (Carvalho, _Exp. -Port._, _Ethnographia_, p. 369). See also note, p. 80. - -[70] "Gingado," elsewhere spelt "Iergado," is evidently a misprint for -_Jangada_, a Portuguese word meaning "raft." Such a raft is called -_Mbimba_, and is made of the wood of the _bimba_ (_Herminiera -Elaphroxylon_, Guill. et. Perr.), which is identical with the _Ambaj_ of -the Nile, and grows abundantly on the swampy banks of the rivers. -Battell himself, at a critical point of his career, built himself such a -_jangada_ (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis da Africa_, 1884, p. 33). - -[71] _Tavale._ Mr. Dennet suggests that _tavale_ corresponds to the -_libala_ of Loango, a word derived from the Portuguese _taboa_ (table), -for the instrument of this name consists of a board supported by two -sticks of wood, and kept in its place by wooden pegs driven into the -ground. The player beats this board with his two index fingers. A. R. -Neves, _Mem. da Epedicao a Cassange_, p. 110, calls _tabalha_ a drum, -which is beaten to make known the death of a Jaga Cassange. - -[72] Mbala or Embala merely means town or village. Lad. Magyar (_Reisen -in Sued-Afrika_, p. 383) has a district Kibala, abounding in iron, the -chief town of which is Kambuita on the river Longa. Walckenaer's -suggestion (_Histoire des Voyages_, vol. xiii, p. 30) that Bambala and -Bembe are identical is quite unacceptable. - -[73] The baobab is indifferently called by Battell _alicunde_, -_licondo_, _elicondi_, _olicandi_, or _alicunde_, all of which are -corruptions of _nkondo_, by which name the tree is known in Congo. The -Portuguese know this characteristic tree of the coast-land and the -interior as _imbondeiro_ (from _mbondo_ in Kimbundu). Its inner bark -yields a fibre known as _licomte_, is made into coarse cloth, and is -also exported to Europe to be converted into paper. The wood is very -light. The pulp of the fruit is refreshing, and was formerly esteemed as -a remedy against fever and dysentery. The seeds are eaten. The shell -(_macua_) is used to hold water (hence the popular name of Calabash -tree). Ficalho distinguishes three species, viz., _Adansonia digitata_, -Linn., the fruit of which is longish; _A. subglobosa_, bearing a -bell-shaped fruit; _A. lageniformis_, yielding a fruit shaped like a -cucumber (see Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. i, p. 78; Ficalho, _Plantas -uteis_, p. 100). - -[74] The cedar of the Portuguese is _Tamarix articulata_, Vahl., and -resembles a cypress (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis da Africa_, 1884, p. 94). - -[75] Kizangu, in Kimbundu, means fetish. Burton (_Two Trips to Gorilla -Land_, vol. ii, p. 120), saw a like image, also called Quesango, in a -village above Boma. - -[76] The so-called fetishes (from _feitico_, a Portuguese word meaning -sorcery) are not idols, but charms and amulets, generally known as -_nkissi_, _nkishi_, or _mukishi_. There are _nkissi_ peculiar to a -district, village, or family; charms and amulets to shield the wearer or -possessor against all the evils flesh is heir to, and others enabling -the priest or _nganga_ to discover crime or the cause of disease. The -idea underlying the belief in the efficacy of these charms was very -prevalent among our own ancestors, and the images, rosaries, crosses, -relics, and other articles introduced by the Roman missionaries are -looked upon by the natives as equivalent to their own _nkissi_. Even at -the present day, images of S. Francis and of other saints may be seen in -the collection of Royal Fetishes at S. Salvador, and a cross called -_santu_ (Santa Cruz) "is the common fetish which confers skill in -hunting" (Bentley, _Pioneering on the Congo_, vol. i, pp. 35, 36, 39). -The images, according to Bentley, seen among the natives are not idols -but receptacles of "charms" or medicine. As to a belief in witchcraft -(_ndoki_, witch; _Kindoki_, witchcraft), it is not even now quite -extinct among Christian people, boasting of their civilisation, for a -reputed wizard was drowned at Hedingham in Essex in 1863, and a witch -burnt in Mexico as recently as 1873. Matthew Hopkins, the famous -witch-finder, cannot claim a higher rank than an African _nganga_, -although his procedure was not quite the same. Nor can I see any -difference between a fetish and the miraculous "bambino" manufactured in -the sixteenth century, and kept in the church of S. Maria Aracoeli, -which a priest takes to the bedside of sick or dying persons, who are -asked to kiss it to be cured, and whose guardians are at all times ready -to receive the offerings of the faithful (see Dickens, _Pictures from -Italy_). - -[77] Marginal note by Purchas:--"Of these Giagas read also Pigafetta's -_Book of Congo_, translated into English by M. Hartwell, and my -_Pilgrimage_, l. 7. But none could so well know them as this author, who -lived so long with them." - -[78] The river Longa [Lungu] enters the sea in lat. 10 deg. 20' S. - -[79] A soba Calungo is shown on the most recent maps as residing north -of the river Longa. - -[80] Perhaps we ought to read _Tunda_, the bush, the East. Lad. Magyar -(_Reisen_, p. 378) has a chief Tunda in the country of the Sellas, and -Falkenstein (_Loango Expedition_, p. 73) heard of a district Tunda, -inland from Novo Redondo. - -[81] The Gonsa or Gunza (Ngunza) of Battell is undoubtedly the Coanza. A -river Ngunza enters the sea at Novo Redondo. - -[82] _Shila_, nasty; _mbanza_, towns. - -[83] According to Duarte Lopez (_Pigafetta_, p. 55), the feathers of -peacocks and of ostriches are used as a standard in battle. Hence, -peacocks are reared within a fence and reserved for the king. - -[84] _Njilo_ (in Kimbundu), bird; _mukishi_, a charm. - -[85] See note, p. 51. - -[86] Cambambe (_Ka_, diminutive; _mbambi_, gazelle), a village on the -north bank of the Coanza, below the falls formed by the river in forcing -its way through the Serra de Prata. Silver, however, has never been -found there (at least not in appreciable quantities), nor anywhere else -in Angola or Congo. Still we are told (Paiva Manso, p. 50) that the King -of Congo, in 1530, sent the wife of King Manuel two silver bracelets -which he had received from one of his chiefs in Matamba, and that among -the presents forwarded by Ngola Nbande, the King of Ndongo, to Paulo -Dias in 1576, there were several silver bracelets, which the Regent of -Portugal, Cardinal Henrique, had converted into a chalice, which he -presented to the church at Belem (_Catalogo dos Governadores de -Angola_). According to Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. ii, pp. 58, -233), silver ore is plentiful in Matamba, although they never saw any -_in loco_. - -[87] Battell's Casama is the wide province of Kisama (Quicama), to the -south of the Coanza. - -[88] This Casoch (a misprint for Cafoch) is the Cafuxe (Cafuche) of the -Portuguese, who defeated Balthasar de Almeida on April 22, 1594. On -August 10, 1603, the Portuguese, led by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, -retrieved this disaster. - -[89] The name Calandola is by no means rare. A Calandula Muanji resided -in 1884, eight miles to the north-east of Malanje (Carvalho, _Viagens_, -vol. i, p. 443); another resided, formerly, near Ambaca (_ib._, p. 230); -and a third on the Lucala, south of Duque de Braganca, was visited by -Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. ii, p. 45). A Jaga Calandula -accompanied Joao Soares de Almeida on his disastrous expedition to Sonyo -(_Cat. dos Gov._, p. 390). Either of these may have been a descendant of -Battell's Calandula. - -[90] Human victims are still sacrificed by the diviner when consulting -departed spirits (see A. R. Neves, _Memoria_, p. 119). - -[91] Cavazzi (_Historica Descrizione de tre Regni Congo, etc._, Bologna, -1687, p. 207) gives a plan of a Jaga camp, or Kilombo. It is formed of a -square stockade, having in its centre the quarters of the -Commander-in-chief, within a triple hedge of thorns. Between the -stockade, which has only a single gate, and the inner enclosure are the -quarters of the six principal officers, including the Golambolo -(_ngolo_, strength, _mbula_, a blow), or Lieutenant-General, the -Tendala, or Commander of the Rear-guard, and the Mani Lumbo (_lumbu_, a -stockade), or Engineer-in-chief. - -[92] _Tavales_ (see note, p. 21). - -[93] Bahia das Vaccas, old name for Benguella Bay. There seems to be no -native name for gold; yet Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda, when with -the abortive expedition of 1797, which was charged with the exploration -of the Kunene, met a negress whose head-dress was composed of golden -laminae, said to have been washed in that river (Burton, _Lacerda's -Journey to Cazembe_, London, 1873, p. 23). Ladislaus Magyar (_Reisen_, -p. 176), says that about 1833 a Brazilian miner washed gold in the -mountains of Hambo. Quite recently, in 1900, the Mossamedes Company -granted a lease of the Kasinga goldfields to an English company. - -[94] The Imbondos are clearly the Nbundu of Angola, who draw the palm -wine from the top, whilst the Jagas cut down the tree. - -[95] Purchas adds, in a marginal note: "Fruges consumere nati." - -[96] "Flesh" in the sense of encourage. - -[97] Calando should be Calandola (see note on p. 28). - -[98] Mbamba, a whelk or trumpet-shell (Cordeiro da Matta, _Dicc. -Kimbundu_). - -[99] Mr. Dennet suggests _msose_, a turritella, popularly known as -screw-shell. - -[100] No ostriches are met with in Angola, and as to beads made of -ostrich eggs, I can give no explanation. - -[101] Monteiro was told that the Sobas and their wives among the Musele -only use human fat to anoint their bodies (vol. ii, p. 157). - -[102] The practice of wearing such nose ornaments exists to the present -day in Lunda, among the Bangala and other tribes (Capello and Ivens, -_Benguela_, vol. i, p. 265; Carvalho, _Expedicao Portugueza ao -Muatianvua_, Lingua de Lunda, p. 367; _Ethnographia_, p. 349). - -[103] Marginal note by Purchas: "They use this ceremony in Florida." - -[104] Civet-cats are numerous in this part of Africa. - -[105] I am inclined to believe, from what we learn from Cavazzi and -other missionaries, that only those children were killed which were born -within the _Kilombo_. On the other hand, at the Court of the ferocious -queen Jinga, we are told by Captain Fueller, a Dutchman, that, on two -days in 1648, 113 new-born infants born _outside_ the camp were killed -(Dapper, _Africa_, p. 545). - -[106] _Ngunza_, according to Cordeira da Matta, means all-powerful; -according to Bentley a herald, who speaks on behalf of a chief. - -[107] See note, p. 19. - -[108] Human sacrifices among the Jaga are even now of frequent -occurrence. They are made at the installation of a Jaga, one year after -his election (when the sacrifice and its accompanying banquet are -intended to conciliate the spirit of Kinguri, the founder of the -Dynasty), at his death, on the outbreak of war, etc. The ceremony -witnessed by Battell was an act of divination. The soothsayer summons -the spirit of Kinguri, who is supposed to foretell the results of any -enterprise about to be undertaken. In 1567, the Jaga Ngonga Kahanga, of -Shela, having been advised by his soothsayers that he would suffer -defeat in a war he was about to enter upon against the Portuguese, -declined the arbitration of the sword, and submitted voluntarily. The -body of the victim is cooked with the flesh of a cow, a goat, a yellow -dog, a cock and a pigeon, and this mess is devoured (ceremoniously) by -the Jaga and his _makotas_ (councillors). - -[109] The handle of this switch contains a potent medicine, which -protects the owner against death. - -[110] Casengula, called Kissengula, p. 86, was perhaps a trombash, for -_sangula_ means to kill at a long range (Bentley). - -[111] The Jagas are still buried sitting, and wives are sacrificed -(Capello and Ivens, _From Benguella to the Territory of the Iacca_, vol. -i, p. 330). In Ngois, likewise, the dead are occasionally buried in a -sitting posture (Bastian, vol. i, p. 82). For a full account of a -funeral, see Dennett's _Folklore_, p. 11. - -[112] These feasts are intended to secure the goodwill of the deceased, -so that he may not injure the living. Human beings are occasionally -sacrificed, in addition to goats and fowls. - -[113] Joao Rodrigues Coutinho received his appointment as Governor at -Madrid, on January 30, 1601 (see Appendix). - -[114] Ndemba, in Quissama, a territory famous for its salt mines, the -chief of which was the Caculo Caquimone Casonga (Cadornega, 1702). In -1783, when P. M. Pinheiro de Lacerda invaded Quissama, a Caculo -Caquimone still held the mines of Ndemba. _Kakulu_, the elder of twins, -a title. - -[115] Outaba seems to be a misprint for _libata_ (village). Tombo is on -the north bank of the Coanza, almost due south of Loanda. - -[116] Songa, on the Coanza, below Muchima, a village in the territory of -the Caculo Caquimone Casonga. - -[117] Machimba I believe to be Muchima or Muxima, whilst (according to -Cadornega) a chief Cavao occupied a district above Lake Quizua and below -Massangano. - -[118] According to the _Catalogo dos Governadores_, p. 356, the Governor -died in Quissama. He was succeeded by his captain-major, Manuel Cerveira -Pereira, and it was he who, on August 10, 1603, defeated Cafuxe, in the -bloody battle to which reference is made in the text. Battell's -Angoykayongo is undoubtedly identical with the _Agoacaiongo_ of an -anonymous account of the _Establimentos e Resgates Portuguezes_ (1607), -published by L. Cordeira. He was a Christian chief; and a captain-major, -with a detachment of cavalry, was stationed at his village to keep -Quissama in order. - -[119] See note, p. 27. - -[120] Queen Elizabeth died April 3, 1603; but peace with Spain was only -concluded on August 19, 1604. - -[121] Joao de Araujo e Azevedo was the officer left in command at -Cambambe. - -[122] That is S. Salvador. - -[123] Ngongo, according to Cavazzi (p. 521), is a place on the road from -Sundi to Batta, where Girolamo da Montesarchio destroyed the heathen -images. This place possibly corresponds to the modern Gongo, a station -on the Stanley Pool Railway. Cadornega has a Gongo de Bata, which -figures on Dapper's map as Congo de Bata, and lies to the west of the -Mbanza of Bata. It is impossible to tell which of these places was -visited by Battell; possibly he passed through both. - -[124] The Mbanza or chief town of Mbata, or Batta, still exists in 8 deg. -S., long. 15 deg. E. Bentley (_Pioneering_, vol. ii, p. 404) passed through -it, and discovered a huge wooden cross, a relic of the ancient -missionaries. - -[125] D. Manuel Cerveira Pereira had assumed government at the beginning -of 1603, and three years would conveniently carry us to 1606. The "new" -Governor, D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, was, however, only nominated on -August 2, 1607. - -[126] See note, p. 11. - -[127] Nkoko, a large grey antelope. - -[128] Impalanca, _Palanga_, or _Mpalanga_, an antelope (_Hippotragus -equinus_). - -[129] This is an electric silurus called _nsombo_, plur. _sinsombo_, by -the natives. Fishermen dread its electrical discharges, but value its -flesh (Pechuel-Loesche, _Die Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 282). This -fish, Mr. Dennett tells me, is the "xina" (taboo) of women, generally -speaking, which may account for the word becoming a generic name for -fish, as in Unyamwezi, Ugogo, and other countries, if vocabularies can -be trusted. - -[130] See note, p. 21. - -[131] This is Red Point, or Ponta Vermelha, where there is a grove of -palms. - -[132] Kabinda, 5 deg. 31' S., on a fine bay. - -[133] The river Kakongo, or Chiloango, enters the sea in lat. 5 deg. 9' S. -to the north of Landana. It is a very considerable river, and its waters -discolour the sea for seven miles. - -[134] Mbale, according to Bentley, is the coast region between the Congo -and Ambrisette; but on Pigafetta's map (1591) a town, Monbales, is shown -to the south-east of the chief place of Sonho (Sonyo). - -[135] Pinda, or Mpinda, in Sonyo, is below the Mbanza of Sonyo, which on -modern maps figures as St. Antonio. - -[136] The Luiza Loango, or Massabi, river enters the sea in lat. 5 deg. 1' -S. Its depth across the bar is only 2 ft., but once within, it presents -a fair waterway for over a hundred miles. Kaia is about ten miles up it. - -[137] The Golfo das Almadias, or Canoe Bay, as described by Battell, -corresponds to Black Point Bay, 4 deg. 48' S., the inner bay of which, less -than half a mile across, had become all but silted up by 1884. - -[138] No logwood is found in Loango, and Purchas points out in a note -(_post_, p. 82), that Battell's dyewood must be Red Sanders -(_Pterocarpus tinctorius_), the _tacula_ of Angola, and identical with -the _tavila_ of D. Lopez (Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 207). -Pechuel-Loesche (_Loango Exp._, vol. iii, p. 190), on the other hand, -states that the dye known as _tacula_ is camwood (_Baphia nitida, -Afz._), and Bentley (_Dict. of the Kongo Language_), who calls the dye -_nkula_, is of the same opinion. Another red dye is obtained from the -_Njilla sonde_ (_Pterocarpus erinaceus, Poir._). - -[139] _Nlunga_ (Bentley) or _malungu_ (Cordeira da Matta) is the native -word for bracelet. - -[140] The Maloango (_ma_, a contraction of _mani_ or _mwanu_, son; -_mfumu_, chief) or king is selected by the Mamboma (see p. 59) and the -princes, and must be a nephew (sister's son) of his predecessor. On his -election he takes the title of _Nganga nvumbu_ (_Nganga_, priest; -_nvumbu_, benevolent spirit, breath), but only proceeds to that of -Maloango when rich enough to summon the whole country to a great feast, -when declaration is made for the first time officially of the death of -the former Maloango, and he is buried. As these festivities are very -expensive, they are often deferred for years, and many a _Nganga nvumbu_ -has died without even troubling about the higher title. The successors -of the Maloango Njimbi of Loango, of Battell's time, according to Mr. -Dennett, have been: 1. Maloango Tati of Kondi; 2. Mani Puati of -Chibanga; 3. Mani Yambi; 4. Man'anombo; 5. Mani Makosso Matukila of -Kondi; 6. Mani Makosso Manombo; 7. Mani Makosso Masonga; 8. Mani Puati. -Nos. 3 to 8 never assumed the title of Maloango. Mani Puati very much -disgusted the people with his cruelty (he had killed his own daughter -because she refused to cohabit with him); and when the French, in 1898, -called upon the Mamboma and the princes to produce a Maloango, they -ignored the existence of Puati, and elected his nephew, Mani Luemba. -This list, however, is evidently imperfect. - -[141] Mr. Dennett, whose long residence at Loango and thorough knowledge -of the languages entitle him to speak with authority, finds this passage -unintelligible, but ventures to suggest the following:-- - -_Baliani_ (my companion) _ampembe_ (white) _mpolo_ (face), _muenyeye_ -(Boio, the underground _nkishni_), _ke zinga_ (not live -long)! - -Freely translated, it would mean "My companion, the white face, has -risen from underground, and will not live long." This is a curious -greeting, but it fairly represents native ideas: for the white man, as -long as he keeps to his ship (supposed to rise from the bottom of the -ocean), is believed to live long; whilst, once he comes to stay ashore, -he is condemned to an early death. - -[142] In a marginal note, Purchas says that the King's wives are called -_Macomes_. Such a title is known neither to Mr. Dennett nor to Mr. -Phillips. Macome is probably a misprint for Maconda, the title borne, -according to Dapper, p. 522, by the king's "mother." _Nkondi_, according -to Bentley, is a title of nobility. - -[143] Mr. Dennett informs me that, still at the present day, when the -King (Maloango) or rather _Nganga nvumbu_, drinks in state, he covers -his head with a cloth, so that the public may not see him drink. On -ordinary occasions, however, this custom is no longer observed. - -[144] The heads of all families eat alone; that is, they eat first, and -their wives and children afterwards. Maloango still observes the same -custom, with his _ma sa vi_, or house-steward, as the sole attendant -(Dennett). - -[145] Bensa may be a corruption of the Portuguese _banca_, a table. Mr. -Dennett does not know the word. - -[146] Not Sambe and Pongo, but Nzambi-ampungu! _Nzambi_ is the name by -which God is known; _Nzambi-ampungu_ means the Most High (Supreme) God -(Bentley, _Life on the Congo_, 1887, p. 62). - -[147] The rains begin in October and last till April, being