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+Project Gutenberg's My Mission to London 1912-1914, by Prince Lichnowsky
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: My Mission to London 1912-1914
+
+Author: Prince Lichnowsky
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2012 [EBook #39457]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY MISSION TO LONDON 1912-1914 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by James Wright and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Canada Team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
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+
+
+                  REVELATIONS OF THE LAST GERMAN
+                       AMBASSADOR IN ENGLAND
+
+                           MY MISSION TO
+                               LONDON
+
+                             1912-1914
+
+                                _By_
+                         PRINCE LICHNOWSKY
+
+                        _With a Preface by_
+                     PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY
+
+
+                NEW YORK: GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
+
+PRICE TEN CENTS
+
+
+
+
+                           MY MISSION TO
+                               LONDON
+
+                             1912-1914
+
+                                 BY
+
+                         PRINCE LICHNOWSKY
+
+                _Late German Ambassador in England_
+
+                         WITH A PREFACE BY
+                     PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY
+
+         _Author of "The Policy of Sir Edward Grey," etc._
+
+
+                              NEW YORK
+                      GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+                       WITH THE COMPLIMENTS
+                                OF
+
+                   PROFESSOR W. MACNEILE DIXON
+
+                     (UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW)
+
+
+Address:
+  8, BUCKINGHAM GATE,
+      LONDON, S. W., ONE,
+            ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+
+The author of the following pages, Karl Max, Prince Lichnowsky, is a
+member of a family which holds estates both in German and Austrian
+Silesia, and has an hereditary seat in the Upper House of the Prussian
+Diet. The father of the present Prince and his predecessor in the title
+was a Prussian cavalry general, who, at the end of his life, sat for
+some years in the Reichstag as a member of the Free Conservative Party.
+
+His uncle, Prince Felix, was elected in 1848 to represent Ratibor in the
+German National Assembly at Frankfort-on-Main; he was an active member
+of the Conservative wing, and during the September rising, while riding
+with General Auerswald in the neighbourhood of the city, was attacked
+and murdered by the mob.
+
+The present Prince, after serving in the Prussian army, in which he
+holds the rank of Major, entered the diplomatic service. He was in 1885
+for a short time attached to the German Embassy in London, and
+afterwards became Councillor of Embassy in Vienna. From 1899 to 1904 he
+was employed in the German Foreign Office, and received the rank and
+title of Minister Plenipotentiary.
+
+In 1904 he retired to his Silesian estates, and, as he states, lived for
+eight years the life of a country gentleman, but read industriously and
+published occasional political articles. He himself recounts the
+circumstances in which he was appointed Ambassador in London on the
+death of Baron Marschall von Bieberstein.
+
+Baron Marschall, who had been Secretary for Foreign Affairs under the
+Chancellorships of Count Caprivi and for a time under Prince Hohenlohe,
+had achieved great success as Ambassador at Constantinople, and also,
+from the German point of view, as chief German Plenipotentiary at the
+Second Hague Conference in 1907. Baron Marschall was, to use an
+expression of Bismarck's, "the best horse in Germany's diplomatic
+stable." And great things were expected of him in London. But he lived
+only a few months after his appointment.
+
+Prince Lichnowsky's high social rank, his agreeable manners, and the
+generous hospitality which he showed in Carlton House Terrace gave him a
+position in English society which facilitated the negotiations between
+England and Germany, and did much to diminish the friction that had
+arisen during the time that Prince Bülow held the post of German
+Chancellor.
+
+The pamphlet which is here translated gives an account of his London
+mission; after his return to Germany he has lived in retirement in the
+country, but has contributed occasional articles to the Press. The
+pamphlet, which was written in August, 1916, was not intended for
+publication, but was distributed confidentially to a few friends. The
+existence of it had long been known, but it was only in March of this
+year that for the first time extracts from it were published in the
+Swedish paper _Politiken_. Longer extracts have since appeared in the
+London Press; for the first time a complete translation made from the
+German original is now placed before the public.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+Never perhaps in history has the world seen so great an exhibition, as
+at the outbreak of this war, of the murderous and corrupting power of
+the organised lie. All Germany outside the governmental circles was
+induced to believe that the war was a treacherous attack, plotted in the
+dark by "revengeful France, barbaric Russia, and envious England,"
+against the innocent and peace-loving Fatherland. And the centre of the
+plot was the Machiavellian Grey, who for long years had been encircling
+and strangling Germany in order at the chosen moment to deal her a
+death-blow from behind. The Emperor, the princes, the ministers, the
+bishops and chaplains, the historians and theologians, in part
+consciously and in part innocently, vied with one another in solemn
+attestations and ingenious forgeries of evidence; and the people, docile
+by training and long indoctrinated to the hatred of England, inevitably
+believed and passionately exaggerated what they were told. From this
+belief, in large part, came the strange brutalities and ferocities of
+the common people of Germany at the opening of the war, whether towards
+persons who had a right to courtesy, like the Ambassadors, or a claim on
+common human sympathy, like the wounded and the prisoners. The German
+masses could show no mercy towards people guilty of so hideous a
+world-crime.
+
+And now comes evidence, which in normal times would convince even the
+German nation, that the whole basis of their belief was a structure of
+deliberate falsehood; which shows that it was the Kaiser and his
+Ministers who plotted the war; while it was England, and especially Sir
+Edward Grey, who strove hardest for the preservation of peace.
+
+It is the evidence of the German Ambassador in London during the years
+1912-1914, Prince Lichnowsky, corroborated rather than confuted by the
+comments of Herr von Jagow, who was Foreign Minister at the time, and
+carried further by the recently published Memoranda of Herr Mühlon, one
+of the directors of the Krupp armament factory at Essen. One could
+hardly imagine more convincing testimony. Will the German people believe
+it? Would they believe now if one rose from the dead?
+
+We cannot yet guess at the answer. Indeed, there is another question
+which must be answered first: For what motive, and with what possible
+change of policy in view, has the German Government permitted the
+publication of these papers and the circulation of Lichnowsky's
+Memorandum as a pamphlet at 30 pfennig? Do the militarists think their
+triumph is safe, and the time come for them to throw off the mask? Or
+have the opponents of militarism, who seemed so crushed, succeeded in
+asserting their power? Is it a plan to induce the ever docile German
+populace to hate England less?
+
+It must be a startling story for the Germans, but for us it contains
+little that is new. It is an absolute confirmation, in spirit and in
+letter, of the British Blue Book and of English books such as Mr.
+Headlam's "History of Twelve Days" and Mr. Archer's "Thirteen Days."
+Prince Lichnowsky's summing-up agrees exactly with the British
+conclusions: The Germans encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia,
+well knowing the consequences to expect; between the 23rd and 30th July
+they rejected all forms of mediation; and on the 30th July, when Austria
+wished to withdraw, they hastily sent an ultimatum to Russia so as to
+make withdrawal impossible (pp. 39-40). A ghastly story of blindness and
+crime; but we knew it all before.
+
+Equally interesting is Prince Lichnowsky's account of the policy of
+Germany and England before the war. He confirms our knowledge of the
+"sinister vagueness" of German policy in Morocco, the steady desire of
+England to come to an understanding and of Germany to elude an
+understanding. As for our alleged envy of German trade, it was in
+English commercial circles that the desire for an understanding with
+Germany was strongest. As for our "policy of encirclement," it was the
+deliberate aim of our policy, continuing the line of Lord Salisbury and
+Mr. Chamberlain, to facilitate rather than hinder the legitimate and
+peaceful expansion of a great force, which would become dangerous if
+suppressed and confined.
+
+The test cases were the Bagdad Railway and the Portuguese Colonies. We
+agreed to make no objection to Germany's buying them when Portugal was
+willing to sell; we agreed in the meantime to treat them as a German
+sphere of interest and not to compete for influence there. We agreed,
+subject to the conservation of existing British rights and to certain
+other safeguards, to the completion of the great railway from the
+Bosphorus to Basra, and to the recognition of the whole district tapped
+by the railway as a German sphere of interest. The two treaties, though
+completed, were never signed; why? Because Grey would sign no secret
+treaty. He insisted that they must be published. And the German
+Government would not allow them to be published! To Lichnowsky this
+seemed like mere spite on the part of rivals who grudged his success,
+but we see now that it was a deliberate policy. The war-makers could not
+afford to let their people know the proof of England's goodwill.
+
+Lichnowsky was a friend of England, but he was no pacifist or "little
+German." His policy was to favour the peaceful expansion of Germany, in
+good understanding with England and France, on the seas and in the
+colonies. He aimed at "imperial development" on British lines; he
+abhorred the "Triple Alliance policy" of espousing Austria's quarrels,
+backing Turkey against the Balkan States, intriguing against Russia, and
+seeing all politics in the terms of European rivalries with a background
+of war. His own policy was one which, if followed loyally by the German
+Government, would have avoided the war and saved Europe.
+
+There are one or two traits in Lichnowsky's language which show that,
+with all his liberality of thought, he is still a German. He accepts at
+once, on the report of a German secret agent, the false statement that
+Grey had concluded a secret treaty with France. He mentions, as if it
+were a natural thing, the strange opinion that the _Standard_ was
+"apparently bought by Austria." He describes Mr. Asquith as a pacifist
+and Sir Edward Grey as both a pacifist and, ideally and practically, a
+Socialist. One must remember the sort of views he was accustomed to at
+Potsdam.
+
+There can be no doubt that Lichnowsky was deliberately deceived by his
+Government, and not much that he was chosen for his post in London with
+a view to deceiving us. These things are all in gospel according to
+Bernhardi. Lichnowsky himself was both an honest and an able
+diplomatist, and there is the ring of sincerity in his words of
+self-reproach: "I had to support in London a policy the heresy of which
+I recognised. That brought down vengeance on me, for it was a sin
+against the Holy Ghost."
+
+If Grey, in the tangle of terrific problems that surrounded him, ever
+erred, his sin was not against the Holy Ghost. The attack made on him at
+the outset of the war by Radical idealists was easy to confute. If ever
+a statesman strove, with due prudence, for peace, for friendship between
+nations, for a transformation of armed rivalries into cordial and
+democratic understandings, our great English Minister was that man. He
+was accused as a maker of secret treaties; and we find him all through
+the times of peace, and through all times when choice was still
+possible, a steady refuser of secret treaties. He was accused as a
+seeker for territory; and we find him, both in war and peace, steadily
+opposing all territorial aggrandisement. Such was the policy approved by
+the leaders of both English parties before the war.
+
+It is an attack from the other side that now reaches him. If the war had
+been short and successful, this would not have occurred. But a long and
+bitter and dangerous war of necessity creates its own atmosphere, and
+the policy that was wisdom in 1913, when the world was at peace and our
+relations with Germany were improving, strikes us now perhaps as
+strangely trustful and generous. Yet, if we try to recover that mental
+calm without which the nations will never till the end of time be able
+to restore their wasted wealth and rebuild the shattered hopes of
+civilisation, I think most Englishmen will agree that Grey's policy was,
+as we all thought it at the time, the right and the wise policy. To let
+all the world know that we would never join in any attack on Germany,
+but would never permit any attack on France; to seek to remove all
+causes of friction between England and Germany, as they had been removed
+between England and France and between England and Russia; to extend the
+"Entente Cordiale" by gradual steps to all nations who would come into
+it, and to "bring the two groups of Europe nearer." This was the right
+policy, whether it succeeded or failed; and it will, in spirit at
+least, some day be the right policy again.
+
+No Englishman, I think, will regret the generous courtesy which sent off
+the German Ambassador with a guard of honour, "like a departing
+sovereign." No one will regret our Prime Minister's silent tears when
+the war became inevitable, or Grey's conviction that it would be "the
+greatest catastrophe in history"--not even if mad German militarists
+drew the conclusion that the only motive for such grief must be the fear
+of defeat. For my own part I am glad that, at the last interview with
+Lichnowsky, Grey assured him that, if ever a chance came of mediation
+between the combatants, he would take it, and that "we have never wished
+to crush Germany."
+
+Surely, even now in the crisis of the war, it is well to remember these
+things. The cleaner our national conscience the keener surely will be
+our will to victory. The slower we were to give up the traditions of
+generosity and trustfulness that came from our long security the firmer
+will be our resolution to hold out, through whatever martyrdom may be
+yet in store for us, until we or our children can afford once more to
+live generously and to trust our neighbours. In the long run no other
+life is worth living.
+
+G. M.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                 PAGE
+
+MY APPOINTMENT                                                      1
+
+MOROCCO POLICY                                                      2
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY'S PROGRAMME                                         4
+
+THE ALBANIAN QUESTION                                               5
+
+THE NEAR EAST AND THE POLICY OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE                 7
+
+THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS                                      10
+
+THE BALKAN CONFERENCE                                              12
+
+THE SECOND BALKAN WAR                                              13
+
+LIMAN VON SANDERS                                                  14
+
+THE COLONIAL TREATY                                                15
+
+THE BAGDAD TREATY                                                  20
+
+THE QUESTION OF THE NAVY                                           21
+
+COMMERCIAL JEALOUSY                                                23
+
+THE COURT AND SOCIETY                                              24
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY                                                    26
+
+MR. ASQUITH                                                        28
+
+NICOLSON                                                           29
+
+TYRRELL                                                            30
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN FOREIGN OFFICE                              30
+
+IN CASE OF WAR                                                     31
+
+THE SERBIAN CRISIS                                                 31
+
+THE ENGLISH DECLARATION OF WAR                                     37
+
+RETROSPECT                                                         38
+
+MY RETURN                                                          40
+
+THE QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILITY                                     40
+
+THE ENEMY POINT OF VIEW                                            41
+
+BISMARCK                                                           42
+
+OUR FUTURE                                                         43
+
+
+
+
+MY MISSION TO LONDON
+
+1912-14
+
+
+
+
+MY APPOINTMENT
+
+
+In September, 1912, Baron Marschall died after he had only been at his
+post in London for a few months. His appointment, which no doubt was
+principally due to his age and the desire of his junior officer to go to
+London, was one of the many mistakes of our policy.
+
+In spite of his striking personality and great reputation, he was too
+old and too tired to adjust himself to the Anglo-Saxon world, which was
+completely alien to him; he was rather an official and a lawyer than a
+diplomat and statesman. From the very beginning he was at great pains to
+convince the English of the harmlessness of our fleet, and naturally
+this only produced the contrary effect.
+
+Much to my surprise, I was offered the post in October. I had retired to
+the country as a "Personalreferent" after many years of activity, there
+being then no suitable post available for me. I passed my time between
+flax and turnips, among horses and meadows, read extensively, and
+occasionally published political essays.
+
+Thus I had spent eight years, and it was thirteen since I had left the
+Embassy at Vienna with the rank of Envoy. That had been my last real
+sphere of political activity, as in those days such activity was
+impossible unless one was prepared to help a half-crazy chief in
+drafting his crotchety orders with their crabbed instructions.
+
+I do not know who was responsible for my being appointed to London. It
+was certainly not due to H.M. alone--I was not one of his intimates,
+though he was at all times gracious to me. I also know by experience
+that his nominees generally met with successful opposition. Herr von
+Kiderlen had really wanted to send Herr von Stumm to London! He
+immediately manifested unmistakable ill-will towards me, and endeavoured
+to intimidate me by his incivility. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg was at
+that time kindly disposed towards me, and had paid me a visit at Grätz
+only a short time before. I am therefore inclined to think that they all
+agreed on me because no other candidate was available at the moment. But
+for Baron Marschall's unexpected death, I should no more have been
+called out of retirement then than at any other time during all those
+previous years.
+
+
+
+
+MOROCCO POLICY
+
+
+It was certainly the right moment for a new effort to establish better
+relations with England. Our enigmatic Morocco policy had repeatedly
+shaken confidence in our pacific intentions. At the very least, it had
+given rise to the suspicion that we did not quite know what we wanted,
+or that it was our object to keep Europe on the _qui vive_, and, when
+opportunity offered, to humiliate France. An Austrian colleague, who had
+been in Paris for a long time, said to me: "Whenever the French begin to
+forget about _revanche_, you always remind them of it with a jack-boot."
+
+After we had repulsed M. Delcassé's efforts to arrive at an
+understanding with us about Morocco, and prior to that had formally
+declared that we had no political interests there--which conformed to
+the traditions of the Bismarckian policy--we suddenly discovered a
+second Krüger in Abdul Aziz. We assured him also, like the Boers, of the
+protection of the mighty German Empire, with the same display and the
+same result; both demonstrations terminated with our retreat, as they
+were bound to do, if we had not already made up our minds to embark on
+the world-war. The distressing congress at Algeçiras could not change
+this in any way, still less the fall of M. Delcassé.
+
+Our attitude promoted the Russo-Japanese and later the Anglo-Japanese
+_rapprochement_. In face of "the German Peril" all other differences
+faded into the background. The possibility of a new Franco-German war
+had become apparent, and such a war could not, as in 1870, leave either
+Russia or England unaffected.
+
+The uselessness of the Triple Alliance had been shown at Algeçiras,
+while that of the agreements arrived at there was demonstrated shortly
+afterwards by the collapse of the Sultanate, which, of course, could not
+be prevented. Among the German people, however, the belief gained ground
+that our foreign policy was feeble and was giving way before the
+"Encirclement"--that high-sounding phrases were succeeded by
+pusillanimous surrender.
+
+It is to the credit of Herr von Kiderlen, who is otherwise overrated as
+a statesman, that he wound up our Moroccan inheritance and accepted as
+they were the facts that could no longer be altered. Whether, indeed, it
+was necessary to alarm the world by the Agadir incident I will leave
+others to say. It was jubilantly acclaimed in Germany, but it had caused
+all the more disquiet in England because the Government were kept
+waiting for three weeks for an explanation of our intentions. Lloyd
+George's speech, which was meant as a warning to us, was the
+consequence. Before Delcassé's fall, and before Algeçiras, we might
+have had a harbour and territory on the West Coast, but after those
+events it was impossible.
+
+
+
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY'S PROGRAMME
+
+
+When I came to London in November, 1912, the excitement over Morocco had
+subsided, as an agreement with France had been reached in Berlin. It is
+true that Haldane's mission had failed, as we had required the assurance
+of neutrality, instead of being content with a treaty securing us
+against British attacks and attacks with British support. Yet Sir Edward
+Grey had not relinquished the idea of arriving at an agreement with us,
+and in the first place tried to do this in colonial and economic
+questions. Conversations were in progress with the capable and
+business-like Envoy von Kühlmann concerning the renewal of the
+Portuguese colonial agreement and Mesopotamia (Bagdad Railway), the
+unavowed object of which was to divide both the colonies and Asia Minor
+into spheres of influence.
+
+The British statesman, after having settled all outstanding points of
+difference with France and Russia, wished to make similar agreements
+with us. It was not his object to isolate us, but to the best of his
+power to make us partners in the existing association. As he had
+succeeded in overcoming Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian differences, so
+he also wished to do his best to eliminate the Anglo-German, and by a
+network of treaties, which would in the end no doubt have led to an
+agreement about the troublesome question of naval armaments, to ensure
+the peace of the world, after our previous policy had led to an
+association--the Entente--which represented a mutual insurance against
+the risk of war.
+
+This was Sir E. Grey's plan. In his own words: Without interfering with
+our existing friendship with France and Russia, which has no aggressive
+aims and does not entail any binding obligations on England, to arrive
+at a friendly _rapprochement_ and understanding with Germany, "to bring
+the two groups nearer."
+
+As with us, there were two parties in England at that time--the
+Optimists, who believed in an understanding, and the Pessimists, who
+thought that sooner or later war was inevitable.
+
+The former embraced Messrs. Asquith, Grey, Lord Haldane, and most of the
+Ministers in the Radical Cabinet; also the leading Liberal papers, such
+as the _Westminster Gazette_, _Manchester Guardian_, _Daily Chronicle_.
+The Pessimists were mainly Conservative politicians like Mr. Balfour,
+who repeatedly made this clear to me; also leading Army men, like Lord
+Roberts, who pointed out the necessity of universal military service
+("The Writing on the Wall"); further, the Northcliffe Press and the
+eminent English journalist Mr. Garvin, of _The Observer_. During my
+period of office, however, they abstained from all attacks, and
+maintained both personally and politically a friendly attitude. But our
+naval policy and our attitude in 1905, 1908, and 1911 had aroused in
+them the conviction that after all it would some day come to war. Just
+as it is with us, the former are now being accused in England of
+short-sightedness and simplicity, whereas the latter are looked on as
+the true prophets.
+
+
+
+
+THE ALBANIAN QUESTION
+
+
+The first Balkan War had led to the collapse of Turkey and thus to a
+defeat for our policy, which had been identified with Turkey for a
+number of years. Since Turkey in Europe could no longer be saved, there
+were two ways in which we could deal with the inheritance: either we
+could declare our complete disinterestedness with regard to the frontier
+delimitations and leave the Balkan Powers to settle them, or we could
+support our "Allies" and carry on a Triple Alliance policy in the Near
+East, thus giving up the rôle of mediator.
+
+From the very beginning I advocated the former course, but the Foreign
+Office emphatically favoured the latter.
+
+The vital point was the Albanian question. Our Allies desired the
+establishment of an independent Albanian state, as the Austrians did not
+want the Serbs to obtain access to the Adriatic, and the Italians did
+not want the Greeks to get to Valona or even to the north of Corfu. As
+opposed to this, Russia, as is known, was backing Serbia's wishes and
+France those of Greece.
+
+My advice was to treat this question as outside the scope of the
+Alliance, and to support neither the Austrian nor the Italian claims.
+Without our aid it would have been impossible to set up an independent
+Albania, which, as anyone could foresee, had no prospect of surviving;
+Serbia would have extended to the sea, and the present world-war would
+have been avoided. France and Italy would have quarrelled over Greece,
+and if the Italians had not wanted to fight France unaided they would
+have been compelled to acquiesce in Greece's expansion to the north of
+Durazzo. The greater part of Albania is Hellenic. The towns in the south
+are entirely so; and during the Conference of Ambassadors delegations
+from principal towns arrived in London to obtain annexation to Greece.
+Even in present-day Greece there are Albanian elements and the so-called
+Greek national dress is of Albanian origin. The inclusion of the
+Albanians, who are principally Orthodox and Moslem, in the body of the
+Greek state was therefore the best and most natural solution, if you
+left Scutari and the north to the Serbs and Montenegrins. For dynastic
+reasons H.M. was also in favour of this solution. When I supported this
+view in a letter to the monarch I received agitated reproaches from the
+Chancellor; he said that I had the reputation of being "an opponent of
+Austria," and I was to abstain from such interference and direct
+correspondence.
+
+
+
+
+THE NEAR EAST AND THE POLICY OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE
+
+
+We ought at last to have broken with the fatal tradition of pursuing a
+Triple Alliance policy in the Near East also, and have recognised our
+mistake, which lay in identifying ourselves in the south with the Turks
+and in the north with the Austro-Magyars. For the continuance of this
+policy, upon which we had entered at the Berlin Congress, and which we
+had actively pursued ever since, was bound to lead in time to a conflict
+with Russia and to the world-war, more especially if the requisite
+cleverness were lacking in high places. Instead of coming to terms with
+Russia on a basis of the independence of the Sultan, whom even Petrograd
+did not wish to eject from Constantinople, and of confining ourselves to
+our economic interests in the Near East and to the partitioning of Asia
+Minor into spheres of influence while renouncing any intention of
+military or political interference, it was our political ambition to
+dominate on the Bosphorus. In Russia they began to think that the road
+to Constantinople and the Mediterranean lay _via_ Berlin. Instead of
+supporting the active development of the Balkan States--which, once
+liberated, are anything rather than Russian, and with which our
+experiences had been very satisfactory--we took sides with the Turkish
+and Magyar oppressors.
+
+The fatal mistake of our Triple Alliance and Near East policy--which had
+forced Russia, our natural best friend and neighbour, into the arms of
+France and England and away from its policy of Asiatic expansion--was
+the more apparent, as a Franco-Russian attack, which was the _sole_
+hypothesis that justified a Triple Alliance policy, could be left out of
+our calculations.
+
+The value of the Italian alliance needs no further reference. Italy will
+want our money and our tourists even after the war, with or without an
+alliance. That this latter would fail us in case of war was patent
+beforehand. Hence the alliance had _no value_. Austria needs our
+protection in war, as in peace, and has no other support. Her dependence
+on us is based on political, national, and economic considerations, and
+is the greater the more intimate our relations with Russia are. The
+Bosnian crisis taught us this. Since the days of Count Beust no Vienna
+Minister has adopted such a self-confident attitude towards us as Count
+Aehrenthal during the later years of his life. If German policy is
+conducted on right lines, cultivating relations with Russia,
+Austria-Hungary is our vassal and dependent on us, even without an
+alliance or recompense; if it is wrongly conducted, then we are
+dependent on Austria. Hence there was _no reason_ for the alliance.
+
+I knew Austria too well not to be aware that a return to the policy of
+Prince Felix Schwarzenberg or Count Moritz Esterhazy was inconceivable
+there. Little as the Slavs there love us, just as little do they wish to
+return into a German Empire even with a Habsburg-Lorraine emperor at its
+head. They are striving for a federation in Austria on national lines, a
+state of things which would have even less chance of being realised
+within the German Empire than under the Double Eagle. The Germans of
+Austria, however, acknowledge Berlin as the centre of German Might and
+Culture, and are well aware that Austria can never again be the leading
+Power. They wish for as intimate a connection with the German Empire as
+possible, not for an anti-German policy.
+
+Since the 'seventies the position has fundamentally changed in Austria,
+as in Bavaria. As, in the latter, a return to Great German separatism
+and old Bavarian policy is not to be feared, so with the former a
+resuscitation of the policy of Prince Kaunitz and Schwarzenberg was not
+to be expected. By a federation with Austria, however, which resembles a
+big Belgium, since its population, even without Galicia and Dalmatia, is
+only about half Germanic, our interests would suffer as much as if we
+subordinated our policy to the views of Vienna or Budapest--thus
+espousing Austria's quarrels ("_d'épouser les querelles d'Autriche_").
+
+Hence we were not obliged to take any notice of the desires of our ally;
+they were not only unnecessary but also dangerous, as they would lead to
+a conflict with Russia if we looked at Oriental questions through
+Austrian spectacles.
+
+The development of the alliance, from a union formed on a single
+hypothesis for a single specific purpose, into a general and unlimited
+association, a pooling of interests in all spheres, was the best way of
+producing that which diplomacy was designed to prevent--war. Such an
+"alliance policy" was also calculated to alienate from us the sympathies
+of the strong, young, rising communities in the Balkans, who were
+prepared to turn to us and to open their markets to us.
+
+The difference between the power of a Ruling House and a National State,
+between dynastic and democratic ideas of government, had to be decided,
+and as usual we were on the wrong side.
+
+King Carol told one of our representatives that he had entered into the
+alliance with us on the assumption that we retained the leadership; but
+if this passed to Austria, that would alter the foundations of the
+relationship, and under such circumstances he would not be able to go
+on with it.
+
+Things were similar in Serbia, where, contrary to our own economic
+interests, we were supporting the Austrian policy of strangulation.
+
+Every time we have backed the wrong horse, whose breakdown could have
+been foreseen: Krüger, Abdul Aziz, Abdul Hamid, Wilhelm of Wied,
+ending--the most fatal of all mistakes--with the great plunge on the
+Berchtold stable.
+
+
+
+
+THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS
+
+
+Shortly after my arrival in London, at the end of 1912, Sir E. Grey
+proposed an informal conversation to prevent the Balkan War developing
+into a European one, after we had unfortunately refused, on the outbreak
+of the war, to agree to the French proposal of a declaration of
+disinterestedness. The British statesman from the very beginning took up
+the position that England had no interest in Albania, and had no
+intention of going to war over this question. He merely wished to
+mediate between the two groups as an "honest broker" and smooth over
+difficulties. He therefore by no means took sides with the Entente, and
+during the eight months or so of the negotiations his goodwill and his
+authoritative influence contributed in no small degree to the attainment
+of an agreement. We, instead of adopting an attitude similar to the
+English one, invariably took up the position which was prescribed for us
+by Vienna. Count Mensdorff was the leader of the Triple Alliance in
+London; I was his "second." It was my duty to support his proposals.
+That clever and experienced man Count Szögyenyi was conducting affairs
+in Berlin. His refrain was "Then the _casus foederis_ will arise," and
+when I once ventured to doubt the truth of this conclusion I was
+severely reprimanded for "Austrophobia." It was also said that I had an
+"hereditary weakness"--the allusion being to my father.
+
+On all questions we took sides with Austria and Italy--about Albania, a
+Serbian port on the Adriatic, Scutari, and also about the delimitation
+of the frontiers of Albania--while Sir E. Grey hardly ever supported the
+French or Russian claims. He mostly supported our group in order not to
+give a pretext like the one a dead Archduke was to furnish later on.
+Thus with his assistance it was possible to coax King Nikita out of
+Scutari again. Otherwise this question would already have led to a
+world-war, as we should certainly not have ventured to induce "our ally"
+to give way.
+
+Sir E. Grey conducted the negotiations with circumspection, calm, and
+tact. When a question threatened to become involved, he sketched a
+formula for agreement which was to the point and was always accepted.
+His personality inspired equal confidence in all the participants.
+
+As a matter of fact we had again successfully emerged from one of those
+trials of strength which characterise our policy. Russia had been
+obliged to give way to us on all points, as she was never in a position
+to procure success for the Serbian aims. Albania was established as a
+vassal state of Austria and Serbia was pressed back from the sea. Hence
+this conference resulted in a fresh humiliation for Russian self-esteem.
+As in 1878 and in 1908, we had opposed the Russian plans although no
+_German_ interests were involved. Bismarck was clever enough to mitigate
+the mistake of the Congress by the secret treaty and by his attitude in
+the Battenberg question; but we continued to pursue in London the
+dangerous path, upon which we had once more entered in the Bosnian
+question, nor did we leave it in time when it led to the precipice.
+
+The ill-humour which prevailed in Russia at that time was shown during
+the conference by attacks in the Russian Press against my Russian
+colleague and Russian diplomacy. The dissatisfied circles made capital
+of his German descent and Roman Catholicism, his reputation as a friend
+of Germany, and the accident that he was related both to Count Mensdorff
+and to me. Without possessing a very distinguished personality, Count
+Benckendorff is endowed with a number of qualifications that distinguish
+a good diplomat--tact, polished manners, experience, courtesy, and a
+natural eye for men and matters. He was always at pains to avoid a
+brusque attitude, and was supported in this by England and France.
+
+Later I once remarked to him: "I presume that Russian feeling is very
+anti-German." He replied: "There are also very strong and influential
+pro-German circles, but in general people are anti-Austrian."
+
+It is hardly necessary to add that our "Austrophilie à outrance"
+(friendship for Austria through thick and thin) was hardly calculated to
+loosen the Entente and to direct Russia towards her Asiatic interests!
+
+
+
+
+THE BALKAN CONFERENCE
+
+
+At the same time the Balkan Conference was sitting in London and I had
+occasion to come into contact with the leaders of the Balkan States. M.
+Venizelos was certainly the most distinguished personality. At that time
+he was anything rather than anti-German, and visited me several times;
+he was especially fond of wearing the ribbon of the Order of the Red
+Eagle--he even wore it at the French Embassy. His prepossessing charm
+and ways of a man of the world secured him much sympathy. Next to him M.
+Daneff, at that time Bulgarian Premier and confidant of Count Berchtold,
+played a great part. He gave the impression of a subtle and energetic
+man, and it is probably only due to the influence of his Vienna and
+Budapest friends, of whose homage he often made fun, that he was induced
+to commit the folly of entering upon the second Balkan War and of
+refusing Russian arbitration.
+
+M. Take Jonescu was also frequently in London and then visited me
+regularly. I knew him from the time when I was Secretary at Bucharest.
+He was also one of Herr von Kiderlen's friends. In London he was
+endeavouring to obtain concessions to Rumania from M. Daneff by means of
+negotiations, in which he was assisted by the very able Rumanian
+Ambassador Misu. It is known that Bulgarian opposition brought about the
+failure of these negotiations. Count Berchtold (and we of course with
+him) was entirely on Bulgaria's side, otherwise by putting pressure on
+M. Daneff we might have secured the desired satisfaction for Rumania and
+placed her under an obligation to us; she was finally estranged from the
+Central Powers by Austria's attitude during and after the second Balkan
+War.
