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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861, by
+George William Brown
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861
+ A Study of the War
+
+Author: George William Brown
+
+Release Date: April 2, 2012 [EBook #39346]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Edwards, Christine P. Travers and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: MAP SHOWING ROUTE OF RAIL ROAD THROUGH BALTIMORE FROM
+PRESIDENT ST. STATION TO CAMDEN ST. STATION.]
+
+
+
+
+ BALTIMORE
+
+ AND
+
+ THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861
+
+ A Study of the War
+
+
+ By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN
+
+ _Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of
+ Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861_
+
+
+ BALTIMORE
+ N. MURRAY, PUBLICATION AGENT,
+ JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
+ 1887
+
+ COPYRIGHT, 1887, BY N. MURRAY.
+ ISAAC FRIEDENWALD, PRINTER,
+ BALTIMORE.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+ Page
+CHAPTER I.
+
+ 1. INTRODUCTION, 9
+
+ 2. THE FIRST BLOOD SHED IN THE WAR, 10
+
+ 3. THE SUPPOSED PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE INCOMING PRESIDENT, 11
+
+ 4. THE MIDNIGHT RIDE TO WASHINGTON, 17
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+ 1. THE COMPROMISES OF THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY, 20
+
+ 2. A DIVIDED HOUSE, 23
+
+ 3. THE BROKEN COMPACT, 25
+
+ 4. THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION, 27
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+ 1. MARYLAND'S DESIRE FOR PEACE, 30
+
+ 2. EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN, 31
+
+ 3. HIS PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR TROOPS, 32
+
+ 4. THE CITY AUTHORITIES AND POLICE OF BALTIMORE, 34
+
+ 5. INCREASING EXCITEMENT IN BALTIMORE, 39
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ 1. THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE, 42
+
+ 2. THE FIGHT, 47
+
+ 3. THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON, 52
+
+ 4. CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO THE KILLED AND WOUNDED, 54
+
+ 5. PUBLIC MEETING, 56
+
+ 6. TELEGRAM TO THE PRESIDENT, 57
+
+ 7. NO REPLY, 58
+
+ 8. BURNING OF BRIDGES, 59
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+ 1. APRIL 20th--INCREASING EXCITEMENT, 60
+
+ 2. APPROPRIATION OF $500,000 FOR DEFENSE OF THE CITY, 60
+
+ 3. CORRESPONDENCE WITH PRESIDENT AND GOVERNOR, 61
+
+ 4. MEN ENROLLED, 63
+
+ 5. APPREHENDED ATTACK ON FORT McHENRY, 66
+
+ 6. MARSHAL KANE, 69
+
+ 7. INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT, CABINET, AND GENERAL SCOTT, 71
+
+ 8. GENERAL BUTLER, WITH THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS, PROCEEDS
+ TO ANNAPOLIS AND WASHINGTON, 76
+
+ 9. BALTIMORE IN A STATE OF ARMED NEUTRALITY, 77
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+ 1. SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 79
+
+ 2. REPORT OF THE BOARD OF POLICE, 80
+
+ 3. SUPPRESSION OF THE FLAGS, 82
+
+ 4. ON THE 5th OF MAY GENERAL BUTLER TAKES POSITION SIX MILES
+ FROM BALTIMORE, 83
+
+ 5. ON THE 13th OF MAY HE ENTERS BALTIMORE AND FORTIFIES FEDERAL
+ HILL, 84
+
+ 6. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WILL TAKE NO STEPS TOWARD SECESSION, 85
+
+ 7. MANY YOUNG MEN JOIN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDERACY, 85
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+ 1. CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY AND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, 87
+
+ 2. A UNION CONVENTION, 92
+
+ 3. CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT, 93
+
+ 4. INCIDENTS OF THE WAR, 95
+
+ 5. THE WOMEN IN THE WAR, 95
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ 1. GENERAL BANKS IN COMMAND, 97
+
+ 2. MARSHAL KANE ARRESTED, 97
+
+ 3. POLICE COMMISSIONERS SUPERSEDED, 97
+
+ 4. RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 98
+
+ 5. POLICE COMMISSIONERS ARRESTED, 98
+
+ 6. RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 100
+
+ 7. GENERAL DIX IN COMMAND, 100
+
+ 8. ARREST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, THE MAYOR,
+ AND OTHERS, 102
+
+ 9. RELEASE OF PRISONERS, 108
+
+ 10. COLONEL DIMICK, 111
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.--A PERSONAL CHAPTER. 113
+
+
+APPENDIX I.
+
+ ACCOUNT OF THE ALLEGED CONSPIRACY TO ASSASSINATE ABRAHAM
+ LINCOLN ON HIS JOURNEY TO BALTIMORE, FROM THE "LIFE OF
+ ABRAHAM LINCOLN," BY WARD H. LAMON, pp. 511-526, 120
+
+
+APPENDIX II.
+
+ EXTRACT FROM THE OPINION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
+ STATES, DELIVERED BY CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY, IN THE CASE OF
+ DRED SCOTT VS. SANFORD (19 HOW. 407), 138
+
+
+APPENDIX III.
+
+ THE HABEAS CORPUS CASE.--OPINION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE
+ UNITED STATES (_Ex Parte_ JOHN MERRYMAN), 139
+
+
+APPENDIX IV.
+
+ MESSAGE OF THE 12th OF JULY, 1861, TO THE FIRST AND SECOND
+ BRANCHES OF THE CITY COUNCIL, REFERRING TO THE EVENTS OF
+ THE 19th OF APRIL AND THOSE WHICH FOLLOWED.--THE FIRST
+ PARAGRAPH AND THE CONCLUDING PARAGRAPHS OF THIS DOCUMENT, 157
+
+
+APPENDIX V.
+
+ AS A PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE TIMES, REPRODUCTION FROM THE
+ BALTIMORE "AMERICAN" OF DECEMBER 5, 1860, OF THE RECEPTION
+ OF THE PUTNAM PHALANX, OF HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT, IN
+ THE CITY OF BALTIMORE, 160
+
+
+APPENDIX VI.
+
+ VISIT OF A PORTION OF THE MEMBERS OF THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS
+ REGIMENT TO BALTIMORE ON THE 19th OF APRIL, 1880, AND AN
+ ACCOUNT OF ITS RECEPTION, FROM THE BALTIMORE "SUN" AND
+ THE BALTIMORE "AMERICAN," 167
+
+
+ INDEX, 171
+
+
+
+
+BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861.
+
+_A STUDY OF THE WAR._
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+ INTRODUCTION. -- THE FIRST BLOOD SHED IN THE WAR. -- THE SUPPOSED
+ PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE INCOMING PRESIDENT. -- THE MIDNIGHT RIDE
+ TO WASHINGTON.
+
+
+I have often been solicited by persons of widely opposite political
+opinions to write an account of the events which occurred in Baltimore
+on the 19th of April, 1861, about which much that is exaggerated and
+sensational has been circulated; but, for different reasons, I have
+delayed complying with the request until this time.
+
+These events were not isolated facts, but were the natural result of
+causes which had roots deep in the past, and they were followed by
+serious and important consequences. The narrative, to be complete,
+must give some account of both cause and consequence, and to do this
+briefly and with a proper regard to historical proportion is no easy
+task.
+
+Moreover, it is not pleasant to disturb the ashes of a great
+conflagration, which, although they have grown cold on the surface,
+cover embers still capable of emitting both smoke and heat; and
+especially is it not pleasant when the disturber of the ashes was
+himself an actor in the scenes which he is asked to describe.
+
+But more than twenty-five years have passed, and with them have passed
+away most of the generation then living; and, as one of the rapidly
+diminishing survivors, I am admonished by the lengthening shadows that
+anything I may have to say should be said speedily. The nation has
+learned many lessons of wisdom from its civil war, and not the least
+among them is that every truthful contribution to its annals or to its
+teachings is not without some value.
+
+I have accordingly undertaken the task, but not without reluctance,
+because it necessarily revives recollections of the most trying and
+painful experiences of my life--experiences which for a long time I
+have not unwillingly permitted to fade in the dim distance.
+
+There was another 19th of April--that of Lexington in 1775--which has
+become memorable in history for a battle between the Minute Men of
+Massachusetts and a column of British troops, in which the first blood
+was shed in the war of the Revolution. It was the heroic beginning of
+that contest.
+
+The fight which occurred in the streets of Baltimore on the 19th of
+April, 1861, between the 6th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers and
+a mob of citizens, was also memorable, because then was shed the first
+blood in a conflict between the North and the South; then a step was
+taken which made compromise or retreat almost impossible; then
+passions on both sides were aroused which could not be controlled.[1]
+In each case the outbreak was an explosion of conflicting forces long
+suppressed, but certain, sooner or later, to occur. Here the
+coincidence ends. The Minute Men of Massachusetts were so called
+because they were prepared to rise on a minute's notice. They had
+anticipated and had prepared for the strife. The attack by the mob in
+Baltimore was a sudden uprising of popular fury. The events themselves
+were magnified as the tidings flashed over the whole country, and the
+consequences were immediate. The North became wild with astonishment
+and rage, and the South rose to fever-heat from the conviction that
+Maryland was about to fall into line as the advance guard of the
+Southern Confederacy.
+
+[Footnote 1: At Fort Sumter, it is true, one week earlier, the first
+collision of arms had taken place; but strangely, that bombardment was
+unattended with loss of life. And it did not necessarily mean war
+between North and South: accommodation still seemed possible.]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+In February, 1861, when Mr. Lincoln was on his way to Washington to
+prepare for his inauguration as President of the United States, an
+unfortunate incident occurred which had a sinister influence on the
+State of Maryland, and especially on the city of Baltimore. Some
+superserviceable persons, carried away, honestly no doubt, by their
+own frightened imaginations, and perhaps in part stimulated by the
+temptation of getting up a sensation of the first class, succeeded in
+persuading Mr. Lincoln that a formidable conspiracy existed to
+assassinate him on his way through Maryland.
+
+It was announced publicly that he was to come from Philadelphia, not
+by the usual route through Wilmington, but by a circuitous journey
+through Harrisburg, and thence by the Northern Central Railroad to
+Baltimore. Misled by this statement, I, as Mayor of the city,
+accompanied by the Police Commissioners and supported by a strong
+force of police, was at the Calvert-street station on Saturday
+morning, February 23d, at half-past eleven o'clock, the appointed time
+of arrival, ready to receive with due respect the incoming President.
+An open carriage was in waiting, in which I was to have the honor of
+escorting Mr. Lincoln through the city to the Washington station, and
+of sharing in any danger which he might encounter. It is hardly
+necessary to say that I apprehended none. When the train came it
+appeared, to my great astonishment, that Mrs. Lincoln and her three
+sons had arrived safely and without hindrance or molestation of any
+kind, but that Mr. Lincoln could not be found. It was then announced
+that he had passed through the city _incognito_ in the night train by
+the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and had reached
+Washington in safety at the usual hour in the morning. For this signal
+deliverance from an imaginary peril, those who devised the ingenious
+plan of escape were of course devoutly thankful, and they accordingly
+took to themselves no little amount of credit for its success.
+
+If Mr. Lincoln had arrived in Baltimore at the time expected, and had
+spoken a few words to the people who had gathered to hear him,
+expressing the kind feelings which were in his heart with the simple
+eloquence of which he was so great a master, he could not have failed
+to make a very different impression from that which was produced not
+only by the want of confidence and respect manifested towards the city
+of Baltimore by the plan pursued, but still more by the manner in
+which it was carried out. On such an occasion as this even trifles are
+of importance, and this incident was not a trifle. The emotional part
+of human nature is its strongest side and soonest leads to action. It
+was so with the people of Baltimore. Fearful accounts of the
+conspiracy flew all over the country, creating a hostile feeling
+against the city, from which it soon afterwards suffered. A single
+specimen of the news thus spread will suffice. A dispatch from
+Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to the New York _Times_, dated February
+23d, 8 A. M., says: "Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of the
+United States, is safe in the capital of the nation." Then, after
+describing the dreadful nature of the conspiracy, it adds: "The list
+of the names of the conspirators presented a most astonishing array of
+persons high in Southern confidence, and some whose fame is not
+confined to this country alone."
+
+Of course, the list of names was never furnished, and all the men in
+buckram vanished in air. This is all the notice which this matter
+would require except for the extraordinary narrative contributed by
+Mr. Samuel M. Felton, at that time President of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad Company, to the volume entitled "A
+History of Massachusetts in the Civil War," published in 1868.
+
+Early in 1861, Mr. Felton had made, as he supposed, a remarkable
+discovery of "a deep-laid conspiracy to capture Washington and break
+up the Government."
+
+Soon afterwards Miss Dix, the philanthropist, opportunely came to his
+office on a Saturday afternoon, stating that she had an important
+communication to make to him personally, and then, with closed doors
+and for more than an hour, she poured into his ears a thrilling tale,
+to which he attentively listened. "The sum of all was (I quote the
+language of Mr. Felton) that there was then an extensive and organized
+conspiracy throughout the South to seize upon Washington, with its
+archives and records, and then declare the Southern conspirators _de
+facto_ the Government of the United States. The whole was to be a
+_coup d'état_. At the same time they were to cut off all modes of
+communication between Washington and the North, East or West, and thus
+prevent the transportation of troops to wrest the capital from the
+hands of the insurgents. Mr. Lincoln's inauguration was thus to be
+prevented, or his life was to fall a sacrifice to the attempt at
+inauguration. In fact, troops were then drilling on the line of our
+own road, and the Washington and Annapolis line and other lines."
+
+It was clear that the knowledge of a treasonable conspiracy of such
+vast proportions, which had already begun its operations, ought not to
+be confined solely to the keeping of Mr. Felton and Miss Dix. Mr. N.
+P. Trist, an officer of the road, was accordingly admitted into the
+secret, and was dispatched in haste to Washington, to lay all the
+facts before General Scott, the Commander-in-Chief. The General,
+however, would give no assurances except that he would do all he could
+to bring sufficient troops to Washington to make it secure. Matters
+stood in this unsatisfactory condition for some time, until a new
+rumor reached the ears of Mr. Felton.
+
+A gentleman from Baltimore, he says, came out to Back River Bridge,
+about five miles east of the city, and told the bridgekeeper that he
+had information which had come to his knowledge, of vital importance
+to the road, which he wished communicated to Mr. Felton. The nature of
+this communication was that a party was then organized in Baltimore to
+burn the bridges in case Mr. Lincoln came over the road, or in case an
+attempt was made to carry troops for the defense of Washington. The
+party at that time had combustible materials prepared to pour over the
+bridges, and were to disguise themselves as negroes and be at the
+bridge just before the train in which Mr. Lincoln travelled had
+arrived. The bridge was then to be burned, the train attacked, and Mr.
+Lincoln to be put out of the way. The man appeared several times,
+always, it seems, to the bridgekeeper, and he always communicated new
+information about the conspirators, but he would never give his name
+nor place of abode, and both still remain a mystery. Mr. Felton
+himself then went to Washington, where he succeeded in obtaining from
+a prominent gentleman from Baltimore whom he there saw, the judicious
+advice to apply to Marshal Kane, the Chief of Police in Baltimore,
+with the assurance that he was a perfectly reliable person. Marshal
+Kane was accordingly seen, but he scouted the idea that there was any
+such thing on foot as a conspiracy to burn the bridges and cut off
+Washington, and said he had thoroughly investigated the whole matter,
+and there was not the slightest foundation for such rumors. Mr. Felton
+was not satisfied, but he would have nothing more to do with Marshal
+Kane. He next sent for a celebrated detective in the West, whose name
+is not given, and through this chief and his subordinates every nook
+and corner of the road and its vicinity was explored. They reported
+that they had joined the societies of the conspirators in Baltimore
+and got into their secrets, and that the secret working of secession
+and treason was laid bare, with all its midnight plottings and daily
+consultations. The conspiracy being thus proved to Mr. Felton's
+satisfaction, he at once organized and armed a force of two hundred
+men and scattered them along the line of the railroad between the
+Susquehanna and Baltimore, principally at the bridges. But, strange to
+say, all that was accomplished by this formidable body was an enormous
+job of whitewashing.
+
+The narrative proceeds: "These men were drilled secretly and regularly
+by drill-masters, and were apparently employed in whitewashing the
+bridges, patting on some six or seven coats of whitewash saturated
+with salt and alum, to make the outside of the bridges as nearly
+fireproof as possible. This whitewashing, so extensive in its
+application, became (continues Mr. Felton) the nine days' wonder of
+the neighborhood." And well it might. After the lapse of twenty-five
+years the wonder over this feat of strategy can hardly yet have ceased
+in that rural and peaceful neighborhood. But, unfortunately for Mr.
+Felton's peace of mind, the programme of Mr. Lincoln's journey was
+suddenly changed. He had selected a different route. He had decided to
+go to Harrisburg from Philadelphia, and thence by day to Baltimore,
+over another and a rival road, known as the Northern Central. Then the
+chief detective discovered that the attention of the conspirators was
+suddenly turned to the Northern Central road. The mysterious unknown
+gentleman from Baltimore appeared again on the scene and confirmed
+this statement. He gave warning that Mr. Lincoln was to be waylaid and
+his life sacrificed on that road, on which no whitewash had been used,
+and where there were no armed men to protect him.
+
+Mr. Felton hurried to Philadelphia, and there, in a hotel, joined his
+chief detective, who was registered under a feigned name. Mr. Lincoln,
+cheered by a dense crowd, was, at that moment, passing through the
+streets of Philadelphia. A sub-detective was sent to bring Mr. Judd,
+Mr. Lincoln's intimate friend, to the hotel to hold a consultation.
+Mr. Judd was in the procession with Mr. Lincoln, but the emergency
+admitted no delay. The eagerness of the sub-detective was so great
+that he was three times arrested and carried out of the crowd by the
+police before he could reach Mr. Judd. The fourth attempt succeeded,
+and Mr. Judd was at last brought to the hotel, where he met both Mr.
+Felton and the chief detective. The narrative then proceeds in the
+words of Mr. Felton: "We lost no time in making known to him (Mr.
+Judd) all the facts which had come to our knowledge in reference to
+the conspiracy, and I most earnestly advised sleeping-car. Mr. Judd
+fully entered into the plan, and said he would urge Mr. Lincoln to
+adopt it. On his communicating with Mr. Lincoln, after the services of
+the evening were over, he answered that he had engaged to go to
+Harrisburg and speak the next day, and that he would not break his
+engagement, even in the face of such peril, but that after he had
+fulfilled his engagement he would follow such advice as we might give
+him in reference to his journey to Washington." Mr. Lincoln
+accordingly went to Harrisburg the next day and made an address. After
+that the arrangements for the journey were shrouded in the profoundest
+mystery. It was given out that he was to go to Governor Curtin's house
+for the night, but he was, instead, conducted to a point about two
+miles out of Harrisburg, where an extra car and engine waited to take
+him to Philadelphia. The telegraph lines east, west, north and south
+from Harrisburg were cut, so that no message as to his movements could
+be sent off in any direction. But all this caused a detention, and the
+night train from Philadelphia to Baltimore had to be held back until
+the arrival of Mr. Lincoln at the former place. If, however, the delay
+proved to be considerable, when Mr. Lincoln reached Baltimore the
+connecting train to Washington might leave without him. But Mr. Felton
+was equal to the occasion. He devised a plan which was communicated to
+only three or four on the road. A messenger was sent to Baltimore by
+an earlier train to say to the officials of the Washington road that a
+very important package must be delivered in Washington early in the
+morning, and to request them to wait for the night train from
+Philadelphia. To give color to this statement, a package of old
+railroad reports, done up with great care, and with a large seal
+attached, marked by Mr. Felton's own hand, "Very Important," was sent
+in the train which carried Mr. Lincoln on his famous night ride from
+Philadelphia through Maryland and Baltimore to the city of
+Washington. The only remarkable incident of the journey was the
+mysterious behavior of the few officials who were entrusted with the
+portentous secret.