heaviest -from November to March. They are very irregular. Thus, in February 1874, -2.2 ins. fell at Chinchosho; in the same month, 1875,12.0 ins.; but in -1876 only 0.2 ins. - -[148] _Ensaka_, according to D. Lopez (Pigafetta), a stuff resembling -velvet. - -[149] The _Ndamba_ is no drum, as understood by Purchas, but a musical -instrument made out of a piece of palm stem, about 4 or 5 ft. long. This -is split down one side, the soft centre is then scooped out, and the -edges of the split cut into notches. By rubbing these notches -energetically with a stick, a loud rasping noise is produced (Monteiro, -_Angola_, vol. ii, p. 139: Cordeiro da Matta, _Diccionario_, p. 118). - -[150] An ivory trumpet (see note, p. 15). - -[151] Battell seems to be mistaken. Mr. Dennett informs me that Maloango -as _Ngangu nvumbu_ (see note 44) collects the offerings of his people, -and sends them with a petition for rain to the great rain-doctor, -_Nganga m Bunzi_, in Ngoyo. He has never heard that Maloango had usurped -the functions of the great rain-doctor by shooting an arrow to the sky. -Abbe Proyart (_Hist. de Loango_, c. 13), says that the Maloango being -desirous of not committing himself, orders one of his ministers to make -rain. - -[152] Mr. Dennett tells me that _Ndundu_ when born are thrown into the -bush. During his long residence in Africa he has only seen one, and that -was at Kinsembo, eighteen years ago. Proyart (_Histoire de Loango_, -Paris, 1819, p. 150) says that these albinos are held higher than the -Gangas, are looked upon almost as "divine," and that their hair is -valued as giving protection against accidents. See also p. 81. - -[153] _Mukishi a Loango_, the fetish or "charm" of Loango. _Checocke_ is -identical with Dapper's _Kikoko_ (_Africa_, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 535). -Dapper's account is not derived from Battell. - -[154] According to Mr. Bentley, hysteria is very common in this country. -For the account of the ravings of a witch-doctor, see _Pioneering_, vol. -i, p. 271. - -[155] Mr. Dennett informs me that the underground speaking fetish in -Loango is at the present time called _Boio_, and is found at Chilunga. -He suggests that _Ngumbiri_ may be a river spirit, or _Nkishi_ from the -country north of Mayumba. Dr. Bastian paid a visit to the holy place of -the underground oracle of _Ngoio_ near Moanda, known as _Mbunzi_, which -only speaks on the accession of a king, whom he instructs as to his -royal duties (_Die Deutsche Expedition_, vol. i, p. 85, 223). - -[156] The mami (_mwana_, or princes) mentioned by Battell are those of -Chibanga, Selanganga (of the family of the Petra Praia of Kenga), Mbuku, -and Kaya, in Chikamba. (R. E. Dennett, on the law of succession, see -note on p. 44.) - -[157] Mani Lombe is a man's name: at least, at the present time, and is -never given to a woman. It means "One who is peaceful and quiet." No -special name or title is borne by the mother of the successors of -Maloango (R. E. Dennett); but as Lumbu means stockade, palace, or chiefs -house, Battell may have mistaken a word applied to this woman's -residence for that of her title. Lombo means a person supposed to be an -incarnation of a shimbi, or water-fairy. - -[158] Palm-cloth (see note, p. 9). - -[159] Dr. Bastian visited the Royal graves at Loangiri, or Loangele, and -found each grave marked by a tusk. The visitors pulled out grass around -the tomb and poured libations of rum upon the bare ground (_Die Deutsche -Expedition an der Loango-Kueste_, Berlin, 1874, vol. i, p. 69). - -[160] This may be quite true of earlier times, when Europeans were -looked upon as great wizards, who rose out of the sea and were returned -to that element when they died. At present, however, a burial-place is -set apart for them, and is looked after by the Petra Praia (Salanganga), -an office created since the arrival of the Portuguese for the purpose of -looking after the affairs of the white men (R. E. Dennett). - -[161] There is some confusion here. Angeca is evidently the Anziki or -Anzique of D. Lopez and others, now represented by the Banteke, on -Stanley Pool. The word may be derived from _anseke_, far or distant. The -proper name of the tribe is Atio (A. Sims, _Kiteke Vocabulary_, 1886). -_Mococke_ (_Makoko_) is a title. Bongo is evidently the country of the -Obongo of Du Chaillu, the Babongo of Lenz, Bastian, and Falkenstein: a -race of dwarfs between the coast and the Banteke, varying in stature -between 51 and 56 ins. Compare note, p. 59. - -[162] Identical with Chinkanga, on the river Juma, where the French have -a post, Wemba. - -[163] The river Kuilu, 4 deg. 28' S. - -[164] _As duas moutas_ (the two corpses) of Juan de la Cosa's map -(1500), near the mouth of the Kuilu. - -[165] Fifteen miles carry us to the Longebonda of the Admiralty Chart, -4 deg. 20' S.. which has very little water in it at the most favourable time -of the year (_Africa Pilot_, vol. ii, 1893, p. 136), but the river meant -is evidently the Numbi, which enters Chilunga (Kilonga) Bay in 4 deg. 13' -S., a mere stream (_Deutsche Loango Expedition_). - -[166] Yumba is the name of the country. _Mayumba_ (_Mani Yumba_) means -chief of Yumba. The Bay of Mayumba, 3 deg. 19' S., lies about 10 miles to -the south of Cape Mayumba, which is undoubtedly the Cabo Negro of -Battell. - -[167] Dyewoods are still an article of export, but not logwood (see -note, p. 43.) - -[168] The Banya, a lagoon extending to the south-east, parallel with the -coast. - -[169] The _Mpungu_ is the gorilla. For _Engeco_ (printed _Encego_ in the -earlier editions) we ought to read _Nsiku_, the native name for the -chimpanzi, a larger variety of which is known as _Chimpenso_ -(Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 248). P. Du Chaillu, -the first European to kill a gorilla in his native haunts (_Adventures -in Equatorial Africa_), declares Battell's stories to be mere -traveller's tales, "untrue of any of the great apes of Africa." Sir R. -F. Burton (_Two Trips to Gorilla Land_, vol. i, p. 240) suggests that as -Battell had not seen a gorilla, he may have confounded gorillas with -bushmen. - -[170] Misprint for Mayumbas? - -[171] Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (_D. Loango Exp._, vol. iii, p. 302) says that -native dogs do _not_ bark, but that they often acquire the habit when -living among European dogs. Most of them are mongrels, but there are -some superior breeds trained for hunting. These dogs carry a wooden bell -(_ndibu_) round the neck, the clatter of which scares the game. When the -scent grows warm, the dogs begin to whine, and when the game is in sight -they give tongue. After each beat the dogs sit down apart from the -hunters, raise their heads, and howl for several minutes. Mr. Dennett, -in a letter to me, confirms the barking (_kukula_, to bark) of the -native dogs. - -[172] See p. 82 for further information on this fetish. - -[173] Neither Mr. Dennett, nor one of the officials in the French -Colonial Office, thoroughly acquainted with the language, has been able -to make sense out of this sentence. The latter suggests _Ku Kwiza bukie -lika_, "I come for the truth!" For another version of this appeal, see -p. 83. The sentence is evidently very corrupt. - -[174] Circumcision is common in some districts, but no magical or mystic -influence is ascribed to it (Bentley). - -[175] For an account of the initiation into the guild called _Ndembo_, -see Bentley's _Dictionary_, p. 506. - -[176] The custom of prohibiting certain food to be eaten, etc., is very -common. _Mpangu_ is the name for this taboo in the case of new-born -infants; _Konko_, a taboo imposed in connection with an illness. The -thing tabooed is called _nlongo_ (Bentley). - -[177] This refers no doubt to Sette, the river of which enters the sea -in 2 deg. 23' S. The capital of the same name being fifty miles up it. -Barwood is still exported, but no logwood. - -[178] His modern representative seems to be the Mani Kasoche on the -Upper Ngonga, who was visited by Guessfeldt. - -[179] Not to be taken literally, for Cao certainly touched at this bay. - -[180] The usual designation for "Dwarf" is _mbaka_ or _kimbakabaka_ (the -diminutive of _mbaka_), but _Batumba_ (with which Battell's _matimba_ -seems to be identical) is likewise applied to a dwarf person or thing -(Bentley). In Angola, _Matumbu_ means a far-off, unknown country -(Cordeiro da Matta). Compare note, p. 52. - -[181] "Marombos" seems to be a misprint for Mayumbas (see note, p. 55). - -[182] The Mamboma is a sort of home secretary. He buries the Maloango, -and summons the princes for the election of a successor. _Mboma_ is the -black python; _boma_ means fear. Hence the title has been translated -"Lord of Terror." - -[183] _Mbundu_, the powdered root of a species of strychnos, is -administered to confessed witches accused of having caused the death of -a person. If the accused be guilty, this poison causes him to lose all -control over the _sphincter urethrae_; he discharges red urine profusely, -runs a few paces, falls down and dies. An innocent person only -discharges a few drops on a banana leaf (Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango Exp._, -vol. iii, p. 188). _Nkasa_, prepared from the bark of _Erythrophlaeum -guineense_, paralyses the action of the heart, but if thrown up at once, -it will not kill (Dr. M. Boehr, _Correspon. der Deutschen Afrik. Ges._, -vol. i, p. 332). It is administered to persons who deny being witches. -(For a full account of such a trial, see Dennett, _Seven Years Among the -Fjort_, p. 165.) In the case of minor offences, the ordeal of the hot -matchet--_bikalo_, _bisengo_, or _bau_--is resorted to. The knife is -passed thrice over the skin of the leg, and if it burns the accused is -declared guilty (see also Dennett, _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the -Fjort_, p. 162). The Nganga is, of course, open to a bribe, and in the -case of a chief the poison may be administered to a substitute--a dog or -a slave--and the penalty commuted to a fine. See also Bentley's -_Pioneering on the Congo_, London, 1900. - -[184] The poison administered in this case was _nkasa_, and not _mbundu_ -(see p. 80). - -[185] _Ndoki_, a witch; _undoki_, that which pertains to witchcraft -(Bentley). - -[186] That is, _Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World_, bk. -vii, ch. 10, dealing with Loango. - -[187] Worthy Purchas grows quite incoherent in his indignation, but the -reader will nevertheless be able to gather his meaning, and will -appreciate his distinction between a Jewish priest and a heathen -_Nganga_, both administering the same rite. He thus shares the opinion -of the Roman Catholic missionaries who recognised the efficacy of native -charms, but ascribed it to the Devil, whilst claiming greater potency -for their crosses, relics, etc., deriving their potency from Heaven. - -[188] The poison ordeal, which required a woman suspected of infidelity -to her husband to drink "bitter water" administered by the Jewish -priest, is here referred to. This ordinance, of course, was not -applicable in case of a similar offence charged against a husband -(Numbers v, 12-31). - -[189] Valdez (_Six Years in Angola_, vol. ii, p. 130) calls this ordeal -_quirigue tubia_ (_Kirike tubia_), and says that the hot hatchet may be -applied to any part of the person. The meaning of _kiri_ is truth; of -_tubia_, fire. Purchas is evidently mistaken when he calls this -procedure _Motamba_, for _tambi_ or _mutambi_ is a kind of funeral feast -or wake. The body having been buried, and potsherds, pipes, and other -articles placed on the grave, the mourners devour a roast pig, the skull -of which is afterwards thrown into a neighbouring river. - -[190] Illness and death are frequently ascribed to witchcraft. If a -disease does not yield to medical treatment by a _Nganga a moko_, the -_nganga a ngombo_, or witch-doctor, is called in with his fetish. He may -ascribe the death to natural causes, or to a charm worked by a person -recently deceased and beyond his reach; or he may denounce one or more -persons as witches. The persons thus denounced are compelled to submit -to the poison ordeal (see, among others, Dennett's _Seven Years among -the Fjort_, and his _Folk-Lore_). - -[191] Garcia Mendes de Castellobranco, p. 33, says, in 1621, that hens -abounded and also goats and sheep, but that cows were rare. - -[192] Zebras are still found in Benguella, but not any longer in Angola -or Congo. Duarte Lopez, p. 49, speaks of a "pet zebra" (in Bamba?) which -was killed by a "tiger." Further on he says that zebras were common, but -had not been broken in for riding. M. Garcia Mendez likewise mentions -the "zebra." The native name is _ngolo_ (Kangolo). "Zebra" is a -corruption of its Abyssinian appellation. - -[193] Tandale, in Kimbundu, means councillor or minister of a _soba_ or -kinglet; _tumba'ndala_ was an old title of the Kings of Angola, and may -be translated Emperor (Cordeiro da Matta, _Diccionario_). - -[194] All this is borne out by Portuguese documents. From the very -beginning, Dias de Novaes handed over the Sovas to the mercy of his -fellow-adventurers and the Jesuits. The system was still in force in -1620 when Garcia Mendez de Castellobranco proposed to King Philip a -"regimen de aforamento" of the native chiefs, which would have yielded a -revenue of fifteen million Reis, and would, at the same time, afforded -some slight protection to the natives. Those who would have profited -most largely by these "reforms" would have been the Jesuits. - -[195] According to Dr. Pechuel-Loesche (_Die Loango Expedition_, vol. -iii, p. 279), this seems to be the cowfish of the whalers, or _Tursions -gillii_, Dale. The natives call it _ngulu-mputu_ (_ngulu_, -hog-fish;-_mputu_, Portugal). He says that the natives will not suffer -this fish to be injured, as it drives other fish ashore and into their -nets; and that if one of these fish were to be wounded or killed they -would stop away for ever so long. The Rev. W. M. Holman Bentley, in his -_Dictionary of the Kongo Language_, says that the _ngola_ of the natives -is a bagre, or catfish. A gigantic bagre, 8 ft. in length, is found in -the Upper Coanza (Monteiro, _Angola_, vol. ii, p. 134). Mr. Dennett -suggests the _Chialambu_, a kind of bream, which is said to chase other -fish; _Mboa_, _Mbwa_, or _Imboa_ certainly means dog, and is not the -name of a fish. - -[196] _Massa-ngo_, the _Penisetum typhoideum_, introduced from abroad. -It is the _milho_, or millet, of the Portuguese (see Capello and Ivens, -_Benguella_, vol. i, p. 103; vol. ii, p. 257). - -[197] _Massa-mballa_ is _sorghum_ (Ficalho). A white variety is known as -_Congo-mazzo_. - -[198] This is _luku_, or _Eleusine coracana_, introduced from Asia. It -is extensively grown in Abyssinia and among the Niamniam (Schweinfurth, -_The Heart of Africa_, vol. i, p. 248; Ficalho, _Plantas uteis_, p. 41). - -[199] _Massa-mamputo_, or Grao de Portugal, is _Zea mayz_, introduced -from America (Ficalho). See note, p. 7. - -[200] This is the ground-nut (_Arachis hypogaea_), or underground kidney -bean. Its native name is _nguba_ or _mpinda_. According to Ficalho, p. -142, it was introduced from America, while _Voandzeia subterranea_, -called _vielo_ in Angola, is certainly indigenous. The seeds of the -latter are smaller and less oleaginous than those of _Arachis_, and -hence its commercial value is less. - -[201] _Wandu_ (of Congo) is the _mbarazi_ of the Swahili, the _Cajanus -indicus_ of botanists. It is grown all over Africa, and Welwitsch -considers it indigenous. In Angola a variety is known as _nsonje_ -(Ficalho, p. 143; Burton, _Two Trips to Gorilla Island_, vol. ii, p. -119). - -[202] In a marginal note to his reprint of Pigafetta's book (p. 1005), -Purchas quotes Battell as confirming Lopez when he states, with regard -to the _Cola_ (_c. acuminata, R. Br._), that "the liver of a hen, or of -any other like bird, which putrified and stinketh, being sprinkled over -with the juice of this fruit (the _Cola_), returneth into its former -estate, and becometh fresh and sound again." - -[203] See note, p. 24. Monteiro (vol. ii, 165) confirms that hives are -securely placed in the branches of a tree, the _Baobab_ being chosen in -preference. - -[204] A misprint from _Inganda_, i.e., _Nsanda_, banyan. - -[205] The three kinds of palm are, the wine-palm (_Raphia_); the -oil-palm (_Elaeis_); and the date-palm (_Phoenix_). - -[206] _Lubambu_ (in Kimbundu); _luvambu_ (in Congoese) means a chain. -Dr. Lacerda says that a _Libambo_ was made of sufficient length to hold -twelve slaves (_The Lands of Cazembe_, ed. by Burton, London; 1873, p. -18). - -[207] For his _Relations_, see Purchas, lib. VI. ch. viii. - -[208] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, in a memoir addressed in 1592 to King -Philip, states that 52,000 slaves were exported from Angola to Brazil -and the Spanish Indies between 1575 and 1591, and 20,131 during the last -four years of this period (Paiva Manso, _Hist. do Congo_, p. 140). -Cadornega, quoted by the same author, estimates the number of slaves -annually exported between 1580 and 1680 at eight or ten thousand (_ib._, -p. 287). - -[209] _Recte_, _Engenho_, a mill, and in Brazil more especially a sugar -mill. - -[210] Turner says, in his _Relations_, p. 1243, that John de Paiis -(_sic_) owned ten thousand slaves and eighteen sugar mills. - -[211] Manuel Cerveira Pereira was Governor 1603-7 (see p. 37). - -[212] Carvalho (_Ethnographia_, pp. 248, 258) describes trophies of -these as also trophies of war, built up of the skulls of enemies killed -in battle. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, p. 54) saw a fossil -tusk, which was looked upon as a fetish, around which were piled up the -horns of oxen, and the teeth and skulls of hippopotami. - -[213] Libations are a common practice. Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, -vol. i. p. 70) observed libations of rum being poured on the royal -graves at Loangiri; Capello and Ivens (_Benguella_, vol. i, p. 26) say -that the Bandombe, before they drink spirits, pour a portion on the -ground, as a libation to _Nzambi_; whilst in Congo (according to -Bentley), the blood of a beast killed in the chase is poured on the -grave of a good hunter, to ensure success in the future. Instances of -this practice could easily be multiplied. Compare note, p. 51. - -[214] _Wa_, an interjection, O! _Kizangu_ is a fetish image (see note, -p. 24). _Kuleketa_, to prove, to try (Cordeiro da Matta's -_Diccionario_). - -[215] On this ordeal, as practised in Angola, see note, p. 61. - -[216] _Nganga a mukishi._ - -[217] See note, p. 34. - -[218] See note, p. 55. - -[219] Battell is named in the margin as authority for this paragraph, -but it is not likely that he would have mentioned a lake Aquelunda, -which we now know does not exist. It rather seems that Purchas got this -bit of information out of Pigafetta. The Quizama here referred must not -be confounded with the country of the same name, to the south of the -Coanza. It was the district of the Quiluangi quia Sama (or quia Samba, -according to Lopez de Lima, p. 60), the ancestor of a chief of the same -name now living near the Portuguese fort of Duque de Braganca. The -"commonwealth" is an evident reference to the country of the Dembos -(_ndembu_, plural _jindembu_, ruler, chief), who recognise no superior -chief or king. - -[220] It need scarcely be stated that the horse was first introduced -into Angola by the Portuguese. The tails seen by the early Portuguese, -and sometimes described as horse-tails, were in truth the tails of the -Zebra. - -[221] See another version of the same story, p. 69. - -[222] The _nsanda_ is the banyan, or wild fig-tree (_ficus umbelata_, -Vahl). - -[223] Battell has been misunderstood by Purchas, for the _manga_ tree is -the Mangrove (_Rhyzophora mangle_) called _Mangue_ in Kimbundu, which -rejoices in adventitious roots, as also does the _nsanda_. - -[224] See p. 24, for note on the _Nkondo_ or _Baobab_. - -[225] For an account of this mode of climbing a tree, see -Pechuel-Loesche, _Loango Expedition_, vol. iii, p. 179. - -[226] On honey, see note, p. 68. - -[227] _Nsanda_, the banyan-tree. - -[228] Schuit, a boat, in Dutch. - -[229] This sentence is introduced on the authority of Duarte Lopez -(Pigafetta, p. 22). The other tree referred to by Battell is the -_mfuma_, or cotton-tree (see Tuckey, _Narrative_, p. 225). Dr. -Falkenstein, however, affirms that the soft wood of the _baobab_ is that -usually employed for making canoes ("dug-outs"). - -[230] Battell, I have no doubt, never employed the word "Bramas" -(Bramanes in Portuguese, Brahmans). D. Lopez (Pigafetta) must be held -responsible for the statement that the inhabitants of Loango were -originally known as Bramas. Surely this cannot be (as supposed by -Degrandpre) because of the red and yellow stripes with which the women -in Loango paint their foreheads in honour of a certain fetish, and the -similarity of these with the marks of the votaries of Siva in India. - -[231] Dr. Bastian (_Loango Expedition_, vol. i, pp. 158, 202, 232) -mentions offerings of this kind. Thus the skull of an animal killed in -the chase is placed before the fetish. - -[232] _Mbongo_, cloth (Bentley's _Dictionary_). - -[233] See note, p. 35. - -[234] Restrictions upon the use of certain articles of food are imposed -by the doctor (_nganga_), even before the child is born (_mpangu_), and -upon the sick (_konko_). The things forbidden to be eaten are called -_nlongo_, and it is believed that a disregard of this taboo entails most -disastrous consequences (Bentley, _Dictionary_, pp. 353, 389). In Loango -things forbidden are called _Shin_, or _thina_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, p. -138). - -[235] Any place guarded by a "charm," such as a shell, a bit of cloth, -or the like, is respected by the natives as being protected by the -_nkishi_ (Dennett, _Folk-Lore_, pp. 6, 18). - -[236] See note, p. 48. - -[237] This bell is called _Shi-Ngongo_, and the Maloango alone is -allowed to order it to be struck. Thus, when a messenger is sent round -the town, striking this _Shi-Ngongo_, the people know that it is the -voice of Maloango which speaketh. It is thus quite likely that a thief, -under these circumstances, should be frightened into restoring stolen -property. (From a letter by Mr. Dennett.) See also note, p. 20. - -[238] See p. 59. - -[239] _Ndoke_, or _ndoki_, witchcraft, sorcerer. - -[240] A misprint for _Libata_, village. - -[241] See p. 48. - -[242] _Munsa_, should be _inzo_ or _nzo_, a house (see also note, p. -49). - -[243] _Nkishi ngolo_, a strong _nkishi_. - -[244] Marginal note by Purchas: "This seemeth to be Red Sanders. A. -Battell saith it is logwood." Purchas is right! _Tacula_ is Red Sanders -(_Pterocarpus tinctorius_). - -[245] _Nkwa_, the possessor of a thing or quality; _akwa_, possessed of. - -[246] Compare p. 56, where we are told that a fetish called _Maramba_ -(_Morumba_), stood in the town of the Mani Yumba. - -[247] Evidently a misprint for Mayumba. - -[248] Another version of this address will be found on p. 56. - -[249] Marginal note with reference to the existence of amazons -(Pigafetta, p. 124): "Andr. Battell, which travelled near to these parts -[where Amazons are supposed to exist] denieth this report of Lopez as -untrue." The Amazons of Lopez lived in Monomotapa, on the Zambezi. - -[250] We may presume that Purchas told his friend what was reported by -Lopez (Pigafetta, vol. ii, chs. 5, 9) and others about the origin of the -Jagas. Battell, upon this, not only rejects the conjecture of Lopez, but -also disclaims having any knowledge of their origin himself. Elsewhere, -however, Purchas makes his author responsible for the assertion that -they came from Sierra Leone (see note, p. 19). - -[251] The Bangala (_akibangala_, in Kimbundu _Jimbangala_, sing. -_kibangala_) are the people of the Jaga of Kasanj. The term merely means -"people," and they have absolutely nothing to do with the Bangala on the -middle Kongo, still less with the Galla (see Carvalho, _Exp. Port. do -Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 85). - -[252] The words within asterisks are obviously a parenthesis of worthy -Purchas. He speaks (p. 854) of the Gallae [our Galla] as a "nationless -nation," either the same as or like in condition to the Giacchi or -Iagges [Jaga], and (p. 857) of the Imbij as "a barbarous nation" near -Mombaza. There exists not the slightest justification for identifying -the Jagas of Angola with the Sumbas of Sierra Leone, the Mazimbas of the -Zambezi, or the Galla. The whole of this question is dealt with in the -Appendix. - -[253] On infanticide, see note, p. 32. - -[254] In a marginal note Purchas adds: "_Azimogli_ are the children of -Christians taken from the parents by the Turke, the spawne of their -_Ianizaries_". It should be _Ajem oglan_ ("inexperienced boys"), the -children of Christians who were handed over to Turks to be brought up as -Moslims, and trained as recruits for the _Yanizaries_ (_Yeni-cheri_, new -troops) organised by Sultan Urkhan in 1328. This unruly force ceased to -exist in 1826. - -[255] _Elembe_ means pelican. - -[256] See notes, pp. 19, 28. - -[257] See note, p. 26. - -[258] _Njilo mukisho_, see p. 27. - -[259] _Mpungi_, an ivory trumpet. - -[260] See note, p. 34. - -[261] See note, p. 33. - -[262] _Kuzambula_, a soothsayer, diviner. Neves, p. 19, mentions a -_Mocoa-co-Zambulla_ as officiating among the Jagas of Cassanje. - -[263] See pp. 1 and 6. - -[264] Masanganu is the famous fort on the Kwanza built by Paulo Dias de -Novaes in 1583. Anyeca, elsewhere called Ancica, Angica, Angila and -Anguca, is clearly meant for Anzica, that is the country of the Nteke -above Stanley Pool. - -[265] That is, St. Paul de Loanda, the chief town of Angola. - -[266] Joao Furtado de Mendonca was Governor of Angola (not Kongo), -1594-1601. - -[267] I know of no town (or even church) in the whole of Angola -dedicated to St. Francis. - -[268] There is no such city in Angola. It seems to me that Knivet found -the name in Linschoten, a translation of whose work appeared in 1698. -Linschoten says here of the island of Luandu, which lies in front of the -Portuguese town of S. Paul de Loanda, that "there were seven or eight -villages upon it, at one of which called 'Holy Ghost', resides the -Governor of Kongo, who takes care of the right of fishing up shells." -This "Governor" was an officer of the King of Kongo. The island, with -its valuable cowrie fishery, was ceded to Portugal in 1649. - -[269] _Ngulu_, a hog. - -[270] _Sanji_, a hen. - -[271] _I'mboa_, or _mbwa_, dog. - -[272] Earlier in his narrative he mentions having seen, at the Straits -of Magellan, "a kind of beast bigger than horses; they have great eyes -about a span long, and their tails are like the tail of a cow; these are -very good: the Indians of Brazil call them _tapetywason_: of these -beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdom of Manicongo. The Portugals -call them _gombe_" (marginal note by Purchas). The gombe (_ngombe_) of -the Portugals is undoubtedly a cow, whilst the _tapetywason_, called -"taparussu" in a _Noticia de Brazil_ of 1589, and _tapyra_, in the -language of the Tupi Indians, is applied to any large beast, and even to -the oxen imported by the Portuguese, which they call _tapyra sobay go -ara_, that is, "foreign beasts," to distinguish them from their own -_tapyra caapora_ or "forest beast." - -[273] This account of a "trial by battle" does much credit to the -author's ingenuity. No such custom is referred to by any other visitor -to the Kongo. The meaning of "Mahobeque" we cannot discover, but -_mbenge-mbenge_ means "principally." - -[274] _Nkadi_, one who is, and _mpungu_, the highest. The usual word to -express the idea of God is _nzambi_, or _nzambi ampungu_, God the most -high! _Nkadi ampemba_, according to Bentley, means Satan. The word used -in Angola is, _Karia-pemba_. - -[275] _Ri-konjo_, banana. - -[276] _Mutombo_ is the flour from which cassava-bread is made. - -[277] The name for bread, both in Kimbundu and Kishikongo, is _mbolo_ -(derived from the Portuguese word for cake or _bolo_). _Anou_ or _auen_ -may stand for _mwan_, a cassava-pudding; _tala_ means look! _kuna_, -here! The Rev. Thomas Lewis would say, in the Kongo language of -Salvador: _Umpana mbolo tambula nzimbu_; literally, "Give me bread, take -or receive money." - -[278] The cowrie-shells fished up at Luanda Island (the old "treasury" -of the Kings of Kongo) are called _njimbu_ in Angola, but _nsungu_ in -Kongo. _Njimbu_ in Kongo means beads, or money generally, and hence the -author's "gullgimbo" evidently stands for _ngulu anjimbu_, red beads. - -[279] _Npuku_, a field mouse. - -[280] Crimbo (_kirimbo_) seems to be a corruption of the Portuguese -_carimbo_, a stamp. - -[281] The Rev. Thomas Lewis suggests: _Mundele ke sumbanga ko, kadi wan -bele-bele_; that is, "The white men do not buy, but they have gone away -in a hurry." - -[282] _Nlele_, the general name for European cloth. They do make cloth -from the inner bark of the banyan tree (see p. 18, _note_). - -[283] _Mukaji_; wife, woman, concubine. - -[284] The "fishes" are no doubt molluscs. - -[285] The King at the time of Knivet's alleged visit was Alvaro II. - -[286] The Vangala, spelt Bengala lower down, seems to represent the -Imbangolas of Battell, more generally known as Jagas (see p. 84, _note_) - -[287] D. Alvaro sent several embassies to Europe, but never a brother of -his. The most famous of these ambassadors was Duarte Lopez, who was at -Rome in 1590. - -[288] This certainly seems to be a misprint for Angola, for a party of -Portuguese going to Masanganu would never stray so far north as Anzica. -On the other hand, if Knivet was really on his way from the capital of -Congo to Prester John's country, that is, Abyssinia, he must have gone -in the direction of Anzica. - -[289] Masanganu actually stands at the confluence of the Rivers Kwanza -and Lukala! - -[290] That is, they suffered from elephantiasis. - -[291] Gold is often referred to in ancient documents, but its actual -discovery (so far in unremunerative quantities) is quite a recent -affair. Silver was supposed to exist in the hills of Kambambe above -Masanganu, but has not as yet been actually found. - -[292] These Angicas are certainly identical with the Anziques or -Anzicanas of Duarte Lopez, according to whom they eat human flesh and -circumcise. The Angolans have at no time been charged with cannibalism. - -[293] Cavazzi, p. 262, calls Corimba a province of the kingdom of Coango -(not Loango, as in Labat's version) on the Zaire. Cadornega (quoted by -Paiva Manso, p. 285) tells us that our river Kwangu (Coango) is called -after a lordship of that name, and was known to the people as the -"great" Zaire (_nzari anene_). On the other hand, D. Pedro Affonso II, -in a letter of 1624, speaks of Bangu, which had recently been raided by -the Jaga, aided by the King of Loango (_sic_), as the "trunk and origin -of Congo" (Paiva Manso, p. 177). But then this Pedro Affonso was not of -the original dynasty of Nimi a Lukeni. - -[294] Collectively known as Ambundu, a term applied in Angola to black -men generally, but in Kongo restricted to slaves, _i.e._, the conquered. -Bunda, in Kongo, has the meaning of "combine;" in Lunkumbi (Nogueira, -_Bol._ 1885, p. 246) it means "family." Cannecatim, in the introduction -to his Grammar, says that Kimbundu originated in Kasanj, and that the -meaning of Abundo or Bundo is "conqueror." According to Carvalho (_Exp. -Port. ao Muatianvua, Ethnographia_, p. 123) Kimbundu should be -translated "invaders." The derivations of the word Kongo are quite as -fanciful. Bentley seems to favour _nkongo_, a "hunter." Cordeiro da -Matta translates Kongo by "tribute;" whilst Nogueira says that Kongo -(_pl._ Makongo) denotes a "prisoner of war." - -[295] "Palaver place" or "court," corrupted by European travellers into -"Ambasse." Subsequently this town became known as S. Salvador. - -[296] Both the Rev. W. H. Bentley and the Rev. Tho. Lewis believe Sonyo -to be a corruption, at the mouths of natives, of San Antonio. This is -quite possible, for when the old chief was baptised, in 1491, he -received the name of Manuel (after the King), whilst his son was -thenceforth known as Don Antonio. Images of Sa. Manuela and S. Antonio -are still in existence, and are venerated by the natives as powerful -fetishes (Bastian, _Loangokueste_, vol. i, p. 286). Soyo, according to -the same author, is the name of a district near the Cabo do Padrao. Yet -Garcia de Resende and Ruy de Pina, in their Chronicles of King Joao II, -only know a Mani Sonho, whom Joao de Barros calls Mani Sono. No hint of -the suggested corruption is given by any author. - -[297] On these northern kingdoms, whose connexion with Kongo proper -seems never to have been very close, see Proyart, _Histoire de Loango, -Cacongo, et autres royaumes d'Afrique_, Paris, 1776; Degrandpre, _Voyage -a la cote occidentale d'Afrique_, 1786-7, Paris, 1801; and of recent -books, R. D. Dennett, _Seven Years among the Fjort_, London, 1887, -Guessfeldt, Falkenstein, and Pechuel-Loesche, _Die Loango Expedition_, -Berlin, 1879-83; and that treasury of ill-digested information, Bastian, -_Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loangokueste_, Jena, 1874-5. - -[298] On the voyages of Cao and Dias, see my paper in the _Geographical -Journal_, 1900, pp. 625-655. - -[299] Now Cape St. Mary, 13 deg. 28' S. - -[300] The "Cabo do Padrao" of early maps. - -[301] A legend on the chart of Henricus Martellus Germanus (1489), and -the "Parecer" of the Spanish pilots of 1525, are our only authorities on -this fact. Cao is not again mentioned in Portuguese documents (see my -Essay, _Geographical Journal_, p. 637). - -[302] Nsaku was henceforth known as Don Joao da Silva. See Ruy de Pina, -p. 149; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, _Asia_, t. I, Pt. 1, -pp. 177, 224. - -[303] On this embassy, see De Barros, _Asia, Dec. I_, Liv. 3; Ruy de -Pina's _Chronica_, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende's _Chronice_, cc. -155-61; D. Lopez, Bk. II, c. 2; Fr. Luis de Sousa, _Historia de S. -Domingos_, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte IV, Livro iv, c. 16. - -[304] Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says -Franciscans; and P. Fernando da Soledade, _Historia Serafica_, has -proved the documents published by Paiva Manso in favour of the Dominican -claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, _Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 64. - -[305] Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub _San -Salvador_. - -[306] The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a -baton, a bow and arrow, and the cap. - -[307] De Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should be -called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanas of later writers, about whose -identity with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore the -title of Makoko (Nkaka). - -[308] Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as -_Egreja da Vera Cruz_. In it the Christian kings of Kongo were formerly -buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and carried the body of the -unbelieving D. Francisco to hell, their coffins were removed to other -churches (see post, p. 121). Other churches, subsequently built, are S. -Salvador, N. S. do Socorro, S. Jago, S. Miguel, dos Santos, de -Misericordia, S. Sebastian. - -[309] Frei Joao had died soon after reaching the capital. - -[310] Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4. - -[311] Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and -documents bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between 1512, and -December 15th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but in letters -written between February 15th, 1539, and December 4th, 1540, the King -refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as his "brother." If -the letters had been written by his successor Don Pedro II Affonso, Don -Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a brother. - -[312] Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably _Mpangu_. - -[313] King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva -Manso, p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there can be no -doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-arms -subsequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) substitutes the -Virgin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273), and -others, down to Father Eucher (_Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 36), -unhesitatingly accept this miracle. The Rev. W. H. Bentley most -irreverently suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might account -for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. James. - -[314] On this embassy, see the documents printed by Paiva Manso, and -also Damian de Goes, _Chron. do Rei D. Emanuel_, vol. iii, c. 37. - -[315] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 419. - -[316] On this mission, see _Alguns documentos_, pp. 277-289, for the -instructions given to Simao da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King -Manuel's letter, and D. Affonso's manifesto; and also Damian de Goes, -_Chronica_, vol. iii, cc. 38-39. - -[317] This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself -(Paiva Manso, p. 11), as follows:--The field _gules_, and the chief of -the coat _azure_, quartered by a cross-fleury _argent_. Each quarter of -the chief charged with two shells, _or_, on a foot _argent_, bearing a -shield _azure_, charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field -_gules_ is charged with five arms holding swords, _or_. An open helmet, -_or_, with a royal crown surmounts the coat. Crest: the five swords. -Supporters: two idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The -coats figured on Pigafetta's map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less -elaborate, but are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the -latter is one of the royal insignia. - -[318] In the formal documents addressed to his "brother" of Portugal, he -claims to be "By the Grace of God, King of Kongo, Ibumgu, Kakongo, Ngoyo -this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus, of Ngola, Aquisyma -(Ptolemy's Agisymba) Muswalu, Matamba, Muyilu and Musuku, and of the -Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of Mpanzu-alumbu," &c. - -[319] D. de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iv, c. 3. - -[320] Paiva Manso, pp. 15, 17. - -[321] Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mpanzu-alumbu, see below. - -[322] On this mission, see Paiva Manso, pp. 69-74. - -[323] On the bishops of Kongo, see _Add. MS. 15183_ (British Museum), -and R. J. da Costa Mattos, _Corographia Historica das Ilhas S. Thome, -etc._ Oporto, 1842. - -[324] Paiva Manso, p. 31. - -[325] For King Affonso's account of this event, as also for an account -of a second conspiracy, apparently planned by Fernao Rodrigues Bulhao, -see Paiva Manso, pp. 76-80. - -[326] For Mpangu-lungu, see Index and Glossary. - -[327] The minutes of this inquiry are printed by Paiva Manso, p. 84. - -[328] D. de Goes, _Chron. de Rei D. Em._, iv, c. 54. - -[329] See Index, _sub_ Mpanzu-alumbu _and_ Mpangu-lungu. - -[330] See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be -kings of the Matumbulas, _i.e._, the spirits of their dead ancestors -buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and -who were dreaded as fetishes. - -[331] According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p. -174), these daughters were: (1) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D. Diego, -Affonso II, and Bernardo; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba, the mother of -Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II; (3) D. Anna Tumba a -mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, whose -son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not seem to be quite trustworthy. - -[332] Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532, -but the letters written by D. Affonso, and published by Paiva Manso, -conclusively show that this is impossible (see _supra_). - -[333] His native name proves him to have been a _son_ of D. Francisco. -He is, however, generally described as a cousin or grandson of D. Pedro. - -[334] The earliest published letter of D. Diogo is dated April 25th, -1547. His death is mentioned in a letter dated November 4th, 1561 (Paiva -Manso, pp. 81, 113). He may, however, have died a considerable time -before that date. Lopez de Lima (_An. Mar._ 1845, p. 101) makes him die -in 1552, after a reign of nine years. - -[335] This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1549. -The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovao Ribeira, Jacome -Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Soveral. - -[336] See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93. - -[337] He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thome in 1574. - -[338] For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one