+
+
+
+
+THE SECOND BALKAN WAR
+
+
+The defeat of Bulgaria in the second Balkan War and the victory of
+Serbia, with the Rumanian invasion, naturally constituted a humiliation
+for Austria. The plan to rectify this by an expedition against Serbia
+seems to have been evolved in Vienna soon after. The Italian revelations
+prove this, and it may be assumed that Marquis San Giuliano, who
+described the plan--most aptly--as a _pericolosissima aventura_, saved
+us from being involved in a world-war as early as the summer of 1913.
+
+Owing to the intimacy of Russo-Italian relations, the Vienna plan was
+doubtless known in Petrograd. In any case, M. Sazonow openly declared at
+Constanza, as M. Take Jonescu told me, that an Austrian attack on Serbia
+would be a _casus belli_ for Russia.
+
+When one of my staff returned from leave in Vienna in the spring of 1914
+he said that Herr von Tschirschky had declared that there would soon be
+war. As I, however, was always left in ignorance about important events
+I considered this pessimism to be unfounded.
+
+As a matter of fact it would appear that, ever since the peace of
+Bucharest, Vienna was bent on securing a revision of the treaty by her
+own effort and was apparently only waiting for a favourable pretext.
+Vienna statesmen could, of course, depend on our support. They were
+aware of that, as they had been repeatedly accused of lack of firmness.
+In fact, Berlin was pressing for a "rehabilitation of Austria."
+
+
+
+
+LIMAN VON SANDERS
+
+
+When I returned to London in December, 1913, from a lengthy leave, the
+Liman von Sanders question had led to a fresh crisis in our relations
+with Russia. Sir E. Grey, not without concern, pointed out to me the
+excitement there was in Petrograd over it: "I have never seen them so
+excited."
+
+I received instructions from Berlin to request the Minister to exert a
+restraining influence in Petrograd, and to assist us in settling the
+dispute. Sir Edward gladly did this, and his intervention contributed in
+no small degree to smooth the matter over. My good relations with Sir
+Edward and his great influence in Petrograd were repeatedly made use of
+in similar manner when we wished to attain anything there, as our
+representative proved himself quite useless for such a purpose.
+
+During the fateful days of July, 1914, Sir Edward said to me: "When you
+want to obtain anything in Petrograd you always apply to me, but if I
+appeal to you for your influence in Vienna you fail me."
+
+
+
+
+THE COLONIAL TREATY
+
+
+The good and confidential relations which I had succeeded in
+establishing, not only with society and the most influential people like
+Sir E. Grey and Mr. Asquith, but also with the great public at public
+dinners, produced a marked improvement in the relations of the two
+countries. Sir Edward honestly tried to confirm this _rapprochement_,
+and his intentions were most apparent on two questions--the Colonial and
+the Bagdad Railway Treaties.
+
+In 1898 Count Hatzfeld and Mr. Balfour had signed a secret agreement
+dividing the Portuguese colonies into economic spheres of influence
+between us and England. As the Government of Portugal had neither the
+power nor the means to open up her extended possessions or to administer
+them properly, she had already thought of selling them before and thus
+relieving her financial burdens. An agreement had been come to between
+us and England which defined the interests of both parties, and which
+was of the greater value because Portugal is entirely dependent on
+England, as is generally known.
+
+On the face of it this agreement was to safeguard the integrity and
+independence of the Portuguese State, and merely declared the intention
+of being of financial and economic assistance to the Portuguese.
+Literally, therefore, it did not contravene the ancient Anglo-Portuguese
+Alliance of the fifteenth century, which was last renewed under Charles
+II. and gave a reciprocal territorial guarantee.
+
+In spite of this, owing to the endeavours of Marquis Soveral, who was
+presumably aware of the Anglo-German agreement, a new treaty--the
+so-called Treaty of Windsor--was concluded between England and Portugal
+in 1899, confirming the old agreements, which had always remained in
+force.
+
+The object of negotiations between us and England, which had commenced
+before my arrival, was to amend and improve our agreement of 1898, as it
+had proved unsatisfactory on several points as regards geographical
+delimitation. Thanks to the accommodating attitude of the British
+Government I succeeded in making the new agreement fully accord with our
+wishes and interests. The whole of Angola up to the 20th degree of
+longitude was assigned to us, so that we stretched up to the Congo State
+from the south; we also acquired the valuable islands of San Thomé and
+Principe, which are north of the Equator and therefore really in the
+French sphere of influence, a fact which caused my French colleague to
+enter strong but unavailing protests.
+
+Further, we obtained the northern part of Mozambique; the Licango formed
+the border.
+
+The British Government showed the greatest consideration for our
+interests and wishes. Sir E. Grey intended to demonstrate his goodwill
+towards us, but he also wished to assist our colonial development as a
+whole, as England hoped to divert the German development of strength
+from the North Sea and Western Europe to the Ocean and to Africa. "We
+don't want to grudge Germany her colonial development," a member of the
+Cabinet said to me.
+
+The British Government originally intended to include the Congo State in
+the agreement, which would have given us the right of pre-emption and
+enabled us to penetrate it economically. We refused this offer nominally
+in view of Belgian susceptibilities. Perhaps we wished to be economical
+of successes? With regard also to the practical realisation of its real
+though unexpressed intention--the later actual partition of the
+Portuguese colonies--the treaty in its new form showed marked
+improvements and advantages as compared with the old one. Cases had been
+specified which empowered us to take steps to guard our interests in
+the districts assigned to us. These were couched in such a manner that
+it was really left to us to decide when "vital" interests arose, so
+that, with Portugal entirely dependent on England, it was only necessary
+to cultivate further good relations with England in order to carry out
+our joint intentions at a later date with English assent.
+
+Sir E. Grey showed the sincerity of the British Government's desire to
+respect our rights by referring to us Englishmen who wished to invest
+capital and asked for the support of the British Government in the
+districts assigned to us by the new agreement, even before this was
+completed and signed, and by informing them that their enterprise
+belonged to our sphere of influence.
+
+The agreement was practically completed at the time of the King's visit
+to Berlin in May, 1913. At that time a conference took place in Berlin
+under the presidency of the Imperial Chancellor; in this conference I
+also took part, and certain further wishes of ours were defined. On my
+return to London I succeeded, with the assistance of Councillor of
+Legation von Kühlmann, who was working at the agreement with Mr. Parker,
+in having our last proposals incorporated, so that the whole agreement
+could be paragraphed by Sir E. Grey and by me in August, 1913, before I
+went on leave.
+
+But now fresh difficulties arose which prevented its being signed, and I
+did not obtain the authorisation to conclude it till a year later--that
+is, shortly before the outbreak of the war. It was, however, never
+signed.
+
+Sir E. Grey was only willing to sign _if the agreement were published
+together with those of 1898 and 1899_. England had, as he said, no other
+secret treaties besides these, and it was contrary to established
+principles to keep binding agreements secret. Therefore he could not
+make any agreement without publishing it. He was, however, willing to
+accede to our wishes with regard to the time and manner of publication,
+provided that such publication took place within one year from the date
+of signature.
+
+At our Foreign Office, where my London successes had caused increasing
+dissatisfaction, and where an influential personage, who acted the part
+of Herr von Holstein, wanted the London post for himself, I was informed
+that the publication would endanger our interests in the colonies, as
+the Portuguese would then not give us any more concessions.
+
+The futility of this objection is apparent from the consideration that
+the Portuguese, in view of the closeness of Anglo-Portuguese relations,
+were most probably just as well aware of the old agreement as of our new
+arrangements, and that the influence which England possesses at Lisbon
+renders their Government completely impotent in face of an Anglo-German
+agreement.
+
+Another pretext had therefore to be found for wrecking the treaty. It
+was suggested that the publication of the Treaty of Windsor, which had
+been concluded during the time of Prince Hohenlohe--though it was only a
+renewal of the Treaty of Charles II., which had always remained in
+force--might endanger the position of Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, as a
+proof of British hypocrisy and perfidy!
+
+I pointed out that the preamble of our agreement expressed the same
+thing as the Treaty of Windsor and as other similar treaties, namely,
+that we would protect the sovereign rights of Portugal and the
+inviolability of its possessions. In vain! In spite of repeated
+discussions with Sir E. Grey, at which he made many fresh suggestions
+for the publication, the Foreign Office persisted in its attitude, and
+finally arranged with Sir E. Goschen that matters should be left as they
+were!
+
+The treaty, which offered us extraordinary advantages, the result of
+more than a year's work, was thus dropped because it would have been a
+public success for me.
+
+When I mentioned the subject to Mr. Harcourt at a dinner at the Embassy
+in the spring of 1914, the Minister for the Colonies told me that he was
+placed in a difficult position, and did not know how to act. The present
+position was intolerable--he wished to safeguard our interests, but was
+in doubt whether he should proceed on the terms of the old or the new
+treaty. It was therefore urgently desirable to clear up the situation
+and to settle the matter, which had dragged on for such a long time.
+
+In reply to a dispatch in this sense I received instructions couched in
+terms which showed more emotion than civility, telling me to abstain
+from any further interference in the matter.
+
+I now regret that I did not immediately travel to Berlin and place my
+post at the disposal of the monarch, and that I had not lost faith in
+the possibility of arriving at an understanding with those in authority,
+a sinister mistake which was to take its revenge a few months later in
+such a tragical way.
+
+However little I even then enjoyed the goodwill of the highest official
+of the Empire, as he feared that I was aspiring to his post, yet I must
+in justice to him say that during our last interview before the outbreak
+of war, at the end of June, 1914, to which I will refer later, he gave
+me his assent for the signature and publication of the treaty. In spite
+of this it required repeated applications on my part, which were
+supported by Herr Dr. Solf in Berlin, before sanction was finally
+obtained at the end of July, 1914. As the Serbian crisis at that time
+already imperilled the peace of Europe, the completion of the treaty had
+to be postponed. It also is one of the sacrifices of this war.
+
+
+
+
+THE BAGDAD TREATY
+
+
+At the same time I was negotiating in London, with the able support of
+Herr von Kühlmann, about the so-called Bagdad Treaty. The real object of
+this was to divide up Asia Minor into spheres of influence, although
+this term was anxiously avoided in view of the rights of the Sultan. Sir
+E. Grey also repeatedly stated that there were in existence no
+agreements with France and Russia about the partition of Asia Minor.
+
+In consultation with a Turkish representative, Hakki Pasha, all economic
+questions concerning German undertakings were settled in the main
+according to the wishes of the Deutsche Bank. The most important
+concession Sir E. Grey made to me personally was the continuation of the
+railway as far as Basra. We had dropped this point in favour of the
+connection to Alexandretta; up to that time Bagdad had been the terminal
+point of the railway. An international commission was to regulate
+navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab. We were also to have a share in the
+harbour works at Basra, and received rights for the navigation of the
+Tigris, which hitherto had been a monopoly of the firm of Lynch.
+
+By this treaty the whole of Mesopotamia as far as Basra was included
+within our sphere of influence (without prejudice to already existing
+British navigation rights on the Tigris and the rights of the Wilcox
+irrigation works), as well as the whole district of the Bagdad and
+Anatolian railway.
+
+The coast of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin railway were
+recognised as the British economic sphere, Syria as the French, and
+Armenia as the Russian. If both treaties were executed and published, an
+agreement with England would be reached which would preclude all doubts
+about the possibility of an "Anglo-German co-operation."
+
+
+
+
+THE QUESTION OF THE NAVY
+
+
+The Naval question was and is the most delicate of all. It is not always
+regarded rightly.
+
+The creation of a powerful fleet on the other side of the North Sea--the
+development of the greatest military power of the Continent into the
+greatest naval power as well--was bound to be felt in England as at
+least "inconvenient." There can be no doubt about this in any reasonable
+view. In order to maintain her advantage and not to become dependent, in
+order to secure the rule over the seas which is necessary for her if she
+is not to starve, she was compelled to undertake armaments and
+expenditure which weighed heavily on the tax-payer. England's
+international position would be threatened, however, if our policy
+created the belief that warlike developments might ensue--a state of
+affairs which had almost been reached during the time of the Morocco
+crises and the Bosnian problem.
+
+Great Britain had become reconciled to our fleet _within its then
+appointed limits_, but it was certainly not welcome, and was one of the
+causes--though not the only cause and perhaps not the most important--of
+her adhesion to France and Russia; but on account of the fleet _alone_
+England would not have drawn the sword any more than on account of our
+trade, which has been alleged to have produced jealousy and finally war.
+
+From the very beginning I maintained that, _notwithstanding_ the fleet,
+it would be possible to arrive at a friendly understanding and
+_rapprochement_ if we did not introduce a new Navy Bill and _our policy
+were indubitably pacific_. I also avoided mention of the fleet and the
+word never passed between Sir E. Grey and me. On one occasion Sir E.
+Grey said at a meeting of the Cabinet, "The present German Ambassador
+has never mentioned the fleet to me."
+
+During my tenure of office Mr. Churchill, then First Lord of the
+Admiralty, proposed, as is known, the so-called "Naval holiday" and
+suggested for financial reasons, and probably also to meet the pacific
+wishes of his party, a year's pause in armaments. Officially Sir E. Grey
+did not support the proposal; he never mentioned it to me, but Mr.
+Churchill repeatedly spoke to me about it.
+
+I am convinced that his suggestion was honest, as prevarication is
+altogether foreign to English nature. It would have been a great success
+for Mr. Churchill if he could have come before the country with
+reductions of expenditure and freed it from the nightmare of armaments
+that weighed on the people.
+
+I replied that for technical reasons it would be difficult to agree to
+his plan. What was to become of the workmen who were engaged for this
+purpose, and what of the technical staff? Our Naval programme had been
+decided on, and it would be difficult to alter it in any way. On the
+other hand we had no intention of exceeding it. But he reverted to it
+again and pointed out that the sums used for enormous armaments might
+better be employed for other and useful purposes. I replied that this
+expenditure too benefited our home industries.
+
+Through interviews with Sit W. Tyrrell, Sir E. Grey's principal private
+secretary, I managed to have the question removed from the agenda
+without causing any ill-feeling, although it was again referred to in
+Parliament, and to prevent any official proposal being made. It was,
+however, a pet idea of Mr. Churchill's and the Government's, and I think
+that by entering upon his plan and the formula 16:10 for battleships we
+might have given tangible proof of our goodwill, and strengthened and
+encouraged the tendency (which already prevailed in the Government) to
+enter into closer relations with us.
+
+But, as I have said, it was possible to arrive at an understanding _in
+spite of the fleet_ and without a "Naval holiday." I had always regarded
+my mission from this point of view, and I had also succeeded in
+realising my plans when the outbreak of war destroyed everything I had
+achieved.
+
+
+
+
+COMMERCIAL JEALOUSY
+
+
+The "commercial jealousy," about which we hear so much, is based on a
+wrong conception of the circumstances. Certainly Germany's rise as a
+commercial power after the war of 1870 and during the following decades
+was a menace to British commercial circles which, with their industries
+and export-houses, had held a virtual monopoly of trade. The increasing
+commerce with Germany, which was the leading country in Europe as
+regards British exports--a fact to which I invariably referred in my
+public speeches--had, however, given rise to the wish to maintain
+friendly relations with their best customer and business friend, and had
+driven all other considerations into the background.
+
+The Briton is matter-of-fact--he takes things as they are and does not
+tilt against windmills. Notably in commercial circles I encountered the
+most friendly spirit and the endeavour to further our common economic
+interests. As a matter of fact nobody in them took any interest in the
+Russian, Italian, Austrian, or even in the French representative, in
+spite of his striking personality and his political successes. Only the
+German and American Ambassadors attracted public attention.
+
+In order to get into touch with important commercial circles, I accepted
+invitations from the United Chambers of Commerce, and from the London
+and Bradford Chamber, and was the guest of the cities of Newcastle and
+Liverpool. I was well received everywhere; Manchester, Glasgow, and
+Edinburgh had also invited me, and I intended to go there later.
+
+People who did not understand British conditions and did not realise the
+importance of "public dinners," also people to whom my successes were
+unwelcome, reproached me with having done harm with my speeches. I
+believe on the contrary that by appearing in public and emphasising
+common commercial interests I contributed in no small measure to the
+improvement of relations, quite apart from the fact that it would have
+been clumsy and churlish to refuse all invitations.
+
+In all other circles I also met with the most friendly reception and
+hearty co-operation--at Court, in society, and from the Government.
+
+
+
+
+THE COURT AND SOCIETY
+
+
+The King, although not a genius, is a simple and well-meaning man with
+sound common sense; he demonstrated his goodwill towards me and was
+frankly desirous of furthering my task. Although the British
+Constitution leaves only very limited powers to the Crown, yet the
+monarch, in virtue of his position, can exercise a considerable
+influence on opinion both in society and in the Government. The Crown is
+the apex of the social pyramid; it sets the fashion. Society, which is
+principally Unionist (Conservative), has always taken an active interest
+in politics a habit which the ladies share. It is represented in the
+House of Lords, the House of Commons, and hence also in the Cabinet. An
+Englishman either is a member of society, or he would like to be one. It
+is his constant endeavour to be a "Gentleman," and even people of
+undistinguished origin, like Mr. Asquith, delight to mingle in society
+and the company of beautiful and fashionable women.
+
+The British gentlemen of both parties have the same education, go to
+the same colleges and universities, have the same recreations--golf,
+cricket, lawn-tennis, or polo. All have played cricket and football in
+their youth; they have the same habits of life, and spend the week-end
+in the country. There is no social cleavage between the parties, but
+only a political one; in recent years it has so far developed into a
+social cleavage that the politicians of the two camps avoid social
+intercourse with one another. Even on the neutral territory of an
+Embassy one did not venture to mingle the two parties, as since the Veto
+and Home Rule Bills the Unionists have ostracised the Radicals. When the
+King and Queen dined with us a few months after my arrival, Lord
+Londonderry left the house after dinner, as he did not wish to remain
+together with Sir E. Grey. But it is not a difference of caste or
+education as in France; they are not two separate worlds, but the same
+world, and the opinion about a foreigner is a common one, and not
+without influence on his political position, whether Mr. Asquith be
+governing or Lord Lansdowne.
+
+There has been no difference of caste in England since the time of the
+Stuarts, and since the Guelphs and Whig oligarchy, in contrast to the
+Tory landed gentry encouraged the rise of an urban middle-class. It is
+rather a difference of political opinions about questions of
+constitutional law and taxation. Especially aristocrats like Grey,
+Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, who joined the people's party--the
+Radicals--were most hated by the Unionist aristocracy; one never met any
+of these gentlemen at any of the great aristocratic houses, except at
+those of a few party friends.
+
+We were received in London with open arms and both parties rivalled one
+another in courtesy towards us. In view of the close relationship
+between politics and society in England, it would be wrong to
+undervalue social relations, even when the majority of the upper ten
+thousand are in opposition to the Government.
+
+There is not the same unbridgeable gulf between Mr. Asquith and the Duke
+of Devonshire that there is between, say, M. Briand and the Due de
+Doudeauville. Certainly they do not consort together in times of great
+tension; they belong to two separate social groups, but these are parts
+of the _same_ society, though of different grades, the centre of which
+is the Court. They have common friends and habits of life; mostly they
+have known each other from their youth up and also are frequently
+related to one another either by blood or marriage.
+
+Phenomena like Mr. Lloyd George--the man of the people, petty attorney,
+and self-made man--are the exception. Even Mr. Burns, the Socialist
+Labour leader, and self-educated man, sought contact with society. In
+view of the prevailing attempt to rank as a gentleman, whose unattained
+prototype is still the great aristocrat, the value of the verdict of
+society and its attitude must not be underestimated.
+
+Hence the social adaptability of a representative nowhere plays a
+greater rôle than in England. A hospitable house with pleasant hosts is
+worth more than the most profound scientific knowledge; a savant with
+provincial manners and small means would gain no influence, in spite of
+all his learning.
+
+The Briton loathes a bore, a schemer, and a prig; he likes a good
+fellow.
+
+
+
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY
+
+
+Sir Edward Grey's influence in all matters of foreign policy was almost
+unlimited. On important occasions he used indeed to say, "I must first
+bring it before the Cabinet"; but this always agreed to his views. His
+authority was undisputed. Although he does not know foreign countries
+at all, and had never left England except for a short visit to Paris, he
+was fully conversant with all the important questions owing to his long
+parliamentary experience and his natural insight. He understands French,
+but does not speak it. He was returned to Parliament as a young man, and
+soon began to interest himself in foreign affairs. Under Lord Rosebery
+he was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and became
+Secretary of State in 1906, under Mr. Campbell-Bannerman; he has now
+held the post for some ten years.
+
+The scion of an old north country family, which had already furnished
+Grey, the well-known statesman, he joined the left wing of his party and
+sympathised with Socialists and pacifists. You may call him a Socialist
+in the ideal sense, as he carries the theory into his private life and
+lives very simply and unpretentiously, although he has extensive means.
+Ostentation is foreign to him. In London he only had a small house, and
+never gave dinners, except the one official dinner at the Foreign Office
+on the King's Birthday. On the few occasions when he entertained guests
+it was at a simple dinner or lunch with maidservants to wait. Also he
+avoided large functions and banquets.
+
+Like his colleagues, he regularly spends his week-ends in the country,
+but not with large or fashionable parties. He is mostly by himself in
+his cottage in the New Forest, where he takes long walks to study birds
+and their ways, as he is a passionate lover of nature and an
+ornithologist. Or sometimes he goes to his estate in the north, where he
+feeds the squirrels that come in at the windows, and breeds different
+species of waterfowl.
+
+He was very fond of going to the Norfolk marshes to watch in their
+breeding season the rare kinds of herons, which nest only there.
+
+In his youth he was a well-known cricket and racquet player; now his
+favourite pastime is salmon and trout-fishing in Scottish rivers in
+company with his friend Lord Glenconner, Mr. Asquith's brother-in-law.
+"All the rest of the year I am looking forward to it." He has published
+a book on fishing.
+
+On one occasion, when we spent a week-end with him alone at Lord
+Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived on a bicycle and returned to
+his cottage about thirty miles distant in the same way.
+
+The simplicity and honesty of his ways secured him the esteem even of
+his opponents, who were to be found rather in the sphere of home affairs
+than of foreign policy. Lies and intrigue are equally repugnant to him.
+
+His wife, to whom he was devotedly attached and from whom he was
+inseparable, died in consequence of being thrown from a trap she was
+driving. As is generally known, one of his brothers was killed by a
+lion.
+
+Wordsworth is his favourite poet, and he could quote much of his poetry.
+
+The calm quiet of his British nature is not lacking in a sense of
+humour. Once when he was lunching with us and the children, and heard
+them talking German, he said, "I can't help thinking how clever these
+children are to talk German so well," and was pleased with his joke.
+
+This is a true picture of the man who is decried as "Liar-Grey" and
+instigator of the world-war.
+
+
+
+
+MR. ASQUITH
+
+
+Mr. Asquith is a man of an entirely different stamp. A jovial
+_bon-vivant_, fond of the ladies, especially the young and pretty ones,
+he is partial to cheerful society and good cooking; and his zest for
+enjoyment is shared by his wife. Formerly a well-known barrister with a
+large income, and for a number of years in Parliament, then a Minister
+under Mr. Gladstone, a pacifist like his friend Grey, and favouring an
+understanding with Germany, he treated all questions with the cheery
+calm and assurance of an experienced man of business, whose good health
+and excellent nerves were steeled by devotion to the game of golf.
+
+His daughters were at school in Germany and spoke German fluently. In a
+short time we got on friendly terms with him and his family, and were
+his guests in his small country house on the Thames.
+
+Only on rare occasions did he concern himself with foreign politics,
+when important questions arose; then of course his decision was final.
+During the critical days of July Mrs. Asquith repeatedly came to us to
+warn us, and in the end she was quite distraught at the tragic turn of
+events. Mr. Asquith also, when I called on him on the 2nd August to make
+a last effort in the direction of expectant neutrality, was quite
+broken, though absolutely calm. Tears were coursing down his cheeks.
+
+
+
+
+NICOLSON
+
+
+Sir A. Nicolson and Sir W. Tyrrell were the two most influential men at
+the Foreign Office after the Minister. The former was no friend of ours,
+but his attitude towards me was absolutely correct and courteous. Our
+personal relations were excellent. He too did not want war; but when we
+advanced against France, he no doubt worked in the direction of an
+immediate intervention. He was the confidant of my French colleague,
+with whom he was in constant touch; also he wished to relieve Lord
+Bertie in Paris.
+
+Sir Arthur, who had been Ambassador at Petrograd, had concluded the
+treaty of 1907, which had enabled Russia again to turn her attention to
+the West and to the Near East.
+
+
+
+
+TYRRELL
+
+
+Sir W. Tyrrell, Sir Edward's private secretary, possessed far greater
+influence than the Permanent Under-Secretary. This highly intelligent
+man had been at school in Germany, and had then turned to diplomacy, but
+had only been abroad for a short time. At first he favoured the
+anti-German policy, which was then in fashion amongst the younger
+British diplomatists, but later he became a convinced advocate of an
+understanding. He influenced Sir E. Grey, with whom he was very
+intimate, in this direction. Since the outbreak of war he has left the
+Office and found a place in the Home Office, probably because of the
+criticisms passed on him for his Germanophil tendency.
+
+
+
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN FOREIGN OFFICE
+
+
+Nothing can describe the rage of certain gentlemen at my London
+successes and the position which I had managed to make for myself in a
+short time. They devised vexatious instructions to render my office more
+difficult. I was left in complete ignorance of the most important
+matters, and was restricted to the communication of dull and unimportant
+reports. Secret agents' reports, on matters about which I could not
+learn without espionage and the necessary funds, were never available to
+me; and it was not till the last days of July, 1914, that I learnt,
+quite by chance, from the Naval Attaché of the secret Anglo-French
+agreement concerning the co-operation of the two fleets in case of war.
+The knowledge of other important events which had been known to the
+Office for a long time, like the correspondence between Grey and Cambon,
+was kept from me.
+
+
+
+
+IN CASE OF WAR
+
+
+Soon after my arrival I obtained the conviction that under _no_
+circumstances had we to fear a British attack or British support for any
+foreign attack, but that _under any circumstances England would protect
+the French_. I expressed this view in repeated dispatches, with minute
+proof and great emphasis, but did not obtain any credence, although Lord
+Haldane's refusal to assent to the neutrality formula and England's
+attitude during the Morocco crisis had been pretty obvious indications.
+In addition there were the secret agreements which I have referred to,
+and which were known to the Office.
+
+I always pointed out that in the event of a war between European Powers,
+England as a commercial state would suffer enormously, and would
+therefore do her best to prevent a conflict; but, on the other hand, she
+would never tolerate a weakening or annihilation of France; because of
+the necessity of maintaining the European balance of power and of
+preventing a German superiority of force. Lord Haldane had told me this
+shortly after my arrival, and all the leading people had expressed
+themselves in the same sense.
+
+
+
+
+THE SERBIAN CRISIS
+
+
+At the end of June I went to Kiel by command of the Emperor. A few weeks
+prior to this I had been made an honorary D.C.L. of Oxford, an honour
+which had not been conferred on any German Ambassador since Herr von
+Bunsen. On board the _Meteor_ we learned of the death of the Archduke.
+H.M. regretted that his efforts to win him over to his way of thinking
+had thus been rendered vain. I do not know whether the plan of an active
+policy against Serbia had already been decided on at Konopischt.
+
+As I was not instructed about views and events in Vienna, I did not
+attach very great importance to this occurrence. Later on I could only
+remark that amongst Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed
+other sentiments. On board the _Meteor_ there was also an Austrian guest
+of the Emperor's, Count Felix Thun. He had remained in his cabin all the
+time suffering from sea-sickness, in spite of the splendid weather; but
+on receiving the news he was well. The fright or joy had cured him.
+
+On my arrival in Berlin I saw the Chancellor and told him that I
+considered the state of our foreign relations very satisfactory, as we
+were on better terms with England than we had been for a long time,
+whilst in France also the government was in the hands of a pacifist
+Ministry.
+
+Herr von Bethmann Hollweg did not appear to share my optimism, and
+complained about Russian armaments. I sought to reassure him,
+emphasising the fact that Russia had no interest in attacking us, and
+that such an attack would never receive Anglo-French support, as both
+countries wanted peace. Thereupon I went to Dr. Zimmermann, who was
+acting for Herr von Jagow, and he told me that Russia was about to raise
+900,000 additional troops. His language betrayed unmistakable annoyance
+with Russia, which was "everywhere in our way." There were also
+difficulties in economic policy. Of course, I was not told that General
+von Moltke was pressing for war; but I learned that Herr von Tschirschky
+had been reprimanded because he reported that he had counselled
+moderation towards Serbia in Vienna.
+
+On my return from Silesia to London I stopped only a few hours in
+Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended to take steps against Serbia
+in order to put an end to an impossible situation.
+
+I regret that at the moment I underestimated the importance of the news.
+I thought that nothing would come of it this time either, and that
+matters could easily be settled, even if Russia became threatening. I
+now regret that I did not stay in Berlin and at once declare that I
+would not co-operate in a policy of this kind.
+
+Subsequently I ascertained that, at the decisive conference at Potsdam
+on the 5th July, the Vienna enquiry received the unqualified assent of
+all the leading people, and with the rider that no harm would be done if
+a war with Russia should result. Thus it was expressed, at any rate, in
+the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff received in London. Soon
+afterwards Herr von Jagow was in Vienna to consult Count Berchtold about
+all these matters.
+
+At that time I received instructions to induce the British Press to
+adopt a friendly attitude should Austria administer the _coup de grâce_
+to the "Great Serbia" movement, and to exert my personal influence to
+prevent public opinion from becoming inimical to Austria. If one
+remembered England's attitude during the annexation crisis, when public
+opinion showed sympathy for the Serbian rights in Bosnia, as well as her
+benevolent furtherance of national movements in the days of Lord Byron
+and Garibaldi, the probability that she would support the intended
+punitive expedition against the murderers of the prince happened so
+remote, that I found myself obliged to give an urgent warning. But I
+also warned them against the whole plan, which I characterised as
+adventurous and dangerous, and advised them to counsel the Austrians to
+_moderation_, as I did not believe that the conflict could be localised.
+
+Herr von Jagow replied to me that Russia was not ready; there would
+probably be some fuss, but the more firmly we took sides with Austria
+the more would Russia give way. As it was, Austria was accusing us of
+weakness and therefore we dare not leave her in the lurch. Public
+opinion in Russia, on the other hand, was becoming more and more
+anti-German, so we must just risk it.
+
+In view of this attitude, which, as I found later, was based on reports
+from Count Pourtalès that Russia would not move under any circumstances,
+and which caused us to spur Count Berchtold on to the utmost energy, I
+hoped for salvation through British mediation, as I knew that Sir E.
+Grey's great influence in Petrograd could be used in the direction of
+peace. I therefore availed myself of my friendly relations with the
+Minister to request him in confidence to advise moderation in Russia in
+case Austria, as seemed likely, demanded satisfaction from Serbia.
+
+At first the English Press preserved calm and was friendly to Austria,
+because the murder was generally condemned. But gradually more and more
+voices were heard insisting emphatically that, however much the crime
+merited punishment, its exploitation for political purposes could not be
+justified. Austria was strongly exhorted to use moderation.
+
+When the ultimatum was published, all the papers with the exception of
+the _Standard_--the ever-necessitous, which had apparently been bought
+by Austria--were unanimous in condemnation. The whole world, excepting
+Berlin and Vienna, realised that it meant war--indeed, "the world-war."
+The British Fleet, which happened to have assembled for a naval review,
+was not demobilised.
+
+My efforts were in the first place directed towards obtaining as
+conciliatory a reply from Serbia as was possible, since the attitude of
+the Russian Government left room for no doubts about the gravity of the
+situation.