+
+I do not know how others may be affected by this narrative, but I
+confess even now to a feeling of indignation that Mr. Lincoln, who was
+no coward, but proved himself on many an occasion to be a brave man,
+was thus prevented from carrying out his original intention of
+journeying to Baltimore in the light of day, in company with his wife
+and children, relying as he always did on the honor and manhood of the
+American people. It is true we have, to our sorrow, learned by the
+manner of his death, as well as by the fate of still another
+President, that no one occupying so high a place can be absolutely
+safe, even in this country, from the danger of assassination, but it
+is still true that as a rule the best way to meet such danger is
+boldly to defy it.
+
+Mr. C. C. Felton, son of Mr. Samuel M. Felton, in an article entitled
+"The Baltimore Plot," published in December, 1885, in the _Harvard
+Monthly_, has attempted to revive this absurd story. He repeats the
+account of whitewashing the bridges, and of the astonishment created
+among the good people of the neighborhood. He has faith in "the
+unknown Baltimorean" who visited the bridgekeeper, but would never
+give his name, and in the spies employed, who, he tells us, were "the
+well-known detective Pinkerton and eight assistants," and he leaves
+his readers to infer that Mr. Lincoln's life was saved by the
+extraordinary vigilance which had been exercised and the ingenious
+plan which had been devised by his worthy father, but alas!--
+
+ "The earth hath bubbles as the water has,"
+
+and this was of them.
+
+Colonel Lamon, a close friend of President Lincoln, and the only
+person who accompanied him on his night ride to Washington, has
+written his biography, a very careful and conscientious work, which
+unfortunately was left unfinished, and he of course had the strongest
+reasons for carefully examining the subject. After a full examination
+of all the documents, Colonel Lamon pronounces the conspiracy to be a
+mere fiction, and adds in confirmation the mature opinion of Mr.
+Lincoln himself.
+
+Colonel Lamon says:[2] "Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the
+midnight ride. His friends reproached him, his enemies taunted him. He
+was convinced that he had committed a grave mistake in yielding to the
+solicitations of a professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed.
+He saw that he had fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the
+shame and mortification natural to a brave man under such
+circumstances. But he was not disposed to take all the responsibility
+to himself, and frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and
+assisted him to demean himself at the very moment in all his life when
+his behavior should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure."
+
+As Colonel Lamon's biography, a work of absorbing interest, is now out
+of print, and as his account of the ride and of the results of the
+investigation of the conspiracy is too long to be inserted here, it is
+added in an Appendix.
+
+The account above given has its appropriateness here, for the midnight
+ride through Baltimore, and the charge that its citizens were plotting
+the President's assassination, helped to feed the flame of excitement
+which, in the stirring events of that time, was already burning too
+high all over the land, and especially in a border city with divided
+sympathies.
+
+[Footnote 2: The Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 526; and see Appendix I.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+ THE COMPROMISES OF THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. -- A
+ DIVIDED HOUSE. -- THE BROKEN COMPACT. -- THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION.
+
+
+For a period the broad provisions of the Constitution of the United
+States, as expounded by the wise and broad decisions of the Supreme
+Court, had proved to be equal to every emergency. The thirteen feeble
+colonies had grown to be a great Republic, and no external obstacle
+threatened its majestic progress; foreign wars had been waged and vast
+territories had been annexed, but every strain on the Constitution
+only served to make it stronger. Yet there was a canker in a vital
+part which nothing could heal, which from day to day became more
+malignant, and which those who looked beneath the surface could
+perceive was surely leading, and at no distant day, to dissolution or
+war, or perhaps to both. The canker was the existence of negro
+slavery.
+
+In colonial days, kings, lords spiritual and temporal, and commons,
+all united in favoring the slave trade. In Massachusetts the Puritan
+minister might be seen on the Sabbath going to meeting in family
+procession, with his negro slave bringing up the rear. Boston was
+largely engaged in building ships and manufacturing rum, and a portion
+of the ships and much of the rum were sent to Africa, the rum to buy
+slaves, and the ships to bring them to a market in America. Newport
+was more largely, and until a more recent time, engaged in the same
+traffic.
+
+In Maryland, even the Friends were sometimes owners of slaves; and it
+is charged, and apparently with reason, that Wenlock Christison, the
+Quaker preacher, after being driven from Massachusetts by persecution
+and coming to Maryland by way of Barbadoes, sent or brought in with
+him a number of slaves, who cultivated his plantation until his death.
+In Georgia, the Calvinist Whitefield blessed God for his negro
+plantation, which was generously given to him to establish his
+"Bethesda" as a refuge for orphan children.
+
+In the Dred Scott case, Chief Justice Taney truly described the
+opinion, which he deplored, prevailing at the time of the adoption of
+the Constitution, as being that the colored man had no rights which
+the white man was bound to respect.[3]
+
+[Footnote 3: Judge Taney's utterance on this subject has been
+frequently and grossly misrepresented. In Appendix II. will be found
+what he really did say.]
+
+The Constitution had endeavored to settle the question of slavery by a
+compromise. As the difficulty in regard to it arose far more from
+political than moral grounds, so in the settlement the former were
+almost exclusively considered. It was, however, the best that could be
+made at that time. It is certain that without such a compromise the
+Constitution would not have been adopted. The existence of slavery in
+a State was left in the discretion of the State itself. If a slave
+escaped to another State, he was to be returned to his master. Laws
+were passed by Congress to carry out this provision, and the Supreme
+Court decided that they were constitutional.
+
+For a long time the best people at the North stood firmly by the
+compromise. It was a national compact, and must be respected. But
+ideas, and especially moral ideas, cannot be forever fettered by a
+compact, no matter how solemn may be its sanctions. The change of
+opinion at the North was first slow, then rapid, and then so powerful
+as to overwhelm all opposition. John Brown, who was executed for
+raising a negro insurrection in Virginia, in which men were wounded
+and killed, was reverenced by many at the North as a hero, a martyr
+and a saint. It had long been a fixed fact that no fugitive slave
+could by process of law be returned from the North into slavery. With
+the advent to power of the Republican party--a party based on
+opposition to slavery--another breach in the outworks of the
+Constitution, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, had been made.
+Sooner or later the same hands would capture the citadel. Sooner or
+later it was plain that slavery was doomed.
+
+In the memorable Senatorial campaign in Illinois between Stephen A.
+Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, the latter, in his speech before the
+Republican State Convention at Springfield, June 17, 1858, struck the
+keynote of his party by the bold declaration on the subject of slavery
+which he then made and never recalled.
+
+This utterance was the more remarkable because on the previous day the
+convention had passed unanimously a resolution declaring that Mr.
+Lincoln was their first and only choice for United States Senator, to
+fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr.
+Douglas's term of office, but the convention had done nothing which
+called for the advanced ground on which Mr. Lincoln planted himself in
+that speech. It was carefully prepared.
+
+The narrative of Colonel Lamon in his biography of Lincoln is
+intensely interesting and dramatic.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: Lamon's Life of Lincoln, p. 808.]
+
+About a dozen gentlemen, he says, were called to meet in the library
+of the State House. After seating them at the round table, Mr. Lincoln
+read his entire speech, dwelling slowly on that part which speaks of a
+divided house, so that every man fully understood it. After he had
+finished, he asked for the opinion of his friends. All but William H.
+Herndon, the law partner of Mr. Lincoln, declared that the whole
+speech was too far in advance of the times, and they especially
+condemned that part which referred to a divided house. Mr. Herndon sat
+still while they were giving their respective opinions; then he sprang
+to his feet and said: "Lincoln, deliver it just as it reads. If it is
+in advance of the times, let us--you and I, if no one else--lift the
+people to the level of this speech now, higher hereafter. The speech
+is true, wise and politic, and will succeed now, or in the future.
+Nay, it will aid you, if it will not make you President of the United
+States."...
+
+"Mr. Lincoln sat still a short moment, rose from his chair, walked
+backward and forward in the hall, stopped and said: 'Friends, I have
+thought about this matter a great deal, have weighed the question well
+from all corners, and am thoroughly convinced the time has come when
+it should be uttered; and if it must be that I must go down because of
+this speech, then let me go down linked to truth--die in the advocacy
+of what is right and just. This nation cannot live on injustice. A
+house divided against itself cannot stand, I say again and again.'"
+
+The opening paragraph of the speech is as follows: "If we could first
+know where we are and whither we are tending, we could then better
+judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far on into the fifth
+year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident
+promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of
+that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but is constantly
+augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have
+been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand.
+I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and
+half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect
+the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It
+will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of
+slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the
+public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of
+ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it
+shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North
+as well as South."
+
+The blast of the trumpet gave no uncertain sound. The far-seeing
+suggestion of Mr. Herndon came true to the letter. I believe this
+speech made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States.
+
+But the founders of the Constitution of the United States had built a
+house which was divided against itself from the beginning. They had
+framed a union of States which was part free and part slave, and that
+union was intended to last forever. Here was an irreconcilable
+conflict between the Constitution and the future President of the
+United States.
+
+When the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago in May, 1860, in
+the heat of the contest, which soon became narrowed down to a choice
+between Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, the latter dispatched a friend to
+Chicago with a message in writing, which was handed either to Judge
+Davis or Judge Logan, both members of the convention, which runs as
+follows: "Lincoln agrees with Seward in his irrepressible-conflict
+idea, and in negro equality; but he is opposed to Seward's higher
+law." But there was no substantial difference between the position of
+the two: Lincoln's "divided house" and Seward's "higher law" placed
+them really in the same attitude.
+
+The seventh resolution in the Chicago platform condemned what it
+described as the "new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force,
+carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United
+States." This resolution was a direct repudiation by a National
+Convention of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott
+case.
+
+On the 6th of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of
+the United States. Of the actual votes cast there was a majority
+against him of 930,170. Next came Mr. Douglas, who lost the support of
+the Southern Democrats by his advocacy of the doctrine of "squatter
+sovereignty," as it was called, which was in effect, although not in
+form, as hostile to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred
+Scott case as the seventh resolution of the Chicago Convention itself.
+Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, the candidate of the Southern
+Democracy, fell very far, and Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, the candidate of
+the Union party, as it was called, a short-lived successor of the old
+Whig party, fell still farther in the rear of the two Northern
+candidates.
+
+The great crisis had come at last. The Abolition party had become a
+portion of the victorious Republican party. The South, politically,
+was overwhelmed. Separated now from its only ally, the Northern
+Democracy, it stood at last alone.
+
+It matters not that Mr. Lincoln, after his election, in sincerity of
+heart held out the olive branch to the nation, and that during his
+term of office the South, so far as his influence could avail, would
+have been comparatively safe from direct aggressions. Mr. Lincoln was
+not known then as he is known now, and, moreover, his term of office
+would be but four years.
+
+What course, then, was left to the South if it was determined to
+maintain its rights under the Constitution? What but the right of
+self-defense?
+
+The house of every man is his castle, and he may defend it to the
+death against all aggressors. When a hostile hand is raised to strike
+a blow, he who is assaulted need not wait until the blow falls, but on
+the instant may protect himself as best he can. These are the rights
+of self-defense known, approved and acted on by all freemen. And where
+constitutional rights of a people are in jeopardy, a kindred right of
+self-defense belongs to them. Although revolutionary in its character,
+it is not the less a right.
+
+Wendell Phillips, abolitionist as he was, in a speech made at New
+Bedford on the 9th of April, 1861, three days before the bombardment
+of Fort Sumter, fully recognized this right. He said: "Here are a
+series of States girding the Gulf, who think that their peculiar
+institutions require that they should have a separate government. They
+have a right to decide that question without appealing to you or me. A
+large body of the people, sufficient to make a nation, have come to
+the conclusion that they will have a government of a certain form. Who
+denies them the right? Standing with the principles of '76 behind us,
+who can deny them the right? What is a matter of a few millions of
+dollars or a few forts? It is a mere drop in the bucket of the great
+national question. It is theirs just as much as ours. I maintain, on
+the principles of '76, that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier
+in Fort Sumter."
+
+And such was the honest belief of the people who united in
+establishing the Southern Confederacy.
+
+Wendell Phillips was not wrong in declaring the principles of '76 to
+be kindred to those of '61. The men of '76 did not fight to get rid of
+the petty tax of three pence a pound on tea, which was the only tax
+left to quarrel about. They were determined to pay no taxes, large or
+small, then or thereafter. Whether the tax was lawful or not was a
+doubtful question, about which there was a wide difference of opinion,
+but they did not care for that. Nothing would satisfy them but the
+relinquishment of any claim of right to tax the colonies, and this
+they could not obtain. They maintained that their rights were
+violated. They were, moreover, embittered by a long series of disputes
+with the mother country, and they wanted to be independent and to have
+a country of their own. They thought they were strong enough to
+maintain that position.
+
+Neither were the Southern men of '61 fighting for money. And they too
+were deeply embittered, not against a mother country, but against a
+brother country. The Northern people had published invectives of the
+most exasperating character broadcast against the South in their
+speeches, sermons, newspapers and books. The abolitionists had
+proceeded from words to deeds and were unwearied in tampering with the
+slaves and carrying them off. The Southern people, on their part, were
+not less violent in denunciation of the North. The slavery question
+had divided the political parties throughout the nation, and on this
+question the South was practically a unit. They could get no security
+that the provisions of the Constitution would be kept either in letter
+or in spirit, and this they demanded as their right.
+
+The Southern men thought that they also were strong enough to wage
+successfully a defensive war. Like the men of '76, they in great part
+were of British stock; they lived in a thinly settled country, led
+simple lives, were accustomed to the use of arms, and knew how to
+protect themselves. Such men make good soldiers, and when their armies
+were enrolled the ranks were filled with men of all classes, the rich
+as well as the poor, the educated as well as the ignorant.
+
+It is a mistake to suppose that they were inveigled into secession by
+ambitious leaders. On the contrary, it is probable that they were not
+as much under the influence of leaders as the men of '76, and that
+there were fewer disaffected among them. At times the scales trembled
+in the balance. There are always mistakes in war. It is an easy and
+ungrateful task to point them out afterward. We can now see that grave
+errors, both financial and military, were made, and that opportunities
+were thrown away. How far these went to settle the contest, we can
+never certainly know, but it does not need great boldness to assert
+that the belief which the Southern people entertained that they were
+strong enough to defend themselves, was not unreasonable.
+
+The determination of the South to maintain slavery was undoubtedly the
+main cause of secession, but another deep and underlying cause was the
+firm belief of the Southern people in the doctrine of States' rights,
+and their jealousy of any attack upon those rights. Devotion to their
+State first of all, a conviction that paramount obligation--in case of
+any conflict of allegiance--was due not to the Union but to the State,
+had been part of the political creed of very many in the South ever
+since the adoption of the Constitution. An ignoble love of slavery was
+not the general and impelling motive. The slaveholders, who were
+largely in the minority, acted as a privileged class always does act.
+They were determined to maintain their privileges at all hazards. But
+they, as well as the great mass of the people who had no personal
+interest in slavery, fought the battles of the war with the passionate
+earnestness of men who believed with an undoubting conviction that
+they were the defenders not only of home rule and of their firesides,
+but also of their constitutional rights.
+
+And behind the money question, the constitutional question and the
+moral question, there was still another of the gravest import. Was it
+possible for two races nearly equal in number, but widely different in
+character and civilization, to live together in a republic in peace
+and equality of rights without mingling in blood? The answer of the
+Southern man was, "It is not possible."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+ MARYLAND'S DESIRE FOR PEACE. -- EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED THE
+ ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. -- HIS PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR
+ TROOPS. -- THE CITY AUTHORITIES AND POLICE OF BALTIMORE. --
+ INCREASING EXCITEMENT IN BALTIMORE.
+
+
+I now come to consider the condition of affairs in Maryland. As yet
+the Republican party had obtained a very slight foothold. Only 2,294
+votes had in the whole State been cast for Mr. Lincoln. Her sympathies
+were divided between the North and the South, with a decided
+preponderance on the Southern side. For many years her conscience had
+been neither dead nor asleep on the subject of slavery. Families had
+impoverished themselves to free their slaves. In 1860 there were
+83,942 free colored people in Maryland and 87,189 slaves, the white
+population being 515,918. Thus there were nearly as many free as
+slaves of the colored race. Emancipation, in spite of harsh laws
+passed to discountenance it, had rapidly gone on. In the northern part
+of the State and in the city of Baltimore there were but few
+slaveholders, and the slavery was hardly more than nominal. The
+patriarchal institution, as it has been derisively called, had a real
+existence in many a household. Not a few excellent people have I known
+and respected who were born and bred in slavery and had been freed by
+their masters. In 1831 the State incorporated the Maryland
+Colonization Society, which founded on the west coast of Africa a
+successful republican colony of colored people, now known as the State
+of Maryland in Liberia, and for twenty-six years, and until the war
+broke out, the State contributed $10,000 a year to its support. This
+amount was increased by the contributions of individuals. The board,
+of which Mr. John H. B. Latrobe was for many years president, was
+composed of our best citizens. A code of laws for the government of
+the colony was prepared by the excellent and learned lawyer, Hugh
+Davey Evans.
+
+While there was on the part of a large portion of the people a
+deep-rooted and growing dislike to slavery, agitation on the subject
+had not commenced. It was in fact suppressed by reason of the violence
+of Northern abolitionists with whom the friends of emancipation were
+not able to unite.
+
+It is not surprising that Maryland was in no mood for war, but that
+her voice was for compromise and peace--compromise and peace at any
+price consistent with honor.
+
+The period immediately following the election of Mr. Lincoln in
+November, 1860, was throughout the country one of intense agitation
+and of important events. A large party at the North preferred
+compromise to war, even at the cost of dissolution of the Union. If
+dissolution began, no one could tell where it would stop. South
+Carolina seceded on the 17th of December, 1860. Georgia and the five
+Gulf States soon followed. On the 6th of January, 1861, Fernando Wood,
+mayor of the city of New York, sent a message to the common council
+advising that New York should secede and become a free city.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: John P. Kennedy, of Baltimore, the well-known author, who
+had been member of Congress and Secretary of the Navy, published early
+in 1861 a pamphlet entitled "The Border States, Their Power and Duty
+in the Present Disordered Condition of the Country." His idea was that
+if concert of action could be had between the Border States and
+concurring States of the South which had not seceded, stipulations
+might be obtained from the Free States, with the aid of Congress, and,
+if necessary, an amendment of the Constitution, which would protect
+the rights of the South; but if this failed, that the Border States
+and their allies of the South would then be forced to consider the
+Union impracticable and to organize a separate confederacy of the
+Border States, with the association of such of the Southern and Free
+States as might be willing to accede to the proposed conditions. He
+hoped that the Union would thus be "reconstructed by the healthy
+action of the Border States." The necessary result, however, would
+have been that in the meantime three confederacies would have been in
+existence. And yet Mr. Kennedy had always been a Union man, and when
+the war broke out was its consistent advocate.
+
+These proposals, from such different sources as Fernando Wood and John
+P. Kennedy, tend to show the uncertainty and bewilderment which had
+taken possession of the minds of men, and in which few did not share
+to a greater or less degree.]
+
+On February the 9th, Jefferson Davis was elected President of the
+Southern Confederacy, a Confederacy to which other States would
+perhaps soon be added. But the Border States were as yet debatable
+ground; they might be retained by conciliation and compromise or
+alienated by hostile measures, whether directed against them or
+against the seceded States. In Virginia a convention had been called
+to consider the momentous question of union or secession, and an
+overwhelming majority of the delegates chosen were in favor of
+remaining in the Union. Other States were watching Virginia's course,
+in order to decide whether to stay in the Union or go out of it with
+her.