D. -Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101, 110. - -[339] Compare D. Lopez, p. 93; Cavazzi, p. 276; a list of kings given by -the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617 (Paiva -Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador made in -1624 (_ibid._, p. 174), and Christovao Dorte de Sousa's letter to Queen -Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561 (_ibid._, p. -113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Eucher, _Le Congo_, -p. 70). - -[340] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114. - -[341] His letter is printed by Paiva Manso, p. 116. It was during the -reign of this king, in 1563, that a "missionary" is stated to have -crossed Africa (Garcia d'Orta, _Coloquios dos simples e drogos_. Goa, -1567). - -[342] Lopez de Lima, _An. Mar._, 1845, p. 101. - -[343] Duarte Lopez, p. 93. - -[344] Alvaro, according to Cavazzi, came to the throne in 1542 and died -in 1587, whilst Lopez de Lima, quite arbitrarily, puts off his accession -to 1552. These figures are absolutely incorrect, as may be seen from the -date of the letter of Queen Catherine to D. Bernardo. D. Alvaro cannot -possibly have ascended the throne anterior to 1568. - -[345] The Ayaka still inhabit a large stretch of country along the -Kwangu, and are generally considered to be identical with the Jagas -(Cavazzi speaks of them as Jaga, or Aiaka), an opinion which I do not -share. See _post_, p. 149. - -[346] I imagine the account given by Duarte Lopez, p. 96, is much -exaggerated. - -[347] Garcia Mendes, p. 9. - -[348] As a proof of vassalage we may mention that the King was denied -the title of _Alteza_ (Highness), which would have implied sovereign -rights, and was only allowed that of _Senhoria_ (lordship). - -[349] Duarte Lopez, p. 9. Originally, the Christian kings of Kongo were -buried in this church, but upon this desecration their bodies were -removed to other churches. - -[350] Our information concerning the reign of this king is exceedingly -scanty. We think we have shown satisfactorily that he cannot have -reigned from 1542 to 1587, but are unable to vouch either, for the date -of the invasion of his country by the Ayaka, or for that of his death. - -[351] In a letter of September 15th, 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166). - -[352] Samuel Braun, who visited the Kongo in 1612, says that the fort -built near the Padrao, and another on an uninhabited island, had been -razed. - -[353] Sebastian da Costa had been sent to Kongo to announce the -accession of Philip I, in 1580. He was given a letter by D. Alvaro, but -died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez, upon whose writings and discourses -Pigafetta based his work on the Kongo (see p. 19), was appointed in his -stead. For an account of this embassy, see Duarte Lopez, pp. 101-108. - -[354] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 158. - -[355] This order was, as a matter of course, issued at the instance of -the Council of Regency at Lisbon. - -[356] Paiva Manso, pp. 174-177. - -[357] We confess that this is unintelligible to us. Perhaps -we ought to read Coango (Kwangu), instead of Loango. There is, of -course, the "kingdom" of Kwangu beyond the Kwangu river, within which -lies the district of Kurimba, the birthplace of the first King of Kongo -(see p. 102). Bangu is evidently the district on the river Mbengu. It -may have been the home of the King's ancestors; and the Kwangu here -referred to may be a neighbouring district of that name (see Index). - -[358] It was during the reign of this King that five Portuguese -merchants crossed the Kwangu and fell into the hands of the Makoko, who -made slaves of them. But upon this, his kingdom was visited by plague -and famine, and his armies were beaten; and these "miracles" only ceased -when, acting on the advice of his diviners, he had sent back his -prisoners to S. Salvador, richly compensated for their sufferings -(Cavazzi, p. 281). - -[359] For documents referring to the reign of this king, see Paiva -Manso, pp. 187-237. - -[360] Whether the Dutch ambassadors prostrated themselves when presented -to the king, as shown on one of Dapper's plates, may be doubted. - -[361] The auxiliary force of thirty Dutchmen was commanded by Captain -Tihman (Dapper, p. 541). - -[362] They sent, indeed, a vessel to remonstrate, but the Duke defied -them to land, and they retired humbly. - -[363] Dapper, p. 572. Perhaps the itinerary on one of Dapper's maps from -Mpinda, by way of Mbamba, S. Salvador, Mbata and Nsundi, is supplied by -Herder. The names _conso_, _canda_, _quing_ and _ensor_ of the map are -corruptions of the names of the four week-days (_konso_, _nkanda_, -_nkenga_ and _nsona_), and designate places where markets are held on -those days. - -[364] He died at S. Salvador in 1651, when about to start for Abyssinia, -and was succeded by P. Giovanni Francisco of Valenza, as Prefect. For a -full account of the missions of 1645 and 1648, see Pellicer de Tovar, -_Mission Evangelica al Reyno de Congo_, Madrid, 1649; and P. Francisco -Fragio, _Breve Relazione_, Rome, 1648. - -[365] Giovanni Antonio de Cavazzi, of Montecuccolo, was a member of this -mission. - -[366] This district was invaded by Queen Nzinga, in 1649, and the -missionaries, P. Bonaventura of Correglia, and P. Francesco of Veas, -retired. - -[367] See Cavazzi, pp. 512-15. - -[368] Those of our readers who have no time or inclination to wade -through the bulky tomes of Cavazzi and other missionaries of those days, -may be recommended to read an excellent summary by the Franciscan Friar -Eucher (_Le Congo, Essai sur l'Histoire Religieuse de ce Pays_, Huy, -1860). - -[369] Paiva Manso, pp. 200-229. - -[370] Fr. Bonaventura had left Luandu in December, 1649; in June, 1650, -he was in Rome; in July, 1651, at Lisbon. He then returned to Kongo in -the company of P. Giacinto Brusciotto of Vetralla (1652), but ultimately -joined the mission in Georgia. To Brusciotto we are indebted for a -grammar and vocabulary of the Sonyo dialect, published at Rome in 1659. - -[371] Paiva Manso, p. 244. - -[372] I have no doubt that these "Pedras" are identical with the "Pedras -de Nkoshi," or "lion rocks," now occupied by the Presidio of Encoge. - -[373] Cavazzi, p. 287. - -[374] Published by Paiva Manso, pp. 350-355. - -[375] Pedro Mendes, however, only gives the names of ten Kings. If we -add to these Alvaro VII, D. Rafael, and Alvaro IX, mentioned by others, -we make up the number to thirteen. See Appendix III for a list and -classification of these Kings. - -[376] Cadornega says Affonso III. - -[377] He had some correspondence with the Pope in 1673 and 1677. - -[378] Paiva Manso, p. 254. - -[379] See Eucher, _Le Congo_, p. 176. Subsequently the Capuchins -returned to Sonyo (Merollo in 1683, Zucchelli in 1703). - -[380] Dionigi Carli paid a visit to these: see his _Viaggio_, Reggio, -1672. - -[381] See Merolla's _Relatione del Regno di Congo_, Naples, 1692; and -Zucchelli's _Viaggi_, Venice, 1712. - -[382] His captain-general, D. Pedro Constantino, managed to get himself -elected king, but was taken prisoner and beheaded at S. Salvador in -1709. - -[383] It was not unusual to make a charge for the administration of the -sacraments. In 1653, the parochial priests complained that the Capuchin -friars administered the sacraments without claiming an "acknowledgment;" -and the authorities at Rome (1653) prohibited their doing so within five -leagues of the capital (Paiva Manso, p. 233). At Mbamba, the priest had -a regular scale of prices. A baptism cost 7,000 cowries, for a marriage -a slave was expected, and so forth; and thus, adds the Bishop of Angola -(1722): "little children go to limbo, and grown-up people to hell!" - -[384] _Western Africa_, London, 1856, p. 329. - -[385] _Boletim_, Lisbon Geogr. Society, March 1889. - -[386] In 1709, the Holy Office declared the slave-trade in Africa -illicit. Only those persons were to be looked upon as slaves who were -born such; who had been captured in a just war; who had sold themselves -for money (a usual practice in Africa); or who had been adjudged slaves -by a just sentence. - -[387] _Alguns Documentos_, p. 107. - -[388] For the instructions given to Pacheco, see _Alguns Documentos_, p. -436. - -[389] Paiva Manso, p. 55. - -[390] Kiluanji, nzundu, and ndambi, which are given as names of kings, -are in reality only titles assumed by them.--Capello and Ivens, -_Benguella to the Iacca_, vol. ii, p. 53. Tumba-ndala (according to Heli -Chatelain) was another of these ancient royal titles. - -[391] Capello and Ivens, _ib._, vol. ii, p. 59. His proper name is -Kalunga (_i.e._, Excellency) ndombo akambo. - -[392] _Kabasa_, according to Cordeiro da Matta's _Diccionario_, simply -means "capital;" but J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._, vol. ii, p. -172, 1861) would have us distinguish between a Mbanza ia Kabasa and a -Mbanza ia Kakulu; the former meaning "second," the latter "first," -capital. This "first" or original capital of the kings of Ndongo was -undoubtedly in the locality of Queen Nzinga's kabasa; the second capital -was at Pungu a ndongo. - -[393] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 621. The Queen was branded as a slave (a practice -learnt from the Portuguese; see Marcador in the Index), and died of -grief; but her daughter was received into favour, and was baptized in -1667. - -[394] Lopes de Lima (_Ensaio_, vol. iii, _parte segundo_), is very -severe upon Cavazzi, whom he charges with having "falsified" history, -but does nothing himself to throw light upon the vexed question of the -names of the kings of Matamba and Ndongo. The following is a summary of -Cavazzi's very copious information (where Antonio of Gaeta gives -different names, these are added within brackets). _Ngola_, the smith, -or _musuri_ (_Ngola Bumbumbula_), was the founder of the kingdom of -Ndongo. Having no sons, he was succeeded by his daughter, _Nzunda ria -ngola_, and then by another daughter, _Tumba ria ngola_, who married a -_Ngola kiluanji kia Samba_, a great warrior. Their son, _Ngola -kiluanji_, was succeeded by _Ndambi ngola_. Then followed _Ngola -kiluanji kia ndambi_, another great warrior, who advanced to within ten -leagues of the sea, and planted a _nzanda_ tree (_Insandeira_), on the -northern bank of the Kwanza, a short distance above Tombo, to mark the -furthest point reached by his conquering hosts. _Nzinga ngola kilombo -kia kasende_ (_Ngola kiluanji_) followed next; then came _Mbandi ngola -kiluanji_, the father, and _Ngola mbandi_, the brother, of the famous -Queen _Nzinga (Jinga) mbandi ngola_ (born 1582, acceded 1627, died -1663), since whose day the upper part of Ndongo, including Matamba; has -been known as Nzinga or Ginga. The great queen was succeeded by her -sister, _D. Barbara da Silva_, who married _D. Antonio Carrasco nzinga a -mina_ (she died 1666). Then followed in succession _D. Joao Guterres -Ngola kanini_, _D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini_ (1680-81), and _D. -Victoria_, whom Cadornega calls _Veronica_. - -According to Lopez de Lima, it was a Jaga of Matamba, _Ngola a nzinga_, -who conquered Ndongo, and gave it as an appanage to his son, _Ngola -mbandi_. It was this _Ngola mbandi_ who invited the Portuguese in 1556, -and a son of his, bearing the same name or title, who received Dias in -1560. - -Cadornega (Paiva Manso, p. 281) gives the following names as the "Kings -of Angola" since the arrival of the Portuguese: Ngola a kiluanji, Ngola -mbandi, Ngola a kiluanji II, Queen Nzinga D. Anna de Sousa, D. Antonio -Carrasco Nzinga a mina, D. Barbara da Silva, his wife; D. Joao Guterres -Ngola kanini, D. Luis, D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Veronica, -the wife of D. Francisco. - -[395] Called Ngola mbandi by Lopes de Lima. - -[396] Paiva Manso, p. 112. - -[397] The Jesuit fathers (Francisco de Gouvea and Garcia Simoes) date -their letters from _Angoleme_, and call the King's capital Glo-amba -Coamba, evidently a misprint. Sixty leagues would carry us far beyond -the later capital, Pungu a ndongo, perhaps as far as the Anguolome -aquitambo (Ngwalema a kitambu) of Garcia Mendes, in the district known -as Ari. Another Angolome (Ngolome) lived less than twenty leagues from -the coast, on the northern side of the Kwanza, and near him a soba, -Ngola ngoleme a kundu. Neves (_Exped. de Cassange_) says the old name of -Pungu a ndongo is Gongo a mboa. For the Jesuit letters of that time, see -(_Boletim_, 1883, pp. 300-344). - -[398] He is referred to as Ngola Mbandi or Ngola ndambi. - -[399] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. ix, calls him Kiluanji kia samba, an -ancestor of the chief residing near the presidio of Duque de Braganca. -V. J. Duarte (_Annaes do cons. ultramar._, vol. ii, p. 123), the -commandant of that presidio in 1847, confirms that it occupies the site -of a former chief of that name, who was, however, quite an insignificant -personage. - -[400] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, in a MS. of 1592, quoted by Lima, -_Ensaios_, p. x. Garcia Mendes mentions seven hundred men, but these -probably included the crews of the vessels. - -[401] F. Garcia Simoes, S.J., informs us that a few days before the -arrival of Dias four men had been killed at a village only six leagues -from Luandu, and eaten.--_Boletim_, 1883. - -[402] Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, quoted by Paiva Manso, p. 139, informs -us that in 1592 it was governed by a Muene Mpofo, M. Luandu and M. -Mbumbi. - -[403] The King, after his defeat, is stated to have ordered the Makotas -who had given him this evil counsel to be killed (Lopes de Lima, p. -xiii). - -[404] Lima, _Ensaios_, vol. xi, suggests that this S. Cruz became -subsequently known as Kalumbu, and that its church was dedicated to S. -Jose. To me it seems more likely that it occupied the site of Tombo, and -was subsequently abandoned. - -[405] This "Penedo" seems subsequently to have been named after Antonio -Bruto, a captain-major. - -[406] Garcia Mendes, p. 19, describes Kanzele as lying half-way between -the rivers Kwanza and Mbengu. - -[407] According to Antonio of Gaeta two leagues below Masanganu. Garcia -Mendes calls this place Makumbe. - -[408] See his account of this battle in _Boletim_, 1883, p. 378. The -story in the _Catalogo_, that Dias sent loads of cut-off noses to S. -Paulo, is hardly credible. - -[409] So says Garcia Mendes, p. 25; whilst Duarte Lopez, p. 34, says -they were sent, but being defeated on the river Mbengu, retired again to -the north. - -[410] Diogo Rodrigues dos Colos brought three hundred men in 1584; -Jacome da Cunha, nine hundred in 1586. Two hundred Flemings, who arrived -in 1587, nearly all died soon after they had been landed. - -[411] Garcia Mendes, p. 24. - -[412] In 1809 his remains were transferred to the Jesuit Church at -Luandu. - -[413] This place is said to be eighty leagues from Masanganu, a gross -exaggeration. Vicente Jose, who was the commander of Duque de Braganca -in 1848, mentions a Ngolema Aquitamboa among the chiefs of Haire da cima -(_An. do Conselho ultram._, vol. ii, p. 123). - -[414] Garcia Mendes mentions the Kindas as if they were a tribe. To me -they seem to be the people of the Jaga Kinda (Chinda of the Italian -Capuchins), one of the chiefs killed by the famous Queen Nzinga. See -Cavazzi, p. 636, and Antonio de Gaeta's narrative in _La maravigliosa -conversione delle Regina Singa escritta dal. P. F. Francesco Maria Gioia -da Napoli_. Naples, 1669, p. 233. Emilio, a son of Count Laudati, was -born in 1615; he lived a few years as a knight of Malta, and then -entered a monastery of Capuchins, assuming the name of Antonio of Gaeta. -He landed at Luandu in November, 1650, and died there, after an active -life as a missionary, in July, 1662. - -[415] Called Kakalele in the _Catalogo_. - -[416] Douville, _Voyage au Congo_, Paris, 1832, vol. ii, p. 375; -Bowdich, _On the Bunda Language_, p. 138, note 2. - -[417] See note, p. 84. - -[418] _Breve Relacao da embaixada_, etc., Lisbon, 1565. Reprint of 1875, -p. 98. - -[419] It will be remembered that Battell, p. 25, writes Gaga as an -alternative form for Jaga. May Agau stand for Agaga, the Jagas -collectively? - -[420] _Relacao anuel_, 1602-3. Lisbon, 1605. - -[421] Ginde (pronounced Jinde) may be derived from _njinda_, the meaning -of which is fury, hostility. - -[422] See p. 83. - -[423] _Expedicao Portuguesa: Ethnographia_, p. 56. - -[424] _Expedicao a Cassange_, Lisbon, 1854. - -[425] Perhaps Manuel Cerveira Pereira, who founded the Presidio of -Kambambe in 1604. The first DON Manuel, however, is D. Manuel Pereira -Forjaz (1607-11). But as the Jaga offered to fight Queen Nzinga, who -only acceded in 1627, this Don Manuel may have been D. Manuel Pereira -Coutinho (1630-34). - -[426] A "feira" was established at Lukamba, near Mbaka, in 1623. The -Kamueji is perhaps the Fumeji of Capello and Ivens. - -[427] The list of Neves, p. 108, begins with Kinguri kia bangala, who -was succeeded by Kasanje kaimba, Kasanje kakulachinga, Kakilombo, -Ngonga-nbande, etc. - -[428] Capello and Ivens, _Benguella to Iacca_, vol. i, p. 239, include -Mahungo and Kambolo among the family of Ngongo, and Mbumba among that of -Kulachinga. - -[429] _Reisen in Sued-Afrika_, Pest, 1869, p. 264. - -[430] From _Mpakasa_, a buffalo, and the meaning of the word is -therefore originally "buffalo-hunter," but it was subsequently applied -to natives employed by government, as soldiers, etc. Capello and Ivens, -_From Benguella to the Yacca_, vol. ii, p. 215, deny that they ever -formed a secret society for the suppression of cannibalism. - -[431] _Kichile_, transgression. - -[432] See Cavazzi, pp. 182-205. - -[433] It is to him we owe several memoirs, referred to p. xviii. He did -excellent service; but whilst Joao Velloria and others were made Knights -of the Order of Christ, and received other more substantial rewards, his -merits seem not to have been recognised. - -[434] This important MS., dated 1592, still awaits publication. - -[435] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 147. - -[436] However, there are two sides to this dispute, and it may well be -doubted whether the natives would not have been better off under a -Jesuit theocracy than they were under an utterly corrupt body of civil -officials. See P. Guerreiro, _Relacao anual de_ 1605, p. 625, and Lopes -de Lima, p. xviii. - -[437] Erroneously called Adenda by most authors. Battell is the first to -give the correct name. - -[438] Garcia Mendes, p. 24. - -[439] They were "converts" from the Casa Pia founded by D. Maria, the -queen of D. Manuel--not reformed criminals, but converted Jewesses. - -[440] Battell gives some account of this campaign. See also Garcia -Mendes, p. 11. Ngombe a Mukiama, one of the Ndembu to the north of the -Mbengu, may be a descendant of this Ngombe (see Luis Simplico Fonseca's -account of "Dembos" in _An. do conselho ultram._, ii, p. 86). - -[441] Upon this Spaniard was conferred the habit of the Order of Christ, -he was granted a pension of 20,000 reis, and appointed "marcador dos -esclavos," an office supposed to yield I,000 cruzados a year (Rebello de -Aragao, p. 23). - -[442] Luciano Cordeiro (_Terras e Minas_, p. 7), says that, according to -local tradition, the first presidio of that name was at Kasenga, a -village which we are unable to discover on any map. - -[443] See Battell's account of this campaign, p. 37. - -[444] See note, p. 37. - -[445] See Glossary, _Museke_. - -[446] Others call him Paio d'Araujo. - -[447] Estabelecimentos, 1607. - -[448] A. Beserra Fajardo, in _Produccoes commercio e governo do Congo e -de Angola_, 1629, one of the documents published by Luciano Cordeiro in -1881. - -[449] Near where the railway now crosses that river. - -[450] Rebello de Aragao, p. 15. - -[451] It seems that the explorer considers Kambambe to lie eighty -leagues inland (P. Guerreiro--_Rel. an._, 1515, f. 126--estimated the -distance from S. Paulo to Kafuchi's at sixty leagues). Accepting this -gross over-estimate in calculating his further progress, and assuming -him to have gone to the south-east, which was not only the shortest -route to Chikovo and Mwanamtapa, but also avoided the country of the -hostile Ngola, he cannot even have got as far as Bie. As to a "big -lake," he heard no more than other travellers have heard since, only to -be disappointed. The natives certainly never told him that one of the -rivers flowing out of that lake was the Nile. This bit of information he -got out of a map. His expedition _may_ have taken place in 1607--he -himself