+
+Serbia responded favourably to the British efforts, as M. Pasitch had
+really agreed to everything, excepting two points, about which, however,
+he declared his willingness to negotiate. If Russia and England had
+wanted the war, in order to attack us, a hint to Belgrade would have
+been enough, and the unprecedented Note would not have been answered.
+
+Sir E. Grey went through the Serbian reply with me, and pointed out the
+conciliatory attitude of the Government of Belgrade. Thereupon we
+discussed his proposal of mediation, which was to include a formula
+acceptable to both parties for clearing up the two points. His proposal
+was that a committee, consisting of M. Cambon, the Marquis Imperiali,
+and myself, should assemble under his presidency, and it would have been
+an easy matter for us to find an acceptable formula for the points at
+issue, which mainly concerned the collaboration of Austrian Imperial
+officials at the investigations in Belgrade. Given goodwill, everything
+could have been settled at one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance
+of the British proposal would have brought about a relaxation of the
+tension, and would have further improved our relations with England. I
+therefore strongly backed the proposal, on the ground that otherwise
+there was danger of the world-war, through which we stood to gain
+nothing and lose all; but in vain. It was derogatory to the dignity of
+Austria--we did not intend to interfere in Serbian matters--we left
+these to our ally. I was to work for "the localisation of the conflict."
+
+Needless to say a mere hint from Berlin would have decided Count
+Berchtold to content himself with a diplomatic success, and to accept
+the Serbian reply. This hint was not given; on the contrary they urged
+in the direction of war. It would have been such a splendid success.
+
+After our refusal Sir Edward requested us to submit a proposal. We
+insisted on war. I could not obtain any reply but that Austria had shown
+an exceedingly "accommodating spirit" by not demanding an extension of
+territory.
+
+Sir Edward rightly pointed out that even without an extension of
+territory it is possible to reduce a state to a condition of vassalage,
+and that Russia would see a humiliation in this, and would not suffer
+it.
+
+The impression grew stronger and stronger that we wanted war under any
+circumstances. It was impossible to interpret our attitude, on a
+question which did not directly concern us, in any other way. The urgent
+requests and definite assurances of M. Sazonow, followed by the Czar's
+positively humble telegrams, the repeated proposals of Sir E. Grey, the
+warnings of the Marquis San Giuliano and Signor Bollati, my urgent
+counsels, all were of no avail. Berlin persisted; Serbia must be
+massacred.
+
+The more I pressed the less were they inclined to come round, if only
+that I might not have the success of averting war in conjunction with
+Sir Edward Grey.
+
+Finally, on the 29th, the latter decided on the famous warning. I
+replied that I had invariably reported that we should have to reckon
+with English opposition if it came to a war with France. Repeatedly the
+Minister said to me: "If war breaks out, it will be the greatest
+catastrophe the world has ever seen."
+
+After that, events followed each other rapidly. When at last Count
+Berchtold, who up till then had, at the behest of Berlin, played the
+strong man, decided to come round, we replied to the Russian
+mobilisation, after Russia had negotiated and waited for a whole week in
+vain, with the ultimatum and the declaration of war.
+
+
+
+
+THE ENGLISH DECLARATION OF WAR
+
+
+Sir Edward was still looking for new ways of avoiding the catastrophe.
+Sir W. Tyrrell called on me on the morning of the 1st August to tell me
+that his chief still hoped to find a way out. Would we remain neutral if
+France did? I understood that we should then agree to spare France, but
+he had meant that we should remain altogether neutral--towards Russia
+also. That was the well-known "misunderstanding." Sir Edward had asked
+me to call in the afternoon. As he was at a meeting of the Cabinet, he
+called me up on the telephone, Sir W. Tyrrell having hurried to him at
+once. In the afternoon, however, he talked only about Belgian neutrality
+and the possibility that we and France might face one another in arms
+without attacking.
+
+Thus this was not a proposal at all, but a question without any
+guarantee, as our interview, which I have mentioned before, was to take
+place soon afterwards. Berlin, however, without waiting for the
+interview, made this report the foundation for far-reaching measures.
+Then there came M. Poincaré's letter, Bonar Law's letter, King Albert's
+telegram. The waverers in the Cabinet--excepting three members who
+resigned--were converted.
+
+Till the very last moment I had hoped that England would adopt a waiting
+attitude. Nor did my French colleague feel at all confident, as I heard
+from a private source. Even on the 1st August the King had given the
+President an evasive reply. But England was already mentioned as an
+opponent in the telegram from Berlin announcing the imminent danger of
+war. Berlin was therefore already reckoning on war with England.
+
+Before my departure Sir E. Grey received me, on the 5th, at his house. I
+had called at his request. He was deeply moved. He told me he would
+always be prepared to mediate. "We don't want to crush Germany."
+Unfortunately this confidential interview was made public, and Herr von
+Bethmann Hollweg thus destroyed the last chance of gaining peace through
+England.
+
+The arrangements for our departure were perfectly dignified and calm.
+The King had previously sent his equerry, Sir E. Ponsonby, to express
+his regrets at my departure and that he could not see me himself.
+Princess Louise wrote to me that the whole family were sorry we were
+leaving. Mrs. Asquith and other friends came to the Embassy to take
+leave.
+
+A special train took us to Harwich, where a guard of honour was drawn up
+for me. I was treated like a departing Sovereign. Such was the end of my
+London mission. It was wrecked, not by the wiles of the British, but by
+the wiles of our policy.
+
+Count Mensdorff and his staff had come to the station in London. He was
+cheerful, and gave me to understand that perhaps he would remain there,
+but he told the English that we, and not Austria, had wanted the war.
+
+
+
+
+RETROSPECT
+
+
+Looking back after two years, I come to the conclusion that I realised
+too late that there was no room for me in a system that for years had
+lived on routine and traditions alone, and that only tolerated
+representatives who reported what their superiors wished to read.
+Absence of prejudice and an independent judgment are resented. Lack of
+ability and want of character are praised and esteemed, while successes
+meet with disfavour and excite alarm.
+
+I had given up my opposition to the insane Triple Alliance policy, as I
+realised that it was useless, and that my warnings were attributed to
+"Austrophobia," to my _idée fixe_. In politics, which are neither
+acrobatics nor a game, but the main business of the firm, there is no
+"phil" or "phobe," but only the interest of the community. A policy,
+however, that is based only on Austrians, Magyars, and Turks must come
+into conflict with Russia, and finally lead to a catastrophe.
+
+In spite of former mistakes, all might still have been put right in
+July, 1914. An agreement with England had been arrived at. We ought to
+have sent a representative to Petrograd who was at least of average
+political capacity, and to have convinced Russia that we wished neither
+to control the straits nor to strangle Serbia. "_Lâchez l'Autriche et
+nous lâcherons les Français_" ("Drop Austria and we will drop the
+French"), M. Sazonow said to us. And M. Cambon told Herr von Jagow,
+"_Vous n'avez pas besoin de suivre l'Autriche partout_" ("You need not
+follow Austria everywhere").
+
+We wanted _neither wars nor alliances_; we wanted only treaties that
+would safeguard us and others, and secure our economic development,
+which was without its like in history. If Russia had been freed in the
+West, she could again turn to the East, and the Anglo-Russian rivalry
+would have been re-established automatically and without our
+intervention, and not less certainly also the Russo-Japanese.
+
+We could also have considered the question of the reduction of
+armaments, and need no longer have troubled ourselves about Austrian
+complications. Then Austria would have become the vassal of the German
+Empire, without any alliance--and especially without our seeking her
+good graces, a proceeding ultimately leading to war for the liberation
+of Poland and the destruction of Serbia, although German interest
+demanded the exact contrary.
+
+I had to support in London a policy the heresy of which I recognised.
+That brought down vengeance on me, because it was a sin against the Holy
+Ghost.
+
+
+
+
+MY RETURN
+
+
+As soon as I arrived in Berlin I saw that I was to be made the scapegoat
+for the catastrophe for which our Government had made itself responsible
+against my advice and warnings.
+
+The report was deliberately circulated in official quarters that I had
+allowed myself to be deceived by Sir E. Grey, because, if he had not
+wanted war, Russia would not have mobilised. Count Pourtalès, whose
+reports could be relied on, was to be protected, not least on account of
+his relationship. He had conducted himself "magnificently," he was
+praised enthusiastically, and I was blamed the more severely.
+
+"What does Serbia matter to Russia?" this statesman said to me after
+eight years in office at Petrograd. The whole thing was a British trick
+that I had not noticed. At the Foreign Office they told me that war
+would in any case have come in 1916. Then Russia would have been ready;
+therefore it was better now.
+
+
+
+
+THE QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILITY
+
+
+As is evident from all official publications--and this is not refuted by
+our White Book, which, owing to the poverty of its contents and to its
+omissions, is a gravely self-accusing document--
+
+     1. We encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia, although German
+     interests were not involved and the danger of a world-war must have
+     been known to us. Whether we were aware of the wording of the
+     Ultimatum is completely immaterial.
+
+     2. During the time between the 23rd and 30th July, 1914, when M.
+     Sazonow emphatically declared that he would not tolerate any attack
+     on Serbia, we rejected the British proposals of mediation, although
+     Serbia, under Russian and British pressure, had accepted almost
+     the whole of the Ultimatum, and although an agreement about the two
+     points at issue could easily have been reached, and Count Berchtold
+     was even prepared to content himself with the Serbian reply.
+
+     3. On the 30th July, when Count Berchtold wanted to come to terms,
+     we sent an ultimatum to Petrograd merely because of the Russian
+     mobilisation, although Austria had not been attacked; and on the
+     31st July we declared war on Russia, although the Czar pledged his
+     word that he would not order a man to march as long as negotiations
+     were proceeding--thus deliberately destroying the possibility of a
+     peaceful settlement.
+
+In view of the above undeniable facts it is no wonder that the whole of
+the civilised world outside Germany places the entire responsibility for
+the world-war upon our shoulders.
+
+
+
+
+THE ENEMY POINT OF VIEW
+
+
+Is it not intelligible that our enemies should declare that they will
+not rest before a system is destroyed which is a constant menace to our
+neighbours? Must they not otherwise fear that in a few years' time they
+will again have to take up arms and again see their provinces overrun
+and their towns and villages destroyed? Have not they proved to be right
+who declared that the spirit of Treitschke and Bernhardi governed the
+German people, that spirit which glorified war as such, and did not
+loathe it as an evil, that with us the feudal knight and Junker, the
+warrior caste, still rule and form ideals and values, not the civilian
+gentleman; that the love of the duel which animates our academic youth
+still persists in those who control the destinies of the people? Did not
+the Zabern incident and the parliamentary discussions about it clearly
+demonstrate to foreign countries the value we place on the rights and
+liberties of the citizen if these collide with questions of military
+power?
+
+That intelligent historian Cramb, who has since died, an admirer of
+Germany, clothed the German conception in the words of Euphorion:
+
+    Dream ye of peace?[1]
+    Dream he that will--
+    War is the rallying cry!
+    Victory is the refrain.
+
+[Footnote 1: The original has "war," presumably owing to a
+misprint.--TRANSLATOR.]
+
+Militarism, which by rights is an education for the people and an
+instrument of policy, turns policy into the instrument of military power
+when the patriarchal absolutism of the soldier-kingdom makes possible an
+attitude which a democracy, remote from military Junker influence, would
+never have permitted.
+
+So think our enemies, and so they must think when they see that, in
+spite of capitalistic industrialisation and in spite of socialist
+organisation, "the living are still ruled by the dead," as Friedrich
+Nietzsche says. The principal war aim of our enemies, the
+democratisation of Germany, will be realised!
+
+
+
+
+BISMARCK
+
+
+Bismarck, like Napoleon, loved conflict for itself. As a statesman he
+avoided fresh wars, the folly of which he recognised. He was content
+with bloodless battles. After he had, in rapid succession, vanquished
+Christian, Francis Joseph, and Napoleon, it was the turn of Arnim, Pius,
+and Augusta. That did not suffice him. Gortschakow, who thought himself
+the greater, had repeatedly annoyed him. The conflict was carried almost
+to the point of war--even by depriving him of his railway saloon. This
+gave rise to the miserable Triple Alliance. At last came the conflict
+with William, in which the mighty one was vanquished, as Napoleon was
+vanquished by Alexander.
+
+Political life-and-death unions only prosper if founded on a
+constitutional basis and not on an international one. They are all the
+more questionable if the partner is feeble. Bismarck never meant the
+Alliance to take this form.
+
+He always treated the English with forbearance; he knew that this was
+wiser. He always paid marked respect to the old Queen Victoria, despite
+his hatred of her daughter and of political Anglomania; the learned
+Beaconsfield and the worldly-wise Salisbury he courted; and even that
+strange Gladstone, whom he did not like, really had nothing to complain
+about.
+
+The Ultimatum to Serbia was the culminating point of the policy of the
+Berlin Congress, the Bosnian crisis, the Conference of London: but there
+was yet time to turn back.
+
+We were completely successful in achieving that which above all other
+things should have been avoided--the breach with Russia and England.
+
+
+
+
+OUR FUTURE
+
+
+After two years' fighting it is obvious that we dare not hope for an
+unconditional victory over the Russians, English, French, Italians,
+Rumanians, and Americans, or reckon on being able to wear our enemies
+down. But we can obtain a peace by compromise only by evacuating the
+occupied territory, the retention of which would in any event be a
+burden and cause of weakness to us, and would involve the menace of
+further wars. Therefore everything should be avoided which would make it
+more difficult for those enemy groups who might possibly still be won
+over to the idea of a peace by compromise to come to terms, viz., the
+British Radicals and the Russian Reactionaries. From this point of view
+alone the Polish scheme is to be condemned, as is also any infringement
+of Belgian rights, or the execution of British citizens--to say nothing
+of the insane U-boat plan.
+
+"Our future lies on the water." Quite right; therefore it is not in
+Poland and Belgium, in France and Serbia. This is a return to the days
+of the Holy Roman Empire and the mistakes of the Hohenstaufens and
+Habsburgs. It is the policy of the Plantagenets, not that of Drake and
+Raleigh, Nelson and Rhodes. The policy of the Triple Alliance is a
+return to the past, a turning aside from the future, from imperialism
+and a world-policy. "Middle Europe" belongs to the Middle Ages,
+Berlin-Bagdad is a blind alley and not the way into the open country, to
+unlimited possibilities, to the world-mission of the German nation.
+
+I am no enemy of Austria, or Hungary, or Italy, or Serbia, or any other
+state, but only of the Triple Alliance policy, which was bound to divert
+us from our aims and bring us onto the inclined plane of a Continental
+policy. It was not the German policy, but that of the Austrian Imperial
+House. The Austrians had come to regard the Alliance as an umbrella
+under the shelter of which they could make excursions to the Near East
+when they thought fit.
+
+And what must we expect as the result of this war of nations? The United
+States of Africa will be British, like those of America, Australia and
+Oceania. And the Latin states of Europe, as I predicted years ago, will
+enter into the same relations with the United Kingdom that their Latin
+sisters in America maintain with the United States. The Anglo-Saxon will
+dominate them. France, exhausted by the war, will only attach herself
+still more closely to Great Britain. Nor will Spain continue to resist
+for long.
+
+And in Asia the Russians and the Japanese will spread and will carry
+their customs with their frontiers, and the South will remain to the
+British.
+
+The world will belong to the Anglo-Saxons, Russians, and Japanese, and
+the German will remain alone with Austria and Hungary. His rule will be
+that of thought and of commerce, not that of the bureaucrat and the
+soldier. He made his appearance too late, and his last chance of making
+good the past, that of founding a Colonial Empire, was annihilated by
+the world-war.
+
+For we shall not supplant the sons of Ichwe. Then will be realised the
+plan of the great Rhodes, who saw the salvation of humanity in the
+expansion of Britondom--in British Imperialism.
+
+    Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento.
+    Hae tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere morem,
+    Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.
+
+
+
+
+_Important Books of the Day_
+
+
+THE CRIME                         _By a German. Author of "I Accuse!"_
+
+An arraignment in even more cogent form than "I Accuse!" of the
+rulers and governments of Germany and Austria.
+                                     Two vols. 8vo. Vol. I. Net, $2.50
+
+
+THE GREAT CRIME AND ITS MORAL                  _By J. Selden Willmore_
+
+A volume which is an invaluable library. An illuminating summary of the
+immense documentary literature of the war.             8vo. Net, $2.00
+
+
+BELGIUM IN WAR TIME              _By Commandant De Gerlache De Gomery_
+Translated from the French Edition by Bernard Miall
+
+The authoritative book essential to an understanding of the history, the
+position and the sufferings of the country that will not die, the title
+of the Norwegian and Swedish editions of this famous work set up under
+fire.              Illustrations, maps and facsimiles. 8vo. Net, $2.00
+
+
+THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME                               _By John Buchan_
+
+"Mr. Buchan's account is a clear and brilliant presentation of the whole
+vast manoeuver and its tactical and strategic development through all
+four stages."--Springfield _Republican_. Illustrated. 12mo. Net, $1.50
+
+
+THE LAND OF DEEPENING SHADOW                     _By D. Thomas Curtin_
+
+Revealing the Germany of _fact_ in place of the Germany of _tradition_;
+telling the truth about Germany-in-the-third-year-of-the-war.
+                                                      12mo. Net, $1.50
+
+
+I ACCUSE! (J'ACCUSE!)                                    _By a German_
+
+An arraignment of Germany by a German of the German War Party.
+Facts every neutral should know.                      12mo. Net, $1.50
+
+
+THE GERMAN TERROR IN FRANCE                     _By Arnold J. Toynbee_
+THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM                    _By Arnold J. Toynbee_
+
+"From the facts he places before his readers, it appears conclusive that
+the horrors were perpetrated systematically, deliberately, under orders,
+upon a people whose country was invaded without just cause."--Philadelphia
+_Public Ledger_.                                  Each 8vo. Net, $1.00
+
+
+TRENCH PICTURES FROM FRANCE           _By Major William Redmond, M.P._
+Biographical Introduction by Miss E. M. Smith-Dampier
+
+A glowing book, filled with a deep love of Ireland, by one of the most
+attractive British figures of the war.                12mo. Net, $1.25
+
+
+WOUNDED AND A PRISONER OF WAR                _By an Exchanged Officer_
+
+The high literary merit, studious moderation and charming personality
+of the author make this thrilling book "the most damning indictment of
+Germany's inhumanity that has yet appeared."          12mo. Net, $1.25
+
+
+MY HOME IN THE FIELD OF MERCY                _By Frances Wilson Huard_
+MY HOME IN THE FIELD OF HONOUR               _By Frances Wilson Huard_
+
+The simple, intimate, classic narrative which has taken rank as one of
+the few distinguished books produced since the outbreak of the war.
+                                    Illustrated. Each 12mo. Net, $1.35
+
+
+GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY _Publishers_ New York
+PUBLISHERS IN AMERICA FOR HODDER & STOUGHTON
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+Original spelling and grammar retained with the following exceptions:-
+
+Contents NICHOLSON ==> NICOLSON
+
+Page xi The attack made on him at the ouset of the war ==> The attack made
+        on him at the outset of the war
+
+Page  4 (Badgad Railway) ==> (Bagdad Railway)
+
+Page 26 There is not the same unbridgable gulf ==> There is not the same
+        unbridgeable gulf
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of My Mission to London 1912-1914, by 
+Prince Lichnowsky
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY MISSION TO LONDON 1912-1914 ***
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+
+Project Gutenberg's My Mission to London 1912-1914, by Prince Lichnowsky
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: My Mission to London 1912-1914
+
+Author: Prince Lichnowsky
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2012 [EBook #39457]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY MISSION TO LONDON 1912-1914 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by James Wright and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Canada Team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h4>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+REVELATIONS OF THE LAST GERMAN<br />
+AMBASSADOR IN ENGLAND<br />
+&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h4>
+
+
+<h1>MY MISSION TO<br />
+LONDON<br />
+
+<small>1912-1914</small></h1>
+
+<h3>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+<small><small><i>By</i></small></small><br />
+PRINCE LICHNOWSKY<br />
+&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h3>
+
+<h5><i>With a Preface by</i><br />
+PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY</h5>
+
+<p><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></p>
+
+
+<h4>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+NEW YORK: GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY<br />
+&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h4>
+
+<p><small><small>PRICE TEN CENTS</small></small></p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="ads">
+<h1>MY MISSION TO<br />
+LONDON<br />
+<small>1912-1914</small></h1>
+
+<h4>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h4>
+
+<h3><small>BY</small><br />
+PRINCE LICHNOWSKY<br />
+<small><i>Late German Ambassador in England</i></small></h3>
+
+<h4>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h4>
+
+<h4><small>WITH A PREFACE BY</small><br />
+PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY<br />
+<small><i>Author of "The Policy of Sir Edward Grey," etc.</i></small></h4>
+
+<h4>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h4>
+
+<p><br /><br /><br /><br /></p>
+
+<h3>NEW YORK<br />
+GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY</h3>
+<p><br /></p>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span></p>
+
+<p><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p>==========================================================================</p>
+
+<h5>WITH THE COMPLIMENTS<br />
+OF<br />
+<big><big><span class="smcap">Professor W. Macneile Dixon</span></big></big><br />
+(UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW)</h5>
+
+<p><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p class="address"><b><span class="smcap">Address:</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em">8, BUCKINGHAM GATE,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 4em">LONDON, S. W., ONE,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 8.5em">ENGLAND.</span></b></p>
+
+<p>==========================================================================</p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p class="toc">
+<a href="#BIOGRAPHICAL_NOTE"><b>Biographical Note</b></a><br />
+<a href="#PREFACE"><b>Preface</b></a><br />
+<a href="#CONTENTS"><b>Contents</b></a></p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="BIOGRAPHICAL_NOTE" id="BIOGRAPHICAL_NOTE"></a>BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</h2>
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p>The author of the following pages, Karl Max, Prince
+Lichnowsky, is a member of a family which holds estates
+both in German and Austrian Silesia, and has an
+hereditary seat in the Upper House of the Prussian
+Diet. The father of the present Prince and his predecessor
+in the title was a Prussian cavalry general, who,
+at the end of his life, sat for some years in the Reichstag
+as a member of the Free Conservative Party.</p>
+
+<p>His uncle, Prince Felix, was elected in 1848 to represent
+Ratibor in the German National Assembly at
+Frankfort-on-Main; he was an active member of the
+Conservative wing, and during the September rising,
+while riding with General Auerswald in the neighbourhood
+of the city, was attacked and murdered by the
+mob.</p>
+
+<p>The present Prince, after serving in the Prussian
+army, in which he holds the rank of Major, entered the
+diplomatic service. He was in 1885 for a short time attached
+to the German Embassy in London, and afterwards
+became Councillor of Embassy in Vienna. From
+1899 to 1904 he was employed in the German Foreign
+Office, and received the rank and title of Minister Plenipotentiary.</p>
+
+<p>In 1904 he retired to his Silesian estates, and, as he
+states, lived for eight years the life of a country gentleman,
+but read industriously and published occasional
+political articles. He himself recounts the circumstances
+in which he was appointed Ambassador in London on
+the death of Baron Marschall von Bieberstein.</p>
+
+<p>Baron Marschall, who had been Secretary for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span>
+Foreign Affairs under the Chancellorships of Count Caprivi
+and for a time under Prince Hohenlohe, had achieved
+great success as Ambassador at Constantinople, and also,
+from the German point of view, as chief German Plenipotentiary
+at the Second Hague Conference in 1907.
+Baron Marschall was, to use an expression of Bismarck's,
+"the best horse in Germany's diplomatic stable." And
+great things were expected of him in London. But he
+lived only a few months after his appointment.</p>
+
+<p>Prince Lichnowsky's high social rank, his agreeable
+manners, and the generous hospitality which he showed
+in Carlton House Terrace gave him a position in English
+society which facilitated the negotiations between England
+and Germany, and did much to diminish the friction
+that had arisen during the time that Prince B&#252;low
+held the post of German Chancellor.</p>
+
+<p>The pamphlet which is here translated gives an account
+of his London mission; after his return to Germany
+he has lived in retirement in the country, but has contributed
+occasional articles to the Press. The pamphlet,
+which was written in August, 1916, was not intended
+for publication, but was distributed confidentially to a
+few friends. The existence of it had long been known,
+but it was only in March of this year that for the first
+time extracts from it were published in the Swedish
+paper <i>Politiken</i>. Longer extracts have since appeared
+in the London Press; for the first time a complete
+translation made from the German original is now placed
+before the public.</p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p>Never perhaps in history has the world seen so great
+an exhibition, as at the outbreak of this war, of the
+murderous and corrupting power of the organised lie.
+All Germany outside the governmental circles was induced
+to believe that the war was a treacherous attack,
+plotted in the dark by "revengeful France, barbaric
+Russia, and envious England," against the innocent
+and peace-loving Fatherland. And the centre of the
+plot was the Machiavellian Grey, who for long years
+had been encircling and strangling Germany in order
+at the chosen moment to deal her a death-blow from
+behind. The Emperor, the princes, the ministers, the
+bishops and chaplains, the historians and theologians,
+in part consciously and in part innocently, vied with
+one another in solemn attestations and ingenious forgeries
+of evidence; and the people, docile by training and long
+indoctrinated to the hatred of England, inevitably believed
+and passionately exaggerated what they were told.
+From this belief, in large part, came the strange brutalities
+and ferocities of the common people of Germany
+at the opening of the war, whether towards persons
+who had a right to courtesy, like the Ambassadors,
+or a claim on common human sympathy, like the
+wounded and the prisoners. The German masses could
+show no mercy towards people guilty of so hideous a
+world-crime.</p>
+
+<p>And now comes evidence, which in normal times would
+convince even the German nation, that the whole basis
+of their belief was a structure of deliberate falsehood;
+which shows that it was the Kaiser and his Ministers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span>
+who plotted the war; while it was England, and especially
+Sir Edward Grey, who strove hardest for the
+preservation of peace.</p>
+
+<p>It is the evidence of the German Ambassador in London
+during the years 1912-1914, Prince Lichnowsky,
+corroborated rather than confuted by the comments of
+Herr von Jagow, who was Foreign Minister at the
+time, and carried further by the recently published Memoranda
+of Herr M&#252;hlon, one of the directors of the
+Krupp armament factory at Essen. One could hardly
+imagine more convincing testimony. Will the German
+people believe it? Would they believe now if one
+rose from the dead?</p>
+
+<p>We cannot yet guess at the answer. Indeed, there is
+another question which must be answered first: For
+what motive, and with what possible change of policy
+in view, has the German Government permitted the
+publication of these papers and the circulation of Lichnowsky's
+Memorandum as a pamphlet at 30 pfennig?
+Do the militarists think their triumph is safe, and the
+time come for them to throw off the mask? Or have
+the opponents of militarism, who seemed so crushed,
+succeeded in asserting their power? Is it a plan to
+induce the ever docile German populace to hate England
+less?</p>
+
+<p>It must be a startling story for the Germans, but for
+us it contains little that is new. It is an absolute confirmation,
+in spirit and in letter, of the British Blue Book
+and of English books such as Mr. Headlam's "History
+of Twelve Days" and Mr. Archer's "Thirteen Days."
+Prince Lichnowsky's summing-up agrees exactly with
+the British conclusions: The Germans encouraged Count
+Berchtold to attack Serbia, well knowing the consequences
+to expect; between the 23rd and 30th July they
+rejected all forms of mediation; and on the 30th July,
+when Austria wished to withdraw, they hastily sent an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span>
+ultimatum to Russia so as to make withdrawal impossible
+(pp. 39-40). A ghastly story of blindness and
+crime; but we knew it all before.</p>
+
+<p>Equally interesting is Prince Lichnowsky's account
+of the policy of Germany and England before the war.
+He confirms our knowledge of the "sinister vagueness"
+of German policy in Morocco, the steady desire of
+England to come to an understanding and of Germany
+to elude an understanding. As for our alleged envy of
+German trade, it was in English commercial circles that
+the desire for an understanding with Germany was
+strongest. As for our "policy of encirclement," it was
+the deliberate aim of our policy, continuing the line of
+Lord Salisbury and Mr. Chamberlain, to facilitate rather
+than hinder the legitimate and peaceful expansion of a
+great force, which would become dangerous if suppressed
+and confined.</p>
+
+<p>The test cases were the Bagdad Railway and the Portuguese
+Colonies. We agreed to make no objection to
+Germany's buying them when Portugal was willing to
+sell; we agreed in the meantime to treat them as a
+German sphere of interest and not to compete for influence
+there. We agreed, subject to the conservation
+of existing British rights and to certain other safeguards,
+to the completion of the great railway from the
+Bosphorus to Basra, and to the recognition of the whole
+district tapped by the railway as a German sphere of
+interest. The two treaties, though completed, were never
+signed; why? Because Grey would sign no secret treaty.
+He insisted that they must be published. And the German
+Government would not allow them to be published!
+To Lichnowsky this seemed like mere spite on the part
+of rivals who grudged his success, but we see now that
+it was a deliberate policy. The war-makers could not
+afford to let their people know the proof of England's
+goodwill.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Lichnowsky was a friend of England, but he was no
+pacifist or "little German." His policy was to favour
+the peaceful expansion of Germany, in good understanding
+with England and France, on the seas and in the
+colonies. He aimed at "imperial development" on British
+lines; he abhorred the "Triple Alliance policy" of
+espousing Austria's quarrels, backing Turkey against the
+Balkan States, intriguing against Russia, and seeing all
+politics in the terms of European rivalries with a background
+of war. His own policy was one which, if followed
+loyally by the German Government, would have
+avoided the war and saved Europe.</p>
+
+<p>There are one or two traits in Lichnowsky's language
+which show that, with all his liberality of thought, he is
+still a German. He accepts at once, on the report of a
+German secret agent, the false statement that Grey had
+concluded a secret treaty with France. He mentions,
+as if it were a natural thing, the strange opinion that
+the <i>Standard</i> was "apparently bought by Austria." He
+describes Mr. Asquith as a pacifist and Sir Edward Grey
+as both a pacifist and, ideally and practically, a Socialist.
+One must remember the sort of views he was accustomed
+to at Potsdam.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that Lichnowsky was deliberately
+deceived by his Government, and not much that
+he was chosen for his post in London with a view to
+deceiving us. These things are all in gospel according
+to Bernhardi. Lichnowsky himself was both an honest
+and an able diplomatist, and there is the ring of sincerity
+in his words of self-reproach: "I had to support in
+London a policy the heresy of which I recognised. That
+brought down vengeance on me, for it was a sin against
+the Holy Ghost."</p>
+
+<p>If Grey, in the tangle of terrific problems that surrounded
+him, ever erred, his sin was not against the
+Holy Ghost. The attack made on him at the <a name="outset" id="outset">outset</a> of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>
+the war by Radical idealists was easy to confute. If
+ever a statesman strove, with due prudence, for peace,
+for friendship between nations, for a transformation of
+armed rivalries into cordial and democratic understandings,
+our great English Minister was that man. He
+was accused as a maker of secret treaties; and we find
+him all through the times of peace, and through all times
+when choice was still possible, a steady refuser of
+secret treaties. He was accused as a seeker for territory;
+and we find him, both in war and peace, steadily
+opposing all territorial aggrandisement. Such was the
+policy approved by the leaders of both English parties
+before the war.</p>
+
+<p>It is an attack from the other side that now reaches
+him. If the war had been short and successful, this
+would not have occurred. But a long and bitter and
+dangerous war of necessity creates its own atmosphere,
+and the policy that was wisdom in 1913, when the world
+was at peace and our relations with Germany were improving,
+strikes us now perhaps as strangely trustful
+and generous. Yet, if we try to recover that mental
+calm without which the nations will never till the end
+of time be able to restore their wasted wealth and rebuild
+the shattered hopes of civilisation, I think most
+Englishmen will agree that Grey's policy was, as we
+all thought it at the time, the right and the wise policy.