+
+On the 12th and 13th of April occurred the memorable bombardment and
+surrender of Fort Sumter. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln
+issued his celebrated proclamation calling out seventy-five thousand
+militia, and appealing "to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and
+aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity and existence of
+our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to
+redress wrongs already long enough endured." What these wrongs were
+is not stated. "The first service assigned to the forces hereby called
+forth," said the proclamation, "will probably be to re-possess the
+forts, places and property which have been seized from the Union." On
+the same day there was issued from the War Department a request
+addressed to the Governors of the different States, announcing what
+the quota of each State would be, and that the troops were to serve
+for three months unless sooner discharged. Maryland's quota was four
+regiments.
+
+The proclamation was received with exultation at the North--many
+dissentient voices being silenced in the general acclaim--with
+defiance at the South, and in Maryland with mingled feelings in which
+astonishment, dismay and disapprobation were predominant. On all sides
+it was agreed that the result must be war, or a dissolution of the
+Union, and I may safely say that a large majority of our people then
+preferred the latter.
+
+An immediate effect of the proclamation was to intensify the feeling
+of hostility in the wavering States, and to drive four of them into
+secession. Virginia acted promptly. On April 17th her convention
+passed an ordinance of secession--subject to ratification by a vote of
+the people--and Virginia became the head and front of the Confederacy.
+North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas soon followed her lead.
+Meanwhile, and before the formal acts of secession, the Governors of
+Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee sent prompt and defiant answers
+to the requisition, emphatically refusing to furnish troops, as did
+also the Governors of Kentucky and Missouri.
+
+The position of Maryland was most critical. This State was especially
+important, because the capital of the nation lay within her borders,
+and all the roads from the North leading to it passed through her
+territory. After the President's proclamation was issued, no doubt a
+large majority of her people sympathized with the South; but even had
+that sentiment been far more preponderating, there was an underlying
+feeling that by a sort of geographical necessity her lot was cast with
+the North, that the larger and stronger half of the nation would not
+allow its capital to be quietly disintegrated away by her secession.
+Delaware and Maryland were the only Border States which did not
+attempt to secede. Kentucky at first took the impossible stand of an
+armed neutrality. When this failed, a portion of her people passed an
+ordinance of secession, and a portion of the people of Missouri passed
+a similar ordinance.
+
+It is now proper to give some explanation of the condition of affairs
+in Baltimore, at that time a city of 215,000 inhabitants.
+
+Thomas Holliday Hicks, who had been elected by the American, or
+Know-Nothing party, three years before, was the Governor of the State.
+The city authorities, consisting of the mayor and city council, had
+been elected in October, 1860, a few weeks before the Presidential
+election, not as representatives of any of the national parties, but
+as the candidates of an independent reform party, and in opposition to
+the Know-Nothing party. This party, which then received its quietus,
+had been in power for some years, and had maintained itself by methods
+which made its rule little better than a reign of terror.[6] No one
+acquainted with the history of that period can doubt that the reform
+was greatly needed. A large number of the best men of the American
+party united in the movement, and with their aid it became
+triumphantly successful, carrying every ward in the city. The city
+council was composed of men of unusually high character. "Taken as a
+whole" (Scharf's "History of Maryland," Vol. III., p. 284), "a better
+ticket has seldom, if ever, been brought out. In the selection of
+candidates all party tests were discarded, and all thought of
+rewarding partisan services repudiated." Four police commissioners,
+appointed by the Legislature--Charles Howard, William H. Gatchell,
+Charles D. Hinks and John W. Davis--men of marked ability and worth,
+had, with the mayor, who was _ex officio_ a member of the board, the
+appointment and control of the police force. Mr. S. Teackle Wallis was
+the legal adviser of the board. The entire police force consisted of
+398 men, and had been raised to a high degree of discipline and
+efficiency under the command of Marshal Kane. They were armed with
+revolvers.
+
+[Footnote 6: The culmination of this period of misrule was at the
+election in November, 1859, when the fraud and violence were so
+flagrant that the Legislature of the State unseated the whole
+Baltimore delegation--ten members. The city being thus without
+representation, it became necessary, when a special session of the
+Legislature was called in April, 1861, that a new delegation from
+Baltimore should be chosen. It was this same Legislature (elected in
+1859), which took away from the mayor of the city the control of its
+police, and entrusted that force to a board of police commissioners.
+This change, a most fortunate one for the city at that crisis,
+resulted in the immediate establishment of good order, and made
+possible the reform movement of the next autumn.]
+
+Immediately after the call of the President for troops, including four
+regiments from Maryland, a marked division among the people manifested
+itself. Two large and excited crowds, eager for news, and nearly
+touching each other, stood from morning until late at night before two
+newspaper offices on Baltimore street which advocated contrary views
+and opinions. Strife was in the air. It was difficult for the police
+to keep the peace. Business was almost suspended. Was there indeed to
+be war between the sections, or could it yet, by some unlooked-for
+interposition, be averted? Would the Border States interfere and
+demand peace? There was a deep and pervading impression of impending
+evil. And now an immediate fear was as to the effect on the citizens
+of the passage of Northern troops through the city. Should they be
+permitted to cross the soil of Maryland, to make war on sister States
+of the South, allied to her by so many ties of affection, as well as
+of kindred institutions? On the other hand, when the capital of the
+nation was in danger, should not the kindest greeting and welcome be
+extended to those who were first to come to the rescue? Widely
+different were the answers given to these questions. The Palmetto flag
+had several times been raised by some audacious hands in street and
+harbor, but it was soon torn down. The National flag and the flag of
+the State, with its black and orange, the colors of Lord Baltimore,
+waved unmolested, but not side by side, for they had become symbols of
+different ideas, although the difference was, as yet, not clearly
+defined.
+
+On the 17th of April, the state of affairs became so serious that I,
+as mayor, issued a proclamation earnestly invoking all good citizens
+to refrain from every act which could lead to outbreak or violence of
+any kind; to refrain from harshness of speech, and to render in all
+cases prompt and efficient aid, as by law they were required to do, to
+the public authorities, whose constant efforts would be exerted to
+maintain unbroken the peace and order of the city, and to administer
+the laws with fidelity and impartiality. I cannot flatter myself that
+this appeal produced much effect. The excitement was too great for any
+words to allay it.
+
+On the 18th of April, notice was received from Harrisburg that two
+companies of United States artillery, commanded by Major Pemberton,
+and also four companies of militia, would arrive by the Northern
+Central Railroad at Bolton Station, in the northern part of the city,
+at two o'clock in the afternoon. The militia had neither arms nor
+uniforms.
+
+Before the troops arrived at the station, where I was waiting to
+receive them, I was suddenly called away by a message from Governor
+Hicks stating that he desired to see me on business of urgent
+importance, and this prevented my having personal knowledge of what
+immediately afterward occurred. The facts, however, are that a large
+crowd assembled at the station and followed the soldiers in their
+march to the Washington station with abuse and threats. The regulars
+were not molested, but the wrath of the mob was directed against the
+militia, and an attack would certainly have been made but for the
+vigilance and determination of the police, under the command of
+Marshal Kane.
+
+"These proceedings," says Mr. Scharf, in the third volume of his
+"History of Maryland," page 401, "were an earnest of what might be
+expected on the arrival of other troops, the excitement growing in
+intensity with every hour. Numerous outbreaks occurred in the
+neighborhood of the newspaper offices during the day, and in the
+evening a meeting of the States Rights Convention was held in Taylor's
+building, on Fayette street near Calvert, where, it is alleged, very
+strong ground was taken against the passage of any more troops through
+Baltimore, and armed resistance to it threatened. On motion of Mr.
+Ross Winans, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
+
+ "_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this convention the
+ prosecution of the design announced by the President in his late
+ proclamation, of recapturing the forts in the seceded States,
+ will inevitably lead to a sanguinary war, the dissolution of the
+ Union, and the irreconcilable estrangement of the people of the
+ South from the people of the North.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That we protest in the name of the people of
+ Maryland against the garrisoning of Southern forts by militia
+ drawn from the free States; or the quartering of militia from the
+ free States in any of the towns or places of the slaveholding
+ States.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this convention the massing
+ of large bodies of militia, exclusively from the free States, in
+ the District of Columbia, is uncalled for by any public danger or
+ exigency, is a standing menace to the State of Maryland, and an
+ insult to her loyalty and good faith, and will, if persisted in,
+ alienate her people from a government which thus attempts to
+ overawe them by the presence of armed men and treats them with
+ contempt and distrust.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That the time has arrived when it becomes all good
+ citizens to unite in a common effort to obliterate all party
+ lines which have heretofore unhappily divided us, and to present
+ an unbroken front in the preservation and defense of our
+ interests, our homes and our firesides, to avert the horrors of
+ civil war, and to repel, if need be, any invader who may come to
+ establish a military despotism over us.
+
+ "A. C. ROBINSON, _Chairman_."
+ "G. HARLAN WILLIAMS,
+ "ALBERT RITCHIE,
+ "_Secretaries_."
+
+The names of the members who composed this convention are not given,
+but the mover of the resolutions and the officers of the meeting were
+men well known and respected in this community.
+
+The bold and threatening character of the resolutions did not tend to
+calm the public mind. They did not, however, advocate an attack on the
+troops.
+
+In Putnam's "Record of the Rebellion," Volume I, page 29, the
+following statement is made of a meeting which was held on the morning
+of the 18th of April: "An excited secession meeting was held at
+Baltimore, Maryland. T. Parkin Scott occupied the chair, and speeches
+denunciatory of the Administration and the North were made by Wilson
+C. N. Carr, William Byrne [improperly spelled Burns], President of the
+National Volunteer Association, and others."
+
+An account of the meeting is before me, written by Mr. Carr, lately
+deceased, a gentleman entirely trustworthy. He did not know, he says,
+of the existence of such an association, but on his way down town
+having seen the notice of a town meeting to be held at Taylor's Hall,
+to take into consideration the state of affairs, he went to the
+meeting. Mr. Scott was in the chair and was speaking. He was not
+making an excited speech, but, on the contrary, was urging the
+audience to do nothing rashly, but to be moderate and not to interfere
+with any troops that might attempt to pass through the city. As soon
+as he had finished, Mr. Carr was urged to go up to the platform and
+reply to Mr. Scott. I now give Mr. Carr's words. "I went up," he says,
+"but had no intention of saying anything in opposition to what Mr.
+Scott had advised the people to do. I was not there as an advocate of
+secession, but was anxious to see some way opened for reconciliation
+between the North and South. I did not make an excited speech nor did
+I denounce the Administration. I saw that I was disappointing the
+crowd. Some expressed their disapprobation pretty plainly and I cut my
+speech short. As soon as I finished speaking the meeting adjourned."
+
+After the war was over, Mr. Scott was elected Chief Judge of the
+Supreme Bench of Baltimore City. He was a strong sympathizer with the
+South, and had the courage of his convictions, but he had been also an
+opponent of slavery, and I have it from his own lips that years before
+the war, on a Fourth of July, he had persuaded his mother to liberate
+all her slaves, although she depended largely on their services for
+her support. And yet he lived and died a poor man.
+
+On the 16th of April, Marshal Kane addressed a letter to William
+Crawford, the Baltimore agent of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and
+Baltimore Railroad Company, in the following terms:
+
+ "_Dear Sir_:--Is it true as stated that an attempt will be made
+ to pass the volunteers from New York intended to war upon the
+ South over your road to-day? It is important that we have
+ explicit understanding on the subject.
+
+ Your friend,
+ GEORGE P. KANE."
+
+This letter was not submitted to me, nor to the board of police. If it
+had been, it would have been couched in very different language. Mr.
+Crawford forwarded it to the President of the road, who, on the same
+day, sent it to Simon Cameron, the Secretary of War.
+
+Mr. Cameron, on April 18th, wrote to Governor Hicks, giving him notice
+that there were unlawful combinations of citizens of Maryland to
+impede the transit of United States troops across Maryland on their
+way to the defense of the capital, and that the President thought it
+his duty to make it known to the Governor, so that all loyal and
+patriotic citizens might be warned in time, and that he might be
+prepared to take immediate and effective measures against it.
+
+On the afternoon of the 18th, Governor Hicks arrived in town. He had
+prepared a proclamation as Governor of the State, and wished me to
+issue another as mayor of the city, which I agreed to do. In it he
+said, among other things, that the unfortunate state of affairs now
+existing in the country had greatly excited the people of Maryland;
+that the emergency was great, and that the consequences of a rash step
+would be fearful. He therefore counselled the people in all
+earnestness to withhold their hands from whatever might tend to
+precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to receive us.
+All powers vested in the Governor of the State would be strenuously
+exerted to preserve peace and maintain inviolate the honor and
+integrity of Maryland. He assured the people that no troops would be
+sent from Maryland, unless it might be for the defense of the national
+capital. He concluded by saying that the people of this State would
+in a short time have the opportunity afforded them, in a special
+election for members of Congress, to express their devotion to the
+Union, or their desire to see it broken up.
+
+This proclamation is of importance in several respects. It shows the
+great excitement of the people and the imminent danger of domestic
+strife. It shows, moreover, that even the Governor of the State had
+then little idea of the course which he himself was soon about to
+pursue. If this was the case with the Governor, it could not have been
+different with thousands of the people. Very soon he became a thorough
+and uncompromising upholder of the war.
+
+In my proclamation I concurred with the Governor in his determination
+to preserve the peace and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity
+of Maryland, and added that I could not withhold my expression of
+satisfaction at his resolution that no troops should be sent from
+Maryland to the soil of any other State.
+
+Simultaneously with the passage of the first Northern regiments on
+their way to Washington, came the news that Virginia had seceded. Two
+days were crowded with stirring news--a proclamation from the
+President of the Southern Confederacy offering to issue commissions or
+letters of marque to privateers, President Lincoln's proclamation
+declaring a blockade of Southern ports, the Norfolk Navy Yard
+abandoned, Harper's Ferry evacuated and the arsenal in the hands of
+Virginia troops. These events, so exciting in themselves, and coming
+together with the passage of the first troops, greatly increased the
+danger of an explosion.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE. -- THE FIGHT. --
+ THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON. -- CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO THE
+ KILLED AND WOUNDED. -- PUBLIC MEETING. -- TELEGRAM TO THE
+ PRESIDENT. -- NO REPLY. -- BURNING OF BRIDGES.
+
+
+The Sixth Massachusetts Regiment had the honor of being the first to
+march in obedience to the call of the President, completely equipped
+and organized. It had a full band and regimental staff. Mustered at
+Lowell on the morning of the 16th, the day after the proclamation was
+issued, four companies from Lowell presented themselves, and to these
+were added two from Lawrence, one from Groton, one from Acton, and one
+from Worcester; and when the regiment reached Boston, at one o'clock,
+an additional company was added from that city and another from
+Stoneham, making eleven in all--about seven hundred men.[7] It was
+addressed by the Governor of the State in front of the State House. In
+the city and along the line of the railroad, on the 17th, everywhere,
+ovations attended them. In the march down Broadway, in New York, on
+the 18th, the wildest enthusiasm inspired all classes. Similar scenes
+occurred in the progress through New Jersey and through the city of
+Philadelphia. At midnight on the 18th, reports reached Philadelphia
+that the passage of the regiment through Baltimore would be disputed.
+
+[Footnote 7: Hanson's Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, p. 14.]
+
+An unarmed and un-uniformed Pennsylvania regiment, under Colonel
+Small, was added to the train, either in Philadelphia or when the
+train reached the Susquehanna--it has been stated both ways, and I am
+not sure which account is correct--and the two regiments made the
+force about seventeen hundred men.
+
+The proper course for the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railroad Company was to have given immediate notice to the mayor or
+board of police of the number of the troops, and the time when they
+were expected to arrive in the city, so that preparation might have
+been made to receive them, but no such notice was given. On the
+contrary, it was purposely withheld, and no information could be
+obtained from the office of the company, although the marshal of
+police repeatedly telegraphed to Philadelphia to learn when the troops
+were to be expected. No news was received until from a half hour to an
+hour of the time at which they were to arrive. Whatever was the reason
+that no notice of the approach of the troops was given, it was not
+because they had no apprehensions of trouble. Mr. Felton, the
+president of the railroad company, says that _before_ the troops left
+Philadelphia he called the colonel and principal officers into his
+office, and told them of the dangers they would probably encounter,
+and advised that each soldier should load his musket before leaving
+and be ready for any emergency. Colonel Jones's official report, which
+is dated, "Capitol, Washington, April 22, 1861," says, "_After_
+leaving Philadelphia, I received intimation that the passage through
+the city of Baltimore would be resisted. I caused ammunition to be
+distributed and arms loaded, and went personally through the cars, and
+issued the following order--viz.:
+
+"'The regiment will march through Baltimore in columns of sections,
+arms at will. You will undoubtedly be insulted, abused, and perhaps
+assaulted, to which you must pay no attention whatever, but march
+with your faces square to the front, and pay no attention to the mob,
+even if they throw stones, bricks, or other missiles; but if you are
+fired upon, and any of you are hit, your officers will order you to
+fire. Do not fire into any promiscuous crowds, but select any man whom
+you may see aiming at you, and be sure you drop him.'"
+
+If due notice had been given, and if this order had been carried out,
+the danger of a serious disturbance would have been greatly
+diminished. The plainest dictates of prudence required the
+Massachusetts and Pennsylvania regiments to march through the city in
+a body. The Massachusetts regiment was armed with muskets, and could
+have defended itself, and would also have had aid from the police; and
+although the Pennsylvania troops were unarmed, they would have been
+protected by the police just as troops from the same State had been
+protected on the day before. The mayor and police commissioners would
+have been present, adding the sanction and authority of their official
+positions. But the plan adopted laid the troops open to be attacked in
+detail when they were least able to defend themselves and were out of
+the reach of assistance from the police. This plan was that when the
+train reached the President-street or Philadelphia station, in the
+southeastern part of Baltimore, each car should, according to custom,
+be detached from the engine and be drawn through the city by four
+horses for the distance of more than a mile to the Camden-street or
+Washington station, in the southwestern part of the city. Some one had
+blundered.
+
+The train of thirty-five cars arrived at President-street Station at
+about eleven o'clock. The course which the troops had to take was
+first northerly on President street, four squares to Pratt street, a
+crowded thoroughfare leading along the heads of the docks, then along
+Pratt street west for nearly a mile to Howard street, and then south,
+on Howard street, one square to the Camden-street station.
+
+Drawn by horses across the city at a rapid pace, about nine[8] cars,
+containing seven companies of the Massachusetts Sixth, reached the
+Camden-street station, the first carloads being assailed only with
+jeers and hisses; but the last car, containing Company "K" and Major
+Watson, was delayed on its passage--according to one account was
+thrown off the track by obstructions, and had to be replaced with the
+help of a passing team; paving-stones and other missiles were thrown,
+the windows were broken, and some of the soldiers were struck. Colonel
+Jones was in one of the cars which passed through. Near Gay street, it
+happened that a number of laborers were at work repaving Pratt street,
+and had taken up the cobble-stones for the purpose of relaying them.
+As the troops kept passing, the crowd of bystanders grew larger, the
+excitement and--among many--the feeling of indignation grew more
+intense; each new aggressive act was the signal and example for
+further aggression. A cart coming by with a load of sand, the track
+was blocked by dumping the cartload upon it--I have been told that
+this was the act of some merchants and clerks of the neighborhood--and
+then, as a more effectual means of obstruction, some anchors lying
+near the head of the Gay-street dock were dragged up to and placed
+across the track.[9]
+
+[Footnote 8: According to some of the published accounts _seven_ cars
+got through, which would have been one to each company, but I believe
+that the number of the cars and of the companies did not correspond.
+Probably the larger companies were divided.]
+
+[Footnote 9: For participation in placing this obstruction, a wealthy
+merchant of long experience, usually a very peaceful man, was
+afterward indicted for treason by the Grand Jury of the Circuit Court
+of the United States in Baltimore, but his trial was not pressed.]