gives no date. Perhaps Forjaz had given the instructions, which -were only carried out in 1612, when Kambambe was in reality threatened -by the natives. - -[452] Rebello de Aragao, p. 14, calls him Manuel da Silveira. - -[453] A Kakulu Kabasa still lives to the north-east of Masanganu, in 9 deg. -4' S., 14 deg. 9' E. - -[454] The territory of a chief of that name is on the upper Mbengu, to -the north of Mbaka. The _Catalogo_ calls him Kakulu Kahango. - -[455] See _Benguella e seu sertao_, 1617-22, by an anonymous writer, -published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881. - -[456] This bay is known by many aliases, such as S. Maria, S. Antonio, -do Sombreiro, and da Torre. - -[457] The anonymous MS. already cited by us is, however, silent on this -subject. - -[458] Antonio Diniz, who wrote in 1622 (_Produccoes do Congo e de -Angola_, Lisbon, 1881, p. 14), charges Pereira with having sent, without -the King's knowledge, three shiploads of salt to Luandu, which he -exchanged for "Farinha de guerra" (Commissariat flour), with which to -feed his men. - -[459] That is a _district_ called Kakonda, for the old fort of that name -(Caconda velha), sixty miles from the coast, was only built in 1682. -Letters from Pereira, dated September 9th, 1620, and January 23rd, 1621, -in _Egerton MS. 1133_ (British Museum), ff. 357-361. - -[460] I do not know whether oxen were employed as beasts of burthen -(_bois cavallos_) in these early days. - -[461] Reckoning the cruzado at 2_s._ 8_d._ - -[462] Published by Luciano Cordeiro. - -[463] Dapper, p. 592, regrets that these exactions ceased on the -occupation of the country by the Dutch (not from love of the native, we -may be sure), and that, as a consequence, his countrymen were little -respected. - -[464] Antonio Diniz, _Produccoes, commercio e governo do Congo e de -Angola_, 1516-19, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881. - -[465] Luiz de Figuerido Falcao, _Livro em que se contem toda a Fazenda_, -etc. Lisbon, 1855, p. 26. I reckon 400 reis to a cruzado worth 2_s._ -8_d._ - -[466] The Capitao-mor do Campo, who was the chief officer next to the -Governor, was paid L67; the ouvidor (or judge), L34; the sergeant-major, -L34; the principal financial officer (provedor da Fazenda), L27: a -captain of infantry, L40; a private, L18. There was a "marcador dos -esclavos," who branded the slaves. He received no pay but levied fees -which brought him in L140 a year (see _Estabelecimentos_, p. 21). - -In 1721 the Governor's salary was raised to 15,000 cruzados (L2,000), -but he was forbidden to engage any longer in trade. - -[467] Called Nzinga mbandi ngola, or Mbandi Ngola kiluanji, by Cavazzi, -pp. 28, 601; Ngola akiluanji by Cadornega; and Nzinga mbandi, King of -Ndongo and Matamba, in the _Catalogo_. - -[468] Called Ngola mbandi by Cavazzi, Cadornega, and in the _Catalogo_; -Ngola-nzinga mbandi by Lopes de Lima, _Ensaios_, p. 95. - -[469] This removal seems to have taken place immediately after the -Governor's arrival. The site chosen was that of the Praca velha of -modern maps, to the south of the present Ambaca. - -[470] D. Joao de Souza Ngola ari was the first King of Angola (Ndongo) -recognised by the Portuguese. He only survived a few days, and was -succeeded by D. Felippe de Souza, who died in 1660; and by D. Joao II, -the last of the line, who was executed as a traitor in 1671. - -[471] Livingstone, _Missionary Travels_, 1857, p. 371, calls this a law -dictated by motives of humanity. - -[472] He was appointed April 7th, 1621, took possession in September -1621, and left in 1623 (see _Add. MS._ 15, 183, I. 5). - -[473] Literally "mother priest." It is thus the natives of Angola call -the Roman Catholic priests, because of their long habits, to distinguish -them from their own _Nganga_. - -[474] Ndangi (Dangi), with the royal sepultures (_Mbila_), was two -leagues from Pungu a ndongo (according to Cavazzi, p. 20). - -[475] Bento de Benha Cardozo was originally given the command, but died -before operations were begun. - -[476] The Queen was in the habit of consulting the spirits of the Jagas -Kasa, Kasanji, Kinda, Kalandu and Ngola mbandi, each of whose _Mbila_ -(pl. _Jimbila_), or sepulture, was in charge of a soothsayer or -_Shingiri_ (Cavazzi, p. 656). - -[477] The _Catalogo_ is provokingly obscure with respect to the pursuit -of the Queen. Malemba (Lemba) is known to be above Hako, to the west of -the Kwanza, whilst Ngangela (Ganguella) is a nickname applied by the -Binbundo to the tribes to the east of them. "Little Ngangela," according -to Cavazzi, is identical with the country of the Bangala, or Kasanji, of -modern maps. Kina (quina) simply means "sepulture" or "cavern," and A. -R. Neves (p. 103) tells us that Kasanji, on first arriving in the -country where subsequently he settled permanently, took up his quarters -at Kina kia kilamba ("Sepulture of the exorcist"). The mountain -mentioned by Cavazzi (p. 770), as abounding in caverns full of the -skulls of Kasanji's victims, may be identical with this Kina. - -[478] Cavazzi, pp. 9, 622. In one place he calls her the dowager-queen, -in the other the daughter of Matamba Kalombo, the last King of Matamba. -J. V. Carneiro (_An. do cons. ultram._ 1861), asserts that Matamba was -the honorary title of the great huntsman of Ngola. - -[479] D. Simao de Mascarenhas had been appointed bishop of Kongo on -November 15th, 1621, and provisionally assumed the office of Governor at -the urgent request of the captain-major Pedro de Souza Coelho. He was a -native of Lisbon and a Franciscan. On the arrival of his successor, -Fernao de Souza, in 1624, he proceeded to his See at S. Salvador, and -died there in the following year under mysterious circumstances. Under -his successor, D. Francisco Soveral (1628, d. 1642) the See was -transferred to S. Paulo de Luandu. (_Add. MS._ 15,183). The dates given -by Lopes de Lima (_Ensaio_, iii, p. 166a) are evidently corrupt. - -[480] This Kafuche appears to have been a descendant of the warlike soba -of that name. Another Kafuche, likewise in Kisama, asked to be baptised -in 1694 (see Paiva Manso, p. 332). - -[481] Dapper, p. 579. This first attempt to cultivate the soil was -undertaken very reluctantly, but the profits derived therefrom soon -converted both banks of the Mbengu into flourishing gardens. - -[482] The _Catalogo_, p. 366, calls him Alvares, but Paiva Manso, p. -182, Gaspar Goncalves (see also Eucher, p. 83). - -[483] This seminary was never founded, notwithstanding repeated Royal -reminders of 1684, 1686, 1688, and 1691 (Lopez de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, -p. 149). - -[484] S. Braun, _Schifffarten_, Basel, 1624; and P. van der Broeck, -_Journalen_, Amst., 1624. - -[485] Jacome Ferreira, in command of these patrol ships, was killed in -action in 1639, when the command devolved upon Bartholomeu de -Vasconcellos. - -[486] N. G. van Kampen, _Geschiedenes der Nederlanders buiten Europa_, -Haarlem, 1831, vol. i, p. 436, asks his readers to decide upon the -morality of this proceeding, when negotiations were actually in -progress, and in the case of Portugal, which had only recently thrown -off the yoke of Spain, the common enemy. - -[487] _Catalogo_, p. 375. - -[488] _Cavazzi_, p. 626. - -[489] He was a son of the valiant Martim de Sa, the Governor of Rio de -Janeiro. Previously to sailing up to Luandu, he erected a factory on -Kikombo Bay. - -[490] This envoy likewise visited the Jagas Kasanji, Kalungu and Kalumbu -for the purpose of persuading them to abolish infanticide; and they -promised to shut an eye if the old practice was not followed. - -[491] In 1652 two years' grace for the payment of all debts incurred -anterior to the invasion of the Dutch was granted to all inhabitants of -Angola. - -[492] Cavazzi vouches for this (p. 637). - -[493] She was conducted back by Jose Carrasco. - -[494] This may have been Kasanji ka kinjuri, born in 1608, and baptised -by Antonio of Serraveza in 1655, and named D. Pasquale (Cavazzi, p. -784). - -[495] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, p. xxxii, says he was assassinated -by a Portuguese soldier. - -[496] All the successors of the famous Queen, as also her people and -country, are called Nzinga (Ginga) by Portuguese authors. - -[497] Lopes de Lima, _Ensaio_, iii, p. 117, and parte segunda, p. 18, -calls them Quinalonga, and there can be no doubt of their identity with -the Quihindonga (Kindonga) islands of Cavazzi. The _Catalogo_ does not -mention this cession. - -[498] He had arrived on August 26th, 1669, and spite of his prudence -must be held responsible for this disastrous Sonyo campaign. - -[499] See Paivo Manso, p. 255, who quotes an anonymous _Relacao_, -published at Lisbon in 1671; also Cadornega. - -[500] Cavazzi, who accompanied this expedition as chaplain, gives a full -account of it, without naming the Portuguese commander. His geographical -data, as usual, are exceedingly vague: a circumstance all the more to be -regretted, as even now we know very little about this part of Angola. - -[501] This soba had been baptised. In 1684, a brother of his expelled -him, but he was reinstated by Joao de Figueireda e Souza. - -[502] From a letter published by Paiva Manso (p. 316), we learn that -Mbuilu had begged the King of Kongo to receive him as a vassal. - -[503] For King Pedro's letter of thanks for this victory, see -_Catalogo_, p. 401. In 1693, massacres of prisoners were strictly -prohibited. - -[504] He died in prison at Luandu. - -[505] The author of a Report referred to below admits that they had many -detractors who were envious of their success. - -[506] Seventeen Capuchins, eight Jesuits, seven Franciscans, and four -Carmelites. - -[507] In 1709 there were seven million reis in its treasury. - -[508] _Ensaio_, iii, p. 149. - -[509] The testoon was a coin of 100 reis, worth about 8_d._ - -[510] The assumed value of the _makuta_ was 50 reis; its actual value, -in silver, only 30 reis. There were pieces of half _makutas_ and of -quarter _makutas_, popularly called _paka_. - -[511] Zucchelli (p. xvii, Sec. 11), tells us that when Luiz Cerar de -Menezes returned to Rio, in 1701, he carried away with him 1,500,000 -crusados (L200,000), realised in the slave trade. - -[512] _Ensaio_, iii, p. xxxiv. - -[513] Provincial Governors not appointed by the King, but elected by the -local authorities or the troops. - - - - -INDEX AND GLOSSARY. - - -For information additional to that given in the body of this volume, -consult Bramas, Margarita, Ostrich Eggs. - -Included in this Index are all the geographical names mentioned by -Duarte Lopes (Pigafetta's _Report of the Kingdom of Congo_), as also -many names referred to by Cavazzi, Paiva Manso, and others. - -The approximate geographical position is given in degrees and tenths of -degrees. - -For names beginning with _C_, _Ch_, or _Qu_, see also _K_. - - - +Abundu+, pl. of _mbundu_, a slave. In Angola the natives generally - are called _Ambundu_. - - +Aca mochana.+ _See_ Aki musanu. - - +Acca+, a corruption of _Aki_, followers. - - +Achelunda.+ _See_ Aquilunda. - - +Adenda.+ _See_ Ndemba. - - +Administration+ of natives, 161 - - +Affonso VI+, King of Portugal, 183 - - +Affonso I+, King of Kongo, 110, 136 - - +Affonso II+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Affonso III+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Agag+, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Aghirimba,+ according to D. Lopez, the ancient name for _Mbata_, - but called _Agisymba_ on his map, and evidently Ptolemy's region - of that name, 112 - - +Agoa Kaiongo+ (Augoy cayango), 9.8 S., 14.2 E., 37; - battle of 1603, 156 - - +Agoa rozada+, King of Kongo (Pedro IV), 133, 137 - - +Aguiar+, Alvaro, 175 - - +Aguiar+, Francisco de, 175 - - +Aguiar+, Ruy d', 113 - - +Aiacca+, _See_ Ayaka. - - +Aki+, followers. - - +Akimbolo+ (Aquibolo), about 9.3 S., 14.9 E., 149 - - +Aki musanu+ (Acamochana), a soba, 8.9 S., 13.8 E., 172 - - +Albinos+, 48, 81 - - +Alemquer+, Pero d', pilot, 108 - - +Alguns documentos+, quoted, 112, 139, 140 - - +Almadias+, Golfo das, undoubtedly Kabinda Bay (5.5 S.), but Battel's - _B. da Almadias_, 43, is identical with Black Point Bay, 4.8 S., 43 - - +Almeida+, D. Francisco, 153, 188 - - +Almeida+, D. Jeronymo, 153, 154, 188 - - +Almeida+, Joao Soares de, 132 - - +Alvares+, Gaspar (or Goncales), 169 - - +Alvaro I+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Alvaro II+, King of Kongo, 121, 136 - - +Alvaro III+, King of Kongo, 122,137 - - +Alvaro IV+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Alvaro V+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Alvaro VI+, King of Kongo, 125, 137 - - +Alvaro VII+, King of Kongo, 130, 137 - - +Alvaro VIII+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Alvaro IX+, King of Kongo, 130, 133, 137 - - +Alvaro+, Frei, the assassin, 115 - - +Alvaro Goncales Bay+, called _Alvaro Martins' Bay_ on map (D. Lopez); - identical with Yumba Bay, 3.3 S., 10.5 E. - - +Ambaca.+ _See_ Mbaka. - - +Ambasse+, or Ambresa, a corruption of _mbazi_ or _mbaji_. - _See_ S. Salvador. - - +Ambriz+ (Mbidiji or Mbiriji) river, 7.3 S., 12.9 E., 131, 132 - - +Amboella.+ _See_ Mbwela. - - +Ambrosio I+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Ambuilla.+ _See_ Mbuila. - - +Ambuila dua.+ _See_ Mbuila anduwa. - - +Ambandu+, _i.e._, negroes (in Kongo abundu = slaves), 103, 112 - - +Ambus+ (D. Lopez), tribe between coast and Anzica; perhaps the - _Balumbu_. Mbu = ocean. - - +Ampango.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Amulaza+, Congo de, 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Andala mbandos+ (Ndala mbandu), or Endalla nbondos, 17 - - +Andrada+, Joao-Juzarte, 174, 189 - - +Andre mulaza+, King of Kongo, 132, 137 - - +Angazi+, or Engazi (D. Lopez), Ingasia (Battell). _See_ Ngazi. - - +Angeka+, or Engeco (nsiku, Chimpanzee), 54 - - +Angelo+ of Valenza, capuchin, 126 - - +Angica+ of Knivet, are the Anzica. - - +Angoi.+ _See_ Ngoya. - - +Angola+, history, 139; - Knivet's account, 93 - - +Angola.+ _See_ Ngola. - - +Angoleme+ (Ngolome) of Jesuits was Ngola's capital in 1565, 143 - - +Anguolome aquitambo+ (Ngwalema a kitambu), 9. S., 15.8 E.; - battle 143, 148 - - +Angoy kayonga+, a chief. _See_ Agoa Kaiongo. - - +Antelopes+, 40 - - +Antonio I+, King of Kongo, 129, 137 - - +Antonio+, Friar, a Franciscan, 110 - - +Antonio+, de Denis, or Diogo de Vilhegas, 114 - - +Antonio+ of Serravezza, Capuchin, 177 - - +Antonio Laudati+, of Gaeta, 148 _n._, 140, 146, 176, 184 - - +Anville+, B. d', his maps, xv - - +Anzele+ (D. Lopez) (Kanzele), fort, in Lower Ngulungu, 9. S., - 13.8 E., 147 - - +Anzicana+, Anzichi, Anziques, Mundiqueti, etc., the people of - the Makoko (_Anseke_, "distant," "remote"), are undoubtedly - the Bateke about Stanley Pool. - Knivet's account, 10, 91; - war with them, 112 - - +Aquilunda+, or Achelunda (D. Lopez), a supposed lake, 74; - Douville (_Voyage au Congo_, ii, 173), suggests that the name - meant "here (Aqui) is Lunda." - - +Aquibolo.+ _See_ Akimbolo. - - +Aquisyma+ (D. Lopez), misprint for Agisymba. - - +Aragao+, Balth. Rebello de, xviii, 27, 153, 157, 158; - attempt to cross Africa, 161; - on Ouando, 206 - - +Araujo+, Joao, 175 - - +Araujo e Azevedo+, Antonio de, 190 - - +Araujo e Azevedo+, Joao, 157, 166 - - +Argento+, Monti dell (D. Lopez), supposed "Silver Mountains" (Serra - da Prata) near Kambambe. - - +Ari+, or Hary, a district, 9.0 S., 15.5 E. _See_ Ngola Ari. - - +Armada+, its destruction in 1588, xiv, 169 - - +Armistice+ of 1609-21, 170; - or 1641, 171 - - +Augoykayango.+ _See_ Agoa Kaiongo. - - +Austin Friars+ in Kongo, 114 - - +Axila mbanza.+ _See_ Shilambanza. - - +Ayaka+ (Aiacca), 7.5 S., 18.0 E., their invasion of Kongo, 120; - are not identical with Jaga, 149 - - - +Bagamidri.+ D. Lopez calls it a river, separating Mataman and - Monomotapa, but it is clearly _Bege meder_ of Abyssinia gone - astray. - - +Bahia das Vaccas+, 12.9 S., 13.4E., 16, 29, 160 - - +Bailundo+ (Mbalundu), 12.2 S., 19.7 E., 172 - - +Bakkebakke+ (Mbakambaka), diminutive of Mbaka, dwarf, and according - to Dennett, also the name of a fetish _Shibingo_ which prevents - growth. _See_ Matimba. - - +Bamba.+ _See_ Mbamba. - - +Bamba ampungo.+ _See_ Mbamba a mpungu. - - +Bambala+ (Mbala, Mbambela), a district, 10.6 S., 14.5 E., 22 - - +Bamba-tunga+ (Mbamba-tungu), soba, 9.6 S., 14.4 E., 147, 158 - - +Bananas+, 68 - - +Bancare+ (D. Lopez), a tributary of the Kongo, east of Nsundi. - - +Bangala+, the people of the Jaga, 9.5 S., 13.0 E., 84, 149 - - +Bango aquitambo+ (Bangu a Kitambu), missionary station, 9.1 S., - 14.9 E. - - +Bango-bango.+ _See_ Bangu-bangu. - - +Bangono+, mani, in hills north of Dande River, 8.5 S., 13.6 E., 12 - - +Bangu+, kingdom, "trunk" of Kongo, 24; - perhaps _Bangu_ on the river Mbengu. Bangu signifies an acclivity, - and the name occurs frequently. - - +Bangu+, a soba in Angola, 164 - - +Bangu-bangu+, soba near Nzenza a ngombe, 168 - - +Banna+ (Banya), river, 3.5 S., 11.0 E., 53 - - +Banyan-tree+, 18, 76, 77 - - +Baobab+, 24, 68, 71 - - +Baptista+, Joao, bishop, 118 - - +Baptista+, Manuel, bishop, 118, 121, 122 - - +Barama.+ _See_ Bramas. - - +Barbara+, Kambe, sister of Queen Nzinga, 166, 173, 176 - - +Barbela+ (Berbela), river, a tributary of the Kongo, which flows - through Mpangu. According to L. Magyar (_Peterm. Mitt._ 1857, - p. 187); the south arm of the Kongo opposite Mboma, is known - as Barbela. - - +Barkcloth+, 18, 28, 77 - - +Barros+, Gonzalo Borges de, 181 - - +Barros+, Joao de, quoted, 108 - - +Barreira+, F. Balthasar, Jesuit, 144, 147 - - +Barreiras+, "cliffs." - _Barreiras vermelhas_, north of Zaire, 5.3 S.; - _Ponta das barreiras_, 3.2 S. - - +Bastian+, Dr. A., quoted, 51, 52, 72, 73, 78, 104, 204 - - +Bateke+, tribe are identical with the Mundequetes, Anziquetes, - Anzicanas, etc., 109 - - +Batta+ (Mbata), province, Mbanza, 5.8 S., 15.4 E., 39, 104, 120 - - +Battell+, Andrew, character of his narrative, x; - chronology of his voyages, xiii; - account of "adventures," 1-70; - notes on the religion and customs, 71-87 - - +Batumba+, in Kongoese, a dwarf. _See_ Matimba. - - +Bavagul.+ _See_ Bravagul (D. Lopez). - - +Beads+, as ornaments, 9, 17, 32 - - +Beehives+, 68, 77 - - +Beja+, Feira de, 9.8 S., 15.3 E., 168 - - +Bembe+ (Mbembe), according to Cavazzi, p. 13, etc., a vast district - extending from the Kwanza to the Kunene (which separates it from - Benguella), traversed by the river Kutato, and inhabited by the - Binbundo. It included all Lubolo, and Kuengo (Kemgo), the - residence of Ngola Kakanje (according to Cadornega, a chief of - Hako) was its capital. I believe it to be the same as Chimbebe - (_q.v._), 166 - - +Bembem+ (Mbembe), a village between Luandu and R. Mbengu, 8.8 S., - 13.4 E. - - +Benevides.+ _See_ Sa de Benevides. - - +Bengledi+ (D. Lopez), a river, almost certainly a misprint for - Benguella. - - +Bengo+, district of Angola, at mouth of R. Mbengu, or Nzenza, - 8.7 S., 13.3 E. - - +Bengo+, river (Mbengu), 39, 155, 168 - - +Benguella+ (Mbangela), Battell's visit, 16; - conquest, 159; - events since 1617, 182 - - +Benguella a velha+, 10.8 S., 13.8 E., 147 - - +Benomotapa.+ _See_ Mwana mtapa. - - +Bentley+, Rev. W. H., quoted, xx, 7, 25, 33, 34, 42, 43, 45, 57, 59, - 60, 66, 73, 95, 104, 111 - - +Berbela+, or Verbela (D. Lopez), is evidently identical with the - Barbela river, _q.v._ - - +Bermudez+, Joao, Abysinian missionary, 150 - - +Bernardo I+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Bernardo II+, King of Kongo, 122, 137 - - +Bie+ (Bihe), 12.3 S., 16.8 E., 151, 152 - - +Binbundo+, or Va-nano, the hill tribes of Benguella, 13.0 S., - 15.5 E., 151 - - +Binger+, Captain, xvii - - +Binguelle+ (Cavazzi, ii), a misprint for Benguella. - - +Bock+ (Mbuku), mani, 4.9 S., 12.3 E. There are many other Mbukus. - - +Boehr+, Dr. M., quoted, 34, 73 - - +Boenza+, or Benza (Mbensa), about 4.6 S., 15.0 E. - - +Boma+ (Mboma) 5-8 S., 13.1 E. - - +Bonaventura+, of Alessano, Capuchin, 126 - - +Bonaventura+, of Correglia, Capuchin, 126 _n._ - - +Bonaventura+ Sardo (the Sardinian), Capuchin, 127 - - +Bonaventura+, of Sorrento, a Capuchin, 128 - - +Bondo+, province, or rather a tribe, 10.0 S., 17.0 E. - - +Bongo+, 32, the country of the Babongo dwarfs - - +Bongo+ soba, on site of Kakonda a velha, 182 - - +Boreras rosas+ (D. Lopez), should be Barreiras vermelhas, 5.4 S., - 12.2 E. - - +Borgia+, D. Gaspar, 167 - - +Bosso+, a rock, perhaps Mpozo hills, opposite Vivi. - - +Bowdich+, T. E., quoted, 149 - - +Bozanga+, kingdom in Kongo (Garcia Mendes, 8), identical either - with Nsanga or Nsongo? (_q.v._). - - +Bramas+, 677 _n._ According to D. Lopez, the original inhabitants - of all Luangu. According to A. Foret (_Compte rendu_ of Paris - Geog. Soc., 1894, p. 431), a trading tribe called Barama, or - Ivarrama, still lives to N. E. of Nyange, 2.7 S., 10.5 E. - See _note_, p. 77 - - +Braun+, Samuel, quoted, x, 122, 170 - - +Bravaghul+, or Bavagul (D. Lopez), a river; rises in Mountains of - Moon, and flows to Magnice, _i.e._, to Delagoa Bay. - - +Brito+, Domingos d'Abreu de, quoted, 121, 144, 145, 147, 153 - - +Brito+, Joao Antonio de, 179 - - +Brito+, Manuel Rebello de, 129 - - +Broeck+, Pieter van der, his journals, x - - +Brusciotto+, P. Giacinto, of Vetralla, a Capuchin, 128 - - +Bruto+, Antonio, 168; - his death, 172 - - +Bruto+, a "penedo" named after him, 9.1 S., 13.7 E., 146 - - +Bula.