+To let all the world know that we would never join in
+any attack on Germany, but would never permit any
+attack on France; to seek to remove all causes of friction
+between England and Germany, as they had been
+removed between England and France and between England
+and Russia; to extend the "Entente Cordiale" by
+gradual steps to all nations who would come into it, and
+to "bring the two groups of Europe nearer." This
+was the right policy, whether it succeeded or failed;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span>
+and it will, in spirit at least, some day be the right
+policy again.</p>
+
+<p>No Englishman, I think, will regret the generous courtesy
+which sent off the German Ambassador with a guard
+of honour, "like a departing sovereign." No one will regret
+our Prime Minister's silent tears when the war became
+inevitable, or Grey's conviction that it would be
+"the greatest catastrophe in history"&mdash;not even if mad
+German militarists drew the conclusion that the only
+motive for such grief must be the fear of defeat. For
+my own part I am glad that, at the last interview with
+Lichnowsky, Grey assured him that, if ever a chance
+came of mediation between the combatants, he would
+take it, and that "we have never wished to crush Germany."</p>
+
+<p>Surely, even now in the crisis of the war, it is well
+to remember these things. The cleaner our national conscience
+the keener surely will be our will to victory. The
+slower we were to give up the traditions of generosity
+and trustfulness that came from our long security the
+firmer will be our resolution to hold out, through whatever
+martyrdom may be yet in store for us, until we or
+our children can afford once more to live generously and
+to trust our neighbours. In the long run no other life
+is worth living.</p>
+
+<p class="author">G. M.</p>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<table summary="Table of Contents" width="70%" border="0">
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="tdr"><small>PAGE</small></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">My Appointment</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#My_Appointment">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Morocco Policy</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Morocco_Policy">2</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Sir Edward Grey's Programme</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Sir_Edward_Greys_Programme">4</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Albanian Question</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Albanian_Question">5</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Near East and the Policy of the Triple Alliance</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Near_East">7</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Conference of Ambassadors</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Conference_of_Ambassadors">10</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Balkan Conference</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Balkan_Conference">12</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Second Balkan War</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Second_Balkan_War">13</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Liman Von Sanders</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Liman_Von_Sanders">14</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Colonial Treaty</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Colonial_Treaty">15</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Bagdad Treaty</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Bagdad_Treaty">20</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Question of the Navy</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Question_of_the_Navy">21</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Commercial Jealousy</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Commercial_Jealousy">23</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Court and Society</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Court_and_Society">24</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Sir Edward Grey</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Sir_Edward_Grey">26</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Mr. Asquith</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Mr_Asquith">28</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap"><a name="Nicholson" id="Nicholson">Nicolson</a></span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Nicolson">29</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Tyrrell</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Tyrrell">30</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Attitude of the German Foreign Office</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Attitude_of_the_German_Foreign_Office">30</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">In Case of War</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#In_Case_of_War">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Serbian Crisis</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Serbian_Crisis">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The English Declaration of War</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_English_Declaration_of_War">37</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Retrospect</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Retrospect">38</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">My Return</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#My_Return">40</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Question of Responsibility</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Question_of_Responsibility">41</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">The Enemy Point of View</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#The_Enemy_Point_of_View">41</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Bismarck</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Bismarck">42</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td><span class="smcap">Our Future</span></td>
+<td class="tdr"><a href="#Our_Future">43</a></td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>&nbsp;</td>
+</tr>
+
+</table>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>MY MISSION TO LONDON<br />
+
+<small>1912-14</small></h1>
+
+<h4><a name="My_Appointment" id="My_Appointment"></a><span class="smcap">My Appointment</span></h4>
+
+<p>In September, 1912, Baron Marschall died after he had
+only been at his post in London for a few months. His
+appointment, which no doubt was principally due to his
+age and the desire of his junior officer to go to London,
+was one of the many mistakes of our policy.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of his striking personality and great reputation,
+he was too old and too tired to adjust himself to
+the Anglo-Saxon world, which was completely alien to
+him; he was rather an official and a lawyer than a
+diplomat and statesman. From the very beginning he
+was at great pains to convince the English of the harmlessness
+of our fleet, and naturally this only produced
+the contrary effect.</p>
+
+<p>Much to my surprise, I was offered the post in October.
+I had retired to the country as a "Personalreferent"
+after many years of activity, there being then no suitable
+post available for me. I passed my time between flax
+and turnips, among horses and meadows, read extensively,
+and occasionally published political essays.</p>
+
+<p>Thus I had spent eight years, and it was thirteen
+since I had left the Embassy at Vienna with the rank
+of Envoy. That had been my last real sphere of political
+activity, as in those days such activity was impossible
+unless one was prepared to help a half-crazy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>
+chief in drafting his crotchety orders with their crabbed
+instructions.</p>
+
+<p>I do not know who was responsible for my being
+appointed to London. It was certainly not due to H.M.
+alone&mdash;I was not one of his intimates, though he was
+at all times gracious to me. I also know by experience
+that his nominees generally met with successful
+opposition. Herr von Kiderlen had really wanted to
+send Herr von Stumm to London! He immediately
+manifested unmistakable ill-will towards me, and endeavoured
+to intimidate me by his incivility. Herr von
+Bethmann Hollweg was at that time kindly disposed
+towards me, and had paid me a visit at Gr&#228;tz only a
+short time before. I am therefore inclined to think
+that they all agreed on me because no other candidate
+was available at the moment. But for Baron Marschall's
+unexpected death, I should no more have been called
+out of retirement then than at any other time during
+all those previous years.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Morocco_Policy" id="Morocco_Policy"></a><span class="smcap">Morocco Policy</span></h4>
+
+<p>It was certainly the right moment for a new effort to
+establish better relations with England. Our enigmatic
+Morocco policy had repeatedly shaken confidence in our
+pacific intentions. At the very least, it had given rise
+to the suspicion that we did not quite know what we
+wanted, or that it was our object to keep Europe on
+the <i>qui vive</i>, and, when opportunity offered, to humiliate
+France. An Austrian colleague, who had been in Paris
+for a long time, said to me: "Whenever the French
+begin to forget about <i>revanche</i>, you always remind them
+of it with a jack-boot."</p>
+
+<p>After we had repulsed M. Delcass&#233;'s efforts to arrive
+at an understanding with us about Morocco, and prior
+to that had formally declared that we had no political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span>
+interests there&mdash;which conformed to the traditions of
+the Bismarckian policy&mdash;we suddenly discovered a second
+Kr&#252;ger in Abdul Aziz. We assured him also, like
+the Boers, of the protection of the mighty German
+Empire, with the same display and the same result;
+both demonstrations terminated with our retreat, as
+they were bound to do, if we had not already made up
+our minds to embark on the world-war. The distressing
+congress at Alge&#231;iras could not change this in any way,
+still less the fall of M. Delcass&#233;.</p>
+
+<p>Our attitude promoted the Russo-Japanese and later
+the Anglo-Japanese <i>rapprochement</i>. In face of "the German
+Peril" all other differences faded into the background.
+The possibility of a new Franco-German war
+had become apparent, and such a war could not, as in
+1870, leave either Russia or England unaffected.</p>
+
+<p>The uselessness of the Triple Alliance had been shown
+at Alge&#231;iras, while that of the agreements arrived at
+there was demonstrated shortly afterwards by the collapse
+of the Sultanate, which, of course, could not be
+prevented. Among the German people, however, the belief
+gained ground that our foreign policy was feeble
+and was giving way before the "Encirclement"&mdash;that
+high-sounding phrases were succeeded by pusillanimous
+surrender.</p>
+
+<p>It is to the credit of Herr von Kiderlen, who is
+otherwise overrated as a statesman, that he wound up
+our Moroccan inheritance and accepted as they were
+the facts that could no longer be altered. Whether,
+indeed, it was necessary to alarm the world by the
+Agadir incident I will leave others to say. It was jubilantly
+acclaimed in Germany, but it had caused all the
+more disquiet in England because the Government were
+kept waiting for three weeks for an explanation of
+our intentions. Lloyd George's speech, which was meant
+as a warning to us, was the consequence. Before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>
+Delcass&#233;'s fall, and before Alge&#231;iras, we might have had a
+harbour and territory on the West Coast, but after
+those events it was impossible.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Sir_Edward_Greys_Programme" id="Sir_Edward_Greys_Programme"></a><span class="smcap">Sir Edward Grey's Programme</span></h4>
+
+<p>When I came to London in November, 1912, the excitement
+over Morocco had subsided, as an agreement
+with France had been reached in Berlin. It is true
+that Haldane's mission had failed, as we had required
+the assurance of neutrality, instead of being content
+with a treaty securing us against British attacks and
+attacks with British support. Yet Sir Edward Grey
+had not relinquished the idea of arriving at an agreement
+with us, and in the first place tried to do this in
+colonial and economic questions. Conversations were
+in progress with the capable and business-like Envoy
+von K&#252;hlmann concerning the renewal of the Portuguese
+colonial agreement and Mesopotamia (<a name="Bagdad_Railway" id="Bagdad_Railway">Bagdad Railway</a>),
+the unavowed object of which was to divide both the
+colonies and Asia Minor into spheres of influence.</p>
+
+<p>The British statesman, after having settled all outstanding
+points of difference with France and Russia,
+wished to make similar agreements with us. It was not
+his object to isolate us, but to the best of his power
+to make us partners in the existing association. As
+he had succeeded in overcoming Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian
+differences, so he also wished to do his
+best to eliminate the Anglo-German, and by a network
+of treaties, which would in the end no doubt have led
+to an agreement about the troublesome question of naval
+armaments, to ensure the peace of the world, after our
+previous policy had led to an association&mdash;the Entente&mdash;which
+represented a mutual insurance against the risk
+of war.</p>
+
+<p>This was Sir E. Grey's plan. In his own words: Without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span>
+interfering with our existing friendship with France
+and Russia, which has no aggressive aims and does not
+entail any binding obligations on England, to arrive at
+a friendly <i>rapprochement</i> and understanding with Germany,
+"to bring the two groups nearer."</p>
+
+<p>As with us, there were two parties in England at that
+time&mdash;the Optimists, who believed in an understanding,
+and the Pessimists, who thought that sooner or later war
+was inevitable.</p>
+
+<p>The former embraced Messrs. Asquith, Grey, Lord
+Haldane, and most of the Ministers in the Radical Cabinet;
+also the leading Liberal papers, such as the <i>Westminster
+Gazette</i>, <i>Manchester Guardian</i>, <i>Daily Chronicle</i>.
+The Pessimists were mainly Conservative politicians like
+Mr. Balfour, who repeatedly made this clear to me;
+also leading Army men, like Lord Roberts, who pointed
+out the necessity of universal military service ("The
+Writing on the Wall"); further, the Northcliffe Press
+and the eminent English journalist Mr. Garvin, of <i>The
+Observer</i>. During my period of office, however, they
+abstained from all attacks, and maintained both personally
+and politically a friendly attitude. But our naval
+policy and our attitude in 1905, 1908, and 1911 had
+aroused in them the conviction that after all it would
+some day come to war. Just as it is with us, the former
+are now being accused in England of short-sightedness
+and simplicity, whereas the latter are looked on as the
+true prophets.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Albanian_Question" id="The_Albanian_Question"></a><span class="smcap">The Albanian Question</span></h4>
+
+<p>The first Balkan War had led to the collapse of Turkey
+and thus to a defeat for our policy, which had been
+identified with Turkey for a number of years. Since
+Turkey in Europe could no longer be saved, there were
+two ways in which we could deal with the inheritance:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span>
+either we could declare our complete disinterestedness
+with regard to the frontier delimitations and leave the
+Balkan Powers to settle them, or we could support our
+"Allies" and carry on a Triple Alliance policy in the
+Near East, thus giving up the r&#244;le of mediator.</p>
+
+<p>From the very beginning I advocated the former
+course, but the Foreign Office emphatically favoured the
+latter.</p>
+
+<p>The vital point was the Albanian question. Our Allies
+desired the establishment of an independent Albanian
+state, as the Austrians did not want the Serbs to obtain
+access to the Adriatic, and the Italians did not want the
+Greeks to get to Valona or even to the north of Corfu.
+As opposed to this, Russia, as is known, was backing
+Serbia's wishes and France those of Greece.</p>
+
+<p>My advice was to treat this question as outside the
+scope of the Alliance, and to support neither the Austrian
+nor the Italian claims. Without our aid it would have
+been impossible to set up an independent Albania, which,
+as anyone could foresee, had no prospect of surviving;
+Serbia would have extended to the sea, and the present
+world-war would have been avoided. France and Italy
+would have quarrelled over Greece, and if the Italians
+had not wanted to fight France unaided they would have
+been compelled to acquiesce in Greece's expansion to
+the north of Durazzo. The greater part of Albania is
+Hellenic. The towns in the south are entirely so; and
+during the Conference of Ambassadors delegations from
+principal towns arrived in London to obtain annexation
+to Greece. Even in present-day Greece there are Albanian
+elements and the so-called Greek national dress
+is of Albanian origin. The inclusion of the Albanians,
+who are principally Orthodox and Moslem, in the body
+of the Greek state was therefore the best and most
+natural solution, if you left Scutari and the north to
+the Serbs and Montenegrins. For dynastic reasons H.M.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>
+was also in favour of this solution. When I supported
+this view in a letter to the monarch I received agitated
+reproaches from the Chancellor; he said that I had the
+reputation of being "an opponent of Austria," and I was
+to abstain from such interference and direct correspondence.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Near_East" id="The_Near_East"></a><span class="smcap">The Near East and the Policy of the Triple Alliance</span></h4>
+
+<p>We ought at last to have broken with the fatal tradition
+of pursuing a Triple Alliance policy in the Near East
+also, and have recognised our mistake, which lay in identifying
+ourselves in the south with the Turks and in the
+north with the Austro-Magyars. For the continuance of
+this policy, upon which we had entered at the Berlin
+Congress, and which we had actively pursued ever since,
+was bound to lead in time to a conflict with Russia and
+to the world-war, more especially if the requisite cleverness
+were lacking in high places. Instead of coming
+to terms with Russia on a basis of the independence of
+the Sultan, whom even Petrograd did not wish to eject
+from Constantinople, and of confining ourselves to our
+economic interests in the Near East and to the partitioning
+of Asia Minor into spheres of influence while renouncing
+any intention of military or political interference,
+it was our political ambition to dominate on the
+Bosphorus. In Russia they began to think that the road
+to Constantinople and the Mediterranean lay <i>via</i> Berlin.
+Instead of supporting the active development of the Balkan
+States&mdash;which, once liberated, are anything rather
+than Russian, and with which our experiences had been
+very satisfactory&mdash;we took sides with the Turkish and
+Magyar oppressors.</p>
+
+<p>The fatal mistake of our Triple Alliance and Near
+East policy&mdash;which had forced Russia, our natural best<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span>
+friend and neighbour, into the arms of France and England
+and away from its policy of Asiatic expansion&mdash;was
+the more apparent, as a Franco-Russian attack,
+which was the <i>sole</i> hypothesis that justified a Triple
+Alliance policy, could be left out of our calculations.</p>
+
+<p>The value of the Italian alliance needs no further reference.
+Italy will want our money and our tourists even
+after the war, with or without an alliance. That this
+latter would fail us in case of war was patent beforehand.
+Hence the alliance had <i>no value</i>. Austria needs
+our protection in war, as in peace, and has no other support.
+Her dependence on us is based on political, national,
+and economic considerations, and is the greater
+the more intimate our relations with Russia are. The
+Bosnian crisis taught us this. Since the days of Count
+Beust no Vienna Minister has adopted such a self-confident
+attitude towards us as Count Aehrenthal during
+the later years of his life. If German policy is conducted
+on right lines, cultivating relations with Russia,
+Austria-Hungary is our vassal and dependent on us,
+even without an alliance or recompense; if it is wrongly
+conducted, then we are dependent on Austria. Hence
+there was <i>no reason</i> for the alliance.</p>
+
+<p>I knew Austria too well not to be aware that a return
+to the policy of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg or Count
+Moritz Esterhazy was inconceivable there. Little as the
+Slavs there love us, just as little do they wish to return
+into a German Empire even with a Habsburg-Lorraine
+emperor at its head. They are striving for a federation
+in Austria on national lines, a state of things which
+would have even less chance of being realised within the
+German Empire than under the Double Eagle. The Germans
+of Austria, however, acknowledge Berlin as the
+centre of German Might and Culture, and are well aware
+that Austria can never again be the leading Power.
+They wish for as intimate a connection with the German<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>
+Empire as possible, not for an anti-German policy.</p>
+
+<p>Since the 'seventies the position has fundamentally
+changed in Austria, as in Bavaria. As, in the latter, a
+return to Great German separatism and old Bavarian
+policy is not to be feared, so with the former a resuscitation
+of the policy of Prince Kaunitz and Schwarzenberg
+was not to be expected. By a federation with Austria,
+however, which resembles a big Belgium, since its
+population, even without Galicia and Dalmatia, is only
+about half Germanic, our interests would suffer as
+much as if we subordinated our policy to the views of
+Vienna or Budapest&mdash;thus espousing Austria's quarrels
+("<i>d'&#233;pouser les querelles d'Autriche</i>").</p>
+
+<p>Hence we were not obliged to take any notice of the
+desires of our ally; they were not only unnecessary but
+also dangerous, as they would lead to a conflict with
+Russia if we looked at Oriental questions through Austrian
+spectacles.</p>
+
+<p>The development of the alliance, from a union formed
+on a single hypothesis for a single specific purpose, into
+a general and unlimited association, a pooling of interests
+in all spheres, was the best way of producing that
+which diplomacy was designed to prevent&mdash;war. Such
+an "alliance policy" was also calculated to alienate from
+us the sympathies of the strong, young, rising communities
+in the Balkans, who were prepared to turn to us
+and to open their markets to us.</p>
+
+<p>The difference between the power of a Ruling House
+and a National State, between dynastic and democratic
+ideas of government, had to be decided, and as usual
+we were on the wrong side.</p>
+
+<p>King Carol told one of our representatives that he had
+entered into the alliance with us on the assumption that
+we retained the leadership; but if this passed to Austria,
+that would alter the foundations of the relationship, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>
+under such circumstances he would not be able to go on
+with it.</p>
+
+<p>Things were similar in Serbia, where, contrary to our
+own economic interests, we were supporting the Austrian
+policy of strangulation.</p>
+
+<p>Every time we have backed the wrong horse, whose
+breakdown could have been foreseen: Kr&#252;ger, Abdul
+Aziz, Abdul Hamid, Wilhelm of Wied, ending&mdash;the most
+fatal of all mistakes&mdash;with the great plunge on the Berchtold
+stable.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Conference_of_Ambassadors" id="The_Conference_of_Ambassadors"></a><span class="smcap">The Conference of Ambassadors</span></h4>
+
+<p>Shortly after my arrival in London, at the end of 1912,
+Sir E. Grey proposed an informal conversation to prevent
+the Balkan War developing into a European one,
+after we had unfortunately refused, on the outbreak
+of the war, to agree to the French proposal of a declaration
+of disinterestedness. The British statesman
+from the very beginning took up the position that England
+had no interest in Albania, and had no intention
+of going to war over this question. He merely wished
+to mediate between the two groups as an "honest broker"
+and smooth over difficulties. He therefore by no means
+took sides with the Entente, and during the eight months
+or so of the negotiations his goodwill and his authoritative
+influence contributed in no small degree to the
+attainment of an agreement. We, instead of adopting
+an attitude similar to the English one, invariably took
+up the position which was prescribed for us by Vienna.
+Count Mensdorff was the leader of the Triple Alliance
+in London; I was his "second." It was my duty to
+support his proposals. That clever and experienced man
+Count Sz&#246;gyenyi was conducting affairs in Berlin. His
+refrain was "Then the <i>casus f&#339;deris</i> will arise," and
+when I once ventured to doubt the truth of this conclusion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>
+I was severely reprimanded for "Austrophobia."
+It was also said that I had an "hereditary weakness"&mdash;the
+allusion being to my father.</p>
+
+<p>On all questions we took sides with Austria and Italy&mdash;about
+Albania, a Serbian port on the Adriatic, Scutari,
+and also about the delimitation of the frontiers of
+Albania&mdash;while Sir E. Grey hardly ever supported the
+French or Russian claims. He mostly supported our
+group in order not to give a pretext like the one a dead
+Archduke was to furnish later on. Thus with his assistance
+it was possible to coax King Nikita out of
+Scutari again. Otherwise this question would already
+have led to a world-war, as we should certainly not have
+ventured to induce "our ally" to give way.</p>
+
+<p>Sir E. Grey conducted the negotiations with circumspection,
+calm, and tact. When a question threatened to
+become involved, he sketched a formula for agreement
+which was to the point and was always accepted. His
+personality inspired equal confidence in all the participants.</p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact we had again successfully emerged
+from one of those trials of strength which characterise
+our policy. Russia had been obliged to give way to us
+on all points, as she was never in a position to procure
+success for the Serbian aims. Albania was established
+as a vassal state of Austria and Serbia was pressed
+back from the sea. Hence this conference resulted in a
+fresh humiliation for Russian self-esteem. As in 1878
+and in 1908, we had opposed the Russian plans although
+no <i>German</i> interests were involved. Bismarck was clever
+enough to mitigate the mistake of the Congress by the
+secret treaty and by his attitude in the Battenberg question;
+but we continued to pursue in London the dangerous
+path, upon which we had once more entered in the
+Bosnian question, nor did we leave it in time when it led
+to the precipice.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The ill-humour which prevailed in Russia at that time
+was shown during the conference by attacks in the Russian
+Press against my Russian colleague and Russian
+diplomacy. The dissatisfied circles made capital of his
+German descent and Roman Catholicism, his reputation
+as a friend of Germany, and the accident that he was
+related both to Count Mensdorff and to me. Without
+possessing a very distinguished personality, Count Benckendorff
+is endowed with a number of qualifications that
+distinguish a good diplomat&mdash;tact, polished manners, experience,
+courtesy, and a natural eye for men and matters.
+He was always at pains to avoid a brusque attitude,
+and was supported in this by England and France.</p>
+
+<p>Later I once remarked to him: "I presume that Russian
+feeling is very anti-German." He replied: "There
+are also very strong and influential pro-German circles,
+but in general people are anti-Austrian."</p>
+
+<p>It is hardly necessary to add that our "Austrophilie &#224;
+outrance" (friendship for Austria through thick and
+thin) was hardly calculated to loosen the Entente and to
+direct Russia towards her Asiatic interests!</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Balkan_Conference" id="The_Balkan_Conference"></a><span class="smcap">The Balkan Conference</span></h4>
+
+<p>At the same time the Balkan Conference was sitting
+in London and I had occasion to come into contact with
+the leaders of the Balkan States. M. Venizelos was certainly
+the most distinguished personality. At that time
+he was anything rather than anti-German, and visited
+me several times; he was especially fond of wearing the
+ribbon of the Order of the Red Eagle&mdash;he even wore it
+at the French Embassy. His prepossessing charm and
+ways of a man of the world secured him much sympathy.
+Next to him M. Daneff, at that time Bulgarian Premier
+and confidant of Count Berchtold, played a great part.
+He gave the impression of a subtle and energetic man,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
+and it is probably only due to the influence of his Vienna
+and Budapest friends, of whose homage he often made
+fun, that he was induced to commit the folly of entering
+upon the second Balkan War and of refusing Russian
+arbitration.</p>
+
+<p>M. Take Jonescu was also frequently in London and
+then visited me regularly. I knew him from the time
+when I was Secretary at Bucharest. He was also one
+of Herr von Kiderlen's friends. In London he was
+endeavouring to obtain concessions to Rumania from
+M. Daneff by means of negotiations, in which he was
+assisted by the very able Rumanian Ambassador Misu.
+It is known that Bulgarian opposition brought about
+the failure of these negotiations. Count Berchtold (and
+we of course with him) was entirely on Bulgaria's side,
+otherwise by putting pressure on M. Daneff we might
+have secured the desired satisfaction for Rumania and
+placed her under an obligation to us; she was finally
+estranged from the Central Powers by Austria's attitude
+during and after the second Balkan War.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Second_Balkan_War" id="The_Second_Balkan_War"></a><span class="smcap">The Second Balkan War</span></h4>
+
+<p>The defeat of Bulgaria in the second Balkan War
+and the victory of Serbia, with the Rumanian invasion,
+naturally constituted a humiliation for Austria. The
+plan to rectify this by an expedition against Serbia
+seems to have been evolved in Vienna soon after. The
+Italian revelations prove this, and it may be assumed
+that Marquis San Giuliano, who described the plan&mdash;most
+aptly&mdash;as a <i>pericolosissima aventura</i>, saved us from being
+involved in a world-war as early as the summer of 1913.</p>
+
+<p>Owing to the intimacy of Russo-Italian relations, the
+Vienna plan was doubtless known in Petrograd. In
+any case, M. Sazonow openly declared at Constanza,
+as M. Take Jonescu told me, that an Austrian attack on
+Serbia would be a <i>casus belli</i> for Russia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When one of my staff returned from leave in Vienna
+in the spring of 1914 he said that Herr von Tschirschky
+had declared that there would soon be war. As I, however,
+was always left in ignorance about important events
+I considered this pessimism to be unfounded.</p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact it would appear that, ever since
+the peace of Bucharest, Vienna was bent on securing
+a revision of the treaty by her own effort and was
+apparently only waiting for a favourable pretext. Vienna
+statesmen could, of course, depend on our support.
+They were aware of that, as they had been repeatedly
+accused of lack of firmness. In fact, Berlin was pressing
+for a "rehabilitation of Austria."</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Liman_Von_Sanders" id="Liman_Von_Sanders"></a><span class="smcap">Liman Von Sanders</span></h4>
+
+<p>When I returned to London in December, 1913, from
+a lengthy leave, the Liman von Sanders question had
+led to a fresh crisis in our relations with Russia. Sir
+E. Grey, not without concern, pointed out to me the
+excitement there was in Petrograd over it: "I have never
+seen them so excited."</p>
+
+<p>I received instructions from Berlin to request the Minister
+to exert a restraining influence in Petrograd, and
+to assist us in settling the dispute. Sir Edward gladly
+did this, and his intervention contributed in no small
+degree to smooth the matter over. My good relations
+with Sir Edward and his great influence in Petrograd
+were repeatedly made use of in similar manner when we
+wished to attain anything there, as our representative
+proved himself quite useless for such a purpose.</p>
+
+<p>During the fateful days of July, 1914, Sir Edward
+said to me: "When you want to obtain anything in
+Petrograd you always apply to me, but if I appeal to you
+for your influence in Vienna you fail me."</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Colonial_Treaty" id="The_Colonial_Treaty"></a><span class="smcap">The Colonial Treaty</span></h4>
+
+<p>The good and confidential relations which I had succeeded
+in establishing, not only with society and the
+most influential people like Sir E. Grey and Mr. Asquith,
+but also with the great public at public dinners, produced
+a marked improvement in the relations of the two
+countries. Sir Edward honestly tried to confirm this
+<i>rapprochement</i>, and his intentions were most apparent on
+two questions&mdash;the Colonial and the Bagdad Railway
+Treaties.</p>
+
+<p>In 1898 Count Hatzfeld and Mr. Balfour had signed a
+secret agreement dividing the Portuguese colonies into
+economic spheres of influence between us and England.
+As the Government of Portugal had neither the power
+nor the means to open up her extended possessions or to
+administer them properly, she had already thought of
+selling them before and thus relieving her financial burdens.
+An agreement had been come to between us and
+England which defined the interests of both parties, and
+which was of the greater value because Portugal is entirely
+dependent on England, as is generally known.</p>
+
+<p>On the face of it this agreement was to safeguard
+the integrity and independence of the Portuguese State,
+and merely declared the intention of being of financial
+and economic assistance to the Portuguese. Literally,
+therefore, it did not contravene the ancient Anglo-Portuguese
+Alliance of the fifteenth century, which was last
+renewed under Charles II. and gave a reciprocal territorial
+guarantee.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of this, owing to the endeavours of Marquis
+Soveral, who was presumably aware of the Anglo-German
+agreement, a new treaty&mdash;the so-called Treaty of
+Windsor&mdash;was concluded between England and Portugal
+in 1899, confirming the old agreements, which had always
+remained in force.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The object of negotiations between us and England,
+which had commenced before my arrival, was to amend
+and improve our agreement of 1898, as it had proved
+unsatisfactory on several points as regards geographical
+delimitation. Thanks to the accommodating attitude of
+the British Government I succeeded in making the new
+agreement fully accord with our wishes and interests.
+The whole of Angola up to the 20th degree of longitude
+was assigned to us, so that we stretched up to the Congo
+State from the south; we also acquired the valuable
+islands of San Thom&#233; and Principe, which are north of
+the Equator and therefore really in the French sphere of
+influence, a fact which caused my French colleague to
+enter strong but unavailing protests.</p>
+
+<p>Further, we obtained the northern part of Mozambique;
+the Licango formed the border.</p>
+
+<p>The British Government showed the greatest consideration
+for our interests and wishes. Sir E. Grey intended
+to demonstrate his goodwill towards us, but he
+also wished to assist our colonial development as a
+whole, as England hoped to divert the German development
+of strength from the North Sea and Western
+Europe to the Ocean and to Africa. "We don't want
+to grudge Germany her colonial development," a member
+of the Cabinet said to me.</p>
+
+<p>The British Government originally intended to include
+the Congo State in the agreement, which would have
+given us the right of pre-emption and enabled us to
+penetrate it economically. We refused this offer nominally
+in view of Belgian susceptibilities. Perhaps we
+wished to be economical of successes? With regard also
+to the practical realisation of its real though unexpressed
+intention&mdash;the later actual partition of the Portuguese
+colonies&mdash;the treaty in its new form showed marked improvements
+and advantages as compared with the old
+one. Cases had been specified which empowered us to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>
+take steps to guard our interests in the districts assigned
+to us. These were couched in such a manner
+that it was really left to us to decide when "vital" interests
+arose, so that, with Portugal entirely dependent on
+England, it was only necessary to cultivate further good
+relations with England in order to carry out our joint
+intentions at a later date with English assent.</p>
+
+<p>Sir E. Grey showed the sincerity of the British Government's
+desire to respect our rights by referring to us
+Englishmen who wished to invest capital and asked for
+the support of the British Government in the districts
+assigned to us by the new agreement, even before this
+was completed and signed, and by informing them that
+their enterprise belonged to our sphere of influence.</p>
+
+<p>The agreement was practically completed at the time
+of the King's visit to Berlin in May, 1913. At that
+time a conference took place in Berlin under the presidency
+of the Imperial Chancellor; in this conference I
+also took part, and certain further wishes of ours were
+defined. On my return to London I succeeded, with the
+assistance of Councillor of Legation von K&#252;hlmann, who
+was working at the agreement with Mr. Parker, in having
+our last proposals incorporated, so that the whole agreement
+could be paragraphed by Sir E. Grey and by me
+in August, 1913, before I went on leave.</p>
+
+<p>But now fresh difficulties arose which prevented its
+being signed, and I did not obtain the authorisation to
+conclude it till a year later&mdash;that is, shortly before the
+outbreak of the war. It was, however, never signed.</p>
+
+<p>Sir E. Grey was only willing to sign <i>if the agreement
+were published together with those of 1898 and 1899</i>.