+
+The next car being stopped by these obstructions, the driver attached
+the horses to the rear end of the car and drove it back, with the
+soldiers, to the President-street station, the rest of the cars also,
+of course, having to turn back, or--if any of them had not yet
+started--to remain where they were at the depot. In the cars thus
+stopped and turned back there were four companies, "C," "D," "I" and
+"L," under Captains Follansbee, Hart, Pickering and Dike; also the
+band, which, I believe, did not leave the depot, and which remained
+there with the unarmed Pennsylvania regiment. These four companies, in
+all about 220 men, formed on President street, in the midst of a dense
+and angry crowd, which threatened and pressed upon the troops,
+uttering cheers for Jefferson Davis and the Southern Confederacy, and
+groans for Lincoln and the North, with much abusive language. As the
+soldiers advanced along President street, the commotion increased; one
+of the band of rioters appeared bearing a Confederate flag, and it was
+carried a considerable distance before it was torn from its staff by
+citizens. Stones were thrown in great numbers, and at the corner of
+Fawn street two of the soldiers were knocked down by stones and
+seriously injured. In crossing Pratt-street bridge, the troops had to
+pick their way over joists and scantling, which by this time had been
+placed on the bridge to obstruct their passage.
+
+Colonel Jones's official report, from which I have already quoted,
+thus describes what happened after the four companies left the cars.
+As Colonel Jones was not present during the march, but obtained the
+particulars from others, it is not surprising that his account
+contains errors. These will be pointed out and corrected later:
+
+"They proceeded to march in accordance with orders, and had proceeded
+but a short distance before they were furiously attacked by a shower
+of missiles, which came faster as they advanced. They increased their
+step to double-quick, which seemed to infuriate the mob, as it
+evidently impressed the mob with the idea that the soldiers dared not
+fire or had no ammunition, and pistol-shots were numerously fired into
+the ranks, and one soldier fell dead. The order "Fire!" was given, and
+it was executed; in consequence several of the mob fell, and the
+soldiers again advanced hastily. The mayor of Baltimore placed himself
+at the head of the column beside Captain Follansbee, and proceeded
+with them a short distance, assuring him that he would protect them,
+and begging him not to let the men fire. But the mayor's patience was
+soon exhausted, and he seized a musket from the hands of one of the
+men, and killed a man therewith; and a policeman, who was in advance
+of the column, also shot a man with a revolver. They at last reached
+the cars, and they started immediately for Washington. On going
+through the train I found there were about one hundred and thirty
+missing, including the band and field music. Our baggage was seized,
+and we have not as yet been able to recover any of it. I have found it
+very difficult to get reliable information in regard to the killed and
+wounded, but believe there were only three killed.
+
+"As the men went into the cars" [meaning the men who had marched
+through the city to Camden Station], "I caused the blinds to the cars
+to be closed, and took every precaution to prevent any shadow of
+offense to the people of Baltimore, but still the stones flew thick
+and fast into the train, and it was with the utmost difficulty that I
+could prevent the troops from leaving the cars and revenging the death
+of their comrades. After a volley of stones, some one of the soldiers
+fired and killed a Mr. Davis, who, I ascertained by reliable
+witnesses, threw a stone into the car." This is incorrectly stated, as
+will hereafter appear.
+
+It is proper that I should now go back and take up the narration from
+my own point of view.
+
+On the morning of the 19th of April I was at my law office in Saint
+Paul street after ten o'clock, when three members of the city council
+came to me with a message from Marshal Kane, informing me that he had
+just received intelligence that troops were about to arrive--I did not
+learn how many--and that he apprehended a disturbance, and requesting
+me to go to the Camden-street station. I immediately hastened to the
+office of the board of police, and found that they had received a
+similar notice. The Counsellor of the City, Mr. George M. Gill, and
+myself then drove rapidly in a carriage to the Camden-street station.
+The police commissioners followed, and, on reaching the station, we
+found Marshal Kane on the ground and the police coming in in squads. A
+large and angry crowd had assembled, but were restrained by the police
+from committing any serious breach of the peace.
+
+After considerable delay seven of the eleven companies of the
+Massachusetts regiment arrived at the station, as already mentioned,
+and I saw that the windows of the last car were badly broken. No one
+to whom I applied could inform me whether more troops were expected or
+not. At this time an alarm was given that the mob was about to tear up
+the rails in advance of the train on the Washington road, and Marshal
+Kane ordered some of his men to go out the road as far as necessary to
+protect the track. Soon afterward, and when I was about to leave the
+Camden-street station, supposing all danger to be over, news was
+brought to Police Commissioner Davis and myself, who were standing
+together, that some troops had been left behind, and that the mob was
+tearing up the track on Pratt street, so as to obstruct the progress
+of the cars, which were coming to the Camden-street station. Mr. Davis
+immediately ran to summon the marshal, who was at the station with a
+body of police, to be sent to the point of danger, while I hastened
+alone in the same direction. On arriving at about Smith's Wharf, foot
+of Gay street, I found that anchors had been placed on the track, and
+that Sergeant McComas and four policemen who were with him were not
+allowed by a group of rioters to remove the obstruction. I at once
+ordered the anchors to be removed, and my authority was not resisted.
+I hurried on, and, approaching Pratt-street bridge, I saw a battalion,
+which proved to be four companies of the Massachusetts regiment which
+had crossed the bridge, coming towards me in double-quick time.
+
+They were firing wildly, sometimes backward, over their shoulders. So
+rapid was the march that they could not stop to take aim. The mob,
+which was not very large, as it seemed to me, was pursuing with shouts
+and stones, and, I think, an occasional pistol-shot. The uproar was
+furious. I ran at once to the head of the column, some persons in the
+crowd shouting, "Here comes the mayor." I shook hands with the officer
+in command, Captain Follansbee, saying as I did so, "I am the mayor of
+Baltimore." The captain greeted me cordially. I at once objected to
+the double-quick, which was immediately stopped. I placed myself by
+his side, and marched with him. He said, "We have been attacked
+without provocation," or words to that effect. I replied, "You must
+defend yourselves." I expected that he would face his men to the rear,
+and, after giving warning, would fire if necessary. But I said no
+more, for I immediately felt that, as mayor of the city, it was not my
+province to volunteer such advice. Once before in my life I had taken
+part in opposing a formidable riot, and had learned by experience
+that the safest and most humane manner of quelling a mob is to meet it
+at the beginning with armed resistance.
+
+The column continued its march. There was neither concert of action
+nor organization among the rioters. They were armed only with such
+stones or missiles as they could pick up, and a few pistols. My
+presence for a short time had some effect, but very soon the attack
+was renewed with greater violence. The mob grew bolder. Stones flew
+thick and fast. Rioters rushed at the soldiers and attempted to snatch
+their muskets, and at least on two occasions succeeded. With one of
+these muskets a soldier was killed. Men fell on both sides. A young
+lawyer, then and now known as a quiet citizen, seized a flag of one of
+the companies and nearly tore it from its staff. He was shot through
+the thigh, and was carried home apparently a dying man, but he
+survived to enter the army of the Confederacy, where he rose to the
+rank of captain, and he afterward returned to Baltimore, where he
+still lives. The soldiers fired at will. There was no firing by
+platoons, and I heard no order given to fire. I remember that at the
+corner of South street several citizens standing in a group fell,
+either killed or wounded. It was impossible for the troops to
+discriminate between the rioters and the by-standers, but the latter
+seemed to suffer most, because, as the main attack was from the mob
+pursuing the soldiers from the rear, they, in their march, could not
+easily face backward to fire, but could shoot at those whom they
+passed on the street. Near the corner of Light street a soldier was
+severely wounded, who afterward died, and a boy on a vessel lying in
+the dock was killed, and about the same place three soldiers at the
+head of the column leveled their muskets and fired into a group
+standing on the sidewalk, who, as far as I could see, were taking no
+active part. The shots took effect, but I cannot say how many fell. I
+cried out, waving my umbrella to emphasize my words, "For God's sake
+don't shoot!" but it was too late. The statement that I begged Captain
+Follansbee not to let the men fire is incorrect, although on this
+occasion I did say, "Don't shoot." It then seemed to me that I was in
+the wrong place, for my presence did not avail to protect either the
+soldiers or the citizens, and I stepped out from the column. Just at
+this moment a boy ran forward and handed to me a discharged musket
+which had fallen from one of the soldiers. I took it from him and
+hastened into the nearest shop, asking the person in charge to keep it
+safely, and returned immediately to the street. This boy was far from
+being alone in his sympathy for the troops, but their friends were
+powerless, except to care for the wounded and remove the dead. The
+statement in Colonel Jones's report that I seized a musket and killed
+one of the rioters is entirely incorrect. The smoking musket seen in
+my hands was no doubt the foundation for it. There is no foundation
+for the other statement that one of the police shot a man with a
+revolver. At the moment when I returned to the street, Marshal Kane,
+with about fifty policemen (as I then supposed, but I have since
+ascertained that in fact there were not so many), came at a run from
+the direction of the Camden-street station, and throwing themselves in
+the rear of the troops, they formed a line in front of the mob, and
+with drawn revolvers kept it back. This was between Light and Charles
+streets. Marshal Kane's voice shouted, "Keep back, men, or I shoot!"
+This movement, which I saw myself, was gallantly executed, and was
+perfectly successful. The mob recoiled like water from a rock. One of
+the leading rioters, then a young man, now a peaceful merchant, tried,
+as he has himself told me, to pass the line, but the marshal seized
+him and vowed he would shoot if the attempt was made. This nearly
+ended the fight, and the column passed on under the protection of the
+police, without serious molestation, to Camden Station.[10] I had
+accompanied the troops for more than a third of a mile, and regarded
+the danger as now over. At Camden-street Station there was rioting and
+confusion. Commissioner Davis assisted in placing the soldiers in the
+cars for Washington. Some muskets were pointed out of the windows by
+the soldiers. To this he earnestly objected, as likely to bring on a
+renewal of the fight, and he advised the blinds to be closed. The
+muskets were then withdrawn and the blinds closed, by military order,
+as stated by Colonel Jones.
+
+[Footnote 10: The accounts in some of our newspapers describe serious
+fighting at a point beyond this, but I am satisfied they are
+incorrect.]
+
+At last, about a quarter before one o'clock, the train, consisting of
+thirteen cars filled with troops, moved out of Camden Station amid the
+hisses and groans of the multitude, and passed safely on to
+Washington. At the outskirts of the city, half a mile or more beyond
+the station, occurred the unfortunate incident of the killing of
+Robert W. Davis. This gentleman, a well-known dry-goods merchant, was
+standing on a vacant lot near the track with two friends, and as the
+train went by they raised a cheer for Jefferson Davis and the South,
+when he was immediately shot dead by one of the soldiers from a
+car-window, several firing at once. There were no rioters near them,
+and they did not know that the troops had been attacked on their march
+through the city. There was no "volley of stones" thrown just before
+Mr. Davis was killed, nor did he or his friends throw any.[11] This
+was the last of the casualties of the day, and was by far the most
+serious and unfortunate in its consequences, for it was not
+unnaturally made the most of to inflame the minds of the people
+against the Northern troops. Had it not been for this incident, there
+would perhaps have been among many of our people a keener sense of
+blame attaching to themselves as the aggressors. Four of the
+Massachusetts regiment were killed and thirty-six wounded. Twelve
+citizens were killed, including Mr. Davis. The number of wounded among
+the latter has never been ascertained. As the fighting was at close
+quarters, the small number of casualties shows that it was not so
+severe as has generally been supposed.
+
+[Footnote 11: Testimony of witnesses at the coroner's inquest.]
+
+But peace even for the day had not come. The unarmed Pennsylvanians
+and the band of the Massachusetts regiment were still at the
+President-street station, where a mob had assembled, and the police at
+that point were not sufficient to protect them. Stones were thrown,
+and some few of the Pennsylvania troops were hurt, not seriously, I
+believe. A good many of them were, not unnaturally, seized with a
+panic, and scattered through the city in different directions. Marshal
+Kane again appeared on the scene with an adequate force, and an
+arrangement was made with the railroad company by which the troops
+were sent back in the direction of Philadelphia. During the afternoon
+and night a number of stragglers sought the aid of the police and were
+cared for at one of the station-houses.
+
+The following card of Captain Dike, who commanded Company "C" of the
+Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, appeared in the Boston _Courier_:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 25, 1861_.
+
+ "It is but an act of justice that induces me to say to my friends
+ who may feel any interest, and to the community generally, that
+ in the affair which occurred in this city on Friday, the 19th
+ instant, the mayor and city authorities should be exonerated from
+ blame or censure, as they did all in their power, as far as my
+ knowledge extends, to quell the riot, and Mayor Brown attested
+ the sincerity of his desire to preserve the peace, and pass our
+ regiment safely through the city, by marching at the head of its
+ column, and remaining there at the risk of his life. Candor could
+ not permit me to say less, and a desire to place the conduct of
+ the authorities here on the occasion in a right position, as well
+ as to allay feelings, urges me to this sheer act of justice.
+
+ JOHN H. DIKE,
+ "_Captain Company 'C,' Seventh Regiment,
+ attached to Sixth Regiment Massachusetts V. M._"
+
+In a letter to Marshal Kane, Colonel Jones wrote as follows:
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS SIXTH REGIMENT M. V. M.
+
+ "WASHINGTON, D. C., _April 28, 1861_.
+
+ "_Marshal Kane, Baltimore, Maryland._
+
+ "Please deliver the bodies of the deceased soldiers belonging to
+ my regiment to Murrill S. Wright, Esq., who is authorized to
+ receive them, and take charge of them through to Boston, and
+ thereby add one more to the many favors for which, in connection
+ with this matter, I am, with my command, much indebted to you.
+ Many, many thanks for the Christian conduct of the authorities of
+ Baltimore in this truly unfortunate affair.
+
+ "I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,
+
+ "EDWARD F. JONES,
+ "_Colonel Sixth Regiment M. V. M._"
+
+The following correspondence with the Governor of Massachusetts seems
+to be entitled to a place in this paper. Gov. Andrew's first telegram
+cannot be found. The second, which was sent by me in reply, is as
+follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To the Honorable John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts._
+
+ "_Sir_:--No one deplores the sad events of yesterday in this city
+ more deeply than myself, but they were inevitable. Our people
+ viewed the passage of armed troops to another State through the
+ streets as an invasion of our soil, and could not be restrained.
+ The authorities exerted themselves to the best of their ability,
+ but with only partial success. Governor Hicks was present, and
+ concurs in all my views as to the proceedings now necessary for
+ our protection. When are these scenes to cease? Are we to have a
+ war of sections? God forbid! The bodies of the Massachusetts
+ soldiers could not be sent out to Boston, as you requested, all
+ communication between this city and Philadelphia by railroad and
+ with Boston by steamer having ceased, but they have been placed
+ in cemented coffins, and will be placed with proper funeral
+ ceremonies in the mausoleum of Greenmount Cemetery, where they
+ shall be retained until further directions are received from you.
+ The wounded are tenderly cared for. I appreciate your offer, but
+ Baltimore will claim it as her right to pay all expenses
+ incurred."
+
+ "Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+
+ "_Mayor of Baltimore._"
+
+To this the following reply was returned by the Governor:
+
+ "_To His Honor George W. Brown, Mayor of Baltimore._
+
+ "_Dear Sir_:--I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and
+ our dead, and trust that at the earliest moment the remains of
+ our fallen will return to us. I am overwhelmed with surprise that
+ a peaceful march of American citizens over the highway to the
+ defense of our common capital should be deemed aggressive to
+ Baltimoreans. Through New York the march was triumphal.
+
+ JOHN A. ANDREW,
+
+ "_Governor of Massachusetts._"
+
+This correspondence carries the narrative beyond the nineteenth of
+April, and I now return to the remaining events of that day.
+
+After the news spread through the city of the fight in the streets,
+and especially of the killing of Mr. Davis, the excitement became
+intense. It was manifest that no more troops, while the excitement
+lasted, could pass through without a bloody conflict. All citizens, no
+matter what were their political opinions, appeared to agree in
+this--the strongest friends of the Union as well as its foes. However
+such a conflict might terminate, the result would be disastrous. In
+each case it might bring down the vengeance of the North upon the
+city. If the mob succeeded, it would probably precipitate the city,
+and perhaps the State, into a temporary secession. Such an event all
+who had not lost their reason deprecated. The immediate and pressing
+necessity was that no more troops should arrive.
+
+Governor Hicks called out the military for the preservation of the
+peace and the protection of the city.
+
+An immense public meeting assembled in Monument Square. Governor
+Hicks, the mayor, Mr. S. Teackle Wallis, and others, addressed it.
+
+In my speech I insisted on the maintenance of peace and order in the
+city. I denied that the right of a State to secede from the Union was
+granted by the Constitution. This was received with groans and shouts
+of disapproval by a part of the crowd, but I maintained my ground. I
+deprecated war on the seceding States, and strongly expressed the
+opinion that the South could not be conquered. I approved of Governor
+Hicks's determination to send no troops from Maryland to invade the
+South. I further endeavored to calm the people by informing them of
+the efforts made by Governor Hicks and myself to prevent the passage
+of more troops through the city.
+
+Governor Hicks said: "I coincide in the sentiment of your worthy
+mayor. After three conferences we have agreed, and I bow in submission
+to the people. I am a Marylander; I love my State and I love the
+Union, but I will suffer my right arm to be torn from my body before I
+will raise it to strike a sister State."
+
+A dispatch had previously been sent by Governor Hicks and myself to
+the President of the United States as follows: "A collision between
+the citizens and the Northern troops has taken place in Baltimore, and
+the excitement is fearful. Send no troops here. We will endeavor to
+prevent all bloodshed. A public meeting of citizens has been called,
+and the troops of the State have been called out to preserve the
+peace. They will be enough."
+
+Immediately afterward, Messrs. H. Lennox Bond, a Republican, then
+Judge of the Criminal Court of Baltimore, and now Judge of the Circuit
+Court of the United States; George W. Dobbin, an eminent lawyer, and
+John C. Brune, President of the Board of Trade, went to Washington at
+my request, bearing the following letter to the President:
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, BALTIMORE, _April 19, 1861_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--This will be presented to you by the Hon. H. Lennox
+ Bond, and George W. Dobbin, and John C. Brune, Esqs., who will
+ proceed to Washington by an express train at my request, in order
+ to explain fully the fearful condition of affairs in this city.
+ The people are exasperated to the highest degree by the passage
+ of troops, and the citizens are universally decided in the
+ opinion that no more should be ordered to come. The authorities
+ of the city did their best to-day to protect both strangers and
+ citizens and to prevent a collision, but in vain, and, but for
+ their great efforts, a fearful slaughter would have occurred.
+ Under these circumstances it is my solemn duty to inform you that
+ it is not possible for more soldiers to pass through Baltimore
+ unless they fight their way at every step. I therefore hope and
+ trust and most earnestly request that no more troops be permitted
+ or ordered by the Government to pass through the city. If they
+ should attempt it, the responsibility for the blood shed will not
+ rest upon me.
+
+ "With great respect, your obedient servant,
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_.
+
+ "_To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President United States._"
+
+To this Governor Hicks added: "I have been in Baltimore City since
+Tuesday evening last, and coöperated with Mayor G. W. Brown in his
+untiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and suppress the
+fearful outbreak as indicated above, and I fully concur in all that is
+said by him in the above communication."
+
+No reply came from Washington. The city authorities were left to act
+on their own responsibility. Late at night reports came of troops
+being on their way both from Harrisburg and Philadelphia. It was
+impossible that they could pass through the city without fighting and
+bloodshed. In this emergency, the board of police, including the
+mayor, immediately assembled for consultation, and came to the
+conclusion that it was necessary to burn or disable the bridges on
+both railroads so far as was required to prevent the ingress of
+troops. This was accordingly done at once, some of the police and a
+detachment of the Maryland Guard being sent out to do the work.