+ _See_ Mbula. - - +Bulhao+, Fernao Rodrigues, 115 - - +Bumbe+ (Mbumbi), mani S. of River Loje, 7.8 S., 13.6 E., 123 - - +Bumbelungu+ (Mbumbu a lungu), a village near mouth of Kwanza, where - Dias' vessels awaited his return, 9.3 S., 13.2 E. - - +Bumba andalla+, (Mbumbu a ndala), a soba in Lamba, 159 - - +Bunda+ means family, kin: hence Binbundo (_sing._ Kibundo), - kinsfolk (Nogueira, _A raca negra_, 255). - _See_ also Abundu. - - +Burial+, 34, 73 - - +Burton+, Sir R. F., 24, 29, 54, 68 - - - +Cabech+, (Kabeka), soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 10, 11 - - +Cabango+ (Kabangu, or Chibanga), mani, in Luangu, 50 - - +Cabazo+, should be Kabasa, capital. - - +Cabenda+ (Kabinda), port, 5.5 S., 12.2 E., 42 - - +Cabreira+, Antonio Araujo, 129 - - +Cachoeira+ (D. Lopez), is the Portuguese for cataract, and refers - to the Falls of the lower Zaire. - - +Cacinga+ (Kasinga), river, a tributary of the Barbela, in Mbata - (D. Lopez). - - +Cacongo+ river, or Chiluangu, 5.1 S., 12.1 E., 42 - - +Cacongo+, (Chikongo), aromatic wood, 16 - - +Cacuto+ (Nsaku), Cao's hostage, 106, 107, 108 - - +Cadornega+, quoted, 38, 72, 131, 140, 142, 163 - - +Cafuche.+ _See_ Kafuche. - - +Calabes Island+ (Ilha des Calabacas), 8. - _See_ Cavalli. - - +Calando+ (Kalandu), a Jaga, 31, should be _Calandula_. Cavazzi, - however, (p. 656) mentions a Jaga _Calenda_. - - +Calicansamba+ (Katikasamba, or Kachisamba), a chief, 10.7 S., - 14.5 E., 22, 24, 25 - - +Calango+ (Kalungu), town in Lubolu, 10.30 S., 14.5 E., 26 - - +Calongo+ (Chilunga), district north of river Kuilu, 4.1 S., - 11.4 E., 52 - - +Camara+, Portuguese, a municipal council. - - +Camissa+, flows out of Lake Gale (_q.v._), and enters the sea as - _Rio doce_ at the Cape of Good Hope (D. Lopez). - - +Cango+ (Nkanga, Chinkanga), a district of Luengu, 3.9 S, - 12.3 E., 52 - - +Cannibalism+, 31, 144, 162 - - +Cao+, Diogo, discovery of Kongo, 105; - second voyage, 107 - - +Cao+, Gaspar, Bishop of S. Thome, 118, 121, 145 - - +Caoalla+ (Kawala), between Luandu and Masanganu; - fight 1648, 174 - - +Capello+ and Ivens, quoted, 17, 27, 28, 32, 34, 67, 73, 140, 141, - 151 - - +Capuchins+ in Kongo, 123, 126, 127, 128, 183; - in Angola, 183 - - +Cardoso+, Bento de Banha, 158, 166, 188 - - +Cardoso+, Joao, 175 - - +Cardoso+, Domingos, Jesuit, 127 - - +Carli+, Dionigi, Capuchin, 132 - - +Carmelites+ in Angola, 189 - - +Carneiro+, J. V., quoted, 14, 141, 167, 206 - - +Carrasco+, Jose, 176 - - +Carvalho+, H. B. de, quoted, 20, 32, 72, 84, 103, 150, 151, 202 - - +Casama+ of Battell, 27, is _Kisama_. - - +Casanza+ (Kasanza), a chief, 8.9 S., 13.7 E., 11, 40, 41 - - +Cashil+ (Kati, Kachi, or Kasila), chief, 10.8 S., 14.3 E., 23-25 - - +Cashindcabar+ (Kashinda kabare), mountains, 10.6 S., 14.6 E., 26 - - +Castellobranco.+ _See_ Mendes. - - +Castello d'Alter pedroso+, cliff, 13.3 S., 12.7 E., 106 - - +Castro+, Balthasar de, 116, 139, 152 - - _Catalogo_, quoted, xx, 145, 147, 159, 163, 166, 169, 172, 178, 181 - - +Catharina+, Cabo de S., 1.8 S., 9.3 E. - - +Catherine+, Queen of England, 185 - - +Catherine+, Queen of Portugal, 119 - - +Cauo+, Cavao of Cadornega, 9. S., 14.2 E., 37 - - +Cavalli+, isola (D. Lopez). _See_ Hippopotamus Island. - - +Cavangongo+, Motemo, 8.4 S., 13.4 E.; - a second _Cavangongo_, 8.2 S., 15.3 E. - - +Cavazzi+, quoted, xix, 15, 29, 32, 38, 110, 111, 119, 123, 124, 126, - 130, 140, 141, 148, 152, 153, 163, 165, 166, 167, 176, 179, 184, - 193 - - +Cavendish+, Thomas, his voyage, 89 - - +Cay+, or Caye (Kaia), river and town, 4.8 S., 12.0 E., 42, 50 - - +Cedars+, 24 - - +Chabonda+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Kabanda. - - +Chatelein+, Heli, quoted, 140 - - +Chekoke+, a fetish, 82 - - +Chichorro.+ _See_ Souza Chichorro. - - +Chiluangu+, 5.2 S., 12.1 E., 42 - - +Chilunga+ (Calongo), 4.1 S., 11.4 E., 52 - - +Chimbebe.+ _See_ Kimbebe. - - +Chimpanzee+, 54 - - +Chinchengo+ (Ki-nkenge) in Mbamba, on border of Angola (D. Lopez), - 8.0 E., 15.0 E. - - +Church+, Col. G. Earl, on Knivet's adventures, 90 - - +Circumcision+, 57 - - +Civet Cats+, 32, 111 - - +Climbebe+ (D. Lopez), a misprint for Qui mbebe. - - +Coandres+, perhaps the _Mukwanda_, a tribe to S. of Benguella, - 13.5 S., 13.0 E. - - +Coanga+ (Cavazzi, 440), a territory near Masanganu. - - +Coango.+ _See_ Kwangu. - - +Coanza.+ _See_ Kwanza. - - +Coari+ river (D. Lopez), perhaps Kuari, a river flowing towards - Ari. - - +Coat-of-arms+ of Kongo, 112 - - +Cocke+, Abraham, his voyages, 1, 5; - his identity, 6, 8, 9 - - +Coelho+, F. A., quoted, 10 - - +Coelho+, Pedro de Souza, 163, 168, 189 - - +Coelho+, F. Antonio, 167 - - +Colos+, Diogo Rodrigo das, 147 - - +Combrecaianga+ (Kumba ria kaianga), village, about 8.9 S., 14.1 E., - 14 - - +Concobella+ (Konko a bele), on N. bank of the Zaire, below Stanley - Pool. - - +Congere amulaza+ (Kongo dia mulaza), 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Congre a molal+ (Kongo dia mulai?) name by which the Anzichi - (Anzica), are known in Luangu (D. Lopez). - - +Consa+, a misprint for Coanza (Kwanza). - - +Copper mines+, 17, 18, 31, 43, 111, 115, 119, 123, 160 - - +Copper coins+, introduction of, 185 - - +Cordeiro+, Luciano, quoted, xvi, 37, 155 - - +Corimba.+ _See_ Kurimba. - - +Corn+, native, 67 - - +Cortes+, Manuel, 178 - - +Costa+, Andre da, 172 - - +Coste+, Sebastien da, 122 - - +Costa de Alcacova Carneiro de Menezes+, Goncalo da, 190 - - +Coua+ (Kuvu) river, 10.9 S., 13.9 E., 19, 20, 161 - - +Coutinho+, D. Francisco Innocencia de Souza, 187 - - +Coutinho+, Joao Rodrigues, 36, 156, 188 - - +Coutinho+, D. Manuel Pereira, 189 - - +Cowrie fishery+ at Luandu, 96 - - +Crocodiles+, 11, 69, 75 - - +Cross+, Cape, 21.8 S., 107 - - +Crystal+ mountain (D. Lopez) in Nsundi. - - +Cuigij+ (Cavazzi), perhaps = Muija or Muguije, "river," 9.7 S., - 16.0 E. - - +Cunha+, Jacome da, companion of Dias, 147 - - +Cunha+, Tristao da, 189 - - +Cunha+, Vasconcellos da. _See_ Vasconcellos. - - - +Dambe+ (Ndambe), a territory near Mbuila, 7.8 S., 19.6 E., 181 - - +Dande+ (Dandi), river, 8.5 S., 13.3 E., 11, 39, 117, 120, 123, 128, - 144 - - +Dangi+ (Ndangi), island in Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.9 E. (?), 165, 166, - 167 - - +Daniel de Guzman+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Dapper+, quoted, xix, 9, 19, 32, 45, 48, 105, 125, 168 - - +Degrandpre+, quoted, 72, 104 - - +Demba+ (Ndemba), salt-mine, 9.9 S., 13.8 E., 36, 37, 154, 162 - - +Dembo.+ _See_ Ndembu. - - +Dennett+, R. E., quoted, xvii, 17, 21, 31, 40, 44-51, 56, 60, 61, - 66, 79, 80, 104, 192 - - +Dias de Novaes+, Bartholomeu, 107, 108 - - +Dias de Novaes+, Paulo, 120, 121, 142, 144, 148, 180 - - +Dias+, Jacome, priest, 118 - - +Dickens+, Charles, quoted, 25 - - +Diniz+, Antonio, quoted, 162 - - +Diogo+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Diogo de Vilhegas+, or Antonio de Denis, Franciscan friar, 114 - - +Divination+, 33, 86, 129, 176 - - +Dogs+, 33, 86 - - +Dolphins+, 4 - - +Dombe+ (Ndombe), in Benguella, 13.8 S., 13.3 E., 17, 160 - - +Dominicans+, 108, 114, 144 - - +Dondo+ (Ndundu) of Battell, are Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Dondo+ (Ndondo), feira, 9.7 S., 14.5 E., 168 - - +Dongo+, 20, 26, is _Pungu a ndongo_. - - +Dongy+ (Ndongazi?), a Jaga (Cavazzi, 86, 200), 152 - - +Douville+, quoted, 149, 192 - - +Drinking+ customs, 32, 45 - - +Drums+, 33, 34 - - +Duarte+, V. J., quoted, 143, 205 - - +Du Chaillu+, quoted, 52, 54 - - +Dumbe a Pepo+, 8.63 S., 15.1 E. - - +Dumbe a Zocche+ (D. Lopez), a lake fed by streams rising in the - Monti nevosi; most likely the Dembea lake of Abyssinia. - - +Dunda+, or Dondo (Ndundu) are Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Duque+, Joao, 175 - - +Dutch+, embassy to Kongo, 125; - traders in Kongo, 121, 123, 131, 161, 170; - occupation of Angola, 169-174; - piracies, 170 - - - +Ecclesiastical+ state of Angola, 183 - - +Egyptians+, or gypsies, 10 _n._ - - +Elambe.+ _See_ Lamba. - - +Electric Fish+, 40 - - +Elembe+, a Jaga, 185 - - +Elephants+, how trapped, 97; - value of tails, 9, 58 - - +Eleusine+, 67 - - +Elizabeth+, Queen, 38 - - +Embacca.+ _See_ Mbaka. - - +Embo+, or Huembo, a marquisate of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 175). - _See_ Wembo. - - +Emcus+ of Zucchelli = _Nkusu._ - - +Empacaceiros+, from _Pakasa_, buffalo, originally buffalo-hunters, - then native militia-men. Supposed secret society, 152, 185. - - +Encoge+, should be Nkoshi, lion. - - +Endalla nbondo+, or Andala mbundos, 17 - - +Engase+, or Angaze (D. Lopez), is Battell's Ingasia _See_ Ngazi. - - +Engeriay+, a tree, 15 - - +English+ pirates, 175 - - +Engombe+, or Ingombe. _See_ Ngombe. - - +Engombia.+ _See_ Ngombe. - - +Engoy+ (Ngoyo), 42, 104 - - +Engracia Funji+, sister of Queen Nzinga, a prisoner, 166; - strangled, 173 - - +Enriques+, Duarte Dias, 162 - - +Ensala.+ _See_ Nsala. - - +Esiquilo+ (Esikilu), birthplace of D. Alvaro I., on the road from - S. Salvador to Nsundi (Cavazzi, 105), 5.5 S., 14.5 E.(?) - - +Escovar+, Pero d', pilot, 108 - - +Espiritu Santo+, Serra do, 2.8 S., 10.2 E. - - +Eucher+, F., quoted, 108, 111, 119, 127 - - +Ezikongos+, the people of Kongo, 130 - - - +Fajardo, A.+ Beserra, quoted, 158 - - +Falcao+, Luiz de Figueirido, quoted, 162 - - +Falkenstein+, quoted, 26, 52, 77, 104 - - +Famine+ in Luandu, 168 - - +Faria+, Antonio de, 182 - - +Feira+ (Portuguese), fair, market. - - +Ferreira+, F. de Salles, quoted, 203 - - +Ferreira+, Jacome, 170 _n._ - - +Ferro+, serra do (iron mountains) to S. of Kwanza, 10.6 S., 15.2 E. - - +Fetishes+, 24, 41; - underground, 49, 81; - Maramba fetish, 56, 82; - possessed of a fetish, 182; - destruction by missionaries, 114 - - +Ficalho+, quoted, 7, 15, 16, 21, 24, 43, 67 - - +Figueirido e Souza+, Joao de, 180, 181 - - +Finda.+ _See_ Mfinda. - - +Fishing+, 166 - - +Flemish+ immigrants in Angola, 147 - - +Flores+, Fr. Antonio, quoted, 198 - - +Fonseca+, Luis Simplicio, quoted, 155 - - +Fonseca+, Pedro da, 144, 145 - - +Foret, A.+, quoted, 193 - - +Forjaz+, D. Manuel Pereira, 157, 161, 188 - - +Foster+, Mr. W., xvii - - +Fragio+, Francisco, capuchin, 126 - - +Franciscans+ in Angola, 108, 114, 183 - - +Francisco+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Francisco+ of Pavia, capuchin, 133 - - +Francisco+ of Veas, 126 _n._ - - +Freddi+, monti. _See_ Fria. - - +French+ pirates, 175 - - +Fria+, serra ("Cold Mountains"), on Pigafetta's map, in 17.5 - S.; the _Monti Freddi_ ("cold mountains") of the text, stated - to be known to the Portuguese as _Monti nivosi_ ("snowy - mountains"). Modern maps show a _Serra da neve_ in 14.0 S.; but - as I am not aware that snow ever fell in these mountains, - _neve_ may be an ancient misprint for _nevoas_ (mists). The - _Serra Fria_ may possibly be connected with the _Cabo Frio_, - thus named because of the cold current which washes it. - - +Froes+, Manuel de Tovar, 182 - - +Fumacongo+, (mfumu ekongo), a village (Cavazzi, 416). - - +Funerals+, 78 - - +Funji.+ _See_ Engracia. - - +Furtado+, Tristao de Mendonca, 170 - - - +Gaga+, 13, are the Jaga. - - +Gale+, according to Pigafetta a lake giving rise to the river - _Camissa_, rashly supposed to represent Lake Ngami, but copied - from more ancient maps, upon which are to be read the names - _Gale_ (Galla), _Adia_, _Vaby_ (Webi), etc. Hence a lake in the - Galla country, south of Abyssinia. - - +Galla+, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Gangella.+ _See_ Ngangela. - - +Gango+, river, 9.8 S., 75.5 E., 180 - - +Gangue+ (Gange), village near Masanganu, with church S. Antonio. - - +Garcia I.+, King of Kongo, 124, 137 - - +Garcia II.+, King of Kongo, 125, 137 - - +Garcia III.+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Geographical+ explorers. _See_ Aragao, Brito, Castro, Girolamo, - of Montesarchio, Herder, Murca, Pacheco, Quadra and Roza: - also pp. 119, 129 - - +Germanus+, Henricus Martellus, his map, 107 - - +Giaghi+, an Italian mode of spelling Jagas. - - +Giannuario+ of Nola, capuchin, 127 - - +Gimbo Amburi.+ _See_ Njimbu a mbuji. - - +Gimdarlach+, a German miner, 115 - - +Gindes+ (Njinda), a name by which the Jaga are known, 19, 150 - - +Giovanni Francisco+ of Valenca, a capuchin, 126 - - +Gipsies+ in Angola, 2, 10 - - +Giribuma+, or Giringbomba, inland tribe. Perhaps the Buma, 3.0 S., - 16.5 E. - - +Girolamo+ of Montesarchio, a capuchin, 125, 126 - - +Glo-Amb Coambu+, supposed name of the capital of Angola, 142 _n._ - Rev. Tho. Lewis suggests Kwambu, or Kiambu. - - +Goats+, 63 - - +Goes+, Damian de, quoted, 112, 113, 116 - - +Goes+, Joao Braz de, 182 - - +Goiva+, D. Antonio de, bishop, 122 - - +Gola.+ _See_ Ngola. - - +Gold+, 20, 131, 179 - - +Golungo.+ _See_ Ngulungu. - - +Gomba.+ _See_ Ngombe - - +Gomez+, Luiz, 123 - - +Goncalves.+ _See_ Alvares, 169 - - +Gonga caanga+ (Ngonga kaanga), chief of Nsela, 180 - - +Gongha+ (Ngonga), original name of Kasanje Kakinguri (Cavazzi, - 773). - - +Gongo a mboa+ (Ngongo a mbwa), supposed old name of Pungu-a-Ndongo, - 143 _n._ - - +Gongo+ (Ngongo), a double bell, 20 - - +Gongon+, 38, on road from S. Salvador to Mbata. Perhaps _Gongo_ - (_Ngongo_), on the Kongo railway, 5.3 S., 14.8 E. Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Kongo dia Mbata_, 38 - - +Gonsa+, or Gunza, river, of Battell, 26, is the Kwanza. - - +Gorilla+, 54, 57. - - +Gouvea+, Francisco de, 120, 143 - - +Gouvea+, Antonio Gomez de, 173 - - +Ground-nuts+, 67 - - +Guerra preta+, "black warriors," _i.e._, the native militia. - - +Guerreira+, a Jesuit, 150, 154, 159 - - +Gulta+, Ngulta, (D. Lopez), town S. W. of Masanganu. - - +Gumbiri+, fetish. _See_ Ngumbiri. - - +Gunga bamba+ (Ngunga mbamba), chief in Lubulo, 180 - - +Gunza+, (Ngunza), on Pigafetta's map a town S. of the river Longa, - is undoubtedly Kangunze of Nsela. - - +Gunza a gombe+, (Ngunza a ngombe), a soba in Ndongo, 164 - - +Guessfeld+, quoted, 58, 104 - - +Guzambamba+ (Ngunza a mbamba), soba in Hako, 10.3 S., 15.3 E., 180 - - - +Hako+ (Oacca), country, 10.4 S., 15.5 E., 166, 180 - - +Hamba+ (Va-umba, or Umba) river, 8.0 S., 17.0 E., 141 - - +Hambo.+ _See_ Huambo. - - +Hary+, a district. _See_ Ari. - - +Henrique+, the Cardinal-King of Portugal, 111, 114, 145 - - +Henrique+, King of Kongo, 119, 136 - - +Henriques+, Rodrigo de Miranda, 189 - - +Herder+, Johan, 126 - - +Hiambo.+ _See_ Huambo. - - +Hindersen+, Jeems, 171 - - +Hippopotami+, 64 - - +Hippopotamus Island+, 120, the Ilha dos cavalhos marinhos of - the Portuguese, wrongly translated Isola Cavalli, or "Horse - Island," by Pigafetta. Perhaps identical with Battell's - Calabes Island. A "Hippopotamus Island" figures in the charts, - 12.9 E. - - +Hobley+, quoted, 202, 206 - - +Holy Ghost+, a village, on Luandu Island, 94 (called Espiritu Santo - by D. Lopez), 8.8 S., 13.2 E. - - +Hombia ngymbe+ (Hombia ngombe, equivalent to Wembo a ngombe in the - S. Salvador dialect), a "prince" in Benguella, on the river Kuvu, - 21 - - +Horse Island+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Hippopotamus Island. - - +Horses'+ (zebras') tails, 75 - - +Huambo+ (Hambo, Hiambo), district or soba in Benguella, 13.1 S., - 15.6 E.; gold found there, 29 - - +Huembo+, a province of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 50), perhaps Wembo. - - +Human+ sacrifices, 28, 33, 85, 86, 105 - - - +Iakonda+, a tributary of the Kwanza (Cavazzi), probably to be looked - for in the Kondo cataract, 9.9 S., 16.1 E. - - +Ibari+ (Ybari), a kingdom whither the Portuguese traded (Garcia - Mendes, 8). Rev. Tho. Lewis suggests that it refers to a place - where _mbadi_ cloth is made (the letters _r_ and _d_ being - interchangeable, and _m_ coming naturally before _b_). Sir H. - Stanley (_Through the Dark Continent_, ii, 283, 320, 323) heard - Kongo called _Ibari_, and subsequently was told of an Ibari Nkubu, - or river of Nkutu. A. Sims (_Kiteke Vocabulary_) knows of a tribe - Bakutu towards the Kasai. We believe the Ybari of G. Mendes to - refer to the country about the Kwangu, whither Portuguese traders - actually did go for cloth. - - +Icau+ (Ikau), 8.5 S., 13.9 E., 123 - - +Icolo+ (Ikolo), district on lower Mbengu, 8.8 S., 13.6 E. - - +Ilha grande+, Brazil, 4 - - +Ilamba+ (Lamba), Battell's campaign in it, 13 - - +Imbangola+, identical with Bangala, 84 _n._ - - +Imbondos+ of Battell, 30 are the Mbundu of Angola. - - +Imbuella.+ _See_ Mbuila. - - +Imbuilla+, _recta_, Mbila, sepulture. - - +Incorimba.+ _See_ Kurimba. - - +Incussu.+ _See_ Nkusu. - - +Infanticide+, 32, 84 - - +Ingasia+, 14, 155. _See_ Ngazi. - - +Ingombe.+ _See_ Ngombe. - - +Initiation+ of native priests, 56, 57, 82 - - +Innocent X+, Pope, 127 - - +Insandeira+ (Nzanda), the tree planted by Ngola Kiluanji on Kwanza, - 9.1 S., 13.4 E., 142 - - +Insandie+. _See_ Nsande. - - +Iron+, 52 - - +Ivory+, 7, 9, 42, 52, 58 - - - +Jagas+, - Battell's account, 19, 83; - origin, 83; - infanticide among them, 32, 89; - allies of the Portuguese, 123; - history of the Jaga of Kasangi, 149; - their invasion of Kongo in 1558, 117 - - +Jesuits+, - in Angola, 143; - in Kongo, 118; - Jesuit college, 123; - political intrigues, 153, 183; - a legacy, 169 - - +Jinga+. _See_ Nzinge. - - +Joao II+, of Portugal, 106, 108 - - +Joao IV+, of Portugal, 127, 170 - - +Joao I+, King of Kongo, 109, 136 - - +Joao II+, King of Kongo, 136 - - +Joao+ of Mbula, King of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Joao+, Manuel, 146 - - +Joao de S. Maria+, Franciscan, 109 - - +Joao Maria+, capuchin, 133 - - +John+. See Joao. - - +John Moritz+ of Nassau. _See_ Nassau. - - +Jol+, Cornelis Cornelisson, 171 - - +Jose+, Duarte, 147, 150 - - +Jose+, Vicente, 148 - - - +Kabanda+, - district in Motolo, on road to Mpemba mines (Garcia Mendes, 11, - 12); - the Chabonda of D. Lopez, 8.7 S., 146 E., 124, 181 - - +Kabangu+, (Cabengo), mani in Luangu, 50 - - +Kabasa+, capital, chief town, group of villages, 141 _n._ - - +Kabasa+, Kakulu, 9.3 S., 14.9 E., 159; - another chief Kakulu Kabasa, in 8.3 S., 15.3 E., in Banga mountains - (map of Fr. Antonio Flores, 1867). - - +Kabeka+ (Cabech), soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 10, 11 - - +Kabeza+ (Cabezzo) district, 10.2 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Kabinda+, seaport, 5.5 S., 12.2 E., 42 - - +Kabuku+ (kia mbula), soba, 9.5 S., 15.0 E. - - +Kafuche+ (Kafuche Kabara), 10.0 S., 14.4 E., 27, 37, 156, 168 - - +Kahenda+, Kakulu, 8.9 S., 15 5 E., 159, 177 - - +Kakonda a velha+, 13.2 S., 14.0 E., 161, 182 - - +Kakonda+, 13.7 S., 15.1 E., 182 - - +Kakongo+, kingdom, N. of Zaire, 104, 112 - - +Kakongo+, (Kikongo), an aromatic wood, 16 _n._, 145 - - +Kakulu+, the first-born of twins, a title in Angola. _See_ Kimone. - - +Kakulu kia Nkangu+ (Caculo quenacango), a soba in whose territory - Kanzele was built (Garcia Mendes), 9.1 S., 13.8. - - +Kalandu+, ancestor of Queen Nzinga, 166 - - +Kalandula+, name or title among the Jaga, 28, 33, 83, 86, 132 - - +Kale+, Jesuit farm in Kisama, 9.1 S., 13.4 E. - - +Kalemba.+ _See_ Namba Calemba. - - +Kalumbu+, presidio, on Kwanza, 9.1 S., 13.5 E., 146; - Jaga in Little Ngangele, 175 - - +Kalungu+, soba at mouth of Koporolo, 12.9 S., 13.0 E., 160 - - +Kalungu+ (Calongo), Jaga, near Kasanji, 9.8 S., 18.1 E., 151, 152, - 175 - - +Kalungu+ (Calango), 10.3 S., 14.6 E., 26 - - +Kambambe+, presidio, 9.7 S., 14.6 E., 17, 27, 36, 38, 147, 156, 158 - - +Kambe.