+England had, as he said, no other secret treaties besides
+these, and it was contrary to established principles to
+keep binding agreements secret. Therefore he could not
+make any agreement without publishing it. He was,
+however, willing to accede to our wishes with regard to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span>
+the time and manner of publication, provided that such
+publication took place within one year from the date of
+signature.</p>
+
+<p>At our Foreign Office, where my London successes had
+caused increasing dissatisfaction, and where an influential
+personage, who acted the part of Herr von Holstein,
+wanted the London post for himself, I was informed that
+the publication would endanger our interests in the colonies,
+as the Portuguese would then not give us any more
+concessions.</p>
+
+<p>The futility of this objection is apparent from the consideration
+that the Portuguese, in view of the closeness
+of Anglo-Portuguese relations, were most probably just
+as well aware of the old agreement as of our new arrangements,
+and that the influence which England possesses
+at Lisbon renders their Government completely impotent
+in face of an Anglo-German agreement.</p>
+
+<p>Another pretext had therefore to be found for wrecking
+the treaty. It was suggested that the publication of
+the Treaty of Windsor, which had been concluded during
+the time of Prince Hohenlohe&mdash;though it was only a
+renewal of the Treaty of Charles II., which had always
+remained in force&mdash;might endanger the position of Herr
+von Bethmann Hollweg, as a proof of British hypocrisy
+and perfidy!</p>
+
+<p>I pointed out that the preamble of our agreement expressed
+the same thing as the Treaty of Windsor and as
+other similar treaties, namely, that we would protect the
+sovereign rights of Portugal and the inviolability of its
+possessions. In vain! In spite of repeated discussions
+with Sir E. Grey, at which he made many fresh suggestions
+for the publication, the Foreign Office persisted
+in its attitude, and finally arranged with Sir E. Goschen
+that matters should be left as they were!</p>
+
+<p>The treaty, which offered us extraordinary advantages,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>
+the result of more than a year's work, was thus dropped
+because it would have been a public success for me.</p>
+
+<p>When I mentioned the subject to Mr. Harcourt at a
+dinner at the Embassy in the spring of 1914, the Minister
+for the Colonies told me that he was placed in a difficult
+position, and did not know how to act. The present
+position was intolerable&mdash;he wished to safeguard our interests,
+but was in doubt whether he should proceed on
+the terms of the old or the new treaty. It was therefore
+urgently desirable to clear up the situation and to settle
+the matter, which had dragged on for such a long time.</p>
+
+<p>In reply to a dispatch in this sense I received instructions
+couched in terms which showed more emotion than
+civility, telling me to abstain from any further interference
+in the matter.</p>
+
+<p>I now regret that I did not immediately travel to Berlin
+and place my post at the disposal of the monarch, and
+that I had not lost faith in the possibility of arriving at
+an understanding with those in authority, a sinister mistake
+which was to take its revenge a few months later
+in such a tragical way.</p>
+
+<p>However little I even then enjoyed the goodwill of the
+highest official of the Empire, as he feared that I was
+aspiring to his post, yet I must in justice to him say
+that during our last interview before the outbreak of
+war, at the end of June, 1914, to which I will refer later,
+he gave me his assent for the signature and publication
+of the treaty. In spite of this it required repeated applications
+on my part, which were supported by Herr
+Dr. Solf in Berlin, before sanction was finally obtained
+at the end of July, 1914. As the Serbian crisis at that
+time already imperilled the peace of Europe, the completion
+of the treaty had to be postponed. It also is one
+of the sacrifices of this war.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Bagdad_Treaty" id="The_Bagdad_Treaty"></a><span class="smcap">The Bagdad Treaty</span></h4>
+
+<p>At the same time I was negotiating in London, with
+the able support of Herr von K&#252;hlmann, about the so-called
+Bagdad Treaty. The real object of this was to
+divide up Asia Minor into spheres of influence, although
+this term was anxiously avoided in view of the rights
+of the Sultan. Sir E. Grey also repeatedly stated that
+there were in existence no agreements with France and
+Russia about the partition of Asia Minor.</p>
+
+<p>In consultation with a Turkish representative, Hakki
+Pasha, all economic questions concerning German undertakings
+were settled in the main according to the wishes
+of the Deutsche Bank. The most important concession
+Sir E. Grey made to me personally was the continuation
+of the railway as far as Basra. We had dropped this
+point in favour of the connection to Alexandretta; up to
+that time Bagdad had been the terminal point of the
+railway. An international commission was to regulate
+navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab. We were also to have
+a share in the harbour works at Basra, and received
+rights for the navigation of the Tigris, which hitherto
+had been a monopoly of the firm of Lynch.</p>
+
+<p>By this treaty the whole of Mesopotamia as far as
+Basra was included within our sphere of influence (without
+prejudice to already existing British navigation rights
+on the Tigris and the rights of the Wilcox irrigation
+works), as well as the whole district of the Bagdad and
+Anatolian railway.</p>
+
+<p>The coast of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin
+railway were recognised as the British economic sphere,
+Syria as the French, and Armenia as the Russian. If
+both treaties were executed and published, an agreement
+with England would be reached which would preclude
+all doubts about the possibility of an "Anglo-German
+co-operation."</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Question_of_the_Navy" id="The_Question_of_the_Navy"></a><span class="smcap">The Question of the Navy</span></h4>
+
+<p>The Naval question was and is the most delicate of
+all. It is not always regarded rightly.</p>
+
+<p>The creation of a powerful fleet on the other side of
+the North Sea&mdash;the development of the greatest military
+power of the Continent into the greatest naval power as
+well&mdash;was bound to be felt in England as at least "inconvenient."
+There can be no doubt about this in any
+reasonable view. In order to maintain her advantage
+and not to become dependent, in order to secure the
+rule over the seas which is necessary for her if she
+is not to starve, she was compelled to undertake armaments
+and expenditure which weighed heavily on the tax-payer.
+England's international position would be threatened,
+however, if our policy created the belief that warlike
+developments might ensue&mdash;a state of affairs which
+had almost been reached during the time of the Morocco
+crises and the Bosnian problem.</p>
+
+<p>Great Britain had become reconciled to our fleet <i>within
+its then appointed limits</i>, but it was certainly not welcome,
+and was one of the causes&mdash;though not the only
+cause and perhaps not the most important&mdash;of her adhesion
+to France and Russia; but on account of the fleet
+<i>alone</i> England would not have drawn the sword any
+more than on account of our trade, which has been alleged
+to have produced jealousy and finally war.</p>
+
+<p>From the very beginning I maintained that, <i>notwithstanding</i>
+the fleet, it would be possible to arrive at a
+friendly understanding and <i>rapprochement</i> if we did not
+introduce a new Navy Bill and <i>our policy were indubitably
+pacific</i>. I also avoided mention of the fleet and the
+word never passed between Sir E. Grey and me. On
+one occasion Sir E. Grey said at a meeting of the Cabinet,
+"The present German Ambassador has never mentioned
+the fleet to me."</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>During my tenure of office Mr. Churchill, then First
+Lord of the Admiralty, proposed, as is known, the so-called
+"Naval holiday" and suggested for financial reasons,
+and probably also to meet the pacific wishes of his
+party, a year's pause in armaments. Officially Sir E.
+Grey did not support the proposal; he never mentioned
+it to me, but Mr. Churchill repeatedly spoke to
+me about it.</p>
+
+<p>I am convinced that his suggestion was honest, as prevarication
+is altogether foreign to English nature. It
+would have been a great success for Mr. Churchill if
+he could have come before the country with reductions
+of expenditure and freed it from the nightmare of armaments
+that weighed on the people.</p>
+
+<p>I replied that for technical reasons it would be difficult
+to agree to his plan. What was to become of the
+workmen who were engaged for this purpose, and what
+of the technical staff? Our Naval programme had been
+decided on, and it would be difficult to alter it in any
+way. On the other hand we had no intention of exceeding
+it. But he reverted to it again and pointed out that
+the sums used for enormous armaments might better
+be employed for other and useful purposes. I replied
+that this expenditure too benefited our home industries.</p>
+
+<p>Through interviews with Sit W. Tyrrell, Sir E. Grey's
+principal private secretary, I managed to have the question
+removed from the agenda without causing any ill-feeling,
+although it was again referred to in Parliament,
+and to prevent any official proposal being made. It was,
+however, a pet idea of Mr. Churchill's and the Government's,
+and I think that by entering upon his plan and
+the formula 16:10 for battleships we might have given
+tangible proof of our goodwill, and strengthened and
+encouraged the tendency (which already prevailed in the
+Government) to enter into closer relations with us.</p>
+
+<p>But, as I have said, it was possible to arrive at an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span>
+understanding <i>in spite of the fleet</i> and without a "Naval
+holiday." I had always regarded my mission from this
+point of view, and I had also succeeded in realising my
+plans when the outbreak of war destroyed everything I
+had achieved.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Commercial_Jealousy" id="Commercial_Jealousy"></a><span class="smcap">Commercial Jealousy</span></h4>
+
+<p>The "commercial jealousy," about which we hear so
+much, is based on a wrong conception of the circumstances.
+Certainly Germany's rise as a commercial power
+after the war of 1870 and during the following decades
+was a menace to British commercial circles which, with
+their industries and export-houses, had held a virtual
+monopoly of trade. The increasing commerce with Germany,
+which was the leading country in Europe as regards
+British exports&mdash;a fact to which I invariably referred
+in my public speeches&mdash;had, however, given rise
+to the wish to maintain friendly relations with their
+best customer and business friend, and had driven all
+other considerations into the background.</p>
+
+<p>The Briton is matter-of-fact&mdash;he takes things as they
+are and does not tilt against windmills. Notably in commercial
+circles I encountered the most friendly spirit
+and the endeavour to further our common economic interests.
+As a matter of fact nobody in them took any
+interest in the Russian, Italian, Austrian, or even in the
+French representative, in spite of his striking personality
+and his political successes. Only the German and American
+Ambassadors attracted public attention.</p>
+
+<p>In order to get into touch with important commercial
+circles, I accepted invitations from the United Chambers
+of Commerce, and from the London and Bradford Chamber,
+and was the guest of the cities of Newcastle and
+Liverpool. I was well received everywhere; Manchester,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>
+Glasgow, and Edinburgh had also invited me, and I intended
+to go there later.</p>
+
+<p>People who did not understand British conditions and
+did not realise the importance of "public dinners," also
+people to whom my successes were unwelcome, reproached
+me with having done harm with my speeches.
+I believe on the contrary that by appearing in public and
+emphasising common commercial interests I contributed
+in no small measure to the improvement of relations,
+quite apart from the fact that it would have been clumsy
+and churlish to refuse all invitations.</p>
+
+<p>In all other circles I also met with the most friendly
+reception and hearty co-operation&mdash;at Court, in society,
+and from the Government.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Court_and_Society" id="The_Court_and_Society"></a><span class="smcap">The Court and Society</span></h4>
+
+<p>The King, although not a genius, is a simple and well-meaning
+man with sound common sense; he demonstrated
+his goodwill towards me and was frankly desirous of
+furthering my task. Although the British Constitution
+leaves only very limited powers to the Crown, yet the
+monarch, in virtue of his position, can exercise a considerable
+influence on opinion both in society and in the
+Government. The Crown is the apex of the social pyramid;
+it sets the fashion. Society, which is principally
+Unionist (Conservative), has always taken an active
+interest in politics a habit which the ladies share. It is
+represented in the House of Lords, the House of Commons,
+and hence also in the Cabinet. An Englishman
+either is a member of society, or he would like to be
+one. It is his constant endeavour to be a "Gentleman,"
+and even people of undistinguished origin, like Mr. Asquith,
+delight to mingle in society and the company of
+beautiful and fashionable women.</p>
+
+<p>The British gentlemen of both parties have the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span>
+education, go to the same colleges and universities, have
+the same recreations&mdash;golf, cricket, lawn-tennis, or polo.
+All have played cricket and football in their youth; they
+have the same habits of life, and spend the week-end in
+the country. There is no social cleavage between the
+parties, but only a political one; in recent years it has
+so far developed into a social cleavage that the politicians
+of the two camps avoid social intercourse with one
+another. Even on the neutral territory of an Embassy
+one did not venture to mingle the two parties, as since
+the Veto and Home Rule Bills the Unionists have ostracised
+the Radicals. When the King and Queen dined
+with us a few months after my arrival, Lord Londonderry
+left the house after dinner, as he did not wish to
+remain together with Sir E. Grey. But it is not a difference
+of caste or education as in France; they are not
+two separate worlds, but the same world, and the opinion
+about a foreigner is a common one, and not without
+influence on his political position, whether Mr. Asquith
+be governing or Lord Lansdowne.</p>
+
+<p>There has been no difference of caste in England since
+the time of the Stuarts, and since the Guelphs and Whig
+oligarchy, in contrast to the Tory landed gentry encouraged
+the rise of an urban middle-class. It is rather
+a difference of political opinions about questions of constitutional
+law and taxation. Especially aristocrats like
+Grey, Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, who joined the people's
+party&mdash;the Radicals&mdash;were most hated by the Unionist
+aristocracy; one never met any of these gentlemen
+at any of the great aristocratic houses, except at
+those of a few party friends.</p>
+
+<p>We were received in London with open arms and
+both parties rivalled one another in courtesy towards us.
+In view of the close relationship between politics and
+society in England, it would be wrong to undervalue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span>
+social relations, even when the majority of the upper ten
+thousand are in opposition to the Government.</p>
+
+<p>There is not the same <a name="unbridgeable" id="unbridgeable">unbridgeable</a> gulf between Mr.
+Asquith and the Duke of Devonshire that there is between,
+say, M. Briand and the Due de Doudeauville.
+Certainly they do not consort together in times of great
+tension; they belong to two separate social groups, but
+these are parts of the <i>same</i> society, though of different
+grades, the centre of which is the Court. They have
+common friends and habits of life; mostly they have
+known each other from their youth up and also are
+frequently related to one another either by blood or
+marriage.</p>
+
+<p>Phenomena like Mr. Lloyd George&mdash;the man of the
+people, petty attorney, and self-made man&mdash;are the exception.
+Even Mr. Burns, the Socialist Labour leader,
+and self-educated man, sought contact with society. In
+view of the prevailing attempt to rank as a gentleman,
+whose unattained prototype is still the great aristocrat,
+the value of the verdict of society and its attitude must
+not be underestimated.</p>
+
+<p>Hence the social adaptability of a representative nowhere
+plays a greater r&#244;le than in England. A hospitable
+house with pleasant hosts is worth more than the most
+profound scientific knowledge; a savant with provincial
+manners and small means would gain no influence, in
+spite of all his learning.</p>
+
+<p>The Briton loathes a bore, a schemer, and a prig;
+he likes a good fellow.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Sir_Edward_Grey" id="Sir_Edward_Grey"></a><span class="smcap">Sir Edward Grey</span></h4>
+
+<p>Sir Edward Grey's influence in all matters of foreign
+policy was almost unlimited. On important occasions he
+used indeed to say, "I must first bring it before the Cabinet";
+but this always agreed to his views. His authority<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>
+was undisputed. Although he does not know foreign
+countries at all, and had never left England except for
+a short visit to Paris, he was fully conversant with all
+the important questions owing to his long parliamentary
+experience and his natural insight. He understands
+French, but does not speak it. He was returned to
+Parliament as a young man, and soon began to interest
+himself in foreign affairs. Under Lord Rosebery he
+was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and
+became Secretary of State in 1906, under Mr. Campbell-Bannerman;
+he has now held the post for some ten
+years.</p>
+
+<p>The scion of an old north country family, which had
+already furnished Grey, the well-known statesman, he
+joined the left wing of his party and sympathised with
+Socialists and pacifists. You may call him a Socialist
+in the ideal sense, as he carries the theory into his
+private life and lives very simply and unpretentiously,
+although he has extensive means. Ostentation is foreign
+to him. In London he only had a small house, and
+never gave dinners, except the one official dinner at the
+Foreign Office on the King's Birthday. On the few occasions
+when he entertained guests it was at a simple
+dinner or lunch with maidservants to wait. Also he
+avoided large functions and banquets.</p>
+
+<p>Like his colleagues, he regularly spends his week-ends
+in the country, but not with large or fashionable parties.
+He is mostly by himself in his cottage in the New Forest,
+where he takes long walks to study birds and their
+ways, as he is a passionate lover of nature and an
+ornithologist. Or sometimes he goes to his estate in
+the north, where he feeds the squirrels that come in
+at the windows, and breeds different species of waterfowl.</p>
+
+<p>He was very fond of going to the Norfolk marshes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>
+to watch in their breeding season the rare kinds of
+herons, which nest only there.</p>
+
+<p>In his youth he was a well-known cricket and racquet
+player; now his favourite pastime is salmon and trout-fishing
+in Scottish rivers in company with his friend
+Lord Glenconner, Mr. Asquith's brother-in-law. "All the
+rest of the year I am looking forward to it." He has
+published a book on fishing.</p>
+
+<p>On one occasion, when we spent a week-end with him
+alone at Lord Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived
+on a bicycle and returned to his cottage about thirty
+miles distant in the same way.</p>
+
+<p>The simplicity and honesty of his ways secured him
+the esteem even of his opponents, who were to be found
+rather in the sphere of home affairs than of foreign
+policy. Lies and intrigue are equally repugnant to him.</p>
+
+<p>His wife, to whom he was devotedly attached and
+from whom he was inseparable, died in consequence of
+being thrown from a trap she was driving. As is generally
+known, one of his brothers was killed by a lion.</p>
+
+<p>Wordsworth is his favourite poet, and he could quote
+much of his poetry.</p>
+
+<p>The calm quiet of his British nature is not lacking in a
+sense of humour. Once when he was lunching with us
+and the children, and heard them talking German, he
+said, "I can't help thinking how clever these children
+are to talk German so well," and was pleased with his
+joke.</p>
+
+<p>This is a true picture of the man who is decried as
+"Liar-Grey" and instigator of the world-war.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Mr_Asquith" id="Mr_Asquith"></a><span class="smcap">Mr. Asquith</span></h4>
+
+<p>Mr. Asquith is a man of an entirely different stamp.
+A jovial <i>bon-vivant</i>, fond of the ladies, especially the
+young and pretty ones, he is partial to cheerful society<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span>
+and good cooking; and his zest for enjoyment is shared
+by his wife. Formerly a well-known barrister with a
+large income, and for a number of years in Parliament,
+then a Minister under Mr. Gladstone, a pacifist like his
+friend Grey, and favouring an understanding with Germany,
+he treated all questions with the cheery calm
+and assurance of an experienced man of business, whose
+good health and excellent nerves were steeled by devotion
+to the game of golf.</p>
+
+<p>His daughters were at school in Germany and spoke
+German fluently. In a short time we got on friendly
+terms with him and his family, and were his guests in
+his small country house on the Thames.</p>
+
+<p>Only on rare occasions did he concern himself with
+foreign politics, when important questions arose; then of
+course his decision was final. During the critical days
+of July Mrs. Asquith repeatedly came to us to warn
+us, and in the end she was quite distraught at the
+tragic turn of events. Mr. Asquith also, when I called
+on him on the 2nd August to make a last effort in the
+direction of expectant neutrality, was quite broken,
+though absolutely calm. Tears were coursing down his
+cheeks.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Nicolson" id="Nicolson"></a><span class="smcap">Nicolson</span></h4>
+
+<p>Sir A. Nicolson and Sir W. Tyrrell were the two
+most influential men at the Foreign Office after the Minister.
+The former was no friend of ours, but his attitude
+towards me was absolutely correct and courteous.
+Our personal relations were excellent. He too did not
+want war; but when we advanced against France, he
+no doubt worked in the direction of an immediate intervention.
+He was the confidant of my French colleague,
+with whom he was in constant touch; also he
+wished to relieve Lord Bertie in Paris.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Sir Arthur, who had been Ambassador at Petrograd,
+had concluded the treaty of 1907, which had enabled
+Russia again to turn her attention to the West and to
+the Near East.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Tyrrell" id="Tyrrell"></a><span class="smcap">Tyrrell</span></h4>
+
+<p>Sir W. Tyrrell, Sir Edward's private secretary, possessed
+far greater influence than the Permanent Under-Secretary.
+This highly intelligent man had been at school
+in Germany, and had then turned to diplomacy, but
+had only been abroad for a short time. At first he
+favoured the anti-German policy, which was then in
+fashion amongst the younger British diplomatists, but
+later he became a convinced advocate of an understanding.
+He influenced Sir E. Grey, with whom he
+was very intimate, in this direction. Since the outbreak
+of war he has left the Office and found a place in the
+Home Office, probably because of the criticisms passed
+on him for his Germanophil tendency.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Attitude_of_the_German_Foreign_Office" id="Attitude_of_the_German_Foreign_Office"></a><span class="smcap">Attitude of the German Foreign Office</span></h4>
+
+<p>Nothing can describe the rage of certain gentlemen at
+my London successes and the position which I had managed
+to make for myself in a short time. They devised
+vexatious instructions to render my office more difficult.
+I was left in complete ignorance of the most important
+matters, and was restricted to the communication
+of dull and unimportant reports. Secret agents' reports,
+on matters about which I could not learn without espionage
+and the necessary funds, were never available to
+me; and it was not till the last days of July, 1914, that
+I learnt, quite by chance, from the Naval Attach&#233; of the
+secret Anglo-French agreement concerning the co-operation
+of the two fleets in case of war. The knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>
+of other important events which had been known to the
+Office for a long time, like the correspondence between
+Grey and Cambon, was kept from me.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="In_Case_of_War" id="In_Case_of_War"></a><span class="smcap">In Case of War</span></h4>
+
+<p>Soon after my arrival I obtained the conviction that
+under <i>no</i> circumstances had we to fear a British attack
+or British support for any foreign attack, but that
+<i>under any circumstances England would protect the
+French</i>. I expressed this view in repeated dispatches,
+with minute proof and great emphasis, but did not obtain
+any credence, although Lord Haldane's refusal to assent
+to the neutrality formula and England's attitude during
+the Morocco crisis had been pretty obvious indications.
+In addition there were the secret agreements which I have
+referred to, and which were known to the Office.</p>
+
+<p>I always pointed out that in the event of a war between
+European Powers, England as a commercial state
+would suffer enormously, and would therefore do her
+best to prevent a conflict; but, on the other hand, she
+would never tolerate a weakening or annihilation of
+France; because of the necessity of maintaining the European
+balance of power and of preventing a German
+superiority of force. Lord Haldane had told me this
+shortly after my arrival, and all the leading people had
+expressed themselves in the same sense.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Serbian_Crisis" id="The_Serbian_Crisis"></a><span class="smcap">The Serbian Crisis</span></h4>
+
+<p>At the end of June I went to Kiel by command of
+the Emperor. A few weeks prior to this I had been
+made an honorary D.C.L. of Oxford, an honour which
+had not been conferred on any German Ambassador
+since Herr von Bunsen. On board the <i>Meteor</i> we learned
+of the death of the Archduke. H.M. regretted that his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>
+efforts to win him over to his way of thinking had thus
+been rendered vain. I do not know whether the plan
+of an active policy against Serbia had already been decided
+on at Konopischt.</p>
+
+<p>As I was not instructed about views and events in
+Vienna, I did not attach very great importance to this
+occurrence. Later on I could only remark that amongst
+Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed other
+sentiments. On board the <i>Meteor</i> there was also an Austrian
+guest of the Emperor's, Count Felix Thun. He
+had remained in his cabin all the time suffering from sea-sickness,
+in spite of the splendid weather; but on receiving
+the news he was well. The fright or joy had cured
+him.</p>
+
+<p>On my arrival in Berlin I saw the Chancellor and told
+him that I considered the state of our foreign relations
+very satisfactory, as we were on better terms with England
+than we had been for a long time, whilst in
+France also the government was in the hands of a pacifist
+Ministry.</p>
+
+<p>Herr von Bethmann Hollweg did not appear to share
+my optimism, and complained about Russian armaments.
+I sought to reassure him, emphasising the fact that Russia
+had no interest in attacking us, and that such an
+attack would never receive Anglo-French support, as
+both countries wanted peace. Thereupon I went to Dr.
+Zimmermann, who was acting for Herr von Jagow, and
+he told me that Russia was about to raise 900,000 additional
+troops. His language betrayed unmistakable annoyance
+with Russia, which was "everywhere in our
+way." There were also difficulties in economic policy.
+Of course, I was not told that General von Moltke was
+pressing for war; but I learned that Herr von Tschirschky
+had been reprimanded because he reported that he
+had counselled moderation towards Serbia in Vienna.</p>
+
+<p>On my return from Silesia to London I stopped only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span>
+a few hours in Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended
+to take steps against Serbia in order to put an
+end to an impossible situation.</p>
+
+<p>I regret that at the moment I underestimated the importance
+of the news. I thought that nothing would
+come of it this time either, and that matters could easily
+be settled, even if Russia became threatening. I now
+regret that I did not stay in Berlin and at once declare
+that I would not co-operate in a policy of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently I ascertained that, at the decisive conference
+at Potsdam on the 5th July, the Vienna enquiry
+received the unqualified assent of all the leading people,
+and with the rider that no harm would be done if a
+war with Russia should result. Thus it was expressed,
+at any rate, in the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff
+received in London. Soon afterwards Herr von
+Jagow was in Vienna to consult Count Berchtold about
+all these matters.</p>
+
+<p>At that time I received instructions to induce the British
+Press to adopt a friendly attitude should Austria
+administer the <i>coup de gr&#226;ce</i> to the "Great Serbia" movement,
+and to exert my personal influence to prevent public
+opinion from becoming inimical to Austria. If one
+remembered England's attitude during the annexation
+crisis, when public opinion showed sympathy for the
+Serbian rights in Bosnia, as well as her benevolent furtherance
+of national movements in the days of Lord
+Byron and Garibaldi, the probability that she would
+support the intended punitive expedition against the murderers
+of the prince happened so remote, that I found
+myself obliged to give an urgent warning. But I also
+warned them against the whole plan, which I characterised
+as adventurous and dangerous, and advised them to
+counsel the Austrians to <i>moderation</i>, as I did not believe
+that the conflict could be localised.</p>
+
+<p>Herr von Jagow replied to me that Russia was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span>
+ready; there would probably be some fuss, but the more
+firmly we took sides with Austria the more would Russia
+give way. As it was, Austria was accusing us of weakness
+and therefore we dare not leave her in the lurch.
+Public opinion in Russia, on the other hand, was becoming
+more and more anti-German, so we must just
+risk it.</p>
+
+<p>In view of this attitude, which, as I found later, was
+based on reports from Count Pourtal&#232;s that Russia would
+not move under any circumstances, and which caused us
+to spur Count Berchtold on to the utmost energy, I
+hoped for salvation through British mediation, as I knew
+that Sir E. Grey's great influence in Petrograd could
+be used in the direction of peace. I therefore availed
+myself of my friendly relations with the Minister to request
+him in confidence to advise moderation in Russia
+in case Austria, as seemed likely, demanded satisfaction
+from Serbia.</p>
+
+<p>At first the English Press preserved calm and was
+friendly to Austria, because the murder was generally
+condemned. But gradually more and more voices were
+heard insisting emphatically that, however much the
+crime merited punishment, its exploitation for political
+purposes could not be justified. Austria was strongly
+exhorted to use moderation.</p>
+
+<p>When the ultimatum was published, all the papers
+with the exception of the <i>Standard</i>&mdash;the ever-necessitous,
+which had apparently been bought by Austria&mdash;were
+unanimous in condemnation. The whole world, excepting
+Berlin and Vienna, realised that it meant war&mdash;indeed,
+"the world-war." The British Fleet, which happened
+to have assembled for a naval review, was not
+demobilised.</p>
+
+<p>My efforts were in the first place directed towards
+obtaining as conciliatory a reply from Serbia as was
+possible, since the attitude of the Russian Government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>
+left room for no doubts about the gravity of the situation.</p>
+
+<p>Serbia responded favourably to the British efforts, as
+M. Pasitch had really agreed to everything, excepting
+two points, about which, however, he declared his willingness
+to negotiate. If Russia and England had wanted
+the war, in order to attack us, a hint to Belgrade would
+have been enough, and the unprecedented Note would
+not have been answered.</p>
+
+<p>Sir E. Grey went through the Serbian reply with me,
+and pointed out the conciliatory attitude of the Government
+of Belgrade. Thereupon we discussed his proposal
+of mediation, which was to include a formula acceptable
+to both parties for clearing up the two points.
+His proposal was that a committee, consisting of M.
+Cambon, the Marquis Imperiali, and myself, should assemble
+under his presidency, and it would have been an
+easy matter for us to find an acceptable formula for the
+points at issue, which mainly concerned the collaboration
+of Austrian Imperial officials at the investigations in
+Belgrade. Given goodwill, everything could have been
+settled at one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance
+of the British proposal would have brought about a
+relaxation of the tension, and would have further improved
+our relations with England. I therefore strongly
+backed the proposal, on the ground that otherwise there
+was danger of the world-war, through which we stood
+to gain nothing and lose all; but in vain. It was derogatory
+to the dignity of Austria&mdash;we did not intend to
+interfere in Serbian matters&mdash;we left these to our ally.
+I was to work for "the localisation of the conflict."</p>
+
+<p>Needless to say a mere hint from Berlin would have
+decided Count Berchtold to content himself with a
+diplomatic success, and to accept the Serbian reply. This
+hint was not given; on the contrary they urged in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>
+direction of war. It would have been such a splendid
+success.</p>
+
+<p>After our refusal Sir Edward requested us to submit
+a proposal. We insisted on war. I could not obtain any
+reply but that Austria had shown an exceedingly "accommodating
+spirit" by not demanding an extension of
+territory.</p>
+
+<p>Sir Edward rightly pointed out that even without an
+extension of territory it is possible to reduce a state to
+a condition of vassalage, and that Russia would see a
+humiliation in this, and would not suffer it.</p>
+
+<p>The impression grew stronger and stronger that we
+wanted war under any circumstances. It was impossible
+to interpret our attitude, on a question which did not
+directly concern us, in any other way. The urgent requests
+and definite assurances of M. Sazonow, followed
+by the Czar's positively humble telegrams, the repeated
+proposals of Sir E. Grey, the warnings of the Marquis
+San Giuliano and Signor Bollati, my urgent counsels, all
+were of no avail. Berlin persisted; Serbia must be massacred.</p>
+
+<p>The more I pressed the less were they inclined to come
+round, if only that I might not have the success of
+averting war in conjunction with Sir Edward Grey.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, on the 29th, the latter decided on the famous
+warning. I replied that I had invariably reported that
+we should have to reckon with English opposition if it
+came to a war with France. Repeatedly the Minister
+said to me: "If war breaks out, it will be the greatest
+catastrophe the world has ever seen."</p>
+
+<p>After that, events followed each other rapidly. When
+at last Count Berchtold, who up till then had, at the
+behest of Berlin, played the strong man, decided to come
+round, we replied to the Russian mobilisation, after
+Russia had negotiated and waited for a whole week in
+vain, with the ultimatum and the declaration of war.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_English_Declaration_of_War" id="The_English_Declaration_of_War"></a><span class="smcap">The English Declaration of War</span></h4>
+
+<p>Sir Edward was still looking for new ways of avoiding
+the catastrophe. Sir W. Tyrrell called on me on the
+morning of the 1st August to tell me that his chief still
+hoped to find a way out. Would we remain neutral if
+France did? I understood that we should then agree to
+spare France, but he had meant that we should remain
+altogether neutral&mdash;towards Russia also. That was the
+well-known "misunderstanding." Sir Edward had asked
+me to call in the afternoon. As he was at a meeting of
+the Cabinet, he called me up on the telephone, Sir W.
+Tyrrell having hurried to him at once. In the afternoon,
+however, he talked only about Belgian neutrality and
+the possibility that we and France might face one another
+in arms without attacking.</p>
+
+<p>Thus this was not a proposal at all, but a question
+without any guarantee, as our interview, which I have
+mentioned before, was to take place soon afterwards.
+Berlin, however, without waiting for the interview, made
+this report the foundation for far-reaching measures.
+Then there came M. Poincar&#233;'s letter, Bonar Law's letter,
+King Albert's telegram. The waverers in the Cabinet&mdash;excepting
+three members who resigned&mdash;were converted.</p>
+
+<p>Till the very last moment I had hoped that England
+would adopt a waiting attitude. Nor did my French colleague
+feel at all confident, as I heard from a private
+source. Even on the 1st August the King had given
+the President an evasive reply. But England was already
+mentioned as an opponent in the telegram from Berlin
+announcing the imminent danger of war. Berlin was
+therefore already reckoning on war with England.</p>
+
+<p>Before my departure Sir E. Grey received me, on the
+5th, at his house. I had called at his request. He was
+deeply moved. He told me he would always be prepared<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>
+to mediate. "We don't want to crush Germany." Unfortunately
+this confidential interview was made public,
+and Herr von Bethmann Hollweg thus destroyed the last
+chance of gaining peace through England.</p>
+
+<p>The arrangements for our departure were perfectly
+dignified and calm. The King had previously sent his
+equerry, Sir E. Ponsonby, to express his regrets at my
+departure and that he could not see me himself. Princess
+Louise wrote to me that the whole family were sorry we
+were leaving. Mrs. Asquith and other friends came to
+the Embassy to take leave.</p>
+
+<p>A special train took us to Harwich, where a guard of
+honour was drawn up for me. I was treated like a departing
+Sovereign. Such was the end of my London mission.