+Governor Hicks was first consulted and urged to give his consent, for
+we desired that he should share with us the responsibility of taking
+this grave step. This consent he distinctly gave in my presence and in
+the presence of several others, and although there was an attempt
+afterward to deny the fact that he so consented, there can be no doubt
+whatever about the matter. He was in my house at the time, where, on
+my invitation, he had taken refuge, thinking that he was in some
+personal danger at the hotel where he was staying. Early the next
+morning the Governor returned to Annapolis, and after this the city
+authorities had to bear alone the responsibilities which the anomalous
+state of things in Baltimore had brought upon them.
+
+On the Philadelphia Railroad the detachment sent out by special train
+for the purpose of burning the bridges went as far as the Bush River,
+and the long bridge there, and the still longer one over the wide
+estuary of the Gunpowder, a few miles nearer Baltimore, were
+partially burned. It is an interesting fact that just as this party
+arrived at the Bush River bridge, a volunteer party of five gentlemen
+from Baltimore reached the same place on the same errand. They had
+ridden on horseback by night to the river, and had then gone by boat
+to the bridge for the purpose of burning it, and in fact they stayed
+at the bridge and continued the work of burning until the afternoon.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+ APRIL 20th, INCREASING EXCITEMENT. -- APPROPRIATION OF $500,000
+ FOR DEFENSE OF THE CITY. -- CORRESPONDENCE WITH PRESIDENT AND
+ GOVERNOR. -- MEN ENROLLED. -- APPREHENDED ATTACK ON FORT McHENRY.
+ -- MARSHAL KANE. -- INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT, CABINET AND GENERAL
+ SCOTT. -- GENERAL BUTLER, WITH THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS, PROCEEDS
+ TO ANNAPOLIS AND WASHINGTON. -- BALTIMORE IN A STATE OF ARMED
+ NEUTRALITY.
+
+
+On Saturday morning, the 20th, the excitement and alarm had greatly
+increased. Up to this time no answer had been received from
+Washington. The silence became unbearable. Were more troops to be
+forced through the city at any cost? If so, how were they to come, by
+land or water? Were the guns of Fort McHenry to be turned upon the
+inhabitants? Was Baltimore to be compelled at once to determine
+whether she would side with the North or with the South? Or was she
+temporarily to isolate herself and wait until the frenzy had in some
+measure spent its force and reason had begun to resume its sway? In
+any case it was plain that the authorities must have the power placed
+in their hands of controlling any outbreak which might occur. This was
+the general opinion. Union men and disunion men appeared on the
+streets with arms in their hands. A time like that predicted in
+Scripture seemed to have come, when he who had no sword would sell his
+garment to buy one.
+
+About ten A. M. the city council assembled and immediately
+appropriated $500,000, to be expended under my direction as mayor,
+for the purpose of putting the city in a complete state of defense
+against any description of danger arising or which might arise out of
+the present crisis. The banks of the city promptly held a meeting, and
+a few hours afterward a committee appointed by them, consisting of
+three bank presidents, Johns Hopkins, John Clark and Columbus
+O'Donnell, all wealthy Union men, placed the whole sum in advance at
+my disposal. Mr. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume 3, page
+416, says, in a footnote, that this action of the city authorities was
+endorsed by the editors of the _Sun_, _American_, _Exchange_, _German
+Correspondent_, _Clipper_, _South_, etc. Other considerable sums were
+contributed by individuals and firms without respect to party.
+
+On the same morning I received a dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin
+and Brune, the committee who had gone to Washington, which said: "We
+have seen the President and General Scott. We have from the former a
+letter to the mayor and Governor declaring that no troops shall be
+brought to Baltimore, if, in a military point of view and without
+interruption from opposition, they can be marched around Baltimore."
+
+As the Governor had left Baltimore for Annapolis early in the morning,
+I telegraphed him as follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To Governor Hicks._
+
+ "Letter from President and General Scott. No troops to pass
+ through Baltimore if as a military force they can march around. I
+ will answer that every effort will be made to prevent parties
+ leaving the city to molest them, but cannot guarantee against
+ acts of individuals not organized. Do you approve?
+
+ GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+This telegram was based on that from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune.
+The letter referred to had not been received when my telegram to
+Governor Hicks was dispatched. I was mistaken in supposing that
+General Scott had signed the letter as well as the President.
+
+President Lincoln's letter was as follows:
+
+ "WASHINGTON, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown._
+
+ "_Gentlemen_:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune is
+ received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to
+ keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed.
+ For the future troops _must_ be brought here, but I make no point
+ of bringing them _through_ Baltimore.
+
+ "Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave
+ details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning, in
+ presence of these gentlemen, 'March them _around_ Baltimore, and
+ not through it.'
+
+ "I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will
+ consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object
+ to it.
+
+ "By this, a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops
+ will be avoided unless they go out of their way to seek it. I
+ hope you will exert your influence to prevent this.
+
+ "Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently
+ with the maintenance of government.
+
+ "Your obedient servant,
+
+ A. LINCOLN."
+
+Governor Hicks replied as follows to my telegram:
+
+ "ANNAPOLIS, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To the Mayor of Baltimore._
+
+ "Your dispatch received. I hoped they would send no more troops
+ through Maryland, but as we have no right to demand that, I am
+ glad no more are to be sent through Baltimore. I know you will do
+ all in your power to preserve the peace.
+
+ THOS. H. HICKS."
+
+I then telegraphed to the President as follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, MARYLAND, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To President Lincoln._
+
+ "Every effort will be made to prevent parties leaving the city to
+ molest troops marching to Washington. Baltimore seeks only to
+ protect herself. Governor Hicks has gone to Annapolis, but I have
+ telegraphed to him.
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of Baltimore_."
+
+After the receipt of the dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune,
+another committee was sent to Washington, consisting of Messrs.
+Anthony Kennedy, Senator of the United States, and J. Morrison Harris,
+member of the House of Representatives, both Union men, who sent a
+dispatch to me saying that they "had seen the President, Secretaries
+of State, Treasury and War, and also General Scott. The result is the
+transmission of orders that will stop the passage of troops through or
+around the city."
+
+Preparations for the defense of the city were nevertheless continued.
+With this object I issued a notice in which I said: "All citizens
+having arms suitable for the defense of the city, and which they are
+willing to contribute for the purpose, are requested to deposit them
+at the office of the marshal of police."
+
+The board of police enrolled temporarily a considerable number of men
+and placed them under the command of Colonel Isaac R. Trimble. He
+informs me that the number amounted to more than fifteen thousand,
+about three-fourths armed with muskets, shotguns and pistols.
+
+This gentleman was afterward a Major-General in the Confederate Army,
+where he distinguished himself. He lost a leg at Gettysburg.
+
+By this means not only was the inadequate number of the police
+supplemented, but many who would otherwise have been the disturbers of
+the peace became its defenders. And, indeed, not a few of the men
+enrolled, who thought and hoped that their enrollment meant war, were
+disappointed to find that the prevention of war was the object of the
+city authorities, and afterwards found their way into the Confederacy.
+
+For some days it looked very much as if Baltimore had taken her stand
+decisively with the South; at all events, the outward expressions of
+Southern feeling were very emphatic, and the Union sentiment
+temporarily disappeared.
+
+Early on the morning of Saturday, the 20th, a large Confederate flag
+floated from the headquarters of a States Rights club on Fayette
+street near Calvert, and on the afternoon of the same day the Minute
+Men, a Union club, whose headquarters were on Baltimore street, gave a
+most significant indication of the strength of the wave of feeling
+which swept over our people by hauling down the National colors and
+running up in their stead the State flag of Maryland, amid the cheers
+of the crowd.[12] Everywhere on the streets men and boys were wearing
+badges which displayed miniature Confederate flags, and were cheering
+the Southern cause. Military companies began to arrive from the
+counties. On Saturday, first came a company of seventy men from
+Frederick, under Captain Bradley T. Johnson, afterward General in the
+Southern Army, and next two cavalry companies from Baltimore County,
+and one from Anne Arundel County. These last, the Patapsco Dragoons,
+some thirty men, a sturdy-looking body of yeomanry, rode straight to
+the City Hall and drew up, expecting to be received with a speech of
+welcome from the mayor. I made them a very brief address, and informed
+them that dispatches received from Washington had postponed the
+necessity for their services, whereupon they started homeward amid
+cheers, their bugler striking up "Dixie," which was the first time I
+heard that tune. A few days after, they came into Baltimore again. On
+Sunday came in the Howard County Dragoons, and by steamboat that
+morning two companies from Talbot County, and soon it was reported
+that from Harford, Cecil, Carroll and Prince George's, companies were
+on their way. All the city companies of uniformed militia were, of
+course, under arms. Three batteries of light artillery were in the
+streets, among them the light field-pieces belonging to the military
+school at Catonsville, but these the reverend rector of the school, a
+strong Union man, had thoughtfully spiked.
+
+[Footnote 12: Baltimore _American_, April 22.]
+
+The United States arsenal at Pikesville, at the time unoccupied, was
+taken possession of by some Baltimore County troops.
+
+From the local columns of the _American_ of the 22d, a paper which was
+strongly on the Union side, I take the following paragraph:
+
+"WAR SPIRIT ON SATURDAY.
+
+"The war spirit raged throughout the city and among all classes during
+Saturday with an ardor which seemed to gather fresh force each
+hour.... All were united in a determination to resist at every hazard
+the passage of troops through Baltimore.... Armed men were marching
+through the streets, and the military were moving about in every
+direction, and it is evident that Baltimore is to be the battlefield
+of the Southern revolution."
+
+And from the _American_ of Tuesday, 23d:
+
+"At the works of the Messrs. Winans their entire force is engaged in
+the making of pikes, and in casting balls of every description for
+cannon, the steam gun,[13] rifles, muskets, etc., which they are
+turning out very rapidly."
+
+[Footnote 13: Winans's steam gun, a recently invented, and, it was
+supposed, very formidable engine, was much talked about at this time.
+It was not very long afterwards seized and confiscated by the military
+authorities.]
+
+And a very significant paragraph from the _Sun_ of the same day:
+
+"Yesterday morning between 300 and 400 of our most respectable colored
+residents made a tender of their services to the city authorities.
+The mayor thanked them for their offer, and informed them that their
+services will be called for if they can be made in any way available."
+
+Officers from Maryland in the United States Army were sending in their
+resignations. Colonel (afterward General) Huger, of South Carolina,
+who had recently resigned, and was in Baltimore at the time, was made
+Colonel of the Fifty-third Regiment, composed of the Independent Greys
+and the six companies of the Maryland Guard.
+
+On Monday morning, the 22d, I issued an order directing that all the
+drinking-saloons should be closed that day, and the order was
+enforced.
+
+On Saturday, April 20th, Captain John C. Robinson, now Major-General,
+then in command at Fort McHenry, which stands at the entrance of the
+harbor, wrote to Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General of the United
+States Army, that he would probably be attacked that night, but he
+believed he could hold the fort.
+
+In the September number, for the year 1885, of _American History_
+there is an article written by General Robinson, entitled "Baltimore
+in 1861," in which he speaks of the apprehended attack on the fort,
+and of the conduct of the Baltimore authorities.
+
+He says that about nine o'clock on the evening of the 20th, Police
+Commissioner Davis called at the fort, bringing a letter, dated eight
+o'clock P. M. of the same evening, from Charles Howard, the president
+of the board, which he quotes at length, and which states that, from
+rumors that had reached the board, they were apprehensive that the
+commander of the fort might be annoyed by lawless and disorderly
+characters approaching the walls of the fort, and they proposed to
+send a guard of perhaps two hundred men to station themselves on
+Whetstone Point, of course beyond the outer limits of the fort, with
+orders to arrest and hand over to the civil authorities any
+evil-disposed and disorderly persons who might approach the fort. The
+letter further stated that this duty would have been confided to the
+police force, but their services were so imperatively required
+elsewhere that it would be impossible to detail a sufficient number,
+and this duty had therefore been entrusted to a detachment of the
+regular organized militia of the State, then called out pursuant to
+law, and actually in the service of the State. It was added that the
+commanding officer of the detachment would be ordered to communicate
+with Captain Robinson. The letter closed with repeating the assurance
+verbally given to Captain Robinson in the morning that no disturbance
+at or near the post should be made with the sanction of any of the
+constituted authorities of the city of Baltimore; but, on the
+contrary, all their powers should be exerted to prevent anything of
+the kind by any parties. A postscript stated that there might perhaps
+be a troop of volunteer cavalry with the detachment.
+
+General Robinson continues:
+
+ "I did not question the good faith of Mr. Howard, but
+ Commissioner Davis verbally stated that they proposed to send the
+ Maryland Guards to help protect the fort. Having made the
+ acquaintance of some of the officers of that organization, and
+ heard them freely express their opinions, I declined the offered
+ support, and then the following conversation occurred:
+
+ "_Commandant._ I am aware, sir, that we are to be attacked
+ to-night. I received notice of it before sundown. If you will go
+ outside with me you will see we are prepared for it. You will
+ find the guns loaded, and men standing by them. As for the
+ Maryland Guards, they cannot come here. I am acquainted with some
+ of those gentlemen, and know what their sentiments are.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis._ Why, Captain, we are anxious to avoid a
+ collision.
+
+ "_Commandant._ So am I, sir. If you wish to avoid a collision,
+ place your city military anywhere between the city and that
+ chapel on the road, but if they come this side of it, I shall
+ fire on them.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis._ Would you fire into the city of Baltimore?
+
+ "_Commandant._ I should be sorry to do it, sir, but if it becomes
+ necessary in order to hold this fort, I shall not hesitate for
+ one moment.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis_ (excitedly). I assure you, Captain
+ Robinson, if there is a woman or child killed in that city, there
+ will not be one of you left alive here, sir.
+
+ "_Commandant._ Very well, sir, I will take the chances. Now, I
+ assure you, Mr. Davis, if your Baltimore mob comes down here
+ to-night, you will not have another mob in Baltimore for ten
+ years to come, sir."
+
+Mr. Davis is a well-known and respected citizen of Baltimore, who has
+filled various important public offices with credit, and at present
+holds a high position in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company.
+According to his recollection, the interview was more courteous and
+less dramatic than would be supposed from the account given by General
+Robinson. Mr. Davis says that the people of Baltimore were acquainted
+with the defenseless condition of the fort, and that in the excited
+state of the public mind this fact probably led to the apprehension
+and consequent rumor that an attempt would be made to capture it. The
+police authorities believed, and, as it turned out, correctly, that
+the rumor was without foundation; yet, to avoid the danger of any
+disturbance whatever, the precautions were taken which are described
+in the letter of Mr. Howard, and Mr. Davis went in person to deliver
+it to Captain Robinson.
+
+His interview was not, however, confined to Captain Robinson, but
+included also other officers of the fort, and Mr. Davis was hospitably
+received. A conversation ensued in regard to the threatened attack,
+and, with one exception, was conducted without asperity. A junior
+officer threatened, in case of an attack, to direct the fire of a
+cannon on the Washington Monument, which stands in the heart of the
+city, and to this threat Mr. Davis replied with heat, "If you do
+that, and if a woman or child is killed, there will be nothing left of
+you but your brass buttons to tell who you were."
+
+The commandant insisted that the military sent by the board should not
+approach the fort nearer than the Roman Catholic chapel, a demand to
+which Mr. Davis readily assented, as that situation commanded the only
+approach from the city to the fort. In the midst of the conversation
+the long roll was sounded, and the whole garrison rushed to arms. For
+a long time, and until the alarm was over, Mr. Davis was left alone.
+
+General Robinson was mistaken in his conjecture, "when it seemed to
+him that for hours of the night mounted men from the country were
+crossing the bridges of the Patapsco." There was but one bridge over
+the Patapsco, known as the Long Bridge, from which any sound of
+passing horsemen or vehicles of any description could possibly have
+been heard at the fort. The sounds which did reach the fort from the
+Long Bridge during the hours of the night were probably the market
+wagons of Anne Arundel County passing to and from the city on their
+usual errand, and the one or two companies from that county, which
+came to Baltimore during the period of disturbance, no doubt rode in
+over the Long Bridge by daylight.
+
+General Robinson, after describing in his paper the riot of the 19th
+of April and the unfortunate event of the killing of Mr. Davis, adds:
+"It is impossible to describe the intense excitement that now
+prevailed. Only those who saw and felt it can understand or conceive
+any adequate idea of its extent"; and in this connection he mentions
+the fact that Marshal Kane, chief of the police force, on the evening
+of the 19th of April, telegraphed to Bradley T. Johnson, at
+Frederick, as follows: "Streets red with Maryland blood; send
+expresses over the mountains of Maryland and Virginia for the riflemen
+to come without delay. Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow. We
+will fight them and whip them, or die."
+
+The sending of this dispatch was indeed a startling event, creating a
+new complication and embarrassing in the highest degree to the city
+authorities. The marshal of police, who had gallantly and successfully
+protected the national troops on the 18th and 19th, was so carried
+away by the frenzy of the hour that he had thus on his own
+responsibility summoned volunteers from Virginia and Maryland to
+contest the passage of national troops through the city. Different
+views were taken by members of the board of police. It was considered,
+on the one hand, that the services of Colonel Kane were, in that
+crisis, indispensable, because no one could control as he could the
+secession element of the city, which was then in the ascendant and
+might get control of the city, and, on the other, that his usefulness
+had ceased, because not only had the gravest offense been given to the
+Union sentiment of the city by this dispatch, but the authorities in
+Washington, while he was at the head of the police, could no longer
+have any confidence in the police, or perhaps in the board itself. The
+former consideration prevailed.
+
+It is due to Marshal Kane to say that subsequently, and while he
+remained in office, he performed his duty to the satisfaction of the
+Board. Some years after the war was over he was elected sheriff, and
+still later mayor of the city, and in both capacities he enjoyed the
+respect and regard of the community.
+
+It may with propriety be added that the conservative position and
+action of the police board were so unsatisfactory to many of the more
+heated Southern partisans, that a scheme was at one time seriously
+entertained by them to suppress the board, and transfer the control of
+the police force to other hands. Happily for all parties, better
+counsels prevailed.
+
+On Sunday, the 21st of April, with three prominent citizens of
+Baltimore, I went to Washington, and we there had an interview with
+the President and Cabinet and General Scott. This interview was of so
+much importance, that a statement of what occurred was prepared on the
+same day and was immediately published. It is here given at length:
+
+ BALTIMORE, _April 21_.
+
+ Mayor Brown received a dispatch from the President of the United
+ States at three o'clock A. M. (this morning), directed to himself
+ and Governor Hicks, requesting them to go to Washington by
+ special train, in order to consult with Mr. Lincoln for the
+ preservation of the peace of Maryland. The mayor replied that
+ Governor Hicks was not in the city, and inquired if he should go
+ alone. Receiving an answer by telegraph in the affirmative, his
+ Honor, accompanied by George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T.
+ Wallis, Esqs., whom he had summoned to attend him, proceeded at
+ once to the station. After a series of delays they were enabled
+ to procure a special train about half-past seven o'clock, in
+ which they arrived at Washington about ten.
+
+ They repaired at once to the President's house, where they were
+ admitted to an immediate interview, to which the Cabinet and
+ General Scott were summoned. A long conversation and discussion
+ ensued. The President, upon his part, recognized the good faith
+ of the city and State authorities, and insisted upon his own. He
+ admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore, and his
+ desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences of a collision
+ with the people. He urged, on the other hand, the absolute,
+ irresistible necessity of having a transit through the State for
+ such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the
+ Federal capital. The protection of Washington, he asserted with
+ great earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops
+ there, and he protested that none of the troops brought through
+ Maryland were intended for any purposes hostile to the State, or
+ aggressive as against the Southern States. Being now unable to
+ bring them up the Potomac in security, the President must either
+ bring them through Maryland or abandon the capital.