+ _See_ Barbara. - - +Kambo+, river in Matamba, enters the Kwangu, 7.6 S., 17.3 E. - - +Kambulu+, a royal title in Matamba, 141 - - +Kamolemba+, village on road from Masanganu to Mbuila; perhaps Lembo, - _q.v._ - - +Kamuegi+, perhaps the Fumeji river of Capello and Ivens, 9.5 S., - 15.5 E., 151 - - +Kamundai+, village of Bangala (Neves); perhaps named from "mundai," - a tree which is supposed to protect against lightning. - - +Kangunze+, capital of Nsela, 11.2 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Kanguri+, or Kinguri, Jaga, 152 - - +Kanguana+, _See_ Kinguana. - - +Kanzele+ (Anzela), stockade, 9.0 S., 13.8 E., 147 - - +Kasa+, Jaga, one of Queen Nzinga's relations, 164, 166 - - +Kasandama+, battery at S. Paulo de Loanda, 8.7 S., 13.2 E. - - +Kasanji+, Jagas, 151, 152, 166, 167, 175 _n._ Residence of the - principal among them, about 9.6 S., 18.0 E. - - +Kasanji ka kinjuri+, Jaga, 177 - - +Kasanza+ (Cazzanza), mani, 8.9 S., 13.7 E., 11, 40, 41 - - +Kasinga+, river, tributary of the Barbela (D. Lopez). - - +Kasoko+, Kilombo of Kasanji ka Kinjuri, 9.7 S., 18.0 E. - - +Kaswea+, mani, 8.8 S., 13.6 E., 40 - - +Katala+, soba in Kisama, 9.6 E., 14.1 S., 180 - - +Katole+, three days from Mbanza or Matamba, 177. A village, Katala - ka nzinga, on the river Kambo, 8.8 S., 16.6 E., was visited by - Mechow (_Zeitsch. f. Erdk._, 1882). - - +Kawala+ (Caoalla), is Kisama, 74 - - +Kaya+, 4.8 S., 12.0 E.; 42, 50 - - +Kazanga+, island, 8.9 S., 13.0 E. - - +Kenga+ (Kinga), the port of Luangu, 4.6 S., 118 E., 48, 50 - - +Kesock+, mani, 2.8 S., 11.0 E., 58 - - +Kibangu+, temporary capital of Kongo, perhaps identical with an old - "priests'" town (Kinganga), 6.9 S., 14.6 E., 131 - - +Kifangondo+, village on lower Mbengu, 8.6 S., 13.3 E. - - +Kijila+ (Quixille), the laws or customs of the Jaga, 152 - - +Kikombo+, bay, 11.3 S., 13.9 E. - - +Kilolo+, a warrior. - - +Kilombo+, "dwelling-place." Cavazzi, p. 893, applies it to the - residence of the Jaga. - - +Kilomba kia tubia+, chief in upper Ngulungu, 159 - - +Kilonga+, a soba, 158. A Kilonga kia Bango still live close to - Kambambe, 9.6 S., 14.5 E. - - +Kiluanji kia Kanga+ (Quiloange Acango), soba of upper Ngulungu, - 179 - - +Kiluanji kia Kwangu+, according to Garcia Mendes, the chief whom - Dias defeated, 143. _See_ Kwangu. - - +Kiluanji kia Samb+a, title of kings of Ndongo. A small chief of - that title still resides near Duque de Braganca, 141 _n._ - - +Kimbadi+ (Quimbazi), a small piece of cloth. - - +Kimbaka+, fort, stockade. - - +Kimbebe.+ _See_ Quimbebe. - - +Kimbundu.+ _See_ Binbundo. - - +Kimone kia Sanga+, principal chief of Kisama, 180 - - +Kina grande+, the "great sepulture," 9.5 S., 17.7 E. (?), 166 - - +Kinalunga+, or Kindonge (Quihindonga), islands in Kwanza river, - 9.7 S., 15.8 E., 166, 177 - - +Kinda+, Jaga, 148 _n._, 166 - - +Kindonga.+ _See_ Kinalunga. - - +Kinganga+, "priests' town," applied to old stations of the Roman - Catholic missionaries. - - +Kinga+ (Kenga), port of Luengu, 4.6 S., 11.8 E., 48, 50 - - +Kingengo+ (Chingengo or Quinguego). _See_ Mutemu. - - +Kinguri+ (Kanguri), a Jaga, 151, 152 - - +Kinzambe+, ndembu at Koporolo mouth (Dapper), 12.9 S., 12.9 E. - - +Kioko+, tribe, 12.0 S., 18.0 E., 151 - - +Kiowa+ (Quioa) duchy in Sonyo, 6.1 S., 13.0 E., 125 - - +Kipaka+, a kraal, entrenchment. - - +Kipupa+, soba, 10.2 S., 18.7 E., 166 - - +Kisala+, a steep mountain in Lit. Ngangela (Cavazzi, 771), 9.8 S., - 17.9 E. - - +Kisama+, country S. of Kwanza, 9.3 S., 13.5 E., 27, 74, 146, 180. - Another Kisama (Chizzema, Quesama on Pigafetta's map) is said by - D. Lopez to lie E. of Mpemba and Mbamba. - - +Kisamu+ (Quisomo), village with chapel two leagues above Masanganu. - - +Kisembo+, 7.7 S., 13.1 E. - - +Kisembula+ (Kuzambulo), a soothsayer, 87 - - +Kisengula+, a war hatchet, 34, 81 - - +Kisengengele+ (Quicequelle), soba in Masanganu district with church - of S. Anna. - - +Kisutu+ (Quixoto) village with church (N.S. do Desterro), in - Masanganu district. - - +Kitaka+, island in the Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.7 E., 166 - - +Kitangombe+, "cattle dealer," soba in Kisama, 146 - - +Kitata+, soba near Kakonda, 13.4 S., 15.1 E., 182 - - +Kizua+, a soba in Kisama, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 146 - - +Knivet+, Anthony, his credibility, x, travels, 6, 89-101 - - +Kole+ (Cola, Icole), tributary of Lukala, 9.1 S., 16.1 E. - - +Kongo+, kingdom, history, 102-135; - list of kings, 136; - Battell's visit to Kongo, 38; - Kongo, river, 7; - Knivet's visits, 89, 94 - - +Kongo dia Mulaza+, 6.0 S., 16.0 E. - - +Konko a bele+ (Concobella), town. The confused account given of - Girolamo of Montesarchio's visit to that town, merely enables - us to locate it on the northern bank of the Zaire. The place - was likewise visited by Luca of Caltanisetta (Zucchelli, - xviii, 3). - - +Konzo+, one of the four days of the week, and hence applied to - places where a market is held on that day. - - +Koporolo+, river, 12.9 S., 12.9 E., 160 - - +Kuari.+ _See_ Coary. - - +Kuilu+ (Quelle), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E., 52 - - +Kulachimba+, a warrior, 152 - - +Kulachinga+, a woman, 151, 152 - - +Kulambo+, a Jaga, 152 - - +Kumbu ria Kaianga.+ _See_ Combre. - - +Kumba ria Kina+, 9.8 S., 14.7 E. - - +Kundi.+ _See_ Nkundi. - - +Kurimba+, or Kwimba? (Corimba, Incorimba), a district on the Kwangu, - 6.0 S., 17.0 E., 102; another Kwimba, 6.1 S., 14.8 E. - - +Kurimba+, bar of, 8.9 S., 13.1 E., 144 - - +Kuvu+ (Covo), river, 10.9 S., 13.9 E., 19, 20, 161 - - +Kwangu+, river, formerly looked upon as the principal source stream - of the Zaire (Zari anene, the "big river"). It joins the Kasai - 3.2 S., 17.3 E. - - +Kwangu+ (Ocango, Coango), kingdom, after which the river is named, - 4.5 S., 17.0 E., 102 - - +Kwangu+, a minor district (Coanga) near Masanganu (Cavazzi, 440), - 124. _See_ Kiluanji kia Kwangu. - - +Kwanza+ (Coanza), the "river of Ngola," 9.3 S., 13.2 E., 7, 10, 92, - 106, 146, 149, 173 - - - +Lacerda+, Carlos de, 182 - - +Lacerda+, Dr. J. M. de, 29, 69 - - +Laco+, Lopo Soares, 168, 169, 170 - - +Laguos+, Estevao de, 119 - - +Lake+, reported in Central Africa, 159 - - +Lamba+ (Ilamba), district, 9.3 S., 14.3 E., 13, 146, 149 - - +Longere+, a chief in Kisama, 9.9 S., 14.4 E., 27 - - +Lead+, discovered, 115 - - +Ledo+, cabo, 9.8 S., 13.3 E. - - +Lefumi+, river. _See_ Lufune. - - +Leigh+ in Essex, xi - - +Leitao+, Manuel de Magalhaes, 180 - - +Lelunda+, river (D. Lopez), enters the sea 6.9 S., 12.8 E. - - +Lemba.+ _See_ Malemba. - - +Lemba+, name of several villages or chiefs in Kongo (Kongo di Lemba, - 6.2 S., 14.2 E.; Lemba, on coast, 8.3 S.; Lemba Mbamba, 7.5 S., - 17.1 E.) - - +Lembo+, village near Masanganu, 9.5 S., 14.4 E., 181 - - +Lencastre+, D. Joao de, 185, 190 - - +Lendi+, province of Kongo. A village _Lendi_, S.S.E. of S. Salvador, - in 6.6 S., 14.5 E. - - +Lewis+, Rev. Tho, quoted, xvii, 104, 197, 198, 210 - - +Libations+, 58, 73 - - +Libolo.+ _See_ Lubolo. - - +Light-horse+ man, 2, 3, 5 - - +Lima+, Lopez de, quoted, xx, 74, 117, 119, 140, 142, 143, 145, 146, - 154, 163, 168, 169, 177, 178, 184, 187 - - +Limoeiro+, a prison at Lisbon, 169 - - +Linschoten+, quoted, x, 94 - - +Livingstone+, quoted, 164 - - +Loanda.+ _See_ Luandu. - - +Loango.+ _See_ Luangu. - - +Lobo+, Cabo do, with Cao's pillar, now C. St. Maria, 13.4 S., 106 - - +Logwood+, 43, 53 - - +Loje+, river, 7.8 S., 13.2 E., 28 - - +Longa+, river, 10.3 S., 13.6 E., 26 - - +Longeri+ (Loangele, or Luanjili), the royal tombs of Luangu, 4.6 S., - 11.9 E., 51, 86 - - +Longo Leuys+, river. _See_ Luiza Luangu. - - +Lopez+, Alvaro, 112 - - +Lopez+, Duarte, quoted, x, xix, 8, 9, 26, 47, 64, 68, 75, 97, 110, - 111, 117, 119, 121, 122 - - +Lopo Goncalves+, Cape, 0.6 S., 3 - - +Loze+, river. _See_ Loje. - - +Luandu+ (Loanda), 8.7 S., 13.2 E., 115, 116, 121, 123, 140, 146; - Dutch occupation, 171-4; - fortifications, 185 - - +Luangu+ (Loango) kingdom, 4.6 S., 11.8 E., 9, 43, 44, 49, 50, 86, - 104; - Battell in Luangu, 9 - - +Luanjili.+ _See_ Longeri. - - +Lubolo+ (Libolo), district, formerly of much wider extent, 10.0 S., - 15.0 E., 151, 172, 180 - - +Luca+ of Caltanisetta, visited Concobella (Zucchelli, xvii, 3) - - +Luchilu+ (Luxilu), river W. of Pungu a ndongo, 9.7 S., 15.5 E., 178 - - +Ludolfus+, his proposed map of Africa, xv - - +Lueji+, princess of Lunda, 151 - - +Lufune+ (Lefumi), river, entering sea in 8.3 S. - - +Lui+, river, enters Kwangu in 8.3 S., 17.6 E., is the Luinene - ("big Lui"), called Lunino by Cavazzi. - - +Luiza Luangu+, river (Lovanga Luise, Longo Luys), the Masabi, - 5.0 S., 12.0 E. - - +Lukala+, river, tributary of Kwanza, 9.6 S., 14.2 E., 146, 166 - - +Lukamba+, district and feira, 9.4 S., 15.5 E., 151, 168 - - +Lukanza+, camp, W. of Ngwalema, 149 - - +Lula+, province of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 244); the mbanza, 5.3 S., - 15.7 E. - - +Lumbo+, or upper Ngulungu. - - +Lumbu.+ _See_ Panzalunbu. - - +Lusum+, river, crossed on road from Mpinda to S. Salvador. Perhaps - the _Luzu_, a tributary of the Mpozo, 6.2 S., 14.0 E. - - +Lutatu+, river of Bembe (Cavazzi, 13), probably misprint for Cutato. - - +Luxilu.+ _See_ Luchilu. - - - +Mabumbula+ (Mbumbula), mwana of Mpangala, 6.1 S., 14.6 E., 103 - - +Machimba+, 37, is probably identical with Muchima village. - - +Madureira+, Gaspar Borges de, 173 - - +Magalhaes+, Henrique Jaques, 190 - - +Magyar+, Ladislas, quoted, 22, 26, 29, 152, 192 - - +Maia+, Baptista de, 181 - - +Maize+, 67 - - +Majinga+, Mwixi, a "man of Majinga," a term of contempt for - "Bushman" (Bentley, _Dictionary_, 364). - - +Makaria kia matamba+, village, 167 - - +Makella colonge+, chief, 9.8 S., 15.4 E., 26 - - +Makoko+, title of the King of the Bateke (Anzicana), perhaps more - correctly given as Nkaka, a title of respect, lit. "grandfather," - 52, 124 _n._, 127, 132 - - +Makota+ (plur. rikota), counsellor of a chief. - - +Makunde+ (Makumbe), 9.6 S., 14.2 E., 146 - - +Makuta+, perhaps 6.3 S., 13.0 E.; surrendered to Sonyo, 125. There - are other localities of the same name. - - +Malemba+ (Lemba), a kingdom, 11.4 S., 17.0 E., 166 - - +Malomba+ (D. Lopez), seems to be a misprint for Malumba. - - +Malombe+, a "great lord" in Kisama, 9.8 S., 14.2 E., 37 - - +Mamboma+, an official in Luangu, 59 _n._ - - +Mambumba+ (D. Lopez), between river Loje and Onzo, the same as Mani - Mbumbi. - - +Manuel+, King of Portugal, 110, 111, 113, 133, 137, 139 - - +Manuel+, King of Kongo, 137, 181 - - +Manuel+, brother of Affonso I, of Kongo, 111, 113 - - +Mangroves+, 76 - - +Manso+, Paiva, quoted, xviii, 27, 72, 102, 108, 110, 111, 119, 121, - 124, 125, 130, 169, 178, 181 - - +Maopongo+ (Cavazzi), a corrupt spelling of Mpungu a ndongo. - - +Maps+, illustrating this volume, xv. - - +Maramara+, river, between S. Salvador and Kibangu (P. Manso), 351 - - +Maramba+, fetish in Yumba, 56, 82 - - +Maravi+, they are Zimbas and not Jagas, 150 - - +Marcador dos esclaves+, an officer charged with "branding" the slaves. - - +Margarita+ stone, 15. Garcia Simoes, the Jesuit, in 1575, says that - "provisions are bought for cloth and margaridit." Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Ngameta_, a special kind of beads. It is just possible - that these "stones" may be perforated quartz-pebbles, worn as - beads, such as were recently discovered by Mr. Hobley in Kavirondo, - where they are highly valued. They are found after thunder-storms, - and of unknown antiquity. - - +Masanganu+, presidio, 9.6 S., 14.3 E., 7, 10, 13, 91, 92, 99, 146, - 155, 171, 173, 181 - - +Mascarenhas+, bishop Simao de, 124, 167, 189 - - +Masicongo+ (Muizi Kongo), a Kongo man, 12 - - +Masongo+, a "kingdom," the country of the Songo, 11.0 S., 13.0 E. - - +Masinga+, a "kingdom;" perhaps Majinga (_q.v._), hardly to be - identified with the Chinge, beyond the Kwangu. - - +Matama+, King of Quimbebe (D. Lopez). Perhaps identical with Matimu. - _See_ Quimbebe. - - +Matamba+, kingdom, 7.5 S., 16.5 E., 113, 116, 121, 127, 141, 142, 167 - - +Matamba Kalombo+, King of Matamba, 167 - - +Matambulas+, the spirits of the King of Kongo's ancestors, 116 _n._ - - +Matapa+ (D. Lopez), stands for Monomatapa, _q. v._ - - +Matari+ (Matadi). There are many villages of that name. Cavazzi's - Matari, on road to Nsundi, 5.8 S., 14.6 E. - - +Matimu+, soba, in Ngangela, battle, 166 - - +Matimbas+ (Batumba), or pygmies, 59 - - +Matinga+, a town 60 miles N. E. of Cabo do Palmar (D. Lopez). - - +Matos+, Simao de, 129 - - +Matta+, Cordeira da, quoted, xx, 103, 141 - - +Mattos+, R. J. da Costa, quoted, 114 - - +Maxilongos+, the people of Sonyo (Paiva Manso, 350), should be - Osolongo, or Musurongo. - - +Mayombe+ (Yumba), country, 3.3 S., 10.7 E., 53, 82 - - +Mbaji+, a "palaver place," corrupted into Ambassi. _See_ S. Salvador. - - +Mbaka+ (Ambaca), first fort, 9.4 S., 14.7 E., 158; - new fort, 9.3 S., 15.4 E., 163 - - +Mbakambaka+. _See_ Bakkebakke. - - +Mbale+ (Mombales), 6.5 S., 12.7 E., 42 - - +Mbalundu+ (Bailundo), 12.2 S., 15.7 E., 172 - - +Mbamba+, province of Kongo, 12, 123. The chief Mbanza is probably - identical with Kiballa, 7.5 S., 14.0 E. - - +Mbamba+ (Dapper, 577), district of Lamba, 9.1 S., 14.0 E. - - +Mbamba a mpungu+, village on river Mbengu (Garcia Mendes, ii), - 8.9 S., 14.1 E. - - +Mbamba Tunga+, soba, 147, 158 - - +Mbanza+, residence of a chief or king. - - +Mbata+, province of Kongo, capital, 5.8 S., 15.4 E., 39, 104, 120 - - +Mbemba+, same as Mpemba, or Mbamba, 42 - - +Mbembe.+ _See_ Bembe. - - +Mbengu+ (Bengo), river, 5.7 S., 13.3 E., 39, 155, 168 - - +Mbila+, sepulture, 165 - - +Mbiriji+ (Ambriz), river, 7.3 S., 12.9 E., 131, 132 - - +Mbuila+ (Ambuila), 8.0 S., 15.7 E., 120, 176, 181 - - +Mbuila amduwa+ (Ambuila dua, 168) - - +Mbuku+ (Buck), 4.9 S., 12.3 E.; and many others of the same name. - - +Mbula+, one of royal residences of Kongo, perhaps 5.2 S., 15.0 E., - 134 - - +Mbula matadi+, D. Francisco, carried off by the Devil, 121. There - are several villages named Matadi or Matari ("stones"), and a - mbula matari lies beyond the Zaire in 5.5 S., 13.4 E. - - +Mbumba a ndala+, soba in Angola, 159 - - +Mbumbi+, soba in Mbamba, 7.9 S., 13.6 E., 123 - - +Mbundu+, root of a species of strychnos, 59 _n._ - - +Mbwela+ (Amboelle), 7.8 S., 15.0 E., (F. de Salles Ferreira, _An. - do Cons. ultr._, ii, 1859, p. 59), 126 - - +Mechow+, Major, quoted, 199, 210 - - +Mello da Cunha+, Vasco de, 177 - - +Mello+, Fernao de, 115 - - +Mendes Castellobranco+, Garcia, quoted xvii, 14, 63, 64, 65, 120, - 143-147, 145, 146, 154, 155, 162 - - +Mendes+, Pedro, quoted, 130 - - +Mendes+, Ruy, 115 - - +Mendonca+, Joao Furtado de, 17, 93, 155, 188 - - +Mendonca+, Antonio Texeira de, 173, 174, 189 - - +Menezes+, Goncalo de Alcacova Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de, 181 - - +Menezes+, Luis Cesar de, 190 - - +Menezes+, Goncalo da Costa de Alcacova Carneiro de, 184, 190 - - +Menezes+, Pedro Cezar de, 171-173, 186, 189 - - +Menezes e Souza+, Ayres de Saldanha de, 190 - - +Merolla+, Girolamo, of Sorrento, 132 - - +Messa+ (D. Lopez) is a town in Morocco. - - +Mfinda a ngulu+, forest between Sonyo and S. Salvador, 6.2 S., - 13.2 E., 125 - - +Mfinda a nkongo+ (P. Manso, 355), perhaps E. of Lukunga, 5.2 S., - 14.2 E. - - +Mfuma ngongo+, 6.3 S., 13.5 E. - - +Miguel+, Roque de, 167 - - +Military+ organisation, 185 - - +Millet+, 17 - - +Mimos+, synonym of Bakkebakke (Dapper). - - +Miracles+, 111, 121, 124 _n._, 124, 127, 129, 130 - - +Miranda+, Antonio de, 172 - - +Missions+ in Kongo, 108, 110, 111, 114; - destruction of fetishes, 114, 117; - scandalous conduct, 122; - small results, 123, 126; - heretic Dutchmen, 126; - troubles in Sonyo, 132; - failure in Kongo, 133; - mission in Angola, 139, 183, 187 - - +Mo-.+ _See_ Mu-. - - +Moanda+, 5.9 S., 12.3 E., 49 - - +Mocata.+ _See_ Makuta. - - +Mocicongo+ (D. Lopez), should be mwizi-Kongo, a native of Kongo - (plur. Ezikongo). - - +Mococke+, 52, a corrupt spelling of Makoko. - - +Modiku+, islands in upper Kwanza, 9.7 S., 15.9 E. - - +Moenemugi+ (Mwene muji), "Lord of villages" in the country of the - Maravi, 150 - - +Mofarigosat+, a "lord" in Benguella, 10.9 S., 14.1 E., 22, 23 - - +Moko a nguba+, mani, in Kongo (Paiva Manso), 109 - - +Mols+, Fort, 9.3 S., 13.2 E., 173 - - +Molua+, frequently used as a synonym for Lunda, means "carrier of - information" (Carvalho, _Ethnographia_), 66 - - +Mombales+ (Mbale), 6.5 S., 12.7 E., 72 - - +Monomatapa+ (Mwanamtapa), the famous empire to the E. of the Zambesi. - - +Monsobos+ (D. Lopez), elsewhere called Muzombi. They are the Zombo of - Mbata. - - +Monsul+, capital of the Makoko, a corruption of Monjol, - "scratch-faces" (?) - - +Monte di Ferro.+ _See_ Ferro. - - +Monteiro+, quoted, 15, 17, 21, 24, 31, 47, 66, 68 - - +Monte negro+, with Cao's pillar, 15.7 S., 107 - - +Montes queimados+, "burnt mountains" (D. Lopez), 6.9 S., 15.1 E. - - +Monti freddi+, and Nevosi (D. Lopez). _See_ Fria. - - +Moon+, Mountains of the; these fabulous mountains, on Pigafetta's - map, rise in 25.0 S. - - +Moraes+, Antonia Texeira de, 175 - - +Morales+, Diogo Gomez de, 128, 172, 174, 180 - - +Morales+, Diogo Mendez de, 175 - - +Morim+, Lourenco de Barros, 181 - - +Moriscoes+, or Moormen, 10 - - +Morombes+, 55, 59, a misprint for Mayumbas (?). - - +Morro de Benguella+, 10.8 S., 13.7 E., 19 - - +Morumba+, 82, a town 30 leagues N. of Luangu; should be Mayumba (?). - - +Moseche+. _See_ Museke. - - +Mosombi+. _See_ Zombo. - - +Mosul+. _See_ Musulu. - - +Motemmo+. _See_ Mutemu. - - +Motolo+, - an inland district in Mbamba, N. of the Mbengu or Dande (D. Lopez); - Kabanda is in Motolo (Garcia Mendes), 8.7 S., 14.6 E. - - +Mpangala+, district in Kongo, 6.0 S., 14.6 E., 103, 104 - - +Mpangu+, or +Ulolo+, on road from Nsundi to Mbata, 5.4 S., - 14.9 E. (?) - - +Mpangu+ (Panga), a lordship bestowed upon the bishop D. Henrique, - in 1625 (Paiva Manso, 51), seems to be identical with Mpangu-lungu. - - +Mpangu-lungu+, the Pango or Pangalungo of Cavazzi, S. 454, and - D. Lopez, variously spelt Pangelungu or Pamzelungua in King - Affonso's letters (Paiva Manso, 29, 36, 41), is undoubtedly - a district on the lower Kongo, bordering upon the country of - the Musurongo. There are numerous villages called Mpangu, - several of which are indicated upon our map, but the Mbanza - of Mpangu, according to Lopez, was near the river Barbela, - which is another name for the Kongo. _See also_ Mpanzu alumbu, - 115, 116. - - +Mpanzu-alumbu+ (Panzu or Pazoalumbu) a village or district on - the lower Kongo, either in Mpangu-lungu or that district itself. - King Affonso (Paiva Manso, 50) calls himself "Lord of the Conquest - of Pazoallumbo," and does not mention Pangalungu, which certainly - was a district incorporated with Kongo in his day. Bastian - (_Exped. an der Loangokueste_, i, 289), mentions a village Mpanzo, - and another Mpanzo mfinda ("Mpanzo in the Wood") as being near - Sonyo. Mpangu and Mpanzu may possibly be interchangeable, just as - Lopez gives the name of Mpango to the fourth king of Kongo, whom - others call Mpanzu, 112, 113 - - +Mpanzu anzinga+, King of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Mpemba+, province of Kongo, capital, 7.1 S., 14.8 E. - - +Mpemba-kasi+, district around S. Salvador, 103, 131 - - +Mpinda+, 6.1 S., 12.4 E., 42, 110, 115, 121, 161 - - +Mpozo+, river, enters Kongo at Matadi, 5.8 S., 13.5 E. - - +Mpunga+, an ivory trumpet. _See_ Ponge. - - +Mubela+, village with chapel, in Bengo (Mbengu.) - - +Muchima+, presidio and soba, 9.4 S., 13.9 E., 146, 155, 174, 186 - - +Mucondo.+ _See_ Nkondo. - - +Muene+, in Angole, a title, lord, owner. Ngana (Nga-) is a synonym. - - +Mugi.+ _See_ Muzi. - - +Mukimba+, cattle-breeders in hills of Benguella, 14.0 S., - 13.0 E., 160 - - +Mulato+ children, born white, 49 - - +Mulaza+ (Kongo dia Mulaza) 6.0 S., 16.3 E. - - +Mundequetes+, derived from Nteke, _plur._ Manteke or Anazinteke, - our Bateke. - - +Muongo Matamba+, queen, 167 - - +Murca+, Francisco de, 132 - - +Muromba+, river N. of Felippe de Benguella, perhaps the Balombo, - 11.0 S., 13.8 E., 160 - - +Musasa+, the wife of Dongy, a Jaga, 152 - - +Museke+, "farm," or country-house, and hence used to denote the - vicinity of a town. There is thus a Museke of Luandu, a Museke - of Masanganu, etc., 156 - - +Muswalu+, province of Kougo, 112 - - +Musuku+, province of Kongo, 112. The Maungu, a tribe extending - eastward across the Kwangu (8.0 S.), are also known as Musuku; - a village Musuku lies on the lower Zaire. - - +Musulu+ (Mosul), 8.5 S., 13.3 E., 120 - - +Musurongo+, or Asolongo, the people of Sonyo, 130 - - +Mutemu+, Ndembu, at head of navigation of the Lufune, 8.2 S., - 14.3 E. - - +Mutemu Kavongonge+, 8.2 S., 15.3 E. - - +Mutemukingengo+, ndembu, about 7.9 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Mutiny+ at Luandu, 186; - at Masanganu, 181 - - +Muyilu+, province of Kongo, 112 - - +Muzombi+ (D. Lopez), are the Zombo in Mbatu, 5.8 S., 15.5 E. - - +Muzi zemba+ (Muge azemba), soba in Lamba, 149 - - +Mwana+, in Kongo, a title, son; mwana, a ntinu, prince; _synonyms_ - are Muene, Muata, Ngana. Mani is a corruption. - - +Mwana mtapa+, famous empire on lower Zambezi, described as - Benemotapa, 61 - - - +Nabo angungo+. _See_ Nambu a ngongo. - - +Nambu Calamba+ (Nambua kalambu), village, 14. Dapper, 397, mentions - Namboa and Kalumba as two separate but contiguous districts east - of Ikolo, about 8.9 S., 13.7 E. - - +Nambu a ngongo+ (Uambo ngongo?) 