+It was wrecked, not by the wiles of the British,
+but by the wiles of our policy.</p>
+
+<p>Count Mensdorff and his staff had come to the station
+in London. He was cheerful, and gave me to understand
+that perhaps he would remain there, but he told the
+English that we, and not Austria, had wanted the war.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Retrospect" id="Retrospect"></a><span class="smcap">Retrospect</span></h4>
+
+<p>Looking back after two years, I come to the conclusion
+that I realised too late that there was no room for me in
+a system that for years had lived on routine and traditions
+alone, and that only tolerated representatives who
+reported what their superiors wished to read. Absence
+of prejudice and an independent judgment are resented.
+Lack of ability and want of character are praised and
+esteemed, while successes meet with disfavour and excite
+alarm.</p>
+
+<p>I had given up my opposition to the insane Triple Alliance
+policy, as I realised that it was useless, and that
+my warnings were attributed to "Austrophobia," to my
+<i>id&#233;e fixe</i>. In politics, which are neither acrobatics nor a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>
+game, but the main business of the firm, there is no "phil"
+or "phobe," but only the interest of the community. A
+policy, however, that is based only on Austrians, Magyars,
+and Turks must come into conflict with Russia, and
+finally lead to a catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of former mistakes, all might still have been
+put right in July, 1914. An agreement with England
+had been arrived at. We ought to have sent a representative
+to Petrograd who was at least of average political
+capacity, and to have convinced Russia that we
+wished neither to control the straits nor to strangle Serbia.
+"<i>L&#226;chez l'Autriche et nous l&#226;cherons les Fran&#231;ais</i>"
+("Drop Austria and we will drop the French"), M.
+Sazonow said to us. And M. Cambon told Herr von
+Jagow, "<i>Vous n'avez pas besoin de suivre l'Autriche partout</i>"
+("You need not follow Austria everywhere").</p>
+
+<p>We wanted <i>neither wars nor alliances</i>; we wanted only
+treaties that would safeguard us and others, and secure
+our economic development, which was without its like in
+history. If Russia had been freed in the West, she could
+again turn to the East, and the Anglo-Russian rivalry
+would have been re-established automatically and without
+our intervention, and not less certainly also the Russo-Japanese.</p>
+
+<p>We could also have considered the question of the
+reduction of armaments, and need no longer have troubled
+ourselves about Austrian complications. Then Austria
+would have become the vassal of the German Empire,
+without any alliance&mdash;and especially without our seeking
+her good graces, a proceeding ultimately leading to war
+for the liberation of Poland and the destruction of Serbia,
+although German interest demanded the exact contrary.</p>
+
+<p>I had to support in London a policy the heresy of
+which I recognised. That brought down vengeance on
+me, because it was a sin against the Holy Ghost.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span></p>
+
+<h4><a name="My_Return" id="My_Return"></a><span class="smcap">My Return</span></h4>
+
+<p>As soon as I arrived in Berlin I saw that I was to be
+made the scapegoat for the catastrophe for which our
+Government had made itself responsible against my advice
+and warnings.</p>
+
+<p>The report was deliberately circulated in official quarters
+that I had allowed myself to be deceived by Sir E.
+Grey, because, if he had not wanted war, Russia would
+not have mobilised. Count Pourtal&#232;s, whose reports
+could be relied on, was to be protected, not least on account
+of his relationship. He had conducted himself
+"magnificently," he was praised enthusiastically, and I
+was blamed the more severely.</p>
+
+<p>"What does Serbia matter to Russia?" this statesman
+said to me after eight years in office at Petrograd. The
+whole thing was a British trick that I had not noticed.
+At the Foreign Office they told me that war would in
+any case have come in 1916. Then Russia would have
+been ready; therefore it was better now.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Question_of_Responsibility" id="The_Question_of_Responsibility"></a><span class="smcap">The Question of Responsibility</span></h4>
+
+<p>As is evident from all official publications&mdash;and this is
+not refuted by our White Book, which, owing to the poverty
+of its contents and to its omissions, is a gravely self-accusing
+document&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>1. We encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia,
+although German interests were not involved and the
+danger of a world-war must have been known to us.
+Whether we were aware of the wording of the Ultimatum
+is completely immaterial.</p>
+
+<p>2. During the time between the 23rd and 30th July,
+1914, when M. Sazonow emphatically declared that he
+would not tolerate any attack on Serbia, we rejected the
+British proposals of mediation, although Serbia, under<span class="pagenumbq"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>
+Russian and British pressure, had accepted almost the
+whole of the Ultimatum, and although an agreement
+about the two points at issue could easily have been
+reached, and Count Berchtold was even prepared to
+content himself with the Serbian reply.</p>
+
+<p>3. On the 30th July, when Count Berchtold wanted
+to come to terms, we sent an ultimatum to Petrograd
+merely because of the Russian mobilisation, although
+Austria had not been attacked; and on the 31st July
+we declared war on Russia, although the Czar pledged
+his word that he would not order a man to march as
+long as negotiations were proceeding&mdash;thus deliberately
+destroying the possibility of a peaceful settlement.</p></div>
+
+<p>In view of the above undeniable facts it is no wonder
+that the whole of the civilised world outside Germany
+places the entire responsibility for the world-war upon
+our shoulders.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="The_Enemy_Point_of_View" id="The_Enemy_Point_of_View"></a><span class="smcap">The Enemy Point of View</span></h4>
+
+<p>Is it not intelligible that our enemies should declare
+that they will not rest before a system is destroyed which
+is a constant menace to our neighbours? Must they not
+otherwise fear that in a few years' time they will again
+have to take up arms and again see their provinces overrun
+and their towns and villages destroyed? Have not
+they proved to be right who declared that the spirit of
+Treitschke and Bernhardi governed the German people,
+that spirit which glorified war as such, and did not loathe
+it as an evil, that with us the feudal knight and Junker,
+the warrior caste, still rule and form ideals and values,
+not the civilian gentleman; that the love of the duel which
+animates our academic youth still persists in those who
+control the destinies of the people? Did not the Zabern
+incident and the parliamentary discussions about it clearly
+demonstrate to foreign countries the value we place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>
+on the rights and liberties of the citizen if these collide
+with questions of military power?</p>
+
+<p>That intelligent historian Cramb, who has since died,
+an admirer of Germany, clothed the German conception
+in the words of Euphorion:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Dream ye of peace?<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a><br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dream he that will&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">War is the rallying cry!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Victory is the refrain.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Militarism, which by rights is an education for the
+people and an instrument of policy, turns policy into the
+instrument of military power when the patriarchal absolutism
+of the soldier-kingdom makes possible an attitude
+which a democracy, remote from military Junker
+influence, would never have permitted.</p>
+
+<p>So think our enemies, and so they must think when
+they see that, in spite of capitalistic industrialisation and
+in spite of socialist organisation, "the living are still
+ruled by the dead," as Friedrich Nietzsche says. The
+principal war aim of our enemies, the democratisation
+of Germany, will be realised!</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Bismarck" id="Bismarck"></a><span class="smcap">Bismarck</span></h4>
+
+<p>Bismarck, like Napoleon, loved conflict for itself. As
+a statesman he avoided fresh wars, the folly of which
+he recognised. He was content with bloodless battles.
+After he had, in rapid succession, vanquished Christian,
+Francis Joseph, and Napoleon, it was the turn of Arnim,
+Pius, and Augusta. That did not suffice him. Gortschakow,
+who thought himself the greater, had repeatedly
+annoyed him. The conflict was carried almost to the
+point of war&mdash;even by depriving him of his railway
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span>saloon. This gave rise to the miserable Triple Alliance.
+At last came the conflict with William, in which the
+mighty one was vanquished, as Napoleon was vanquished
+by Alexander.</p>
+
+<p>Political life-and-death unions only prosper if founded
+on a constitutional basis and not on an international
+one. They are all the more questionable if the partner
+is feeble. Bismarck never meant the Alliance to take
+this form.</p>
+
+<p>He always treated the English with forbearance; he
+knew that this was wiser. He always paid marked respect
+to the old Queen Victoria, despite his hatred of
+her daughter and of political Anglomania; the learned
+Beaconsfield and the worldly-wise Salisbury he courted;
+and even that strange Gladstone, whom he did not like,
+really had nothing to complain about.</p>
+
+<p>The Ultimatum to Serbia was the culminating point
+of the policy of the Berlin Congress, the Bosnian crisis,
+the Conference of London: but there was yet time to
+turn back.</p>
+
+<p>We were completely successful in achieving that which
+above all other things should have been avoided&mdash;the
+breach with Russia and England.</p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+
+<h4><a name="Our_Future" id="Our_Future"></a><span class="smcap">Our Future</span></h4>
+
+<p>After two years' fighting it is obvious that we dare not
+hope for an unconditional victory over the Russians,
+English, French, Italians, Rumanians, and Americans, or
+reckon on being able to wear our enemies down. But
+we can obtain a peace by compromise only by evacuating
+the occupied territory, the retention of which would
+in any event be a burden and cause of weakness to us,
+and would involve the menace of further wars. Therefore
+everything should be avoided which would make
+it more difficult for those enemy groups who might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>
+possibly still be won over to the idea of a peace by compromise
+to come to terms, viz., the British Radicals and
+the Russian Reactionaries. From this point of view
+alone the Polish scheme is to be condemned, as is also
+any infringement of Belgian rights, or the execution of
+British citizens&mdash;to say nothing of the insane U-boat
+plan.</p>
+
+<p>"Our future lies on the water." Quite right; therefore
+it is not in Poland and Belgium, in France and
+Serbia. This is a return to the days of the Holy Roman
+Empire and the mistakes of the Hohenstaufens and
+Habsburgs. It is the policy of the Plantagenets, not that
+of Drake and Raleigh, Nelson and Rhodes. The policy
+of the Triple Alliance is a return to the past, a turning
+aside from the future, from imperialism and a world-policy.
+"Middle Europe" belongs to the Middle Ages,
+Berlin-Bagdad is a blind alley and not the way into the
+open country, to unlimited possibilities, to the world-mission
+of the German nation.</p>
+
+<p>I am no enemy of Austria, or Hungary, or Italy, or
+Serbia, or any other state, but only of the Triple Alliance
+policy, which was bound to divert us from our
+aims and bring us onto the inclined plane of a Continental
+policy. It was not the German policy, but that
+of the Austrian Imperial House. The Austrians had
+come to regard the Alliance as an umbrella under the
+shelter of which they could make excursions to the Near
+East when they thought fit.</p>
+
+<p>And what must we expect as the result of this war of
+nations? The United States of Africa will be British,
+like those of America, Australia and Oceania. And the
+Latin states of Europe, as I predicted years ago, will
+enter into the same relations with the United Kingdom
+that their Latin sisters in America maintain with the
+United States. The Anglo-Saxon will dominate them.
+France, exhausted by the war, will only attach herself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span>
+still more closely to Great Britain. Nor will Spain
+continue to resist for long.</p>
+
+<p>And in Asia the Russians and the Japanese will spread
+and will carry their customs with their frontiers, and
+the South will remain to the British.</p>
+
+<p>The world will belong to the Anglo-Saxons, Russians,
+and Japanese, and the German will remain alone with
+Austria and Hungary. His rule will be that of thought
+and of commerce, not that of the bureaucrat and the
+soldier. He made his appearance too late, and his
+last chance of making good the past, that of founding
+a Colonial Empire, was annihilated by the world-war.</p>
+
+<p>For we shall not supplant the sons of Ichwe. Then
+will be realised the plan of the great Rhodes, who saw
+the salvation of humanity in the expansion of Britondom&mdash;in
+British Imperialism.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Hae tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere morem,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<h4>FOOTNOTE</h4>
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>&nbsp;
+The original has "war," presumably owing to a misprint.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Translator.</span></p></div></div>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
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+<i>Important Books of the Day</i><br />
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+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>THE CRIME</u> <span class="ex"><i>By a German. Author of "I Accuse!"</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>An arraignment in even more cogent form than "I Accuse!" of the
+rulers and governments of Germany and Austria. <span class="ex">Two vols. 8vo. Vol. I. Net, $2.50</span></p>
+
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+
+<p>A volume which is an invaluable library. An illuminating summary of
+the immense documentary literature of the war.<span class="ex">8vo. Net, $2.00</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>BELGIUM IN WAR TIME</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Commandant De Gerlache De Gomery</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p><small>Translated from the French Edition by Bernard Miall</small><br />
+The authoritative book essential to an understanding of the history, the
+position and the sufferings of the country that will not die, the title of
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+fire. <span class="ex">Illustrations, maps and facsimiles. 8vo. Net, $2.00</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME</u> <span class="ex"><i>By John Buchan</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Buchan's account is a clear and brilliant presentation of the whole
+vast manoeuver and its tactical and strategic development through all
+four stages."&mdash;Springfield <i>Republican</i>. <span class="ex">Illustrated. 12mo. Net, $1.50</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>THE LAND OF DEEPENING SHADOW</u> <span class="ex"><i>By D. Thomas Curtin</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>Revealing the Germany of <i>fact</i> in place of the Germany of <i>tradition</i>;
+telling the truth about Germany-in-the-third-year-of-the-war. <span class="ex">12mo. Net, $1.50</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>I ACCUSE! <small>(<span class="smcap">J'ACCUSE!</span>)</small></u> <span class="ex"><i>By a German</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>An arraignment of Germany by a German of the German War Party.
+Facts every neutral should know. <span class="ex">12mo. Net, $1.50</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>THE GERMAN TERROR IN FRANCE</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Arnold J. Toynbee</i></span><br />
+<u>THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Arnold J. Toynbee</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>"From the facts he places before his readers, it appears conclusive that
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+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>TRENCH PICTURES FROM FRANCE</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Major William Redmond, M.P.</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p><small>Biographical Introduction by Miss E. M. Smith-Dampier</small><br />
+A glowing book, filled with a deep love of Ireland, by one of the most
+attractive British figures of the war. <span class="ex">12mo. Net, $1.25</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>WOUNDED AND A PRISONER OF WAR</u> <span class="ex"><i>By an Exchanged Officer</i></span></b></p>
+
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+of the author make this thrilling book "the most damning indictment of
+Germany's inhumanity that has yet appeared." <span class="ex">12mo. Net, $1.25</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<p><b><u>MY HOME IN THE FIELD OF MERCY</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Frances Wilson Huard</i></span><br />
+<u>MY HOME IN THE FIELD OF HONOUR</u> <span class="ex"><i>By Frances Wilson Huard</i></span></b></p>
+
+<p>The simple, intimate, classic narrative which has taken rank as one of
+the few distinguished books produced since the outbreak of the war. <span class="ex">Illustrated. Each 12mo. Net, $1.35</span></p>
+
+<p><br /></p>
+<h3>&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY <small><i>Publishers</i></small> New York<br />
+<small>PUBLISHERS IN AMERICA FOR HODDER &amp; STOUGHTON</small><br />
+&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</h3>
+
+<p><br /><br /></p>
+
+<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Notes</b></p>
+
+<p>Original spelling and grammar retained with the following exceptions.</p>
+
+<p class="tn">
+Contents &nbsp;<a href="#Nicholson">"Nicholson"</a> changed to "Nicolson"<br />
+
+Page <a href="#outset">xi</a> "The attack made on him at the ouset of the war" changed to "The attack made
+        on him at the outset of the war"<br />
+
+Page  &nbsp;<a href="#Bagdad_Railway">4</a> "(Badgad Railway)" changed to "(Bagdad Railway)"<br />
+
+Page <a href="#unbridgeable">26</a> "There is not the same unbridgable gulf" changed to "There is not the same
+        unbridgeable gulf"</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of My Mission to London 1912-1914, by 
+Prince Lichnowsky
+
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+Project Gutenberg's My Mission to London 1912-1914, by Prince Lichnowsky
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: My Mission to London 1912-1914
+
+Author: Prince Lichnowsky
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2012 [EBook #39457]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY MISSION TO LONDON 1912-1914 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by James Wright and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Canada Team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
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+
+
+
+                  REVELATIONS OF THE LAST GERMAN
+                       AMBASSADOR IN ENGLAND
+
+                           MY MISSION TO
+                               LONDON
+
+                             1912-1914
+
+                                _By_
+                         PRINCE LICHNOWSKY
+
+                        _With a Preface by_
+                     PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY
+
+
+                NEW YORK: GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
+
+PRICE TEN CENTS
+
+
+
+
+                           MY MISSION TO
+                               LONDON
+
+                             1912-1914
+
+                                 BY
+
+                         PRINCE LICHNOWSKY
+
+                _Late German Ambassador in England_
+
+                         WITH A PREFACE BY
+                     PROFESSOR GILBERT MURRAY
+
+         _Author of "The Policy of Sir Edward Grey," etc._
+
+
+                              NEW YORK
+                      GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+                       WITH THE COMPLIMENTS
+                                OF
+
+                   PROFESSOR W. MACNEILE DIXON
+
+                     (UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW)
+
+
+Address:
+  8, BUCKINGHAM GATE,
+      LONDON, S. W., ONE,
+            ENGLAND.
+
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+
+The author of the following pages, Karl Max, Prince Lichnowsky, is a
+member of a family which holds estates both in German and Austrian
+Silesia, and has an hereditary seat in the Upper House of the Prussian
+Diet. The father of the present Prince and his predecessor in the title
+was a Prussian cavalry general, who, at the end of his life, sat for
+some years in the Reichstag as a member of the Free Conservative Party.
+
+His uncle, Prince Felix, was elected in 1848 to represent Ratibor in the
+German National Assembly at Frankfort-on-Main; he was an active member
+of the Conservative wing, and during the September rising, while riding
+with General Auerswald in the neighbourhood of the city, was attacked
+and murdered by the mob.
+
+The present Prince, after serving in the Prussian army, in which he
+holds the rank of Major, entered the diplomatic service. He was in 1885
+for a short time attached to the German Embassy in London, and
+afterwards became Councillor of Embassy in Vienna. From 1899 to 1904 he
+was employed in the German Foreign Office, and received the rank and
+title of Minister Plenipotentiary.
+
+In 1904 he retired to his Silesian estates, and, as he states, lived for
+eight years the life of a country gentleman, but read industriously and
+published occasional political articles. He himself recounts the
+circumstances in which he was appointed Ambassador in London on the
+death of Baron Marschall von Bieberstein.
+
+Baron Marschall, who had been Secretary for Foreign Affairs under the
+Chancellorships of Count Caprivi and for a time under Prince Hohenlohe,
+had achieved great success as Ambassador at Constantinople, and also,
+from the German point of view, as chief German Plenipotentiary at the
+Second Hague Conference in 1907. Baron Marschall was, to use an
+expression of Bismarck's, "the best horse in Germany's diplomatic
+stable." And great things were expected of him in London. But he lived
+only a few months after his appointment.
+
+Prince Lichnowsky's high social rank, his agreeable manners, and the
+generous hospitality which he showed in Carlton House Terrace gave him a
+position in English society which facilitated the negotiations between
+England and Germany, and did much to diminish the friction that had
+arisen during the time that Prince Buelow held the post of German
+Chancellor.
+
+The pamphlet which is here translated gives an account of his London
+mission; after his return to Germany he has lived in retirement in the
+country, but has contributed occasional articles to the Press. The
+pamphlet, which was written in August, 1916, was not intended for
+publication, but was distributed confidentially to a few friends. The
+existence of it had long been known, but it was only in March of this
+year that for the first time extracts from it were published in the
+Swedish paper _Politiken_. Longer extracts have since appeared in the
+London Press; for the first time a complete translation made from the
+German original is now placed before the public.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+Never perhaps in history has the world seen so great an exhibition, as
+at the outbreak of this war, of the murderous and corrupting power of
+the organised lie. All Germany outside the governmental circles was
+induced to believe that the war was a treacherous attack, plotted in the
+dark by "revengeful France, barbaric Russia, and envious England,"
+against the innocent and peace-loving Fatherland. And the centre of the
+plot was the Machiavellian Grey, who for long years had been encircling
+and strangling Germany in order at the chosen moment to deal her a
+death-blow from behind. The Emperor, the princes, the ministers, the
+bishops and chaplains, the historians and theologians, in part
+consciously and in part innocently, vied with one another in solemn
+attestations and ingenious forgeries of evidence; and the people, docile
+by training and long indoctrinated to the hatred of England, inevitably
+believed and passionately exaggerated what they were told. From this
+belief, in large part, came the strange brutalities and ferocities of
+the common people of Germany at the opening of the war, whether towards
+persons who had a right to courtesy, like the Ambassadors, or a claim on
+common human sympathy, like the wounded and the prisoners. The German
+masses could show no mercy towards people guilty of so hideous a
+world-crime.
+
+And now comes evidence, which in normal times would convince even the
+German nation, that the whole basis of their belief was a structure of
+deliberate falsehood; which shows that it was the Kaiser and his
+Ministers who plotted the war; while it was England, and especially Sir
+Edward Grey, who strove hardest for the preservation of peace.
+
+It is the evidence of the German Ambassador in London during the years
+1912-1914, Prince Lichnowsky, corroborated rather than confuted by the
+comments of Herr von Jagow, who was Foreign Minister at the time, and
+carried further by the recently published Memoranda of Herr Muehlon, one
+of the directors of the Krupp armament factory at Essen. One could
+hardly imagine more convincing testimony. Will the German people believe
+it? Would they believe now if one rose from the dead?
+
+We cannot yet guess at the answer. Indeed, there is another question
+which must be answered first: For what motive, and with what possible
+change of policy in view, has the German Government permitted the
+publication of these papers and the circulation of Lichnowsky's
+Memorandum as a pamphlet at 30 pfennig? Do the militarists think their
+triumph is safe, and the time come for them to throw off the mask? Or
+have the opponents of militarism, who seemed so crushed, succeeded in
+asserting their power? Is it a plan to induce the ever docile German
+populace to hate England less?
+
+It must be a startling story for the Germans, but for us it contains
+little that is new. It is an absolute confirmation, in spirit and in
+letter, of the British Blue Book and of English books such as Mr.
+Headlam's "History of Twelve Days" and Mr. Archer's "Thirteen Days."
+Prince Lichnowsky's summing-up agrees exactly with the British
+conclusions: The Germans encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia,
+well knowing the consequences to expect; between the 23rd and 30th July
+they rejected all forms of mediation; and on the 30th July, when Austria
+wished to withdraw, they hastily sent an ultimatum to Russia so as to
+make withdrawal impossible (pp. 39-40). A ghastly story of blindness and
+crime; but we knew it all before.
+
+Equally interesting is Prince Lichnowsky's account of the policy of
+Germany and England before the war. He confirms our knowledge of the
+"sinister vagueness" of German policy in Morocco, the steady desire of
+England to come to an understanding and of Germany to elude an
+understanding. As for our alleged envy of German trade, it was in
+English commercial circles that the desire for an understanding with
+Germany was strongest. As for our "policy of encirclement," it was the
+deliberate aim of our policy, continuing the line of Lord Salisbury and
+Mr. Chamberlain, to facilitate rather than hinder the legitimate and
+peaceful expansion of a great force, which would become dangerous if
+suppressed and confined.
+
+The test cases were the Bagdad Railway and the Portuguese Colonies. We
+agreed to make no objection to Germany's buying them when Portugal was
+willing to sell; we agreed in the meantime to treat them as a German
+sphere of interest and not to compete for influence there. We agreed,
+subject to the conservation of existing British rights and to certain
+other safeguards, to the completion of the great railway from the
+Bosphorus to Basra, and to the recognition of the whole district tapped
+by the railway as a German sphere of interest. The two treaties, though
+completed, were never signed; why? Because Grey would sign no secret
+treaty. He insisted that they must be published. And the German
+Government would not allow them to be published! To Lichnowsky this
+seemed like mere spite on the part of rivals who grudged his success,
+but we see now that it was a deliberate policy. The war-makers could not
+afford to let their people know the proof of England's goodwill.
+
+Lichnowsky was a friend of England, but he was no pacifist or "little
+German." His policy was to favour the peaceful expansion of Germany, in
+good understanding with England and France, on the seas and in the
+colonies. He aimed at "imperial development" on British lines; he
+abhorred the "Triple Alliance policy" of espousing Austria's quarrels,
+backing Turkey against the Balkan States, intriguing against Russia, and
+seeing all politics in the terms of European rivalries with a background
+of war. His own policy was one which, if followed loyally by the German
+Government, would have avoided the war and saved Europe.
+
+There are one or two traits in Lichnowsky's language which show that,
+with all his liberality of thought, he is still a German. He accepts at
+once, on the report of a German secret agent, the false statement that
+Grey had concluded a secret treaty with France. He mentions, as if it
+were a natural thing, the strange opinion that the _Standard_ was
+"apparently bought by Austria." He describes Mr. Asquith as a pacifist
+and Sir Edward Grey as both a pacifist and, ideally and practically, a
+Socialist. One must remember the sort of views he was accustomed to at
+Potsdam.
+
+There can be no doubt that Lichnowsky was deliberately deceived by his
+Government, and not much that he was chosen for his post in London with
+a view to deceiving us. These things are all in gospel according to
+Bernhardi. Lichnowsky himself was both an honest and an able
+diplomatist, and there is the ring of sincerity in his words of
+self-reproach: "I had to support in London a policy the heresy of which
+I recognised. That brought down vengeance on me, for it was a sin
+against the Holy Ghost."
+
+If Grey, in the tangle of terrific problems that surrounded him, ever
+erred, his sin was not against the Holy Ghost. The attack made on him at
+the outset of the war by Radical idealists was easy to confute. If ever
+a statesman strove, with due prudence, for peace, for friendship between
+nations, for a transformation of armed rivalries into cordial and
+democratic understandings, our great English Minister was that man. He
+was accused as a maker of secret treaties; and we find him all through
+the times of peace, and through all times when choice was still
+possible, a steady refuser of secret treaties. He was accused as a
+seeker for territory; and we find him, both in war and peace, steadily
+opposing all territorial aggrandisement. Such was the policy approved by
+the leaders of both English parties before the war.
+
+It is an attack from the other side that now reaches him. If the war had
+been short and successful, this would not have occurred. But a long and
+bitter and dangerous war of necessity creates its own atmosphere, and
+the policy that was wisdom in 1913, when the world was at peace and our
+relations with Germany were improving, strikes us now perhaps as
+strangely trustful and generous. Yet, if we try to recover that mental
+calm without which the nations will never till the end of time be able
+to restore their wasted wealth and rebuild the shattered hopes of
+civilisation, I think most Englishmen will agree that Grey's policy was,
+as we all thought it at the time, the right and the wise policy. To let
+all the world know that we would never join in any attack on Germany,
+but would never permit any attack on France; to seek to remove all
+causes of friction between England and Germany, as they had been removed
+between England and France and between England and Russia; to extend the
+"Entente Cordiale" by gradual steps to all nations who would come into
+it, and to "bring the two groups of Europe nearer." This was the right
+policy, whether it succeeded or failed; and it will, in spirit at
+least, some day be the right policy again.
+
+No Englishman, I think, will regret the generous courtesy which sent off
+the German Ambassador with a guard of honour, "like a departing
+sovereign." No one will regret our Prime Minister's silent tears when
+the war became inevitable, or Grey's conviction that it would be "the
+greatest catastrophe in history"--not even if mad German militarists
+drew the conclusion that the only motive for such grief must be the fear
+of defeat. For my own part I am glad that, at the last interview with
+Lichnowsky, Grey assured him that, if ever a chance came of mediation
+between the combatants, he would take it, and that "we have never wished
+to crush Germany."
+
+Surely, even now in the crisis of the war, it is well to remember these
+things. The cleaner our national conscience the keener surely will be
+our will to victory. The slower we were to give up the traditions of
+generosity and trustfulness that came from our long security the firmer
+will be our resolution to hold out, through whatever martyrdom may be
+yet in store for us, until we or our children can afford once more to
+live generously and to trust our neighbours. In the long run no other
+life is worth living.
+
+G. M.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                 PAGE
+
+MY APPOINTMENT                                                      1
+
+MOROCCO POLICY                                                      2
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY'S PROGRAMME                                         4
+
+THE ALBANIAN QUESTION                                               5
+
+THE NEAR EAST AND THE POLICY OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE                 7
+
+THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS                                      10
+
+THE BALKAN CONFERENCE                                              12
+
+THE SECOND BALKAN WAR                                              13
+
+LIMAN VON SANDERS                                                  14
+
+THE COLONIAL TREATY                                                15
+
+THE BAGDAD TREATY                                                  20
+
+THE QUESTION OF THE NAVY                                           21
+
+COMMERCIAL JEALOUSY                                                23
+
+THE COURT AND SOCIETY                                              24
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY                                                    26
+
+MR. ASQUITH                                                        28
+
+NICOLSON                                                           29
+
+TYRRELL                                                            30
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN FOREIGN OFFICE                              30
+
+IN CASE OF WAR                                                     31
+
+THE SERBIAN CRISIS                                                 31
+
+THE ENGLISH DECLARATION OF WAR                                     37
+
+RETROSPECT                                                         38
+
+MY RETURN                                                          40
+
+THE QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILITY                                     40
+
+THE ENEMY POINT OF VIEW                                            41
+
+BISMARCK                                                           42
+
+OUR FUTURE                                                         43
+
+
+
+
+MY MISSION TO LONDON
+
+1912-14
+
+
+
+
+MY APPOINTMENT
+
+
+In September, 1912, Baron Marschall died after he had only been at his
+post in London for a few months. His appointment, which no doubt was
+principally due to his age and the desire of his junior officer to go to
+London, was one of the many mistakes of our policy.
+
+In spite of his striking personality and great reputation, he was too
+old and too tired to adjust himself to the Anglo-Saxon world, which was
+completely alien to him; he was rather an official and a lawyer than a
+diplomat and statesman. From the very beginning he was at great pains to
+convince the English of the harmlessness of our fleet, and naturally
+this only produced the contrary effect.
+
+Much to my surprise, I was offered the post in October. I had retired to
+the country as a "Personalreferent" after many years of activity, there
+being then no suitable post available for me. I passed my time between
+flax and turnips, among horses and meadows, read extensively, and
+occasionally published political essays.
+
+Thus I had spent eight years, and it was thirteen since I had left the
+Embassy at Vienna with the rank of Envoy. That had been my last real
+sphere of political activity, as in those days such activity was
+impossible unless one was prepared to help a half-crazy chief in
+drafting his crotchety orders with their crabbed instructions.
+
+I do not know who was responsible for my being appointed to London. It
+was certainly not due to H.M. alone--I was not one of his intimates,
+though he was at all times gracious to me. I also know by experience
+that his nominees generally met with successful opposition. Herr von
+Kiderlen had really wanted to send Herr von Stumm to London! He
+immediately manifested unmistakable ill-will towards me, and endeavoured
+to intimidate me by his incivility. Herr von Bethmann Hollweg was at
+that time kindly disposed towards me, and had paid me a visit at Graetz
+only a short time before. I am therefore inclined to think that they all
+agreed on me because no other candidate was available at the moment. But
+for Baron Marschall's unexpected death, I should no more have been
+called out of retirement then than at any other time during all those
+previous years.
+
+
+
+
+MOROCCO POLICY
+
+
+It was certainly the right moment for a new effort to establish better
+relations with England. Our enigmatic Morocco policy had repeatedly
+shaken confidence in our pacific intentions. At the very least, it had
+given rise to the suspicion that we did not quite know what we wanted,
+or that it was our object to keep Europe on the _qui vive_, and, when
+opportunity offered, to humiliate France. An Austrian colleague, who had
+been in Paris for a long time, said to me: "Whenever the French begin to
+forget about _revanche_, you always remind them of it with a jack-boot."
+
+After we had repulsed M. Delcasse's efforts to arrive at an
+understanding with us about Morocco, and prior to that had formally
+declared that we had no political interests there--which conformed to
+the traditions of the Bismarckian policy--we suddenly discovered a
+second Krueger in Abdul Aziz. We assured him also, like the Boers, of the
+protection of the mighty German Empire, with the same display and the
+same result; both demonstrations terminated with our retreat, as they
+were bound to do, if we had not already made up our minds to embark on
+the world-war. The distressing congress at Algeciras could not change
+this in any way, still less the fall of M. Delcasse.