+
+ He called on General Scott for his opinion, which the General
+ gave at length, to the effect that troops might be brought
+ through Maryland without going through Baltimore, by either
+ carrying them from Perryville to Annapolis, and thence by rail to
+ Washington, or by bringing them to the Relay House on the
+ Northern Central Railroad [about seven miles north of the city],
+ and marching them to the Relay House on the Washington Railroad
+ [about seven miles south-west of the city], and thence by rail to
+ the capital. If the people would permit them to go by either of
+ these routes uninterruptedly, the necessity of their passing
+ through Baltimore would be avoided. If the people would not
+ permit them a transit thus remote from the city, they must select
+ their own best route, and, if need be, fight their own way
+ through Baltimore--a result which the General earnestly
+ deprecated.
+
+ The President expressed his hearty concurrence in the desire to
+ avoid a collision, and said that no more troops should be ordered
+ through Baltimore if they were permitted to go uninterrupted by
+ either of the other routes suggested. In this disposition the
+ Secretary of War expressed his participation.
+
+ Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would
+ use all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving
+ Baltimore to attack the troops in passing at a distance; but he
+ urged, at the same time, the impossibility of their being able to
+ promise anything more than their best efforts in that direction.
+ The excitement was great, he told the President, the people of
+ all classes were fully aroused, and it was impossible for any one
+ to answer for the consequences of the presence of Northern troops
+ anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President also that
+ the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their
+ own population, and that he could give no promises for the people
+ elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The
+ President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the
+ Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best
+ efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction.
+
+ The interview terminated with the distinct assurance on the part
+ of the President that no more troops would be sent through
+ Baltimore, unless obstructed in their transit in other
+ directions, and with the understanding that the city authorities
+ should do their best to restrain their own people.
+
+ The Mayor and his companions availed themselves of the
+ President's full discussion of the day to urge upon him
+ respectfully, but in the most earnest manner, a course of policy
+ which would give peace to the country, and especially the
+ withdrawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops
+ through any part of Maryland.
+
+ On returning to the cars, and when just about to leave, about 2
+ P. M., the Mayor received a dispatch from Mr. Garrett (the
+ President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad) announcing the
+ approach of troops to Cockeysville [about fourteen miles from
+ Baltimore on the Northern Central Railroad], and the excitement
+ consequent upon it in the city. Mr. Brown and his companions
+ returned at once to the President and asked an immediate
+ audience, which was promptly given. The Mayor exhibited Mr.
+ Garrett's dispatch, which gave the President great surprise. He
+ immediately summoned the Secretary of War and General Scott, who
+ soon appeared with other members of the Cabinet. The dispatch was
+ submitted. The President at once, in the most decided way, urged
+ the recall of the troops, saying he had no idea they would be
+ there. Lest there should be the slightest suspicion of bad faith
+ on his part in summoning the Mayor to Washington and allowing
+ troops to march on the city during his absence, he desired that
+ the troops should, if it were practicable, be sent back at once
+ to York or Harrisburg. General Scott adopted the President's
+ views warmly, and an order was accordingly prepared by the
+ Lieutenant-General to that effect, and forwarded by Major Belger,
+ of the Army, who also accompanied the Mayor to this city. The
+ troops at Cockeysville, the Mayor was assured, were not brought
+ there for transit through the city, but were intended to be
+ marched to the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
+ They will proceed to Harrisburg, from there to Philadelphia, and
+ thence by the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal or by Perryville, as
+ Major-General Patterson may direct.
+
+ This statement is made by the authority of the Mayor and Messrs.
+ George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T. Wallis, who accompanied
+ Mr. Brown, and who concurred with him in all particulars in the
+ course adopted by him in the two interviews with Mr. Lincoln.
+
+ GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_.
+
+This statement was written by Mr. Wallis, at the request of his
+associates, on the train, and was given to the public immediately on
+their return to the city.
+
+In the course of the first conversation Mr. Simon Cameron called my
+attention to the fact that an iron bridge on the Northern Central
+Railway, which, he remarked, belonged to the city of Baltimore, had
+been disabled by a skilled person so as to inflict little injury on
+the bridge, and he desired to know by what authority this had been
+done. Up to this time nothing had been said about the disabling of the
+bridges. In reply I addressed myself to the President, and said, with
+much earnestness, that the disabling of this bridge, and of the other
+bridges, had been done by authority, as the reader has already been
+told, and that it was a measure of protection on a sudden emergency,
+designed to prevent bloodshed in the city of Baltimore, and not an act
+of hostility towards the General Government; that the people of
+Maryland had always been deeply attached to the Union, which had been
+shown on all occasions, but that they, including the citizens of
+Baltimore, regarded the proclamation calling for 75,000 troops as an
+act of war on the South, and a violation of its constitutional rights,
+and that it was not surprising that a high-spirited people, holding
+such opinions, should resent the passage of Northern troops through
+their city for such a purpose.
+
+Mr. Lincoln was greatly moved, and, springing up from his chair,
+walked backward and forward through the apartment. He said, with great
+feeling, "Mr. Brown, I am not a learned man! I am not a learned man!"
+that his proclamation had not been correctly understood; that he had
+no intention of bringing on war, but that his purpose was to defend
+the capital, which was in danger of being bombarded from the heights
+across the Potomac.
+
+I am giving here only a part of a frank and full conversation, in
+which others present participated.
+
+The telegram of Mr. Garrett to me referred to in the preceding
+statement is in the following words: "Three thousand Northern troops
+are reported to be at Cockeysville. Intense excitement prevails.
+Churches have been dismissed and the people are arming in mass. To
+prevent terrific bloodshed, the result of your interview and
+arrangement is awaited."
+
+To this the following reply to Mr. Garrett was made by me: "Your
+telegram received on our return from an interview with the President,
+Cabinet and General Scott. Be calm and do nothing until you hear from
+me again. I return to see the President at once and will telegraph
+again. Wallis, Brune and Dobbin are with me."
+
+Accordingly, after the second interview, the following dispatch was
+sent by me to Mr. Garrett: "We have again seen the President, General
+Scott, Secretary of War and other members of the Cabinet, and the
+troops are ordered to return forthwith to Harrisburg. A messenger goes
+with us from General Scott. We return immediately."
+
+Mr. Garrett's telegram was not exaggerated. It was a fearful day in
+Baltimore. Women and children, and men, too, were wild with
+excitement. A certainty of a fight in the streets if Northern troops
+should enter was the pressing danger. Those who were arming in hot
+haste to resist the passage of Northern troops little recked of the
+fearful risk to which they were exposing themselves and all they held
+dear. It was well for the city and State that the President had
+decided as he did. When the President gave his deliberate decision
+that the troops should pass around Baltimore and not through it,
+General Scott, stern soldier as he sometimes was, said with emotion,
+"Mr. President, I thank you for this, and God will bless you for it."
+
+From the depth of our hearts my colleagues and myself thanked both the
+General and the President.
+
+The troops on the line of the Northern Central Railway--some 2400 men,
+about half of them armed--did not receive their orders to return to
+Pennsylvania until after several days. As they had expected to make
+the journey to Washington by rail, they were naturally not well
+equipped or supplied for camp life. I take the following from the
+_Sun_ of April 23d: "By order of Marshal Kane, several wagon-loads of
+bread and meat were sent to the camp of the Pennsylvania troops, it
+being understood that a number were sick and suffering for proper food
+and nourishment.... One of the Pennsylvanians died on Sunday and was
+buried within the encampment. Two more died yesterday and a number of
+others were on the sick list. The troops were deficient in food,
+having nothing but crackers to feed upon."
+
+The Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, under command of General Butler,
+was the next which passed through Maryland. It reached Perryville, on
+the Susquehanna, by rail on the 20th, and there embarked on the
+steamboat _Maryland_, arriving at Annapolis early on the morning of
+the 21st. Governor Hicks addressed the General a note advising that he
+should not land his men, on account of the great excitement there, and
+stated that he had telegraphed to that effect to the Secretary of War.
+
+The Governor also wrote to the President, advising him to order
+elsewhere the troops then off Annapolis, and to send no more through
+Maryland, and added the surprising suggestion that Lord Lyons, the
+British Minister, be requested to act as mediator between the
+contending parties of the country.
+
+The troops, however, were landed without opposition. The railway from
+Annapolis leading to the Washington road had, in some places, been
+torn up, but it was promptly repaired by the soldiers, and by the 25th
+an unobstructed route was opened through Annapolis to Washington.
+
+Horace Greeley, in his book called "The American Conflict," denounces
+with characteristic vehemence and severity of language the proceedings
+of the city authorities. He scouts "the demands" of the Mayor and his
+associates, whom he designates as "Messrs. Brown & Co." He insists
+that practically on the morning of the 20th of April Maryland was a
+member of the Southern Confederacy, and that her Governor spoke and
+acted the bidding of a cabal of the ablest and most envenomed
+traitors.
+
+It is true that the city then, and for days afterwards, was in an
+anomalous condition, which may be best described as one of "armed
+neutrality"; but it is not true that in any sense it was, on the 20th
+of April, or at any other time, a member of the Southern Confederacy.
+On the contrary, while many, especially among the young and reckless,
+were doing their utmost to place it in that position, regardless of
+consequences, and would, if they could, have forced the hands of the
+city authorities, it was their conduct which prevented such a
+catastrophe. Temporizing and delay were necessary. As soon as passions
+had time to cool, a strong reaction set in and the people rapidly
+divided into two parties--one on the side of the North, and the other
+on the side of the South; but whatever might be their personal or
+political sympathies, it was clear to all who had not lost their
+reason that Maryland, which lay open from the North by both land and
+sea, would be kept in the Union for the sake of the national capital,
+even if it required the united power of the nation to accomplish the
+object. The telegraph wires on the lines leading to the North had been
+cut, and for some days the city was without regular telegraphic
+connection. For a longer time the mails were interrupted and travel
+was stopped. The buoys in the harbor were temporarily removed. The
+business interests of the city of course suffered under these
+interruptions, and would be paralyzed if such isolation were to
+continue, and the merchants soon began to demand that the channels of
+trade should be reopened to the north and east.
+
+The immediate duty of the city authorities was to keep the peace and
+protect the city, and, without going into details or discussing the
+conduct of individuals, I shall leave others to speak of the manner in
+which it was performed.
+
+Colonel Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, p. 415, sums
+up the matter as follows: "In such a period of intense excitement,
+many foolish and unnecessary acts were undoubtedly done by persons in
+the employment of the city, as well as by private individuals, but it
+is undoubtedly true that the Mayor and board of police commissioners
+were inflexibly determined to resist all attempts to force the city
+into secession or into acts of hostility to the Federal Government,
+and that they successfully accomplished their purpose. If they had
+been otherwise disposed, they could easily have effected their
+object."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+ SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- REPORT OF THE BOARD OF
+ POLICE. -- SUPPRESSION OF THE FLAGS. -- ON THE 5th OF MAY,
+ GENERAL BUTLER TAKES POSITION SEVEN MILES FROM BALTIMORE. -- ON
+ THE 13TH OF MAY, HE ENTERS BALTIMORE AND FORTIFIES FEDERAL HILL.
+ -- THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WILL TAKE NO STEPS TOWARDS SECESSION. --
+ MANY YOUNG MEN JOIN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDERACY.
+
+
+On the 22d of April, Governor Hicks convened the General Assembly of
+the State, to meet in special session at Annapolis on the 26th, to
+deliberate and consider of the condition of the State, and to take
+such measures as in their wisdom they might deem fit to maintain peace
+and order and security within its limits.
+
+On the 24th of April, "in consequence of the extraordinary state of
+affairs," Governor Hicks changed the meeting of the Assembly to
+Frederick. The candidates for the House of Delegates for the city of
+Baltimore, who had been returned as elected to the General Assembly in
+1859, had been refused their seats, as previously stated, and a new
+election in the city had therefore become necessary to fill the
+vacancy.
+
+A special election for that purpose was accordingly held in the city
+on the 24th instant. Only a States Rights ticket was presented, for
+which nine thousand two hundred and forty-four votes were cast. The
+candidates elected were: John C. Brune, Ross Winans, Henry M.
+Warfield, J. Hanson Thomas, T. Parkin Scott, H. M. Morfit, S. Teackle
+Wallis, Charles H. Pitts, William G. Harrison and Lawrence Sangston,
+well-known and respected citizens, and the majority of them nominated
+because of their known conservatism and declared opposition to violent
+measures.
+
+This General Assembly, which contained men of unusual weight and force
+of character, will ever remain memorable in Maryland for the courage
+and ability with which it maintained the constitutional rights of the
+State.
+
+On the 3d of May, the board of police made a report of its proceedings
+to the Legislature of the State, signed by Charles Howard, President.
+After speaking of the disabling of the railroads, it concludes as
+follows:
+
+ "The absolute necessity of the measures thus determined upon by
+ the Governor, Mayor and Police Board, is fully illustrated by the
+ fact that early on Sunday morning reliable information reached
+ the city of the presence of a large body of Pennsylvania troops,
+ amounting to about twenty-four hundred men, who had reached
+ Ashland, near Cockeysville, by the way of the Northern Central
+ Railroad, and was stopped in their progress towards Baltimore by
+ the partial destruction of the Ashland bridge. Every intelligent
+ citizen at all acquainted with the state of feeling then
+ existing, must be satisfied that if these troops had attempted to
+ march through the city, an immense loss of life would have ensued
+ in the conflict which would necessarily have taken place. The
+ bitter feelings already engendered would have been intensely
+ increased by such a conflict; all attempts at conciliation would
+ have been vain, and terrible destruction would have been the
+ consequence, if, as is certain, other bodies of troops had
+ insisted on forcing their way through the city.
+
+ "The tone of the whole Northern press and the mass of the
+ population was violent in the extreme. Incursions upon our city
+ were daily threatened, not only by troops in the service of the
+ Federal Government, but by the vilest and most reckless
+ desperadoes, acting independently, and, as they threatened, in
+ despite of the Government, backed by well-known influential
+ citizens, and sworn to the commission of all kinds of excesses.
+ In short, every possible effort was made to alarm this community.
+ In this condition of things the Board felt it to be their solemn
+ duty to continue the organization which had already been
+ commenced, for the purpose of assuring the people of Baltimore
+ that no effort would be spared to protect all within its borders,
+ to the extent of their ability. All the means employed were
+ devoted to this end, and with no view of producing a collision
+ with the General Government, which the Board were particularly
+ anxious to avoid, and an arrangement was happily effected by the
+ Mayor with the General Government that no troops should be passed
+ through the city. As an evidence of the determination of the
+ Board to prevent such collision, a sufficient guard was sent in
+ the neighborhood of Fort McHenry several nights to arrest all
+ parties who might be engaged in a threatened attack upon it, and
+ a steam-tug was employed, properly manned, to prevent any hostile
+ demonstration upon the receiving-ship _Alleghany_, lying at
+ anchor in the harbor, of all which the United States officers in
+ command were duly notified.
+
+ "Property of various descriptions belonging to the Government and
+ individuals was taken possession of by the police force with a
+ view to its security. The best care has been taken of it. Every
+ effort has been made to discover the rightful owners, and a
+ portion of it has already been forwarded to order. Arrangements
+ have been made with the Government agents satisfactory to them
+ for the portion belonging to it, and the balance is held subject
+ to the order of its owners.
+
+ "Amidst all the excitement and confusion which has since
+ prevailed, the Board take great pleasure in stating that the good
+ order and peace of the city have been preserved to an
+ extraordinary degree. Indeed, to judge from the accounts given by
+ the press of other cities of what has been the state of things in
+ their own communities, Baltimore, during the whole of the past
+ week and up to this date, will compare favorably, as to the
+ protection which persons and property have enjoyed, with any
+ other large city in the United States."
+
+Much has been said in regard to the suppression of the national flag
+in Baltimore during the disturbances, and it is proper that the facts
+should here be stated.
+
+General Robinson, in his description of the occurrences which took
+place after the 19th of April, says that meetings were held under the
+flag of the State of Maryland, at which the speeches were inflammatory
+secession harangues, and that the national flag disappeared, and no
+man dared to display it. Whether or not this statement exactly
+represents the condition of things, it at least approximates it, and
+on the 26th of April, an order was issued by the board of police
+reciting that the peace of the city was likely to be disturbed by the
+display of various flags, and directing that no flag of any
+description should be raised or carried through the streets. On April
+29th, the city council passed an ordinance, signed by the Mayor,
+authorizing him, when in his opinion the peace of the city required
+it, to prohibit by proclamation for a limited period, to be designated
+by him, the public display of all flags or banners in the city of
+Baltimore, except on buildings or vessels occupied or employed by the
+Government of the United States. On the same day I, in pursuance of
+the ordinance, issued a proclamation prohibiting the display of flags
+for thirty days, with the exception stated in the ordinance, and on
+the 10th of May, when I was satisfied that all danger was over, I
+issued a proclamation removing the prohibition. The only violation of
+the order which came under my notice during the period of suppression
+was on the part of a military company which had the Maryland flag
+flying at its headquarters, on Lexington street near the City Hall. On
+my directing this flag to be taken down, the request was at once
+complied with.
+
+General Robinson says that "the first demonstration of returning
+loyalty was on the 28th day of April, when a sailing vessel came down
+the river crowded with men, and covered from stem to stern with
+national flags. She sailed past the fort, cheered and saluted our
+flag, which was dipped in return, after which she returned to the
+city." He then adds: "The tide had turned. Union men avowed
+themselves, the stars and stripes were again unfurled, and order was
+restored. Although after this time arrests were made of persons
+conspicuous for disloyalty, the return to reason was almost as sudden
+as the outbreak of rebellion. The railroads were repaired, trains ran
+regularly, and troops poured into Washington without hindrance or
+opposition of any sort. Thousands of men volunteered for the Union
+Army. Four regiments of Maryland troops afterwards served with me, and
+constituted the Third Brigade of my division. They fought gallantly
+the battles of the Union, and no braver soldiers ever marched under
+the flag."
+
+The tide indeed soon turned, but not quite so rapidly as this
+statement seems to indicate. On the 5th of May, General Butler, with
+two regiments and a battery of artillery, came from Washington and
+took possession of the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+at the junction of the Washington branch, about seven miles from
+Baltimore, and fortified the position. One of his first proceedings
+was highly characteristic. He issued a special order declaring that he
+had found well-authenticated evidence that one of his soldiers had
+"been poisoned by means of strychnine administered in the food brought
+into the camp," and he warned the people of Maryland that he could
+"put an agent, with a word, into every household armed with this
+terrible weapon." This statement sent a thrill of horror through the
+North, and the accompanying threat of course excited the indignation
+and disgust of our people. The case was carefully examined by the city
+physician, and it turned out that the man had an ordinary attack of
+cholera morbus, the consequence of imprudent diet and camp life, but
+the General never thought proper to correct the slander.
+
+On the evening of the 11th of May, General Butler being then at
+Annapolis, I received a note from Edward G. Parker, his aide-de-camp,
+stating that he had received intimations from many sources that an
+attack by the Baltimore roughs was intended that night; that these
+rumors had been confirmed by a gentleman from Baltimore, who gave his
+name and residence; that the attack would be made by more than a
+thousand men, every one sworn to kill a man; that they were coming in
+wagons, on horses and on foot, and that a considerable force from the
+west, probably the Point of Rocks in Maryland, was also expected, and
+I was requested to guard every avenue from the city, so as to prevent
+the Baltimore rioters from leaving town.
+
+Out of respect to the source from which the application came, I
+immediately sent for the marshal of police, and requested him to throw
+out bodies of his men so as to guard every avenue leading to the Relay
+House. No enemy, however, appeared. The threatened attack proved to be
+merely a groundless alarm, as I knew from the beginning it was.
+
+On the night of the 13th of May, when the city was as peaceful as it
+is to-day, General Butler, in the midst of a thunderstorm of unusual
+violence, entered Baltimore and took possession of Federal Hill, which
+overlooks the harbor and commands the city, and which he immediately
+proceeded to fortify. There was nobody to oppose him, and nobody
+thought of doing so; but, for this exploit, which he regarded as the
+capture of Baltimore, he was made a Major-General. He immediately
+issued a proclamation, as if he were in a conquered city subject to
+military law.