8.1 S., 14.3 E.; - invaded by Portuguese, 123; - rebellion, 172, 180. - Another soba of that name lives in Kisama, 158 - - +Nassau+, John Moritz of, 171 - - +Ndala+. _See_ Andala. - - +Native+ policy of the Portuguese, 65 - - +Ndamba+ (Damba), district in Kongo, 6.7 S., 15.2 E. - - +Ndamba+ (Dambe) a ndembu, 7.8 S., 14.7 E., 181 - - +Ndamba+, a musical instrument, 47 - - +Ndangi+ (Danji), island in Kwanza, 9.8 S., 15.5 E. ? 165, 166, 167 - - +Ndemba+ (Demba of Battell, erroneously called Adenda), salt mines - in Kisama, 9.9 S., 13.8 E., 36, 37, 154, 162 - - +Ndembu+ (plur. jindembu), potentate. The commonwealth of these - home-rulers lies to the N. of the Dande, 8.2 S., 15.0 E. - - +Ndombe+ (Dombe), country around S. Felippe de Benguella, 13.0 S., - 13.3 E., 17, 160 - - +Ndondo+, feira, 9.7 S., 14.5 E., 168 - - +Ndonga+, a soba in Ndongo, 164 - - +Ndongo+ (the native name of Angola), - early history, 140 - list of kings, 142 - - +Ndundu+, or Albinos, 48, 81 - - +Negreiros+, Andre Vidal de, 189 - - +Negro+, Cabo, 15.7 S., 171 - - +Negro+, Cabo, 3.2. S., 10.5 E., 53 - - +Neves+, Capt. A. R., quoted, 28, 150, 151, 199 - - +Nevosi+, monti. _See_ Fria, monti. - - +Nganga+, a wise man, medicine-man, priest. - - +Ngangela+ (Ganguella), a nickname for the inland tribes. Little - Ngangela is identical with the Bangala country, 9.5 S., 17.7 E., - 166, 167 - - +Ngazi+ (Ingasia of Battell), 8.8 S. 14.2 E., 14, 153 - - +Nginga+. _See_ Nzinga. - - +Ngola+, title or name of kings of Ndongo. - - +Ngola ari+, king, 164, 165, 178 - - +Ngola Bumbumbula+, founder of kingdom of Ndongo, 142 _n._ - - +Ngola a nzinga+, jaga of Matamba, 142 _n._ - - +Ngola ineve+, 142 - - +Ngola kabuku+, soba in Kisama, 180. - Another Kabuku now lives on the Lukala, 9.4 S., 15.0 E. - - +Ngola kalungu+, a soba near Kambambe, 9.8 S., 14.6 E., 147 - - +Ngola kanini+, 177 - - +Ngola kiluanji+, 142 _n._ 145 - - +Ngola kiluanji kia Samba+, full title of kings. A chief of that title - occupied site of Duque de Braganca, 8.9 S., 16.0 E., 41, 141 _n._ - - +Ngola kitumba+, soba in Lubolo, 180 - - +Ngola mbandi+, 117, 142, 165, 169 - - +Ngola ndambi+, 140 - - +Ngola njimbu+ (Golla gimbo), near Kakonda, in Benguella, 182 - - +Ngola njinga mbandi+, king, 163, 164 - - +Ngola's+ river (the Kwanza), 139 - - +Ngola Ngolome a kundu+, a soba on the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.2 E., 143 - - +Ngolome+, a soba on the Kwanza, 9.4 S., 14.2 E., 143 - - +Ngolome aquitamboa.+ _See_ Ngwalema. - - +Ngolome a kayiti.+ _See_ Ngwalema. - - +Ngombe+ (Ingombe), chief town of Ngazi, 8.8 S., 14.3 E., 14, 15, - 124, 155 - - +Ngombe a muchana+, 8.4 S., 13.5 E. - - +Ngombe kabonde+, 8.7 S., 13.7 E. - - +Ngongo.+ _See_ Gongon, 38 - - +Ngongo+, a chief in Lubolo, 151, 152 - - +Ngongo ka anga+ (Kanga) of Nsela (Shella), 180 - - +Ngoya+ (Angoy), kingdom, 5.6 S., 12.3 E., 42, 104 - - +Ngulungu+ (Golungo), a region between the Lukala and Mbengu, 9.0 S., - 14.5 E., 149, 179 - - +Ngumbiri+, fetish, 49, 81 - - +Ngunga mbamba+, soba in Lubolo, 180 - - +Ngunza a ngombe+, chief in Ndongo, 164 - - +Ngunza a mbamba+, in Hako, 10.3 S., 15.3 E., 180 - - +Ngwalema+ (Ngolome) +a Kayitu+, soba in Ngulungu, 179 - - +Ngwalema a kitambu+, the Ngolome akitambwa of V. J. Duarte (_An. do - cons ultram._, ii, p. 123), and the Anguolome aquitambo of Garcia - Mendes, 9.1 S., 15.8 E., 143, 148 - - +Njimbu+, native name for cowries. - - +Njimbu a mbuji+ (Gimbo Amburi) a fetish place, about 5.9 S., 14.5 E. - - +Nkanda Kongo+, of Girolamo of Montesarchio, is perhaps identical with - a modern village, Nkandu, 4.8 S., 14.9 E. - - +Nkandu+, one of the four days of the Kongo week, and hence applied to - a place where a market is held on that day. - - +Nkishi.+ _See_ Fetish. - - +Nkondo+ (Mucondo), district between Sonyo and Kibango, 16.7 S., - 14.1 E., 131 - - +Nkanga.+ _See_ Cango. - - +Nkundi+ (Kundi), female chief in Kwangu, 4.7 S., 16.8 E., 126 - - +Nkusu+ (Incussu), 26, district in Kongo, 6.7 S., 15.0 E., 126 - - +Nogueira+, A. F., quoted, 103, 194, 207 - - +Nombo+ (Numbu), river, enters Xilungu Bay, 4.3 S., 11.4 E., 53 - - +Nsaku+ (Cacuto) Cao's hostage, 106, 108 - - +Nsata+, a district in Kongo, 7.8 S., 16.0 E., 125 - - +Nsanda.+ _See_ Banyan tree. - - +Nsanga+, of Girolamo Montesarchio, is perhaps identical with a - modern village, Nsanga, 4.7 S., 15.2 E. - - +Nsela+ (Sheila), district, 11.3 S., 15.0 E., 180 - - +Nsongo+, a province of Mbata (Cavazzi, 6), 4.4 S., 16.5 E.? - - +Nsonso+ (Zucchelli, xvii, 3), a district above Nsundi, the capital - of which is Incombella (Konko a bela). - - +Nsoso+ (Nsusu), a province of Mbata, 6.7 S., 15.5 E. - - +Nsundi+ (Sundi), province of Kongo, capital perhaps, 5.2 S., - 14.3 E., 109 - - +Ntinu+, King of Kongo, 102 - - +Ntotela+, title of King of Kongo, 102, 136 - - +Nua Nukole+ (Nuvla nukole), river, (_nua_, mouth), 10.2 S., - 15.4 E. - - +Numbi.+ _See_ Nombo. - - +Nzari+, or Nzadi, "great river," applied to the river Kongo (Zaire) - and its tributaries. - - +Nzenza+, said to be the proper name of the river Mbengu, and is also - the name of several districts, as Nzenza of Ngulungu, the chief - place of which is Kalungembo, 9.2 S., 14.2 E. _Nzenza_ means - river-margin; _Nzanza,_ table-land. - - +Nzenza a ngombe+, a Jaga in Ndongo, 168 - - +Nzinga a mona+ (D. Antonio Carrasco), king, 176, 177 - - +Nzinga mbandi ngola+ (D. Anna de Souza), the famous queen, 141, 142, - 163, 164, 165, 173, 176, 181 - - +Nzinga mbandi ngolo+, kiluanji, 163 - - - +Oacco.+ _See_ Hako. - - +Oarij.+ _See_ Ari. - - +Ocango.+ _See_ Kwangu. - - +Offerings+, 77 - - +Oliveira+, Manuel Jorge d', 149 - - +Oliveira+, bishop Joao Franco de, 177 - - +Oloe+, a river, which on the map of D. Lopez, flows past S. Salvador, - and enters the Lilunda (Lunda)--an impossibility. The river flowing - past S. Salvador is the Luezi. - - +Onzo+, or Ozoni (D. Lopez), 8.2 S., 13.3 E. - - +Orta+, Garcia d', quoted, 119 - - +Ostrich eggs+, beads, 31. Mr. Hobley suggests to me that these may - merely be discs cut out of the shell of ostrich eggs and then - perforated, such as he saw used as ornaments in Kavirondo. - - +Ouuando+, seems to be a region to the N. of Encoge and the river - Loje. Rebello de Aragao, p. 20, calls it _Oombo_ (Wumbo) and says - the copper mines of Mpemba are situated within it. J. C. Carneiro - (_An. do cons. ultr_, ii, 1861, p. 172) says that the proper name - is _Uhamba_ (pronounced Wamba) _or_ Ubamba. Dapper calls it - _Oando_ (pronounced Wando). Rev. Thos. Lewis tells me that the - natives pronounce d, b, and v quite indistinctly, and suggests - _Wembo_. He rejects _Ubamba_ as a synonym. From all this we may - accept Wembo, Wandu, or Wanbo as synonymous. _See_ Wembo. - - +Oulanga.+ _See_ Wanga. - - +Outeiro+, the "Hill," a vulgar designation of S. Salvador. - - +Ozoni.+ _See_ Onzo. - - - +Pacheco+, Manuel, 116, 139 - - +Padrao+, Cabo do, at Kongo mouth, 6.1 S., 12.4 E., 105, 107, 125 - - +Palm cloth+, 9, 31, 43, 50, 52 - - +Palm oil+, 7 - - +Palm wine+, 30, 32 - - +Palm trees+, 69 - - +Palmar+, Cabo or Punta do, 5.6 S., 12.1 E. - - +Palmas+, Cabo das, on Guinea coast, 2 - - +Palongola+, a village one mile outside S. Salvador (Cavazzi.) - No such village exists now. - - +Palongola+, kilombo of Kasanji ka Kinjuri in Little Ngangela - (Cavazzi, 42, 781, 793). - - +Pampus Bay+, Dutch name given to S. Antonio Bay at Kongo mouth, 126 - - +Pangu.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Panzu.+ _See_ Mpanzu. - - +Parrots+, 54 - - +Partridges+, 63 - - +Paul III+, Pope, 113 - - +Peacocks+, sacred birds, 26 - - +Peas+, 67 - - +Pechuel-Loesche+, quoted, 18, 40, 43, 54, 55, 60, 66, 76, 104 - - +Pedras da Ambuila+, are the Pedras de Nkoski, or the "Roca" S. of - the Presidio de Encoge, 7.7 S., 15.4 E., 129 - - +Pedro+, King of Portugal, 181 - - +Pedro I+, King of Kongo, 117, 136 - - +Pedro II+, King of Kongo, 123, 137 - - +Pedro III+, King of Kongo, 131, 137 - - +Pedro IV+, King of Kongo, 130, 133, 137 - - +Pedro Constantino+, King of Kongo, 133, 138 - - +Pedro+, Dom, negro ambassador to Portugal, 110 - - +Pegado+, Captain Ruy, 175 - - +Peixoto+, Antonio Lopez, 19, 147 - - +Peixoto+, Manuel Freis, 176 - - +Pelicans+, 63 - - +Pemba.+ _See_ Mpemba. - - +Penedo de Bruto+, 9.1 S., 13.7 E., 146 - - +Pereira+, Andre Fereira, 144, 148 - - +Pereira+, Luiz Ferreira, 149 - - +Pereira+, Manuel Cerveira, 37, 38, 39, 72, 156, 159, 161, 182, 188 - - +Pete+ (puita), a musical instrument, 15, 21, 33 - - +Pheasants+, 63 - - +Philip+ of Spain, King of Portugal, 121, 153, 169 - - +Philip II+, King of Portugal, 122 - - +Phillips+, R. C., quoted, xvii, 15, 17, 45 - - +Pigafetta+, quoted, x, 14, 42, 74, 122. _See_ also Lopez. - - +Pimental+, quoted, 16 - - +Pina+, Ruy de, quoted, 104, 108 - - +Pinda.+ _See_ Mpinda. - - +Pinto+, Serpo, quoted, 17 - - +Pirates+, 170, 175 - - +Piri+, the lowland of Luangu, inhabited by the Bavili. - - +Pitta+, Antonio Goncalves, 121, 159 - - +Plata+, Rio de la, 4 - - +Plymouth+, departure, 2 - - +Poison+ ordeals, 59, 61, 73, 80 - - +Pongo+ (Mpunga), an ivory trumpet, 15, 21, 33, 47, 86 - - +Pontes+, Vicente Pegado de, 175 - - +Portuguese+ knowledge of inner Africa, xv; - massacre of Portuguese in Angola, 145; - in Kongo, 105 - - +Poultry+, 63 - - +Prata+, Serra da, the supposed "silver mountain" near Kambambe, 27 - - +Prazo+, Porto do, the bay of the Kongo. - - +Prohibitions.+ _See_ Tabu. - - +Proyart+, quoted, 64 - - +Pumbeiros+ (from _Pumbelu_, hawker), in Kongo, the country of the - Avumbu, the trading district about Stanley Pool is known as - Mpumbu (Bentley). _See_ p. 164 for "Shoeless Pumbeiros." - - +Punga+, an ivory trumpet. _See_ Pongo. - - +Purchas+, as editor, xi - - +Pungu a ndongo+, 9.7 S., 15.5. E., 143, 178 - - +Pygmies+, 59 - - - +Quadra+, Gregorio de, 116 - - +Quelle+ (Kuilu), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E., 52 - - +Quesama.+ _See_ Kisama. - - +Queimados+, serras, "burnt mountains" (D. Lopez), about 6.9 S., - 15.3 E. - - +Quesanga+, a fetish, 24 - - +Qui-.+ _See_ Ki. - - +Quigoango.+ _See_ Kinkwango. - - +Quina+ (Kina), sepulture, 166 - - +Quioa.+ _See_ Kiowa. - - +Quisama.+ _See_ Kisama. - - +Quimbebe+ of D. Lopez, I believe ought to have been spelt Quimbebe - (pron. Kimbembe), and to be identical with Cavazzi's wide district - of Bembe (Mbembe). Its king, Matama, may have been the Matima - (Mathemo) near whose Kilombo Queen Nzinga was defeated, p. 166. - The Beshimba, or Basimba (Nogueira, _A raca negra_, 1881, p. 98) - have nothing to do with this Kimbembe, but may have given origin - to the Cimbebasia of the missionaries. _See_ Bembe. - - +Quingi.+ _See_ Kinti. - - +Quinguego+ (D. Lopez). _See_ Kingengo. - - - +Rafael+, king of Kongo, 130, 131, 137 - - +Raft+, built by Battell, 41 - - +Rain-making+ in Luangu, 46 - - +Rangel+, D. Miguel Baptista, bishop, 122 - - +Rapozo+, Luiz Mendes, 147 - - +Rebello+, Pedro Alvares, 154 - - +Resende+, Garcia de, quoted, 104, 108 - - +Revenue+, administrative reforms, 169 - - +Ribeiro+, Christovao, Jesuit, 118 - - +Ribeiro+, Goncalo Rodrigues, 111 - - +Rimba+, district, 11.5 S., 14.5 E., 180 - - +Rio de Janiero+, 6. - - "+Roebuck+," voyage of, 89 - - +Rolas+, Ilheo das, islet off S. Thome, 3 - - +Roza+, Jose de, 186 - - - +Sa+, Diogo Rodrigo de, 129 - - +Sa+, Salvador Correa de, governor of Rio, 90, 93 - - +Sa de Benevides+, Salvador Correa de, 174, 189 - - +Sabalo+, inland town S.-E., of Sela (D. Lopez). - - +Sakeda+, mbanza in Lubolo, 180 - - +Salag+, mani, 50. Dennett suggests _Salanganga_, Rev. Tho. Lewis - _Salenga_. - - +Salaries+ of officials in 1607, 163 - - +Saldanha de Menezes e Sousa+, Ayres de, 190 - - +Saltpeter+ mountains (Serras de Salnitre), of D. Lopez, are far - inland, to the east of the Barbela. - - +Salt mines+, 36, 37, 160 - - +Samanibanza+, village in Mbamba, 14 - - +Santa Cruz+ of Tenerife, 2 - - +S. Cruz+, abandoned fort on the Kwanza, perhaps at Isandeira, - 9.1. S., 13.4 E., 146 _n._ - - +S. Felippe de Benguella+, 12.6 S., 15.4 E., 160, 170, 173, 183 - - +S. Miguel+, Roque de, 157 - - +S. Miguel+, fort and morro, 8.8 S., 13.2 E., 145, 170, 174 - - +S. Paulo de Loande+, 8.8 S., 13.2 E., 7, 13, 144, 157, 171-174. - _See also_ Luandu. - - +S. Pedro+, Penedo de, (perhaps identical with the Penedo de A. Bruto, - 9.1 S., 13.7 E.), 145 - - +San Salvador+, 6.2 S., 14.3 E., the Portuguese name of the capital - of Kougo, also referred to simply as "Outeiro," the Hill, on the - ground of its situation. The native names are Mbaji a ekongo - (the palaver place of Kongo), Mbaji a nkanu (the place of judgment), - Nganda a ekongo or Ngandekongo (the "town") or ekongo dia ngungo - (town of church-bells, because of its numerous churches), 103, 109, - 117, 123, 131, 134 - - +S. Sebastian+, in Brazil, 6 - - +S. Thome+, island, 139 - - +Schweinfurth+, quoted, 67 - - +Seals+ in the Rio de la Plata, 5 - - +Seat.+ _See_ Sette. - - +Sebaste+, name given by Dias to Angola, 145 - - +Sebastian+, King of Portugal, 145 - - +Sela.+ _See_ Nsela. - - +Sequeira+, Bartholomeu Duarte de, 177 - - +Sequeira+, Francisco de, 148 - - +Sequeira+, Luiz Lopez de, 129, 153, 177, 178, 180 - - +Serra comprida+, the "long range," supposed to extend from - C. Catharina to the Barreira vermelha, 1.8 to 5.3 S. - - +Serrao+, Joao, 146 - - +Serrao+, Luiz de, 144, 147, 148, 150, 188 - - +Sette+, 2.6 S., 10.3 E., 58 - - +Shelambanza.+ _See_ Shilambanze. - - +Shells+, as ornaments, 31, 32 - - +Shilambanza+, 26, 86 (a village of the uncle of King Ngola), and - _Axilambansa_ (a village said to belong to the king's - father-in-law), are evidently the same place, situated about - 9.8 S., 15.1 E. - - +Shingiri+, a diviner, soothsayer. - - +Sierra Leone+, supposed home of the Jaga, 19 - - +Silva+, Antonio da, 180 - - +Silva+, Gaspar de Almeida da, 182 - - +Silva+, Luiz Lobo da, 190 - - +Silva+, Pedro da, 182 - - +Silva e Sousa+, Joao da, 190 - - +Silver+ and silver mines, 27, 113, 115, 122, 128, 140, 145 - - +Silver+ mountain (Serra da Prata), supposed to be near Kambambe. - - +Simao da Silva+, 112 - - +Simoes+, Garcia, Jesuit, 143, 144, 202 - - +Sims+, Rev. A., quoted, 198 - - +Singhilamento+ (Cavazzi, 189, 198), a divination, from Shing'iri, - a diviner. - - +Sinsu+, a district on Mbengu river, N. of Luandu (Dapper), 8.7 S., - 13.3 E. - - +Slave+ trade, 71, 96, 135, 157 - - +Soares+, Joao, Dominican, 110 - - +Soares+, Manuel da Rocha, 182 - - +Soares+, Silvestre, 124 - - +Soba+, kinglet, chief, only used S. of the river Dande. - - +Sogno+, pronounced Sonyo, _q.v._ - - +Soledade+, P. Fernando de, 108 - - +Sollacango+ (Solankangu), a small lord in Angola, 14. Perhaps - identified with Kikanga, 8.9 S., 13.8 E. - - +Songa+, village on the Kwanza, 9.3 S., 13.9 E., 37, 156 - - +Songo+, a tribe, 11.0 S., 18.0 E., 152, 166 - - +Sonso+, a province of Kongo (P. Manso, 244), to N.E. of S. Salvador, - 15.7 S., 14.5 E.? - - +Sonyo+ (Sonho), district on lower Kongo, 6.2 S., 12.5 E., 42, 104 - (origin of name). - - +Sorghum+, 67 - - +Sotto-maior+, Francisco de, 173, 189 - - +Sousa+, Balthasar d'Almeida de, 154 - - +Sousa+, Christovao Dorte de, 118 - - +Sousa+, Luiz de, quoted, 108 - - +Sousa+, Ruy de, 108 - - +Souza+, Fernao de, 168, 189 - - +Souza+, Goncalo de, 108 - - +Souza+, Joao Correa de, 123, 164, 169, 187 - - +Souza+, Joao de, 108 - - +Souza+, Jose Antonio de, 134 - - +Souza Chichorro+, Luiz Martim de, 189 - - +Soveral+, Diogo, Jesuit, 118 - - +Soveral+, Francisco, bishop, 168 - - +Sowonso+ (Sonso), village 14 - - +Spelling+, rules followed, xvii - - +Stanley+, Sir H. M., quoted, 198 - - +Sulphur+ discovered, 160 - - +Sumba mbela'+, district at the Kuvu mouth, 10.8 S., 14.0 E., 160. - On modern maps it is called Amboella. - - +Sumbe+ of Sierra Leone, are not Jaga, 150 - - +Sun+ mountains (Serras do Sol) of D. Lopez, E. of Mbata and Barbela. - - +Sundi.+ _See_ Nsundi. - - +Susa+, district of Matamba, 7.8 S., 16.6 E. - - +Sutu+ Bay, 9.7 S., 13.3 E., 173 - - - +Tabu+ (prohibitions), 57, 78 - - +Tacula+ (red sanders), 82 - - +Talama mtumbo+ (S. Joao Bautista), in Nzenza do Ngulungu, 9.2 S., - 14.2 E. - - +Tala mugongo+, mountain, 9.8. S., 17.5 E. - - +Tamba+, district, 10.1 S., 15.5 E., 180 - - +Tari (Tadi) ria nzundu+, district in Kongo. A _Tadi_, 4.9 S., - 15.2 E.; a _Nzundu_, 5.6 S., 14.9 E. - - +Tavale+, a musical instrument, 21 - - +Tavares+, Bernardo de Tavora Sousa, 190 - - +Tavora+, Francisco de, 178, 190 - - +Teeth+, filed or pulled out, 37 - - +Teka ndungu+, near Kambambe, 9.7 S., 14.6 E., 147 - - +Temba ndumba+, a daughter of Dongy, 152 - - +Tenda+ (Tinda), town between Ambrize and Loze (D. Lopez). - - +Theft+, its discovery, 56, 80, 83 - - +Tihman+, Captain, 125 - - +Tin+ mines, 119 - - +Tombo+, village, 9.1 S., 13.3 E., 36, 145 - - +Tondo+ (Tunda), a district, 10.0 S., 15.0 E., 26 - - +Tovar+, Joseph Pellicer de, quoted, 126 - - +Treaties+ with Holland, 128, 175 - - +Trials+ before a fetish, 56, 80, 83 - - +Trombash+, or war-hatchet, 34, 86 - - +Tuckey+, Capt., quoted, 77 - - +Turner+, Thomas, ix, 7, 71 - - - +Ukole+, island in Kwanza, 9.7. S., 15.7 E. - - +Ulanga+, battle of 1666, 7.7 S., 17.4 E., 127, 179 - - +Ulhoa+, D. Manuel de, bishop, 122 - - +Ulolo.+ _See_ Mpangu. - - +Umba+, district of, 8.1 S., 16.7 E., 167 - - - +Vaccas+, Bahia das, 12.6 S., 13.4 E., 16, 29, 160 - - +Vamba+, river. _See_ Vumba. - - +Vamma+, district at mouth of Dande (Dapper), 8.5 S., 13.3 E. - - +Vambu a ngongo+, a vassal of Kongo, in the south, who sided with - the Portuguese. He seems to be identical with Nambu a ngongo, - _q. v._ - - +Vasconcellos+, Ernesto, quoted, 210 - - +Vasconcellos+, Luiz Mendes de, 163, 188 - - +Vasconcellos da Cunha+, Bartholomeu 127, 189 - - +Vasconcellos da Cunha+, Francisco de, 167-170, 174, 179, 189 - - +Veanga+ (Paiva Manso, 244), a prince of Kongo. Rev. Tho. Lewis - suggests _Nkanga_, E. of S. Salvador, 6.3 S., 14.6 E. - - +Vellez+, Joao Castanhosa, 147 - - +Velloria+, Joao de, 149, 153, 155 - - +Verbela+, a river, perhaps the same as Barbela (Duarte Lopez). - - +Viera+, Antonio, 113 - - +Vieira+, Antonio, a negro, 119 - - +Vieira+, Joao Fernandez de, 173, 179, 183-185, 189 - - +Vilhegas+, Diogo de. _See_ Antonio de Denis. - - +Voss+, Isaac, his work on the Nile, xv - - +Vumba+ (Va-umba, "at or near Umba,") a river that runs to the Zaire - (Lopez), called _Vamba_ (Cavazzi) = the _Hamba_ (C. and I). Mechow - (_Abh. G. F. E._, 1882, p. 486) mentions a large river _Humba_ to - the E. of the Kwangu; a river _Wamba_ joins the lower Kwangu; - another _Vamba_ joins the lower Zaire, and leads up to Porto Rico. - (Vasconcellos, _Bol._, 1882, 734); and there is a river _Umba_ or - _Vumba_ in E. Africa. (_Vumba_ = to make pots, in Kongo). _Vamba_ - is perhaps another name for the Kwangu. - - +Vunda+, district of Kongo (Paiva Manso, 104); but _Vunda_ means "to - rest," and there are many of these mid day halting-places of the - old slave gangs, the villages where they passed the night being - called Vemadia, _i.e._, Ave Maria (Tho. Lewis). A village _Vunda_, - on the Kongo, 5.2 S., 13.7 E. - - - +Walkenaer+, quoted, 19, 22 - - +Wamba+, river. _See_ Vumba. - - +Wembo+, or Wandu, district 7.5 S., 15.0 E., 123, 126. _See_ Ouuanda. - - +Welwitsch+, quoted, 16, 17 - - +West India Company+, Dutch, 170 - - +Wheat+ (maize), 7, 11 - - +Wilson+, Rev. Leighton, quoted, 134 - - +Witchcraft+, 61 - - +Women+, first European, at Luandu, 155 - - +Wouters+, a Belgian capuchin, 132 - - - +Ybare.+ _See_ Ibare. - - +Yumba+, country, 3.3 S., 10.7 E. 53, 82 - - - +Zaire+, (Nzari, or Nzadi). _See_ Kongo. - - +Zariambala+, Nzari Ambala of Zucchelli, probably the Mamballa R. of - Turkey, which is the main channel of the Kongo in 12.9 E. - - +Zebra+, and zebra tails, 33, 63 - - +Zenze+ (Nzenza), river bank, _Nzanza_, table land, said to be the - proper name of the river M'bengu, and also the name of several - districts. - - +Zenze angumbe.+ _See_ Nzenza. - - +Zerri+ (Chera), N. of Mboma, 5.8 S., 13.1 E. - - +Zimba+, the first Jaga, 152; - the Zimba are identical with the Maravi in East Africa, 150 - - +Zimbo+, soldiers of a Jaga (Cavazzi, 183). - - +Zoca+, an inland town, S. of Mbata (D. Lopez). - - +Zolo+ (Nzolo), a village on road from S. Salvador to Mbata, 6.0 S., - 15.1 E. - - +Zombo+, (Mosombi), the tribe inhabiting Mbata, 5.8 S., 15.5 E. - - +Zongo+, of Cavazzi, Mosongo of Rebello de Aragoa; our Songo, 11.0 S., - 17.5 E. - - +Zucchelli+, Antonio, 132, 184, 186 - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Strange Adventures of Andrew -Battell, by Andrew Battell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANDREW BATTELL *** - -***** This file should be named 41282.txt or 41282.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/2/8/41282/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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