+
+Our attitude promoted the Russo-Japanese and later the Anglo-Japanese
+_rapprochement_. In face of "the German Peril" all other differences
+faded into the background. The possibility of a new Franco-German war
+had become apparent, and such a war could not, as in 1870, leave either
+Russia or England unaffected.
+
+The uselessness of the Triple Alliance had been shown at Algeciras,
+while that of the agreements arrived at there was demonstrated shortly
+afterwards by the collapse of the Sultanate, which, of course, could not
+be prevented. Among the German people, however, the belief gained ground
+that our foreign policy was feeble and was giving way before the
+"Encirclement"--that high-sounding phrases were succeeded by
+pusillanimous surrender.
+
+It is to the credit of Herr von Kiderlen, who is otherwise overrated as
+a statesman, that he wound up our Moroccan inheritance and accepted as
+they were the facts that could no longer be altered. Whether, indeed, it
+was necessary to alarm the world by the Agadir incident I will leave
+others to say. It was jubilantly acclaimed in Germany, but it had caused
+all the more disquiet in England because the Government were kept
+waiting for three weeks for an explanation of our intentions. Lloyd
+George's speech, which was meant as a warning to us, was the
+consequence. Before Delcasse's fall, and before Algeciras, we might
+have had a harbour and territory on the West Coast, but after those
+events it was impossible.
+
+
+
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY'S PROGRAMME
+
+
+When I came to London in November, 1912, the excitement over Morocco had
+subsided, as an agreement with France had been reached in Berlin. It is
+true that Haldane's mission had failed, as we had required the assurance
+of neutrality, instead of being content with a treaty securing us
+against British attacks and attacks with British support. Yet Sir Edward
+Grey had not relinquished the idea of arriving at an agreement with us,
+and in the first place tried to do this in colonial and economic
+questions. Conversations were in progress with the capable and
+business-like Envoy von Kuehlmann concerning the renewal of the
+Portuguese colonial agreement and Mesopotamia (Bagdad Railway), the
+unavowed object of which was to divide both the colonies and Asia Minor
+into spheres of influence.
+
+The British statesman, after having settled all outstanding points of
+difference with France and Russia, wished to make similar agreements
+with us. It was not his object to isolate us, but to the best of his
+power to make us partners in the existing association. As he had
+succeeded in overcoming Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian differences, so
+he also wished to do his best to eliminate the Anglo-German, and by a
+network of treaties, which would in the end no doubt have led to an
+agreement about the troublesome question of naval armaments, to ensure
+the peace of the world, after our previous policy had led to an
+association--the Entente--which represented a mutual insurance against
+the risk of war.
+
+This was Sir E. Grey's plan. In his own words: Without interfering with
+our existing friendship with France and Russia, which has no aggressive
+aims and does not entail any binding obligations on England, to arrive
+at a friendly _rapprochement_ and understanding with Germany, "to bring
+the two groups nearer."
+
+As with us, there were two parties in England at that time--the
+Optimists, who believed in an understanding, and the Pessimists, who
+thought that sooner or later war was inevitable.
+
+The former embraced Messrs. Asquith, Grey, Lord Haldane, and most of the
+Ministers in the Radical Cabinet; also the leading Liberal papers, such
+as the _Westminster Gazette_, _Manchester Guardian_, _Daily Chronicle_.
+The Pessimists were mainly Conservative politicians like Mr. Balfour,
+who repeatedly made this clear to me; also leading Army men, like Lord
+Roberts, who pointed out the necessity of universal military service
+("The Writing on the Wall"); further, the Northcliffe Press and the
+eminent English journalist Mr. Garvin, of _The Observer_. During my
+period of office, however, they abstained from all attacks, and
+maintained both personally and politically a friendly attitude. But our
+naval policy and our attitude in 1905, 1908, and 1911 had aroused in
+them the conviction that after all it would some day come to war. Just
+as it is with us, the former are now being accused in England of
+short-sightedness and simplicity, whereas the latter are looked on as
+the true prophets.
+
+
+
+
+THE ALBANIAN QUESTION
+
+
+The first Balkan War had led to the collapse of Turkey and thus to a
+defeat for our policy, which had been identified with Turkey for a
+number of years. Since Turkey in Europe could no longer be saved, there
+were two ways in which we could deal with the inheritance: either we
+could declare our complete disinterestedness with regard to the frontier
+delimitations and leave the Balkan Powers to settle them, or we could
+support our "Allies" and carry on a Triple Alliance policy in the Near
+East, thus giving up the role of mediator.
+
+From the very beginning I advocated the former course, but the Foreign
+Office emphatically favoured the latter.
+
+The vital point was the Albanian question. Our Allies desired the
+establishment of an independent Albanian state, as the Austrians did not
+want the Serbs to obtain access to the Adriatic, and the Italians did
+not want the Greeks to get to Valona or even to the north of Corfu. As
+opposed to this, Russia, as is known, was backing Serbia's wishes and
+France those of Greece.
+
+My advice was to treat this question as outside the scope of the
+Alliance, and to support neither the Austrian nor the Italian claims.
+Without our aid it would have been impossible to set up an independent
+Albania, which, as anyone could foresee, had no prospect of surviving;
+Serbia would have extended to the sea, and the present world-war would
+have been avoided. France and Italy would have quarrelled over Greece,
+and if the Italians had not wanted to fight France unaided they would
+have been compelled to acquiesce in Greece's expansion to the north of
+Durazzo. The greater part of Albania is Hellenic. The towns in the south
+are entirely so; and during the Conference of Ambassadors delegations
+from principal towns arrived in London to obtain annexation to Greece.
+Even in present-day Greece there are Albanian elements and the so-called
+Greek national dress is of Albanian origin. The inclusion of the
+Albanians, who are principally Orthodox and Moslem, in the body of the
+Greek state was therefore the best and most natural solution, if you
+left Scutari and the north to the Serbs and Montenegrins. For dynastic
+reasons H.M. was also in favour of this solution. When I supported this
+view in a letter to the monarch I received agitated reproaches from the
+Chancellor; he said that I had the reputation of being "an opponent of
+Austria," and I was to abstain from such interference and direct
+correspondence.
+
+
+
+
+THE NEAR EAST AND THE POLICY OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE
+
+
+We ought at last to have broken with the fatal tradition of pursuing a
+Triple Alliance policy in the Near East also, and have recognised our
+mistake, which lay in identifying ourselves in the south with the Turks
+and in the north with the Austro-Magyars. For the continuance of this
+policy, upon which we had entered at the Berlin Congress, and which we
+had actively pursued ever since, was bound to lead in time to a conflict
+with Russia and to the world-war, more especially if the requisite
+cleverness were lacking in high places. Instead of coming to terms with
+Russia on a basis of the independence of the Sultan, whom even Petrograd
+did not wish to eject from Constantinople, and of confining ourselves to
+our economic interests in the Near East and to the partitioning of Asia
+Minor into spheres of influence while renouncing any intention of
+military or political interference, it was our political ambition to
+dominate on the Bosphorus. In Russia they began to think that the road
+to Constantinople and the Mediterranean lay _via_ Berlin. Instead of
+supporting the active development of the Balkan States--which, once
+liberated, are anything rather than Russian, and with which our
+experiences had been very satisfactory--we took sides with the Turkish
+and Magyar oppressors.
+
+The fatal mistake of our Triple Alliance and Near East policy--which had
+forced Russia, our natural best friend and neighbour, into the arms of
+France and England and away from its policy of Asiatic expansion--was
+the more apparent, as a Franco-Russian attack, which was the _sole_
+hypothesis that justified a Triple Alliance policy, could be left out of
+our calculations.
+
+The value of the Italian alliance needs no further reference. Italy will
+want our money and our tourists even after the war, with or without an
+alliance. That this latter would fail us in case of war was patent
+beforehand. Hence the alliance had _no value_. Austria needs our
+protection in war, as in peace, and has no other support. Her dependence
+on us is based on political, national, and economic considerations, and
+is the greater the more intimate our relations with Russia are. The
+Bosnian crisis taught us this. Since the days of Count Beust no Vienna
+Minister has adopted such a self-confident attitude towards us as Count
+Aehrenthal during the later years of his life. If German policy is
+conducted on right lines, cultivating relations with Russia,
+Austria-Hungary is our vassal and dependent on us, even without an
+alliance or recompense; if it is wrongly conducted, then we are
+dependent on Austria. Hence there was _no reason_ for the alliance.
+
+I knew Austria too well not to be aware that a return to the policy of
+Prince Felix Schwarzenberg or Count Moritz Esterhazy was inconceivable
+there. Little as the Slavs there love us, just as little do they wish to
+return into a German Empire even with a Habsburg-Lorraine emperor at its
+head. They are striving for a federation in Austria on national lines, a
+state of things which would have even less chance of being realised
+within the German Empire than under the Double Eagle. The Germans of
+Austria, however, acknowledge Berlin as the centre of German Might and
+Culture, and are well aware that Austria can never again be the leading
+Power. They wish for as intimate a connection with the German Empire as
+possible, not for an anti-German policy.
+
+Since the 'seventies the position has fundamentally changed in Austria,
+as in Bavaria. As, in the latter, a return to Great German separatism
+and old Bavarian policy is not to be feared, so with the former a
+resuscitation of the policy of Prince Kaunitz and Schwarzenberg was not
+to be expected. By a federation with Austria, however, which resembles a
+big Belgium, since its population, even without Galicia and Dalmatia, is
+only about half Germanic, our interests would suffer as much as if we
+subordinated our policy to the views of Vienna or Budapest--thus
+espousing Austria's quarrels ("_d'epouser les querelles d'Autriche_").
+
+Hence we were not obliged to take any notice of the desires of our ally;
+they were not only unnecessary but also dangerous, as they would lead to
+a conflict with Russia if we looked at Oriental questions through
+Austrian spectacles.
+
+The development of the alliance, from a union formed on a single
+hypothesis for a single specific purpose, into a general and unlimited
+association, a pooling of interests in all spheres, was the best way of
+producing that which diplomacy was designed to prevent--war. Such an
+"alliance policy" was also calculated to alienate from us the sympathies
+of the strong, young, rising communities in the Balkans, who were
+prepared to turn to us and to open their markets to us.
+
+The difference between the power of a Ruling House and a National State,
+between dynastic and democratic ideas of government, had to be decided,
+and as usual we were on the wrong side.
+
+King Carol told one of our representatives that he had entered into the
+alliance with us on the assumption that we retained the leadership; but
+if this passed to Austria, that would alter the foundations of the
+relationship, and under such circumstances he would not be able to go
+on with it.
+
+Things were similar in Serbia, where, contrary to our own economic
+interests, we were supporting the Austrian policy of strangulation.
+
+Every time we have backed the wrong horse, whose breakdown could have
+been foreseen: Krueger, Abdul Aziz, Abdul Hamid, Wilhelm of Wied,
+ending--the most fatal of all mistakes--with the great plunge on the
+Berchtold stable.
+
+
+
+
+THE CONFERENCE OF AMBASSADORS
+
+
+Shortly after my arrival in London, at the end of 1912, Sir E. Grey
+proposed an informal conversation to prevent the Balkan War developing
+into a European one, after we had unfortunately refused, on the outbreak
+of the war, to agree to the French proposal of a declaration of
+disinterestedness. The British statesman from the very beginning took up
+the position that England had no interest in Albania, and had no
+intention of going to war over this question. He merely wished to
+mediate between the two groups as an "honest broker" and smooth over
+difficulties. He therefore by no means took sides with the Entente, and
+during the eight months or so of the negotiations his goodwill and his
+authoritative influence contributed in no small degree to the attainment
+of an agreement. We, instead of adopting an attitude similar to the
+English one, invariably took up the position which was prescribed for us
+by Vienna. Count Mensdorff was the leader of the Triple Alliance in
+London; I was his "second." It was my duty to support his proposals.
+That clever and experienced man Count Szoegyenyi was conducting affairs
+in Berlin. His refrain was "Then the _casus foederis_ will arise," and
+when I once ventured to doubt the truth of this conclusion I was
+severely reprimanded for "Austrophobia." It was also said that I had an
+"hereditary weakness"--the allusion being to my father.
+
+On all questions we took sides with Austria and Italy--about Albania, a
+Serbian port on the Adriatic, Scutari, and also about the delimitation
+of the frontiers of Albania--while Sir E. Grey hardly ever supported the
+French or Russian claims. He mostly supported our group in order not to
+give a pretext like the one a dead Archduke was to furnish later on.
+Thus with his assistance it was possible to coax King Nikita out of
+Scutari again. Otherwise this question would already have led to a
+world-war, as we should certainly not have ventured to induce "our ally"
+to give way.
+
+Sir E. Grey conducted the negotiations with circumspection, calm, and
+tact. When a question threatened to become involved, he sketched a
+formula for agreement which was to the point and was always accepted.
+His personality inspired equal confidence in all the participants.
+
+As a matter of fact we had again successfully emerged from one of those
+trials of strength which characterise our policy. Russia had been
+obliged to give way to us on all points, as she was never in a position
+to procure success for the Serbian aims. Albania was established as a
+vassal state of Austria and Serbia was pressed back from the sea. Hence
+this conference resulted in a fresh humiliation for Russian self-esteem.
+As in 1878 and in 1908, we had opposed the Russian plans although no
+_German_ interests were involved. Bismarck was clever enough to mitigate
+the mistake of the Congress by the secret treaty and by his attitude in
+the Battenberg question; but we continued to pursue in London the
+dangerous path, upon which we had once more entered in the Bosnian
+question, nor did we leave it in time when it led to the precipice.
+
+The ill-humour which prevailed in Russia at that time was shown during
+the conference by attacks in the Russian Press against my Russian
+colleague and Russian diplomacy. The dissatisfied circles made capital
+of his German descent and Roman Catholicism, his reputation as a friend
+of Germany, and the accident that he was related both to Count Mensdorff
+and to me. Without possessing a very distinguished personality, Count
+Benckendorff is endowed with a number of qualifications that distinguish
+a good diplomat--tact, polished manners, experience, courtesy, and a
+natural eye for men and matters. He was always at pains to avoid a
+brusque attitude, and was supported in this by England and France.
+
+Later I once remarked to him: "I presume that Russian feeling is very
+anti-German." He replied: "There are also very strong and influential
+pro-German circles, but in general people are anti-Austrian."
+
+It is hardly necessary to add that our "Austrophilie a outrance"
+(friendship for Austria through thick and thin) was hardly calculated to
+loosen the Entente and to direct Russia towards her Asiatic interests!
+
+
+
+
+THE BALKAN CONFERENCE
+
+
+At the same time the Balkan Conference was sitting in London and I had
+occasion to come into contact with the leaders of the Balkan States. M.
+Venizelos was certainly the most distinguished personality. At that time
+he was anything rather than anti-German, and visited me several times;
+he was especially fond of wearing the ribbon of the Order of the Red
+Eagle--he even wore it at the French Embassy. His prepossessing charm
+and ways of a man of the world secured him much sympathy. Next to him M.
+Daneff, at that time Bulgarian Premier and confidant of Count Berchtold,
+played a great part. He gave the impression of a subtle and energetic
+man, and it is probably only due to the influence of his Vienna and
+Budapest friends, of whose homage he often made fun, that he was induced
+to commit the folly of entering upon the second Balkan War and of
+refusing Russian arbitration.
+
+M. Take Jonescu was also frequently in London and then visited me
+regularly. I knew him from the time when I was Secretary at Bucharest.
+He was also one of Herr von Kiderlen's friends. In London he was
+endeavouring to obtain concessions to Rumania from M. Daneff by means of
+negotiations, in which he was assisted by the very able Rumanian
+Ambassador Misu. It is known that Bulgarian opposition brought about the
+failure of these negotiations. Count Berchtold (and we of course with
+him) was entirely on Bulgaria's side, otherwise by putting pressure on
+M. Daneff we might have secured the desired satisfaction for Rumania and
+placed her under an obligation to us; she was finally estranged from the
+Central Powers by Austria's attitude during and after the second Balkan
+War.
+
+
+
+
+THE SECOND BALKAN WAR
+
+
+The defeat of Bulgaria in the second Balkan War and the victory of
+Serbia, with the Rumanian invasion, naturally constituted a humiliation
+for Austria. The plan to rectify this by an expedition against Serbia
+seems to have been evolved in Vienna soon after. The Italian revelations
+prove this, and it may be assumed that Marquis San Giuliano, who
+described the plan--most aptly--as a _pericolosissima aventura_, saved
+us from being involved in a world-war as early as the summer of 1913.
+
+Owing to the intimacy of Russo-Italian relations, the Vienna plan was
+doubtless known in Petrograd. In any case, M. Sazonow openly declared at
+Constanza, as M. Take Jonescu told me, that an Austrian attack on Serbia
+would be a _casus belli_ for Russia.
+
+When one of my staff returned from leave in Vienna in the spring of 1914
+he said that Herr von Tschirschky had declared that there would soon be
+war. As I, however, was always left in ignorance about important events
+I considered this pessimism to be unfounded.
+
+As a matter of fact it would appear that, ever since the peace of
+Bucharest, Vienna was bent on securing a revision of the treaty by her
+own effort and was apparently only waiting for a favourable pretext.
+Vienna statesmen could, of course, depend on our support. They were
+aware of that, as they had been repeatedly accused of lack of firmness.
+In fact, Berlin was pressing for a "rehabilitation of Austria."
+
+
+
+
+LIMAN VON SANDERS
+
+
+When I returned to London in December, 1913, from a lengthy leave, the
+Liman von Sanders question had led to a fresh crisis in our relations
+with Russia. Sir E. Grey, not without concern, pointed out to me the
+excitement there was in Petrograd over it: "I have never seen them so
+excited."
+
+I received instructions from Berlin to request the Minister to exert a
+restraining influence in Petrograd, and to assist us in settling the
+dispute. Sir Edward gladly did this, and his intervention contributed in
+no small degree to smooth the matter over. My good relations with Sir
+Edward and his great influence in Petrograd were repeatedly made use of
+in similar manner when we wished to attain anything there, as our
+representative proved himself quite useless for such a purpose.
+
+During the fateful days of July, 1914, Sir Edward said to me: "When you
+want to obtain anything in Petrograd you always apply to me, but if I
+appeal to you for your influence in Vienna you fail me."
+
+
+
+
+THE COLONIAL TREATY
+
+
+The good and confidential relations which I had succeeded in
+establishing, not only with society and the most influential people like
+Sir E. Grey and Mr. Asquith, but also with the great public at public
+dinners, produced a marked improvement in the relations of the two
+countries. Sir Edward honestly tried to confirm this _rapprochement_,
+and his intentions were most apparent on two questions--the Colonial and
+the Bagdad Railway Treaties.
+
+In 1898 Count Hatzfeld and Mr. Balfour had signed a secret agreement
+dividing the Portuguese colonies into economic spheres of influence
+between us and England. As the Government of Portugal had neither the
+power nor the means to open up her extended possessions or to administer
+them properly, she had already thought of selling them before and thus
+relieving her financial burdens. An agreement had been come to between
+us and England which defined the interests of both parties, and which
+was of the greater value because Portugal is entirely dependent on
+England, as is generally known.
+
+On the face of it this agreement was to safeguard the integrity and
+independence of the Portuguese State, and merely declared the intention
+of being of financial and economic assistance to the Portuguese.
+Literally, therefore, it did not contravene the ancient Anglo-Portuguese
+Alliance of the fifteenth century, which was last renewed under Charles
+II. and gave a reciprocal territorial guarantee.
+
+In spite of this, owing to the endeavours of Marquis Soveral, who was
+presumably aware of the Anglo-German agreement, a new treaty--the
+so-called Treaty of Windsor--was concluded between England and Portugal
+in 1899, confirming the old agreements, which had always remained in
+force.
+
+The object of negotiations between us and England, which had commenced
+before my arrival, was to amend and improve our agreement of 1898, as it
+had proved unsatisfactory on several points as regards geographical
+delimitation. Thanks to the accommodating attitude of the British
+Government I succeeded in making the new agreement fully accord with our
+wishes and interests. The whole of Angola up to the 20th degree of
+longitude was assigned to us, so that we stretched up to the Congo State
+from the south; we also acquired the valuable islands of San Thome and
+Principe, which are north of the Equator and therefore really in the
+French sphere of influence, a fact which caused my French colleague to
+enter strong but unavailing protests.
+
+Further, we obtained the northern part of Mozambique; the Licango formed
+the border.
+
+The British Government showed the greatest consideration for our
+interests and wishes. Sir E. Grey intended to demonstrate his goodwill
+towards us, but he also wished to assist our colonial development as a
+whole, as England hoped to divert the German development of strength
+from the North Sea and Western Europe to the Ocean and to Africa. "We
+don't want to grudge Germany her colonial development," a member of the
+Cabinet said to me.
+
+The British Government originally intended to include the Congo State in
+the agreement, which would have given us the right of pre-emption and
+enabled us to penetrate it economically. We refused this offer nominally
+in view of Belgian susceptibilities. Perhaps we wished to be economical
+of successes? With regard also to the practical realisation of its real
+though unexpressed intention--the later actual partition of the
+Portuguese colonies--the treaty in its new form showed marked
+improvements and advantages as compared with the old one. Cases had been
+specified which empowered us to take steps to guard our interests in
+the districts assigned to us. These were couched in such a manner that
+it was really left to us to decide when "vital" interests arose, so
+that, with Portugal entirely dependent on England, it was only necessary
+to cultivate further good relations with England in order to carry out
+our joint intentions at a later date with English assent.
+
+Sir E. Grey showed the sincerity of the British Government's desire to
+respect our rights by referring to us Englishmen who wished to invest
+capital and asked for the support of the British Government in the
+districts assigned to us by the new agreement, even before this was
+completed and signed, and by informing them that their enterprise
+belonged to our sphere of influence.
+
+The agreement was practically completed at the time of the King's visit
+to Berlin in May, 1913. At that time a conference took place in Berlin
+under the presidency of the Imperial Chancellor; in this conference I
+also took part, and certain further wishes of ours were defined. On my
+return to London I succeeded, with the assistance of Councillor of
+Legation von Kuehlmann, who was working at the agreement with Mr. Parker,
+in having our last proposals incorporated, so that the whole agreement
+could be paragraphed by Sir E. Grey and by me in August, 1913, before I
+went on leave.
+
+But now fresh difficulties arose which prevented its being signed, and I
+did not obtain the authorisation to conclude it till a year later--that
+is, shortly before the outbreak of the war. It was, however, never
+signed.
+
+Sir E. Grey was only willing to sign _if the agreement were published
+together with those of 1898 and 1899_. England had, as he said, no other
+secret treaties besides these, and it was contrary to established
+principles to keep binding agreements secret. Therefore he could not
+make any agreement without publishing it. He was, however, willing to
+accede to our wishes with regard to the time and manner of publication,
+provided that such publication took place within one year from the date
+of signature.
+
+At our Foreign Office, where my London successes had caused increasing
+dissatisfaction, and where an influential personage, who acted the part
+of Herr von Holstein, wanted the London post for himself, I was informed
+that the publication would endanger our interests in the colonies, as
+the Portuguese would then not give us any more concessions.
+
+The futility of this objection is apparent from the consideration that
+the Portuguese, in view of the closeness of Anglo-Portuguese relations,
+were most probably just as well aware of the old agreement as of our new
+arrangements, and that the influence which England possesses at Lisbon
+renders their Government completely impotent in face of an Anglo-German
+agreement.
+
+Another pretext had therefore to be found for wrecking the treaty. It
+was suggested that the publication of the Treaty of Windsor, which had
+been concluded during the time of Prince Hohenlohe--though it was only a
+renewal of the Treaty of Charles II., which had always remained in
+force--might endanger the position of Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, as a
+proof of British hypocrisy and perfidy!
+
+I pointed out that the preamble of our agreement expressed the same
+thing as the Treaty of Windsor and as other similar treaties, namely,
+that we would protect the sovereign rights of Portugal and the
+inviolability of its possessions. In vain! In spite of repeated
+discussions with Sir E. Grey, at which he made many fresh suggestions
+for the publication, the Foreign Office persisted in its attitude, and
+finally arranged with Sir E. Goschen that matters should be left as they
+were!
+
+The treaty, which offered us extraordinary advantages, the result of
+more than a year's work, was thus dropped because it would have been a
+public success for me.
+
+When I mentioned the subject to Mr. Harcourt at a dinner at the Embassy
+in the spring of 1914, the Minister for the Colonies told me that he was
+placed in a difficult position, and did not know how to act. The present
+position was intolerable--he wished to safeguard our interests, but was
+in doubt whether he should proceed on the terms of the old or the new
+treaty. It was therefore urgently desirable to clear up the situation
+and to settle the matter, which had dragged on for such a long time.
+
+In reply to a dispatch in this sense I received instructions couched in
+terms which showed more emotion than civility, telling me to abstain
+from any further interference in the matter.
+
+I now regret that I did not immediately travel to Berlin and place my
+post at the disposal of the monarch, and that I had not lost faith in
+the possibility of arriving at an understanding with those in authority,
+a sinister mistake which was to take its revenge a few months later in
+such a tragical way.
+
+However little I even then enjoyed the goodwill of the highest official
+of the Empire, as he feared that I was aspiring to his post, yet I must
+in justice to him say that during our last interview before the outbreak
+of war, at the end of June, 1914, to which I will refer later, he gave
+me his assent for the signature and publication of the treaty. In spite
+of this it required repeated applications on my part, which were
+supported by Herr Dr. Solf in Berlin, before sanction was finally
+obtained at the end of July, 1914. As the Serbian crisis at that time
+already imperilled the peace of Europe, the completion of the treaty had
+to be postponed. It also is one of the sacrifices of this war.
+
+
+
+
+THE BAGDAD TREATY
+
+
+At the same time I was negotiating in London, with the able support of
+Herr von Kuehlmann, about the so-called Bagdad Treaty. The real object of
+this was to divide up Asia Minor into spheres of influence, although
+this term was anxiously avoided in view of the rights of the Sultan. Sir
+E. Grey also repeatedly stated that there were in existence no
+agreements with France and Russia about the partition of Asia Minor.
+
+In consultation with a Turkish representative, Hakki Pasha, all economic
+questions concerning German undertakings were settled in the main
+according to the wishes of the Deutsche Bank. The most important
+concession Sir E. Grey made to me personally was the continuation of the
+railway as far as Basra. We had dropped this point in favour of the
+connection to Alexandretta; up to that time Bagdad had been the terminal
+point of the railway. An international commission was to regulate
+navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab. We were also to have a share in the
+harbour works at Basra, and received rights for the navigation of the
+Tigris, which hitherto had been a monopoly of the firm of Lynch.
+
+By this treaty the whole of Mesopotamia as far as Basra was included
+within our sphere of influence (without prejudice to already existing
+British navigation rights on the Tigris and the rights of the Wilcox
+irrigation works), as well as the whole district of the Bagdad and
+Anatolian railway.
+
+The coast of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin railway were
+recognised as the British economic sphere, Syria as the French, and
+Armenia as the Russian. If both treaties were executed and published, an
+agreement with England would be reached which would preclude all doubts
+about the possibility of an "Anglo-German co-operation."
+
+
+
+
+THE QUESTION OF THE NAVY
+
+
+The Naval question was and is the most delicate of all. It is not always
+regarded rightly.
+
+The creation of a powerful fleet on the other side of the North Sea--the
+development of the greatest military power of the Continent into the
+greatest naval power as well--was bound to be felt in England as at
+least "inconvenient." There can be no doubt about this in any reasonable
+view. In order to maintain her advantage and not to become dependent, in
+order to secure the rule over the seas which is necessary for her if she
+is not to starve, she was compelled to undertake armaments and
+expenditure which weighed heavily on the tax-payer. England's
+international position would be threatened, however, if our policy
+created the belief that warlike developments might ensue--a state of
+affairs which had almost been reached during the time of the Morocco
+crises and the Bosnian problem.
+
+Great Britain had become reconciled to our fleet _within its then
+appointed limits_, but it was certainly not welcome, and was one of the
+causes--though not the only cause and perhaps not the most important--of
+her adhesion to France and Russia; but on account of the fleet _alone_
+England would not have drawn the sword any more than on account of our
+trade, which has been alleged to have produced jealousy and finally war.
+
+From the very beginning I maintained that, _notwithstanding_ the fleet,
+it would be possible to arrive at a friendly understanding and
+_rapprochement_ if we did not introduce a new Navy Bill and _our policy
+were indubitably pacific_. I also avoided mention of the fleet and the
+word never passed between Sir E. Grey and me. On one occasion Sir E.
+Grey said at a meeting of the Cabinet, "The present German Ambassador
+has never mentioned the fleet to me."
+
+During my tenure of office Mr. Churchill, then First Lord of the
+Admiralty, proposed, as is known, the so-called "Naval holiday" and
+suggested for financial reasons, and probably also to meet the pacific
+wishes of his party, a year's pause in armaments. Officially Sir E. Grey
+did not support the proposal; he never mentioned it to me, but Mr.
+Churchill repeatedly spoke to me about it.
+
+I am convinced that his suggestion was honest, as prevarication is
+altogether foreign to English nature. It would have been a great success
+for Mr. Churchill if he could have come before the country with
+reductions of expenditure and freed it from the nightmare of armaments
+that weighed on the people.
+
+I replied that for technical reasons it would be difficult to agree to
+his plan. What was to become of the workmen who were engaged for this
+purpose, and what of the technical staff? Our Naval programme had been
+decided on, and it would be difficult to alter it in any way. On the
+other hand we had no intention of exceeding it. But he reverted to it
+again and pointed out that the sums used for enormous armaments might
+better be employed for other and useful purposes. I replied that this
+expenditure too benefited our home industries.
+
+Through interviews with Sit W. Tyrrell, Sir E. Grey's principal private
+secretary, I managed to have the question removed from the agenda
+without causing any ill-feeling, although it was again referred to in
+Parliament, and to prevent any official proposal being made. It was,
+however, a pet idea of Mr. Churchill's and the Government's, and I think
+that by entering upon his plan and the formula 16:10 for battleships we
+might have given tangible proof of our goodwill, and strengthened and
+encouraged the tendency (which already prevailed in the Government) to
+enter into closer relations with us.
+
+But, as I have said, it was possible to arrive at an understanding _in
+spite of the fleet_ and without a "Naval holiday." I had always regarded
+my mission from this point of view, and I had also succeeded in
+realising my plans when the outbreak of war destroyed everything I had
+achieved.
+
+
+
+
+COMMERCIAL JEALOUSY
+
+
+The "commercial jealousy," about which we hear so much, is based on a
+wrong conception of the circumstances. Certainly Germany's rise as a
+commercial power after the war of 1870 and during the following decades
+was a menace to British commercial circles which, with their industries
+and export-houses, had held a virtual monopoly of trade. The increasing
+commerce with Germany, which was the leading country in Europe as
+regards British exports--a fact to which I invariably referred in my
+public speeches--had, however, given rise to the wish to maintain
+friendly relations with their best customer and business friend, and had
+driven all other considerations into the background.
+
+The Briton is matter-of-fact--he takes things as they are and does not
+tilt against windmills. Notably in commercial circles I encountered the
+most friendly spirit and the endeavour to further our common economic
+interests. As a matter of fact nobody in them took any interest in the
+Russian, Italian, Austrian, or even in the French representative, in
+spite of his striking personality and his political successes. Only the
+German and American Ambassadors attracted public attention.
+
+In order to get into touch with important commercial circles, I accepted
+invitations from the United Chambers of Commerce, and from the London
+and Bradford Chamber, and was the guest of the cities of Newcastle and
+Liverpool. I was well received everywhere; Manchester, Glasgow, and
+Edinburgh had also invited me, and I intended to go there later.
+
+People who did not understand British conditions and did not realise the
+importance of "public dinners," also people to whom my successes were
+unwelcome, reproached me with having done harm with my speeches. I
+believe on the contrary that by appearing in public and emphasising
+common commercial interests I contributed in no small measure to the
+improvement of relations, quite apart from the fact that it would have
+been clumsy and churlish to refuse all invitations.