+
+Meantime, on the 26th of April, the General Assembly of the State had
+met at Frederick. "As soon as the General Assembly met" (Scharf's
+History of Maryland, Vol. III, p. 444), "the Hon. James M. Mason,
+formerly United States Senator from Virginia, waited on it as
+commissioner from that State, authorized to negotiate a treaty of
+alliance offensive and defensive with Maryland on her behalf." This
+proposition met with no acceptance. On the 27th, the Senate, by a
+unanimous vote, issued an address for the purpose of allaying the
+apprehensions of the people, declaring that it had no constitutional
+authority to take any action leading to secession, and on the next day
+the House of Delegates, by a vote of 53 to 12, made a similar
+declaration. Early in May, the General Assembly, by a vote in the
+House of 43 to 12, and in the Senate of 11 to 3, passed a series of
+resolutions proclaiming its position in the existing crisis.
+
+The resolutions protested against the war as unjust and
+unconstitutional, and announced a determination to take no part in its
+prosecution. They expressed a desire for the immediate recognition of
+the Confederate States; and while they protested against the military
+occupation of the State, and the arbitrary restrictions and
+illegalities with which it was attended, they called on all good
+citizens to abstain from violent and unlawful interference with the
+troops, and patiently and peacefully to leave to time and reason the
+ultimate and certain re-establishment and vindication of the right;
+and they declared it to be at that time inexpedient to call a
+Sovereign Convention of the State, or to take any measures for the
+immediate organization or arming of the militia.
+
+After it became plain that no movement would be made towards
+secession, a large number of young men, including not a few of the
+flower of the State, and representing largely the more wealthy and
+prominent families, escaped across the border and entered the ranks of
+the Confederacy. The number has been estimated at as many as twenty
+thousand, but this, perhaps, is too large a figure, and there are no
+means of ascertaining the truth. The muster-rolls have perished with
+the Confederacy. The great body of those who sympathized with the
+South had no disposition to take arms against the Union so long as
+Maryland remained a member of it. This was subsequently proved by
+their failure to enlist in the Southern armies on the different
+occasions in 1862, 1863 and 1864 when they crossed the Potomac and
+transferred the seat of war to Maryland and Pennsylvania, under the
+command twice of General Lee and once of General Early.
+
+The first of these campaigns ended in the bloody battle of Antietam.
+The Maryland men, as a tribute to their good conduct, were placed at
+the head of the army, and crossed the river with enthusiasm, the band
+playing and the soldiers singing "My Maryland." Great was their
+disappointment that the recruits did not even suffice to fill the gaps
+in their shattered ranks.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+ CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY AND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. -- A UNION
+ CONVENTION. -- CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT. --
+ INCIDENTS OF THE WAR. -- THE WOMEN IN THE WAR.
+
+
+The suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_, by order of the
+President, without the sanction of an Act of Congress, which had not
+then been given, was one of the memorable events of the war.
+
+On the 4th of May, 1861, Judge Giles, of the United States District
+Court of Maryland, issued a writ of _habeas corpus_ to Major Morris,
+then in command of Fort McHenry, to discharge a soldier who was under
+age. Major Morris refused to obey the writ.
+
+On the 14th of May the General Assembly adjourned, and Mr. Ross
+Winans, of Baltimore, a member of the House of Delegates, while
+returning to his home, was arrested by General Butler on a charge of
+high treason. He was conveyed to Annapolis, and subsequently to Fort
+McHenry, and was soon afterwards released.
+
+A case of the highest importance next followed. On the 25th of May,
+Mr. John Merryman, of Baltimore County, was arrested by order of
+General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and confined in Fort McHenry. The next
+day (Sunday, May 26th) his counsel, Messrs. George M. Gill and George
+H. Williams, presented a petition for the writ of _habeas corpus_ to
+Chief Justice Taney, who issued the writ immediately, directed to
+General Cadwallader, then in command in Maryland, ordering him to
+produce the body of Merryman in court on the following day (Monday,
+May 27th). On that day Colonel Lee, his aide-de-camp, came into court
+with a letter from General Cadwallader, directed to the Chief Justice,
+stating that Mr. Merryman had been arrested on charges of high
+treason, and that he (the General) was authorized by the President of
+the United States in such cases to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_
+for the public safety. Judge Taney asked Colonel Lee if he had brought
+with him the body of John Merryman. Colonel Lee replied that he had no
+instructions except to deliver the letter.
+
+ _Chief Justice._--The commanding officer, then, declines to obey
+ the writ?
+
+ _Colonel Lee._--After making that communication my duty is ended,
+ and I have no further power (rising and retiring).
+
+ _Chief Justice._--The Court orders an attachment to issue against
+ George Cadwallader for disobedience to the high writ of the
+ Court, returnable at twelve o'clock to-morrow.
+
+The order was accordingly issued as directed.
+
+A startling issue was thus presented. The venerable Chief Justice had
+come from Washington to Baltimore for the purpose of issuing a writ of
+_habeas corpus_, and the President had thereupon authorized the
+commander of the fort to hold the prisoner and disregard the writ.
+
+A more important occasion could hardly have occurred. Where did the
+President of the United States acquire such a power? Was it true that
+a citizen held his liberty subject to the arbitrary will of any man?
+In what part of the Constitution could such a power be found? Why had
+it never been discovered before? What precedent existed for such an
+act?
+
+Judge Taney was greatly venerated in Baltimore, where he had formerly
+lived. The case created a profound sensation.
+
+On the next morning the Chief Justice, leaning on the arm of his
+grandson, walked slowly through the crowd which had gathered in front
+of the court-house, and the crowd silently and with lifted hats opened
+the way for him to pass.
+
+Roger B. Taney was one of the most self-controlled and courageous of
+judges. He took his seat with his usual quiet dignity. He called the
+case of John Merryman and asked the marshal for his return to the writ
+of attachment. The return stated that he had gone to Fort McHenry for
+the purpose of serving the writ on General Cadwallader; that he had
+sent in his name at the outer gate; that the messenger had returned
+with the reply that there was no answer to send; that he was not
+permitted to enter the gate, and, therefore, could not serve the writ,
+as he was commanded to do.
+
+The Chief Justice then read from his manuscript as follows:
+
+ I ordered the attachment of yesterday because upon the face of
+ the return the detention of the prisoner was unlawful upon two
+ grounds:
+
+ 1st. The President, under the Constitution and laws of the United
+ States, cannot suspend the privilege of the writ of _habeas
+ corpus_, nor authorize any military officer to do so.
+
+ 2d. A military officer has no right to arrest and detain a person
+ not subject to the rules and articles of war, for an offense
+ against the laws of the United States, except in aid of the
+ judicial authority and subject to its control; and if the party
+ is arrested by the military, it is the duty of the officer to
+ deliver him over immediately to the civil authority, to be dealt
+ with according to law.
+
+ I forbore yesterday to state the provisions of the Constitution
+ of the United States which make these principles the fundamental
+ law of the Union, because an oral statement might be
+ misunderstood in some portions of it, and I shall therefore put
+ my opinion in writing, and file it in the office of the clerk of
+ this court, in the course of this week.
+
+The Chief Justice then orally remarked:
+
+ In relation to the present return, it is proper to say that of
+ course the marshal has legally the power to summon the _posse
+ comitatus_ to seize and bring into court the party named in the
+ attachment; but it is apparent he will be resisted in the
+ discharge of that duty by a force notoriously superior to the
+ _posse_, and, this being the case, such a proceeding can result
+ in no good, and is useless. I will not, therefore, require the
+ marshal to perform this duty. If, however, General Cadwallader
+ were before me, I should impose on him the punishment which it is
+ my province to inflict--that of fine and imprisonment. I shall
+ merely say, to-day, that I shall reduce to writing the reasons
+ under which I have acted, and which have led me to the
+ conclusions expressed in my opinion, and shall direct the clerk
+ to forward them with these proceedings to the President, so that
+ he may discharge his constitutional duty "to take care that the
+ laws are faithfully executed."
+
+It is due to my readers that they should have an opportunity of
+reading this opinion, and it is accordingly inserted in an Appendix.
+
+After the court had adjourned, I went up to the bench and thanked
+Judge Taney for thus upholding, in its integrity, the writ of _habeas
+corpus_. He replied, "Mr. Brown, I am an old man, a very old man" (he
+had completed his eighty-fourth year), "but perhaps I was preserved
+for this occasion." I replied, "Sir, I thank God that you were."
+
+He then told me that he knew that his own imprisonment had been a
+matter of consultation, but that the danger had passed, and he warned
+me, from information he had received, that my time would come.
+
+The charges against Merryman were discovered to be unfounded and he
+was soon discharged by military authority.
+
+The nation is now tired of war, and rests in the enjoyment of a
+harmony which has not been equalled since the days of James Monroe.
+When Judge Taney rendered this decision the Constitution was only
+seventy-two years old--twelve years younger than himself. It is now
+less than one hundred years old--a short period in a nation's
+life--and yet during that period there have been serious
+commotions--two foreign wars and a civil war. In the future, as in the
+past, offenses will come, and hostile parties and factions will arise,
+and the men who wield power will, if they dare, shut up in fort or
+prison, without reach of relief, those whom they regard as dangerous
+enemies. When that period arrives, then will those who wisely love
+their country thank the great Chief Justice, as I did, for his
+unflinching defense of _habeas corpus_, the supreme writ of right, and
+the corner-stone of personal liberty among all English-speaking
+people.
+
+In the Life of Benjamin R. Curtis, Vol. I, p. 240, his biographer
+says, speaking of Chief Justice Taney, with reference to the case of
+Merryman, "If he had never done anything else that was high, heroic
+and important, his noble vindication of the writ of _habeas corpus_
+and the dignity and authority of his office against a rash minister of
+State, who, in the pride of a fancied executive power, came near to
+the commission of a great crime, will command the admiration and
+gratitude of every lover of constitutional liberty so long as our
+institutions shall endure." The crime referred to was the intended
+imprisonment of the Chief Justice.
+
+Although this crime was not committed, a criminal precedent had been
+set and was ruthlessly followed. "My lord," said Mr. Seward to Lord
+Lyons, "I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the imprisonment
+of a citizen of Ohio; I can touch a bell again and order the
+imprisonment of a citizen of New York; and no power on earth, except
+that of the President, can release them. Can the Queen of England do
+so much?" When such a power is wielded by any man, or set of men,
+nothing is left to protect the liberty of the citizen.
+
+On the 24th of May, a Union Convention, consisting of fourteen
+counties of the State, including the city of Baltimore, and leaving
+eight unrepresented, met in the city. The counties not represented
+were Washington, Montgomery, Prince George, Charles, St. Mary's,
+Dorchester, Somerset, and Worcester. The number of members does not
+appear to have been large, but it included the names of gentlemen well
+known and highly respected. The Convention adopted Resolutions which
+declared, among other things, that the revolution on the part of
+eleven States was without excuse or palliation, and that the redress
+of actual or supposed wrongs in connection with the slavery question
+formed no part of their views or purposes; that the people of this
+State were unalterably determined to defend the Government of the
+United States, and would support the Government in all legal and
+constitutional measures which might be necessary to resist the
+revolutionists; that the intimations made by the majority of the
+Legislature at its late session--that the people were humiliated or
+subjugated by the action of the Government--were gratuitous insults to
+that people; that the dignity of the State of Maryland, involved in a
+precise, persistent and effective recognition of all her rights,
+privileges and immunities under the Constitution of the United States,
+will be vindicated at all times and under all circumstances by those
+of her sons who are sincere in their fealty to her and the Government
+of the Union of which she is part, and to popular constitutional
+liberty; that while they concurred with the present Executive of the
+United States that the unity and integrity of the National Union must
+be preserved, their view of the nature and true principles of the
+Constitution, of the powers which it confers, and of the duties which
+it enjoins, and the rights which it secures, as it relates to and
+affects the question of slavery in many of the essential bearings, is
+directly opposed to the views of the Executive; that they are fixed in
+their conviction, amongst others, that a just comprehension of the
+true principles of the Constitution forbid utterly the formation of
+political parties on the foundation of the slavery question, and that
+the Union men will oppose to the utmost of their ability all attempts
+of the Federal Executive to commingle in any manner its peculiar views
+on the slavery question with that of maintaining the just powers of
+the Government.
+
+These resolutions are important as showing the stand taken by a large
+portion of the Union party of the State in regard to any interference,
+as the result of the war or otherwise, by the General Government with
+the provisions of the Constitution with regard to slavery.
+
+After the writ of _habeas corpus_ had been thus suspended, martial
+law, as a consequence, rapidly became all-powerful, and it continued
+in force during the war. That law is by Judge Black, in his argument
+before the Supreme Court in the case of _ex parte_ Milligan,[14] shown
+to be simply the rule of irresponsible force. Law becomes helpless
+before it. _Inter arma silent leges._
+
+[Footnote 14: 4 Wallace Sup. Court R. 2.]
+
+On May 25, 1862, Judge Carmichael, an honored magistrate, while
+sitting in his court in Easton, was, by the provost marshal and his
+deputies, assisted by a body of military sent from Baltimore, beaten,
+and dragged bleeding from the bench, and then imprisoned, because he
+had on a previous occasion delivered a charge to the grand jury
+directing them to inquire into certain illegal acts and to indict the
+offenders. His imprisonment in Forts McHenry, Lafayette, and Delaware,
+lasted more than six months. On December 4, 1862, he was
+unconditionally released, no trial having been granted him, nor any
+charges made against him. On June 28, 1862, Judge Bartol, of the Court
+of Appeals of Maryland, was arrested and confined in Fort McHenry. He
+was released after a few days, without any charge being preferred
+against him, or any explanation given.
+
+Spies and informers abounded. A rigid supervision was established.
+Disloyalty, so called, of any kind was a punishable offense. Rebel
+colors, the red and white, were prohibited. They were not allowed to
+appear in shop-windows or on children's garments, or anywhere that
+might offend the Union sentiment. If a newspaper promulgated disloyal
+sentiments, the paper was suppressed and the editor imprisoned. If a
+clergyman was disloyal in prayer or sermon, or if he failed to utter a
+prescribed prayer, he was liable to be treated in the same manner, and
+was sometimes so treated. A learned and eloquent Lutheran clergyman
+came to me for advice because he had been summoned before the provost
+marshal for saying that a nation which incurred a heavy debt in the
+prosecution of war laid violent hands on the harvests of the future;
+but his offense was condoned, because it appeared that he had referred
+to the "Thirty Years' War" and had made no direct reference to the
+debt of the United States, and perhaps for a better reason--that he
+had strong Republican friends among his congregation.
+
+If horses and fodder, fences and timber, or houses and land, were
+taken for the use of the Army, the owner was not entitled to
+compensation unless he could prove that he was a loyal man; and the
+proof was required to be furnished through some well-known loyal
+person, who, of course, was usually paid for his services. Very soon
+no one was allowed to vote unless he was a loyal man, and soldiers at
+the polls assisted in settling the question of loyalty.
+
+Nearly all who approved of the war regarded these things as an
+inevitable military necessity; but those who disapproved deeply
+resented them as unwarrantable violations of sacred constitutional
+rights. The consequence was that friendships were dissolved, the ties
+of blood severed, and an invisible but well-understood line divided
+the people. The bitterness and even the common mention of these acts
+have long since ceased, but the tradition survives and still continues
+to be a factor, silent, but not without influence, in the politics of
+the State.
+
+History repeats itself. There were deeds done on both sides which
+bring to mind the wars of England and Scotland and the border strife
+between those countries. There were flittings to and fro, and
+adventures and hairbreadth escapes innumerable. Soldiers returned to
+visit their homes at the risk of their necks. Contraband of every
+description, and letters and newspapers, found their way across the
+border. The military lines were long and tortuous, and vulnerable
+points were not hard to find, and trusty carriers were ready to go
+anywhere for the love of adventure or the love of gain.
+
+The women were as deeply interested as the men, and were less
+apprehensive of personal consequences. In different parts of the city,
+not excepting its stateliest square, where stands the marble column
+from which the father of his country looked down, sadly as it were, on
+a divided people, there might have been found, by the initiated,
+groups of women who, with swift and skillful fingers, were fashioning
+and making garments strangely various in shape and kind--some for
+Northern prisons where captives were confined, some for destitute
+homes beyond the Southern border, in which only women and children
+were left, and some for Southern camps where ragged soldiers were
+waiting to be clad. The work was carried on not without its risks;
+but little cared the workers for that. Perhaps the sensation of danger
+itself, and a spirit of resistance to an authority which they refused
+to recognize, gave zest to their toil; nor did they always think it
+necessary to inform the good man of the house in which they were
+assembled either of their presence or of what was going on beneath his
+roof.
+
+The women who stood by the cause of the Union were not compelled to
+hide their charitable deeds from the light of day. No need for them to
+feed and clothe the soldiers of the Union, whose wants were amply
+supplied by a bountiful Government; but with untiring zeal they
+visited the military hospitals on missions of mercy, and when the
+bloody fields of Antietam and Gettysburg were fought, both they and
+their Southern sisters hastened, though not with a common purpose, to
+the aid of the wounded and dying, the victims of civil strife and
+children of a common country.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ GENERAL BANKS IN COMMAND. -- MARSHAL KANE ARRESTED. -- POLICE
+ COMMISSIONERS SUPERSEDED. -- RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL
+ ASSEMBLY. -- POLICE COMMISSIONERS ARRESTED. -- MEMORIAL ADDRESSED
+ BY THE MAYOR AND CITY COUNCIL TO CONGRESS. -- GENERAL DIX IN
+ COMMAND. -- ARREST OF MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, THE MAYOR
+ AND OTHERS. -- RELEASE OF PRISONERS. -- COLONEL DIMICK.
+
+
+On the 10th of June, 1861, Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks, of
+Massachusetts, was appointed in the place of General Cadwallader to
+the command of the Department of Annapolis, with headquarters at
+Baltimore. On the 27th of June, General Banks arrested Marshal Kane
+and confined him in Fort McHenry. He then issued a proclamation
+announcing that he had superseded Marshal Kane and the commissioners
+of police, and that he had appointed Colonel John R. Kenly, of the
+First Regiment of Maryland Volunteers, provost marshal, with the aid
+and assistance of the subordinate officers of the police department.
+
+The police commissioners, including the mayor, offered no resistance,
+but adopted and published a resolution declaring that, in the opinion
+of the board, the forcible suspension of their functions suspended at
+the same time the active operation of the police law and put the
+officers and men off duty for the present, leaving them subject,
+however, to the rules and regulations of the service as to their
+personal conduct and deportment, and to the orders which the board
+might see fit thereafter to issue, when the present illegal
+suspension of their functions should be removed.
+
+The Legislature of Maryland, at its adjourned session on the 22d of
+June, passed a series of resolutions declaring that the
+unconstitutional and arbitrary proceedings of the Federal Executive
+had not been confined to the violation of the personal rights and
+liberties of the citizens of Maryland, but had been so extended that
+the property of no man was safe, the sanctity of no dwelling was
+respected, and that the sacredness of private correspondence no longer
+existed; that the Senate and House of Delegates of Maryland felt it
+due to her dignity and independence that history should not record the
+overthrow of public freedom for an instant within her borders, without
+recording likewise the indignant expression of her resentment and
+remonstrance, and they accordingly protested against the oppressive
+and tyrannical assertion and exercise of military jurisdiction within
+the limits of Maryland over the persons and property of her citizens
+by the Government of the United States, and solemnly declared the same
+to be subversive of the most sacred guarantees of the Constitution,
+and in flagrant violation of the fundamental and most cherished
+principles of American free government.
+
+On the first of July, the police commissioners were arrested and
+imprisoned by order of General Banks, on the ground, as he alleged in
+a proclamation, that the commissioners had refused to obey his
+decrees, or to recognize his appointees, and that they continued to
+hold the police force for some purpose not known to the Government.