+
+In all other circles I also met with the most friendly reception and
+hearty co-operation--at Court, in society, and from the Government.
+
+
+
+
+THE COURT AND SOCIETY
+
+
+The King, although not a genius, is a simple and well-meaning man with
+sound common sense; he demonstrated his goodwill towards me and was
+frankly desirous of furthering my task. Although the British
+Constitution leaves only very limited powers to the Crown, yet the
+monarch, in virtue of his position, can exercise a considerable
+influence on opinion both in society and in the Government. The Crown is
+the apex of the social pyramid; it sets the fashion. Society, which is
+principally Unionist (Conservative), has always taken an active interest
+in politics a habit which the ladies share. It is represented in the
+House of Lords, the House of Commons, and hence also in the Cabinet. An
+Englishman either is a member of society, or he would like to be one. It
+is his constant endeavour to be a "Gentleman," and even people of
+undistinguished origin, like Mr. Asquith, delight to mingle in society
+and the company of beautiful and fashionable women.
+
+The British gentlemen of both parties have the same education, go to
+the same colleges and universities, have the same recreations--golf,
+cricket, lawn-tennis, or polo. All have played cricket and football in
+their youth; they have the same habits of life, and spend the week-end
+in the country. There is no social cleavage between the parties, but
+only a political one; in recent years it has so far developed into a
+social cleavage that the politicians of the two camps avoid social
+intercourse with one another. Even on the neutral territory of an
+Embassy one did not venture to mingle the two parties, as since the Veto
+and Home Rule Bills the Unionists have ostracised the Radicals. When the
+King and Queen dined with us a few months after my arrival, Lord
+Londonderry left the house after dinner, as he did not wish to remain
+together with Sir E. Grey. But it is not a difference of caste or
+education as in France; they are not two separate worlds, but the same
+world, and the opinion about a foreigner is a common one, and not
+without influence on his political position, whether Mr. Asquith be
+governing or Lord Lansdowne.
+
+There has been no difference of caste in England since the time of the
+Stuarts, and since the Guelphs and Whig oligarchy, in contrast to the
+Tory landed gentry encouraged the rise of an urban middle-class. It is
+rather a difference of political opinions about questions of
+constitutional law and taxation. Especially aristocrats like Grey,
+Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, who joined the people's party--the
+Radicals--were most hated by the Unionist aristocracy; one never met any
+of these gentlemen at any of the great aristocratic houses, except at
+those of a few party friends.
+
+We were received in London with open arms and both parties rivalled one
+another in courtesy towards us. In view of the close relationship
+between politics and society in England, it would be wrong to
+undervalue social relations, even when the majority of the upper ten
+thousand are in opposition to the Government.
+
+There is not the same unbridgeable gulf between Mr. Asquith and the Duke
+of Devonshire that there is between, say, M. Briand and the Due de
+Doudeauville. Certainly they do not consort together in times of great
+tension; they belong to two separate social groups, but these are parts
+of the _same_ society, though of different grades, the centre of which
+is the Court. They have common friends and habits of life; mostly they
+have known each other from their youth up and also are frequently
+related to one another either by blood or marriage.
+
+Phenomena like Mr. Lloyd George--the man of the people, petty attorney,
+and self-made man--are the exception. Even Mr. Burns, the Socialist
+Labour leader, and self-educated man, sought contact with society. In
+view of the prevailing attempt to rank as a gentleman, whose unattained
+prototype is still the great aristocrat, the value of the verdict of
+society and its attitude must not be underestimated.
+
+Hence the social adaptability of a representative nowhere plays a
+greater role than in England. A hospitable house with pleasant hosts is
+worth more than the most profound scientific knowledge; a savant with
+provincial manners and small means would gain no influence, in spite of
+all his learning.
+
+The Briton loathes a bore, a schemer, and a prig; he likes a good
+fellow.
+
+
+
+
+SIR EDWARD GREY
+
+
+Sir Edward Grey's influence in all matters of foreign policy was almost
+unlimited. On important occasions he used indeed to say, "I must first
+bring it before the Cabinet"; but this always agreed to his views. His
+authority was undisputed. Although he does not know foreign countries
+at all, and had never left England except for a short visit to Paris, he
+was fully conversant with all the important questions owing to his long
+parliamentary experience and his natural insight. He understands French,
+but does not speak it. He was returned to Parliament as a young man, and
+soon began to interest himself in foreign affairs. Under Lord Rosebery
+he was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and became
+Secretary of State in 1906, under Mr. Campbell-Bannerman; he has now
+held the post for some ten years.
+
+The scion of an old north country family, which had already furnished
+Grey, the well-known statesman, he joined the left wing of his party and
+sympathised with Socialists and pacifists. You may call him a Socialist
+in the ideal sense, as he carries the theory into his private life and
+lives very simply and unpretentiously, although he has extensive means.
+Ostentation is foreign to him. In London he only had a small house, and
+never gave dinners, except the one official dinner at the Foreign Office
+on the King's Birthday. On the few occasions when he entertained guests
+it was at a simple dinner or lunch with maidservants to wait. Also he
+avoided large functions and banquets.
+
+Like his colleagues, he regularly spends his week-ends in the country,
+but not with large or fashionable parties. He is mostly by himself in
+his cottage in the New Forest, where he takes long walks to study birds
+and their ways, as he is a passionate lover of nature and an
+ornithologist. Or sometimes he goes to his estate in the north, where he
+feeds the squirrels that come in at the windows, and breeds different
+species of waterfowl.
+
+He was very fond of going to the Norfolk marshes to watch in their
+breeding season the rare kinds of herons, which nest only there.
+
+In his youth he was a well-known cricket and racquet player; now his
+favourite pastime is salmon and trout-fishing in Scottish rivers in
+company with his friend Lord Glenconner, Mr. Asquith's brother-in-law.
+"All the rest of the year I am looking forward to it." He has published
+a book on fishing.
+
+On one occasion, when we spent a week-end with him alone at Lord
+Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived on a bicycle and returned to
+his cottage about thirty miles distant in the same way.
+
+The simplicity and honesty of his ways secured him the esteem even of
+his opponents, who were to be found rather in the sphere of home affairs
+than of foreign policy. Lies and intrigue are equally repugnant to him.
+
+His wife, to whom he was devotedly attached and from whom he was
+inseparable, died in consequence of being thrown from a trap she was
+driving. As is generally known, one of his brothers was killed by a
+lion.
+
+Wordsworth is his favourite poet, and he could quote much of his poetry.
+
+The calm quiet of his British nature is not lacking in a sense of
+humour. Once when he was lunching with us and the children, and heard
+them talking German, he said, "I can't help thinking how clever these
+children are to talk German so well," and was pleased with his joke.
+
+This is a true picture of the man who is decried as "Liar-Grey" and
+instigator of the world-war.
+
+
+
+
+MR. ASQUITH
+
+
+Mr. Asquith is a man of an entirely different stamp. A jovial
+_bon-vivant_, fond of the ladies, especially the young and pretty ones,
+he is partial to cheerful society and good cooking; and his zest for
+enjoyment is shared by his wife. Formerly a well-known barrister with a
+large income, and for a number of years in Parliament, then a Minister
+under Mr. Gladstone, a pacifist like his friend Grey, and favouring an
+understanding with Germany, he treated all questions with the cheery
+calm and assurance of an experienced man of business, whose good health
+and excellent nerves were steeled by devotion to the game of golf.
+
+His daughters were at school in Germany and spoke German fluently. In a
+short time we got on friendly terms with him and his family, and were
+his guests in his small country house on the Thames.
+
+Only on rare occasions did he concern himself with foreign politics,
+when important questions arose; then of course his decision was final.
+During the critical days of July Mrs. Asquith repeatedly came to us to
+warn us, and in the end she was quite distraught at the tragic turn of
+events. Mr. Asquith also, when I called on him on the 2nd August to make
+a last effort in the direction of expectant neutrality, was quite
+broken, though absolutely calm. Tears were coursing down his cheeks.
+
+
+
+
+NICOLSON
+
+
+Sir A. Nicolson and Sir W. Tyrrell were the two most influential men at
+the Foreign Office after the Minister. The former was no friend of ours,
+but his attitude towards me was absolutely correct and courteous. Our
+personal relations were excellent. He too did not want war; but when we
+advanced against France, he no doubt worked in the direction of an
+immediate intervention. He was the confidant of my French colleague,
+with whom he was in constant touch; also he wished to relieve Lord
+Bertie in Paris.
+
+Sir Arthur, who had been Ambassador at Petrograd, had concluded the
+treaty of 1907, which had enabled Russia again to turn her attention to
+the West and to the Near East.
+
+
+
+
+TYRRELL
+
+
+Sir W. Tyrrell, Sir Edward's private secretary, possessed far greater
+influence than the Permanent Under-Secretary. This highly intelligent
+man had been at school in Germany, and had then turned to diplomacy, but
+had only been abroad for a short time. At first he favoured the
+anti-German policy, which was then in fashion amongst the younger
+British diplomatists, but later he became a convinced advocate of an
+understanding. He influenced Sir E. Grey, with whom he was very
+intimate, in this direction. Since the outbreak of war he has left the
+Office and found a place in the Home Office, probably because of the
+criticisms passed on him for his Germanophil tendency.
+
+
+
+
+ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN FOREIGN OFFICE
+
+
+Nothing can describe the rage of certain gentlemen at my London
+successes and the position which I had managed to make for myself in a
+short time. They devised vexatious instructions to render my office more
+difficult. I was left in complete ignorance of the most important
+matters, and was restricted to the communication of dull and unimportant
+reports. Secret agents' reports, on matters about which I could not
+learn without espionage and the necessary funds, were never available to
+me; and it was not till the last days of July, 1914, that I learnt,
+quite by chance, from the Naval Attache of the secret Anglo-French
+agreement concerning the co-operation of the two fleets in case of war.
+The knowledge of other important events which had been known to the
+Office for a long time, like the correspondence between Grey and Cambon,
+was kept from me.
+
+
+
+
+IN CASE OF WAR
+
+
+Soon after my arrival I obtained the conviction that under _no_
+circumstances had we to fear a British attack or British support for any
+foreign attack, but that _under any circumstances England would protect
+the French_. I expressed this view in repeated dispatches, with minute
+proof and great emphasis, but did not obtain any credence, although Lord
+Haldane's refusal to assent to the neutrality formula and England's
+attitude during the Morocco crisis had been pretty obvious indications.
+In addition there were the secret agreements which I have referred to,
+and which were known to the Office.
+
+I always pointed out that in the event of a war between European Powers,
+England as a commercial state would suffer enormously, and would
+therefore do her best to prevent a conflict; but, on the other hand, she
+would never tolerate a weakening or annihilation of France; because of
+the necessity of maintaining the European balance of power and of
+preventing a German superiority of force. Lord Haldane had told me this
+shortly after my arrival, and all the leading people had expressed
+themselves in the same sense.
+
+
+
+
+THE SERBIAN CRISIS
+
+
+At the end of June I went to Kiel by command of the Emperor. A few weeks
+prior to this I had been made an honorary D.C.L. of Oxford, an honour
+which had not been conferred on any German Ambassador since Herr von
+Bunsen. On board the _Meteor_ we learned of the death of the Archduke.
+H.M. regretted that his efforts to win him over to his way of thinking
+had thus been rendered vain. I do not know whether the plan of an active
+policy against Serbia had already been decided on at Konopischt.
+
+As I was not instructed about views and events in Vienna, I did not
+attach very great importance to this occurrence. Later on I could only
+remark that amongst Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed
+other sentiments. On board the _Meteor_ there was also an Austrian guest
+of the Emperor's, Count Felix Thun. He had remained in his cabin all the
+time suffering from sea-sickness, in spite of the splendid weather; but
+on receiving the news he was well. The fright or joy had cured him.
+
+On my arrival in Berlin I saw the Chancellor and told him that I
+considered the state of our foreign relations very satisfactory, as we
+were on better terms with England than we had been for a long time,
+whilst in France also the government was in the hands of a pacifist
+Ministry.
+
+Herr von Bethmann Hollweg did not appear to share my optimism, and
+complained about Russian armaments. I sought to reassure him,
+emphasising the fact that Russia had no interest in attacking us, and
+that such an attack would never receive Anglo-French support, as both
+countries wanted peace. Thereupon I went to Dr. Zimmermann, who was
+acting for Herr von Jagow, and he told me that Russia was about to raise
+900,000 additional troops. His language betrayed unmistakable annoyance
+with Russia, which was "everywhere in our way." There were also
+difficulties in economic policy. Of course, I was not told that General
+von Moltke was pressing for war; but I learned that Herr von Tschirschky
+had been reprimanded because he reported that he had counselled
+moderation towards Serbia in Vienna.
+
+On my return from Silesia to London I stopped only a few hours in
+Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended to take steps against Serbia
+in order to put an end to an impossible situation.
+
+I regret that at the moment I underestimated the importance of the news.
+I thought that nothing would come of it this time either, and that
+matters could easily be settled, even if Russia became threatening. I
+now regret that I did not stay in Berlin and at once declare that I
+would not co-operate in a policy of this kind.
+
+Subsequently I ascertained that, at the decisive conference at Potsdam
+on the 5th July, the Vienna enquiry received the unqualified assent of
+all the leading people, and with the rider that no harm would be done if
+a war with Russia should result. Thus it was expressed, at any rate, in
+the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff received in London. Soon
+afterwards Herr von Jagow was in Vienna to consult Count Berchtold about
+all these matters.
+
+At that time I received instructions to induce the British Press to
+adopt a friendly attitude should Austria administer the _coup de grace_
+to the "Great Serbia" movement, and to exert my personal influence to
+prevent public opinion from becoming inimical to Austria. If one
+remembered England's attitude during the annexation crisis, when public
+opinion showed sympathy for the Serbian rights in Bosnia, as well as her
+benevolent furtherance of national movements in the days of Lord Byron
+and Garibaldi, the probability that she would support the intended
+punitive expedition against the murderers of the prince happened so
+remote, that I found myself obliged to give an urgent warning. But I
+also warned them against the whole plan, which I characterised as
+adventurous and dangerous, and advised them to counsel the Austrians to
+_moderation_, as I did not believe that the conflict could be localised.
+
+Herr von Jagow replied to me that Russia was not ready; there would
+probably be some fuss, but the more firmly we took sides with Austria
+the more would Russia give way. As it was, Austria was accusing us of
+weakness and therefore we dare not leave her in the lurch. Public
+opinion in Russia, on the other hand, was becoming more and more
+anti-German, so we must just risk it.
+
+In view of this attitude, which, as I found later, was based on reports
+from Count Pourtales that Russia would not move under any circumstances,
+and which caused us to spur Count Berchtold on to the utmost energy, I
+hoped for salvation through British mediation, as I knew that Sir E.
+Grey's great influence in Petrograd could be used in the direction of
+peace. I therefore availed myself of my friendly relations with the
+Minister to request him in confidence to advise moderation in Russia in
+case Austria, as seemed likely, demanded satisfaction from Serbia.
+
+At first the English Press preserved calm and was friendly to Austria,
+because the murder was generally condemned. But gradually more and more
+voices were heard insisting emphatically that, however much the crime
+merited punishment, its exploitation for political purposes could not be
+justified. Austria was strongly exhorted to use moderation.
+
+When the ultimatum was published, all the papers with the exception of
+the _Standard_--the ever-necessitous, which had apparently been bought
+by Austria--were unanimous in condemnation. The whole world, excepting
+Berlin and Vienna, realised that it meant war--indeed, "the world-war."
+The British Fleet, which happened to have assembled for a naval review,
+was not demobilised.
+
+My efforts were in the first place directed towards obtaining as
+conciliatory a reply from Serbia as was possible, since the attitude of
+the Russian Government left room for no doubts about the gravity of the
+situation.
+
+Serbia responded favourably to the British efforts, as M. Pasitch had
+really agreed to everything, excepting two points, about which, however,
+he declared his willingness to negotiate. If Russia and England had
+wanted the war, in order to attack us, a hint to Belgrade would have
+been enough, and the unprecedented Note would not have been answered.
+
+Sir E. Grey went through the Serbian reply with me, and pointed out the
+conciliatory attitude of the Government of Belgrade. Thereupon we
+discussed his proposal of mediation, which was to include a formula
+acceptable to both parties for clearing up the two points. His proposal
+was that a committee, consisting of M. Cambon, the Marquis Imperiali,
+and myself, should assemble under his presidency, and it would have been
+an easy matter for us to find an acceptable formula for the points at
+issue, which mainly concerned the collaboration of Austrian Imperial
+officials at the investigations in Belgrade. Given goodwill, everything
+could have been settled at one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance
+of the British proposal would have brought about a relaxation of the
+tension, and would have further improved our relations with England. I
+therefore strongly backed the proposal, on the ground that otherwise
+there was danger of the world-war, through which we stood to gain
+nothing and lose all; but in vain. It was derogatory to the dignity of
+Austria--we did not intend to interfere in Serbian matters--we left
+these to our ally. I was to work for "the localisation of the conflict."
+
+Needless to say a mere hint from Berlin would have decided Count
+Berchtold to content himself with a diplomatic success, and to accept
+the Serbian reply. This hint was not given; on the contrary they urged
+in the direction of war. It would have been such a splendid success.
+
+After our refusal Sir Edward requested us to submit a proposal. We
+insisted on war. I could not obtain any reply but that Austria had shown
+an exceedingly "accommodating spirit" by not demanding an extension of
+territory.
+
+Sir Edward rightly pointed out that even without an extension of
+territory it is possible to reduce a state to a condition of vassalage,
+and that Russia would see a humiliation in this, and would not suffer
+it.
+
+The impression grew stronger and stronger that we wanted war under any
+circumstances. It was impossible to interpret our attitude, on a
+question which did not directly concern us, in any other way. The urgent
+requests and definite assurances of M. Sazonow, followed by the Czar's
+positively humble telegrams, the repeated proposals of Sir E. Grey, the
+warnings of the Marquis San Giuliano and Signor Bollati, my urgent
+counsels, all were of no avail. Berlin persisted; Serbia must be
+massacred.
+
+The more I pressed the less were they inclined to come round, if only
+that I might not have the success of averting war in conjunction with
+Sir Edward Grey.
+
+Finally, on the 29th, the latter decided on the famous warning. I
+replied that I had invariably reported that we should have to reckon
+with English opposition if it came to a war with France. Repeatedly the
+Minister said to me: "If war breaks out, it will be the greatest
+catastrophe the world has ever seen."
+
+After that, events followed each other rapidly. When at last Count
+Berchtold, who up till then had, at the behest of Berlin, played the
+strong man, decided to come round, we replied to the Russian
+mobilisation, after Russia had negotiated and waited for a whole week in
+vain, with the ultimatum and the declaration of war.
+
+
+
+
+THE ENGLISH DECLARATION OF WAR
+
+
+Sir Edward was still looking for new ways of avoiding the catastrophe.
+Sir W. Tyrrell called on me on the morning of the 1st August to tell me
+that his chief still hoped to find a way out. Would we remain neutral if
+France did? I understood that we should then agree to spare France, but
+he had meant that we should remain altogether neutral--towards Russia
+also. That was the well-known "misunderstanding." Sir Edward had asked
+me to call in the afternoon. As he was at a meeting of the Cabinet, he
+called me up on the telephone, Sir W. Tyrrell having hurried to him at
+once. In the afternoon, however, he talked only about Belgian neutrality
+and the possibility that we and France might face one another in arms
+without attacking.
+
+Thus this was not a proposal at all, but a question without any
+guarantee, as our interview, which I have mentioned before, was to take
+place soon afterwards. Berlin, however, without waiting for the
+interview, made this report the foundation for far-reaching measures.
+Then there came M. Poincare's letter, Bonar Law's letter, King Albert's
+telegram. The waverers in the Cabinet--excepting three members who
+resigned--were converted.
+
+Till the very last moment I had hoped that England would adopt a waiting
+attitude. Nor did my French colleague feel at all confident, as I heard
+from a private source. Even on the 1st August the King had given the
+President an evasive reply. But England was already mentioned as an
+opponent in the telegram from Berlin announcing the imminent danger of
+war. Berlin was therefore already reckoning on war with England.
+
+Before my departure Sir E. Grey received me, on the 5th, at his house. I
+had called at his request. He was deeply moved. He told me he would
+always be prepared to mediate. "We don't want to crush Germany."
+Unfortunately this confidential interview was made public, and Herr von
+Bethmann Hollweg thus destroyed the last chance of gaining peace through
+England.
+
+The arrangements for our departure were perfectly dignified and calm.
+The King had previously sent his equerry, Sir E. Ponsonby, to express
+his regrets at my departure and that he could not see me himself.
+Princess Louise wrote to me that the whole family were sorry we were
+leaving. Mrs. Asquith and other friends came to the Embassy to take
+leave.
+
+A special train took us to Harwich, where a guard of honour was drawn up
+for me. I was treated like a departing Sovereign. Such was the end of my
+London mission. It was wrecked, not by the wiles of the British, but by
+the wiles of our policy.
+
+Count Mensdorff and his staff had come to the station in London. He was
+cheerful, and gave me to understand that perhaps he would remain there,
+but he told the English that we, and not Austria, had wanted the war.
+
+
+
+
+RETROSPECT
+
+
+Looking back after two years, I come to the conclusion that I realised
+too late that there was no room for me in a system that for years had
+lived on routine and traditions alone, and that only tolerated
+representatives who reported what their superiors wished to read.
+Absence of prejudice and an independent judgment are resented. Lack of
+ability and want of character are praised and esteemed, while successes
+meet with disfavour and excite alarm.
+
+I had given up my opposition to the insane Triple Alliance policy, as I
+realised that it was useless, and that my warnings were attributed to
+"Austrophobia," to my _idee fixe_. In politics, which are neither
+acrobatics nor a game, but the main business of the firm, there is no
+"phil" or "phobe," but only the interest of the community. A policy,
+however, that is based only on Austrians, Magyars, and Turks must come
+into conflict with Russia, and finally lead to a catastrophe.
+
+In spite of former mistakes, all might still have been put right in
+July, 1914. An agreement with England had been arrived at. We ought to
+have sent a representative to Petrograd who was at least of average
+political capacity, and to have convinced Russia that we wished neither
+to control the straits nor to strangle Serbia. "_Lachez l'Autriche et
+nous lacherons les Francais_" ("Drop Austria and we will drop the
+French"), M. Sazonow said to us. And M. Cambon told Herr von Jagow,
+"_Vous n'avez pas besoin de suivre l'Autriche partout_" ("You need not
+follow Austria everywhere").
+
+We wanted _neither wars nor alliances_; we wanted only treaties that
+would safeguard us and others, and secure our economic development,
+which was without its like in history. If Russia had been freed in the
+West, she could again turn to the East, and the Anglo-Russian rivalry
+would have been re-established automatically and without our
+intervention, and not less certainly also the Russo-Japanese.
+
+We could also have considered the question of the reduction of
+armaments, and need no longer have troubled ourselves about Austrian
+complications. Then Austria would have become the vassal of the German
+Empire, without any alliance--and especially without our seeking her
+good graces, a proceeding ultimately leading to war for the liberation
+of Poland and the destruction of Serbia, although German interest
+demanded the exact contrary.
+
+I had to support in London a policy the heresy of which I recognised.
+That brought down vengeance on me, because it was a sin against the Holy
+Ghost.
+
+
+
+
+MY RETURN
+
+
+As soon as I arrived in Berlin I saw that I was to be made the scapegoat
+for the catastrophe for which our Government had made itself responsible
+against my advice and warnings.
+
+The report was deliberately circulated in official quarters that I had
+allowed myself to be deceived by Sir E. Grey, because, if he had not
+wanted war, Russia would not have mobilised. Count Pourtales, whose
+reports could be relied on, was to be protected, not least on account of
+his relationship. He had conducted himself "magnificently," he was
+praised enthusiastically, and I was blamed the more severely.
+
+"What does Serbia matter to Russia?" this statesman said to me after
+eight years in office at Petrograd. The whole thing was a British trick
+that I had not noticed. At the Foreign Office they told me that war
+would in any case have come in 1916. Then Russia would have been ready;
+therefore it was better now.
+
+
+
+
+THE QUESTION OF RESPONSIBILITY
+
+
+As is evident from all official publications--and this is not refuted by
+our White Book, which, owing to the poverty of its contents and to its
+omissions, is a gravely self-accusing document--
+
+     1. We encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia, although German
+     interests were not involved and the danger of a world-war must have
+     been known to us. Whether we were aware of the wording of the
+     Ultimatum is completely immaterial.
+
+     2. During the time between the 23rd and 30th July, 1914, when M.
+     Sazonow emphatically declared that he would not tolerate any attack
+     on Serbia, we rejected the British proposals of mediation, although
+     Serbia, under Russian and British pressure, had accepted almost
+     the whole of the Ultimatum, and although an agreement about the two
+     points at issue could easily have been reached, and Count Berchtold
+     was even prepared to content himself with the Serbian reply.
+
+     3. On the 30th July, when Count Berchtold wanted to come to terms,
+     we sent an ultimatum to Petrograd merely because of the Russian
+     mobilisation, although Austria had not been attacked; and on the
+     31st July we declared war on Russia, although the Czar pledged his
+     word that he would not order a man to march as long as negotiations
+     were proceeding--thus deliberately destroying the possibility of a
+     peaceful settlement.
+
+In view of the above undeniable facts it is no wonder that the whole of
+the civilised world outside Germany places the entire responsibility for
+the world-war upon our shoulders.
+
+
+
+
+THE ENEMY POINT OF VIEW
+
+
+Is it not intelligible that our enemies should declare that they will
+not rest before a system is destroyed which is a constant menace to our
+neighbours? Must they not otherwise fear that in a few years' time they
+will again have to take up arms and again see their provinces overrun
+and their towns and villages destroyed? Have not they proved to be right
+who declared that the spirit of Treitschke and Bernhardi governed the
+German people, that spirit which glorified war as such, and did not
+loathe it as an evil, that with us the feudal knight and Junker, the
+warrior caste, still rule and form ideals and values, not the civilian
+gentleman; that the love of the duel which animates our academic youth
+still persists in those who control the destinies of the people? Did not
+the Zabern incident and the parliamentary discussions about it clearly
+demonstrate to foreign countries the value we place on the rights and
+liberties of the citizen if these collide with questions of military
+power?
+
+That intelligent historian Cramb, who has since died, an admirer of
+Germany, clothed the German conception in the words of Euphorion:
+
+    Dream ye of peace?[1]
+    Dream he that will--
+    War is the rallying cry!
+    Victory is the refrain.
+
+[Footnote 1: The original has "war," presumably owing to a
+misprint.--TRANSLATOR.]
+
+Militarism, which by rights is an education for the people and an
+instrument of policy, turns policy into the instrument of military power
+when the patriarchal absolutism of the soldier-kingdom makes possible an
+attitude which a democracy, remote from military Junker influence, would
+never have permitted.
+
+So think our enemies, and so they must think when they see that, in
+spite of capitalistic industrialisation and in spite of socialist
+organisation, "the living are still ruled by the dead," as Friedrich
+Nietzsche says. The principal war aim of our enemies, the
+democratisation of Germany, will be realised!
+
+
+
+
+BISMARCK
+
+
+Bismarck, like Napoleon, loved conflict for itself. As a statesman he
+avoided fresh wars, the folly of which he recognised. He was content
+with bloodless battles. After he had, in rapid succession, vanquished
+Christian, Francis Joseph, and Napoleon, it was the turn of Arnim, Pius,
+and Augusta. That did not suffice him. Gortschakow, who thought himself
+the greater, had repeatedly annoyed him. The conflict was carried almost
+to the point of war--even by depriving him of his railway saloon. This
+gave rise to the miserable Triple Alliance. At last came the conflict
+with William, in which the mighty one was vanquished, as Napoleon was
+vanquished by Alexander.
+
+Political life-and-death unions only prosper if founded on a
+constitutional basis and not on an international one. They are all the
+more questionable if the partner is feeble. Bismarck never meant the
+Alliance to take this form.
+
+He always treated the English with forbearance; he knew that this was
+wiser. He always paid marked respect to the old Queen Victoria, despite
+his hatred of her daughter and of political Anglomania; the learned
+Beaconsfield and the worldly-wise Salisbury he courted; and even that
+strange Gladstone, whom he did not like, really had nothing to complain
+about.
+
+The Ultimatum to Serbia was the culminating point of the policy of the
+Berlin Congress, the Bosnian crisis, the Conference of London: but there
+was yet time to turn back.
+
+We were completely successful in achieving that which above all other
+things should have been avoided--the breach with Russia and England.
+
+
+
+
+OUR FUTURE
+
+
+After two years' fighting it is obvious that we dare not hope for an
+unconditional victory over the Russians, English, French, Italians,
+Rumanians, and Americans, or reckon on being able to wear our enemies
+down. But we can obtain a peace by compromise only by evacuating the
+occupied territory, the retention of which would in any event be a
+burden and cause of weakness to us, and would involve the menace of
+further wars. Therefore everything should be avoided which would make it
+more difficult for those enemy groups who might possibly still be won
+over to the idea of a peace by compromise to come to terms, viz., the
+British Radicals and the Russian Reactionaries. From this point of view
+alone the Polish scheme is to be condemned, as is also any infringement
+of Belgian rights, or the execution of British citizens--to say nothing
+of the insane U-boat plan.
+
+"Our future lies on the water." Quite right; therefore it is not in
+Poland and Belgium, in France and Serbia. This is a return to the days
+of the Holy Roman Empire and the mistakes of the Hohenstaufens and
+Habsburgs. It is the policy of the Plantagenets, not that of Drake and
+Raleigh, Nelson and Rhodes. The policy of the Triple Alliance is a
+return to the past, a turning aside from the future, from imperialism
+and a world-policy. "Middle Europe" belongs to the Middle Ages,
+Berlin-Bagdad is a blind alley and not the way into the open country, to
+unlimited possibilities, to the world-mission of the German nation.
+
+I am no enemy of Austria, or Hungary, or Italy, or Serbia, or any other
+state, but only of the Triple Alliance policy, which was bound to divert
+us from our aims and bring us onto the inclined plane of a Continental
+policy. It was not the German policy, but that of the Austrian Imperial
+House. The Austrians had come to regard the Alliance as an umbrella
+under the shelter of which they could make excursions to the Near East
+when they thought fit.
+
+And what must we expect as the result of this war of nations? The United
+States of Africa will be British, like those of America, Australia and
+Oceania. And the Latin states of Europe, as I predicted years ago, will
+enter into the same relations with the United Kingdom that their Latin
+sisters in America maintain with the United States. The Anglo-Saxon will
+dominate them. France, exhausted by the war, will only attach herself
+still more closely to Great Britain. Nor will Spain continue to resist
+for long.
+
+And in Asia the Russians and the Japanese will spread and will carry
+their customs with their frontiers, and the South will remain to the
+British.
+
+The world will belong to the Anglo-Saxons, Russians, and Japanese, and
+the German will remain alone with Austria and Hungary. His rule will be
+that of thought and of commerce, not that of the bureaucrat and the
+soldier. He made his appearance too late, and his last chance of making
+good the past, that of founding a Colonial Empire, was annihilated by
+the world-war.
+
+For we shall not supplant the sons of Ichwe. Then will be realised the
+plan of the great Rhodes, who saw the salvation of humanity in the
+expansion of Britondom--in British Imperialism.
+
+    Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento.
+    Hae tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere morem,
+    Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.
+
+
+
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+THE GERMAN TERROR IN FRANCE                     _By Arnold J. Toynbee_
+THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM                    _By Arnold J. Toynbee_
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+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+Original spelling and grammar retained with the following exceptions:-
+
+Contents NICHOLSON ==> NICOLSON
+
+Page xi The attack made on him at the ouset of the war ==> The attack made
+        on him at the outset of the war
+
+Page  4 (Badgad Railway) ==> (Bagdad Railway)
+
+Page 26 There is not the same unbridgable gulf ==> There is not the same
+        unbridgeable gulf
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of My Mission to London 1912-1914, by
+Prince Lichnowsky
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