+
+General Banks does not say what authority he had to make decrees, or
+what the decrees were which the commissioners had refused to obey; and
+as on the 27th of June he had imprisoned the marshal of police, and
+had put a provost marshal in his place, retaining only the subordinate
+officers of the police department, and had appointed instead of the
+men another body of police, all under the control of the provost
+marshal; and as the commissioners had no right to discharge the police
+force established by a law of the State, and were left with no duties
+in relation to the police which they could perform, it is very plain
+that, whatever motive General Banks may have had for the arrest and
+imprisonment of the commissioners, it is not stated in his
+proclamation.
+
+One of the commissioners, Charles D. Hinks, was soon released in
+consequence of failing health.
+
+On the day of the arrest of the police commissioners the city was
+occupied by troops, who in large detachments, infantry and artillery,
+took up positions in Monument Square, Exchange Place, at Camden-street
+Station and other points, and they mounted guard and bivouacked in the
+streets for more than a week.
+
+On July 18th, the police commissioners presented to Congress a
+memorial in which they protested very vigorously against their
+unlawful arrest and imprisonment.
+
+On the 23d day of July, 1861, the mayor and city council of Baltimore
+addressed a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the
+United States, in which, after describing the condition of affairs in
+Baltimore, they respectfully, yet most earnestly, demanded, as matter
+of right, that their city might be governed according to the
+Constitution and laws of the United States and of the State of
+Maryland, that the citizens might be secure in their persons, houses,
+papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures; that
+they should not be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
+process of law; that the military should render obedience to the
+civil authority; that the municipal laws should be respected, the
+officers released from imprisonment and restored to the lawful
+exercise of their functions, and that the police government
+established by law should be no longer impeded by armed force to the
+injury of peace and order. It is perhaps needless to add that the
+memorial met with no favor.
+
+On the 7th of August, 1861, the Legislature of the State, in a series
+of resolutions, denounced these proceedings in all their parts,
+pronouncing them, so far as they affected individuals, a gross and
+unconstitutional abuse of power which nothing could palliate or
+excuse, and, in their bearing upon the authority and constitutional
+powers and privileges of the State herself, a revolutionary subversion
+of the Federal compact.
+
+The Legislature then adjourned, to meet on the 17th of September.
+
+On the 24th of July, 1861, General Dix had been placed in command of
+the Department, with his headquarters in Baltimore. On that day he
+wrote from Fort McHenry to the Assistant Adjutant-General for
+re-enforcement of the troops under his command. He said that there
+ought to be ten thousand men at Baltimore and Annapolis, and that he
+could not venture to respond for the quietude of the Department with a
+smaller number. At Fort McHenry, as told by his biographer, he
+exhibited to some ladies of secession proclivities an immense
+columbiad, and informed them that it was pointed to Monument Square,
+and if there was an uprising that this piece would be the first he
+would fire. But the guns of Fort McHenry were not sufficient. He built
+on the east of the city a very strong work, which he called Fort
+Marshall, and he strengthened the earthwork on Federal Hill, in the
+southern part, so that the city lay under the guns of three powerful
+forts, with several smaller ones. Not satisfied with this, on the 15th
+of September, 1862, General Dix, after he had been transferred to
+another department, wrote to Major-General Halleck, then
+Commander-in-Chief, advising that the ground on which the earthwork on
+Federal Hill had been erected should be purchased at a cost of one
+hundred thousand dollars, and that it should be permanently fortified
+at an additional expense of $250,000. He was of opinion that although
+the great body of the people were, as he described them, eminently
+distinguished for their moral virtues, Baltimore had always contained
+a mass of inflammable material, which would ignite on the slightest
+provocation. He added that "Fort Federal Hill completely commanded the
+city, and is capable, from its proximity to the principal business
+quarters, of assailing any one without injury to the others. The hill
+seems to have been placed there by Nature as a site for a permanent
+citadel, and I beg to suggest whether a neglect to appropriate it to
+its obvious design would not be an unpardonable dereliction of duty."
+
+These views were perhaps extreme even for a major-general commanding
+in Baltimore, especially as by this time the disorderly element which
+infests all cities had gone over to the stronger side, and was engaged
+in the pious work of persecuting rebels. General Halleck, even after
+this solemn warning, left Federal Hill to the protection of its
+earthwork.
+
+The opinion which General Dix had of Baltimore extended, though in a
+less degree, to a large portion of the State, and was shared, in part
+at least, not only by the other military commanders, but by the
+Government at Washington.
+
+On the 11th of September, 1861, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War,
+wrote the following letter to Major-General Banks, who was at this
+time in command of a division in Maryland:
+
+ "WAR DEPARTMENT, _September 11, 1861_.
+
+ "_General._--The passage of any act of secession by the
+ Legislature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary, all or
+ any part of the members must be arrested. Exercise your own
+ judgment as to the time and manner, but do the work effectively."
+
+On the 12th of September, Major-General McClellan, Commander-in-Chief
+of the Army of the Potomac, wrote a confidential letter to General
+Banks reciting that "after full consultation with the President,
+Secretary of State, War, etc., it has been decided to effect the
+operation proposed for the 17th." The 17th was the day fixed for the
+meeting of the General Assembly, and the operation to be performed was
+the arrest of some thirty members of that body, and other persons
+besides. Arrangements had been made to have a Government steamer at
+Annapolis to receive the prisoners and convey them to their
+destination. The plan was to be arranged with General Dix and Governor
+Seward, and the letter closes with leaving this exceedingly important
+affair to the tact and discretion of General Banks, and impressing on
+him the absolute necessity of secrecy and success.
+
+Accordingly, a number of the most prominent members of the
+Legislature, myself, as mayor of Baltimore, and editors of newspapers,
+and other citizens, were arrested at midnight. I was arrested at my
+country home, near the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
+by four policemen and a guard of soldiers. The soldiers were placed in
+both front and rear of the house, while the police rapped violently on
+the front door. I had gone to bed, but was still awake, for I had some
+apprehension of danger. I immediately arose, and opening my bed-room
+window, asked the intruders what they wanted. They replied that they
+wanted Mayor Brown. I asked who wanted him, and they answered, the
+Government of the United States. I then inquired for their warrant,
+but they had none. After a short time spent in preparation I took
+leave of my wife and children, and closely guarded, walked down the
+high hill on which the house stands to the foot, where a carriage was
+waiting for me. The soldiers went no farther, but I was driven in
+charge of the police seven miles to Baltimore and through the city to
+Fort McHenry, where to my surprise I found myself a fellow-prisoner in
+a company of friends and well-known citizens. We were imprisoned for
+one night in Fort McHenry, next in Fort Monroe for about two weeks,
+next in Fort Lafayette for about six weeks, and finally in Fort
+Warren. Henry May, member of Congress from Baltimore, was arrested at
+the same time, but was soon released.
+
+Col. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, says: "It was
+originally intended that they (the prisoners) should be confined in
+the fort at the Dry Tortugas, but as there was no fit steamer in
+Hampton Roads to make the voyage, the programme was changed."[15]
+
+[Footnote 15: See also the "Chronicles of Baltimore" by the same
+author.]
+
+The apprehension that the Legislature intended to pass an act of
+secession, as intimated by Secretary Cameron, was, in view of the
+position in which the State was placed, and the whole condition of
+affairs, so absurd that it is difficult to believe that he seriously
+entertained it. The blow was no doubt, however, intended to strike
+with terror the opponents of the war, and was one of the effective
+means resorted to by the Government to obtain, as it soon did, entire
+control of the State.
+
+As the events of the 19th of April had occurred nearly five months
+previously, and I was endeavoring to perform my duties as mayor, in
+obedience to law, without giving offense to either the civil or
+military authorities of the Government, the only apparent reason for
+my arrest grew out of a difficulty in regard to the payment of the
+police appointed by General Banks. In July a law had been passed by
+Congress appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of
+such payment, but it was plain that a similar expenditure would not
+long be tolerated by Congress. In this emergency an intimation came to
+me indirectly from Secretary Seward, through a common acquaintance,
+that I was expected to pay the Government police out of the funds
+appropriated by law for the city police. I replied that any such
+payment would be illegal and was not within my power.
+
+Soon afterwards I received the following letter from General Dix,
+which I insert, together with the correspondence which followed:
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA,
+ "BALTIMORE, MD., _September 8, 1861_.
+
+ "TO HON. GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of the City of Baltimore_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Reasons of state, which I deem imperative, demand that
+ the payment of compensation to the members of the old city
+ police, who were, by a resolution of the Board of Police
+ Commissioners, dated the 27th of Jane last, declared 'off duty,'
+ and whose places were filled in pursuance of an order of
+ Major-General Banks of the same date, should cease. I therefore
+ direct, by virtue of the authority vested in me as commanding
+ officer of the military forces of the United States in Baltimore
+ and its vicinity, that no further payment be made to them.
+
+ "Independently of all other considerations, the continued
+ compensation of a body of men who have been suspended in their
+ functions by the order of the Government, is calculated to bring
+ its authority into disrespect; and the extraction from the
+ citizens of Baltimore by taxation, in a time of general
+ depression and embarrassment, of a sum amounting to several
+ hundred thousand dollars a year for the payment of nominal
+ officials who render it no service, cannot fail by creating
+ widespread dissatisfaction to disturb the quietude of the city,
+ which I am most anxious to preserve.
+
+ "I feel assured that the payment would have been voluntarily
+ discontinued by yourself, as a violation of the principle on
+ which all compensation is bestowed--as a remuneration for an
+ equivalent service actually performed--had you not considered
+ yourself bound by existing laws to make it.
+
+ "This order will relieve you from the embarrassment, and I do not
+ doubt that it will be complied with.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "JOHN A. DIX,
+ "_Major-General Commanding_."
+
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, CITY HALL,
+ "BALTIMORE, _September 5, 1861_.
+
+ "Major-General JOHN A. DIX, _Baltimore, Md._
+
+ "_Sir_:--I was not in town yesterday, and did not receive until
+ this morning your letter of the 3d inst. ordering that no further
+ payment be made to the members of the city police.
+
+ "The payments have been made heretofore in pursuance of the laws
+ of the State, under the advice of the City Counsellor, by the
+ Register, the Comptroller and myself.
+
+ "Without entering into a discussion of the considerations which
+ you have deemed sufficient to justify this proceeding, I feel it
+ to be my duty to enter my protest against this interference, by
+ military authority, with the exercise of powers lawfully
+ committed by the State of Maryland to the officers of the city
+ corporation; but it is nevertheless not the intention of the city
+ authorities to offer resistance to the order which you have
+ issued, and I shall therefore give public notice to the officers
+ and men of the city police that no further payments may be
+ expected by them.
+
+ "There is an arrearage of pay of two weeks due to the force, and
+ the men have by the law and rules of the board been prevented
+ from engaging in any other business or occupation. Most of them
+ have families, who are entirely dependent for support on the pay
+ received.
+
+ "I do not understand your order as meaning to prohibit the
+ payment of this arrearage, and shall therefore proceed to make
+ it, unless prevented by your further order.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+ "_Mayor of Baltimore_."
+
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA,
+ "BALTIMORE, MD., _September 9, 1861_.
+
+ "HON. GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of the City of Baltimore_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Your letter of the 5th inst. was duly received. I
+ cannot, without acquiescing in the violation of a principle,
+ assent to the payment of an arrearage to the members of the old
+ city police, as suggested in the closing paragraph of your
+ letter.
+
+ "It was the intention of my letter to prohibit any payment to
+ them subsequently to the day on which it was written.
+
+ "You will please, therefore, to consider this as the 'further
+ order' referred to by you.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "JOHN A. DIX,
+ "_Major-General Commanding_."
+
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, CITY HALL,
+ "BALTIMORE, _September 11, 1861_.
+
+ "Major-General JOHN A. DIX, Baltimore.
+
+ "_Sir_:--I did not come to town yesterday until the afternoon,
+ and then ascertained that my letters had been sent out to my
+ country residence, where, on my return last evening, I found
+ yours of the 9th, in reply to mine of the 5th instant, awaiting
+ me. It had been left at the mayor's office yesterday morning.
+
+ "Before leaving the mayor's office, about three o'clock P. M. on
+ the 9th instant, and not having received any reply from you, I
+ had signed a check for the payment of arrears due the police, and
+ the money was on the same day drawn out of the bank and handed
+ over to the proper officers, and nearly the entire amount was by
+ them paid to the police force before the receipt of your letter.
+
+ "The suggestion in your letter as to the 'violation of a
+ principle' requires me to add that I recognize in the action of
+ the Government of the United States in the matter in question
+ nothing but the assertion of superior force.
+
+ "Out of regard to the great interests committed to my charge as
+ chief magistrate of the city, I have yielded to that force, and
+ do not feel it necessary to enter into any discussion of the
+ principles upon which the Government sees fit to exercise it.
+
+ "Very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+ "_Mayor_."
+
+The reasons which General Dix assigned for prohibiting me from paying
+the arrearages due the police present a curious combination. First,
+there were reasons of State; next, the respect due to the Government;
+third, his concern for the taxpayers of Baltimore; fourth, the danger
+to the quiet of the city which he apprehended might arise from the
+payment; and, finally, there was a principle which he must protect
+from violation, but what that principle was he did not state.
+
+A striking commentary on these reasons was furnished on the 11th of
+December, 1863, by a decision of the Court of Appeals of Maryland in
+the case of the Mayor, etc., of Baltimore _vs._ Charles Howard and
+others, reported in 20th Maryland Rep., p. 335. The question was
+whether the interference by the Government of the United States with
+the Board of Police and police force established by law in the city of
+Baltimore was without authority of law and did in any manner affect or
+impair the rights or invalidate the acts of the board. The court held
+that, though the board was displaced by a force to which they yielded
+and could not resist, their power and rights under their organization
+were still preserved, and that they were amenable for any dereliction
+of official duty, except in so far as they were excused by
+uncontrollable events. And the court decided that Mr. Hinks, one of
+the police commissioners, whose case was alone before the court, was
+entitled to his salary, which had accrued after the board was so
+displaced.
+
+Subsequently, after the close of the war, the Legislature of the State
+passed an act for the payment of all arrearages due to the men of the
+police subsequent to their displacement by the Government of the
+United States and until their discharge by the Government of the
+State.
+
+It will be perceived that General Dix delayed replying to my letter of
+the 5th of September until the 9th; that his reply was not left at the
+mayor's office until the tenth, and that in the meantime, on the
+afternoon of the 9th, after waiting for his reply for four days, I
+paid the arrears due the police, as I had good reason to suppose he
+intended I should.
+
+A friend of mine, a lawyer of Baltimore, and a pronounced Union man,
+has, since then, informed me that General Dix showed him my letter of
+the 5th before my arrest; that my friend asked him whether he had
+replied to it, and the General replied he had not. My friend answered
+that he thought a reply was due to me. From all this it does not seem
+uncharitable to believe that the purpose of General Dix was to put me
+in the false position of appearing to disobey his order and thus to
+furnish an excuse for my imprisonment. This lasted until the 27th of
+November, 1862, a short time after my term of office had expired, when
+there was a sudden and unexpected release of all the State prisoners
+in Fort Warren, where we were then confined.
+
+On the 26th of November, 1862, Colonel Justin Dimick, commanding at
+Fort Warren, received the following telegraphic order from the
+Adjutant-General's Office, Washington: "The Secretary of War directs
+that you release all the Maryland State prisoners, also any other
+State prisoners that may be in your custody, and report to this
+office."
+
+In pursuance of this order, Colonel Dimick on the following day
+released from Fort Warren the following State prisoners, without
+imposing any condition upon them whatever: Severn Teackle Wallis,
+Henry M. Warfield, William G. Harrison, T. Parkin Scott, ex-members of
+the Maryland Legislature from Baltimore; George William Brown,
+ex-Mayor of Baltimore; Charles Howard and William H. Gatchell,
+ex-Police Commissioners; George P. Kane, ex-Marshal of Police; Frank
+Key Howard, one of the editors of the Baltimore _Exchange_; Thomas W.
+Hall, editor of the Baltimore _South_; Robert Hull, merchant, of
+Baltimore; Dr. Charles Macgill, of Hagerstown; William H. Winder, of
+Philadelphia; and B. L. Cutter, of Massachusetts.
+
+General Wool, then in command in Baltimore, issued an order declaring
+that thereafter no person should be arrested within the limits of the
+Department except by his order, and in all such cases the charges
+against the accused party were to be sworn to before a justice of the
+peace.
+
+As it was intimated that these gentlemen had entered into some
+engagement as the condition of their release, Mr. Wallis, while in New
+York on his return home, took occasion to address a letter on the
+subject to the editor of the New York _World_, in which he said: "No
+condition whatever was sought to be imposed, and none would have been
+accepted, as the Secretary of War well knew. Speaking of my
+fellow-prisoners from Maryland, I have a right to say that they
+maintained to the last the principle which they asserted from the
+first--namely, that, if charged with crime, they were entitled to be
+charged, held and tried in due form of law and not otherwise; and
+that, in the absence of lawful accusation and process, it was their
+right to be discharged without terms or conditions of any sort, and
+they would submit to none."
+
+Many of our fellow-prisoners were from necessity not able to take this
+stand. There were no charges against them, but there were imperative
+duties which required their presence at home, and when the Government
+at Washington adopted the policy of offering liberty to those who
+would consent to take an oath of allegiance prepared for the occasion,
+they had been compelled to accept it.
+
+Before this, in December, 1861, the Government at Washington, on
+application of friends, had granted me a parole for thirty days, that
+I might attend to some important private business, and for that time I
+stayed with kind relatives, under the terms of the parole, in Boston.
+
+The following correspondence, which then took place, will show the
+position which I maintained:
+
+ "BOSTON, _January 4, 1862_.
+
+ "MARSHAL KEYS, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--I called twice to see you during this week, and in your
+ absence had an understanding with your deputy that I was to
+ surrender myself to you this morning, on the expiration of my
+ parole, in time to be conveyed to Fort Warren, and I have
+ accordingly done so.
+
+ "As you have not received any instructions from Washington in
+ regard to the course to be pursued with me, I shall consider
+ myself in your custody until you have had ample time to write to
+ Washington and obtain a reply.
+
+ "I desire it, however, to be expressly understood that no further
+ extension of my parole is asked for, or would be accepted at this
+ time.
+
+ "It is my right and my wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the
+ performance of my official and private duties.
+
+ Respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+
+ "DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
+ "WASHINGTON, _January 6, 1862_.
+
+ "JOHN S. KEYS, Esq., U. S. Marshal, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Your letter of the 4th inst., relative to George W.
+ Brown, has been received.
+
+ "In reply, I have to inform you that, if he desires it, you may
+ extend his parole to the period of thirty days. If not, you will
+ please recommit him to Fort Warren and report to this Department.
+
+ "I am, sir, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "F. W. SEWARD,
+ "_Acting Secretary of State_."
+
+
+ "BOSTON, _January 10, 1862_.
+
+ "MARSHAL KEYS, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--In my note to you of the 4th inst. I stated that I did
+ not desire a renewal of my parole, but that it was my right and
+ wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the performance of my
+ private and official duties.
+
+ "My note was, in substance, as you informed me, forwarded to Hon.
+ W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, in a letter from you to him.
+
+ "In reply to your communication, F. W. Seward, Acting Secretary
+ of State, wrote to you under date of the 6th inst. that 'you may
+ extend the parole of George W. Brown if he desires it, but if
+ not, you are directed to recommit him to Fort Warren.'
+
+ "It was hardly necessary to give me the option of an extension of
+ parole which I had previously declined, but the offer renders it
+ proper for me to say that the parole was applied for by my
+ friends, to enable me to attend to important private business,
+ affecting the interests of others as well as myself; that the
+ necessities growing out of this particular matter of business no
+ longer exist, and that I cannot consistently with my ideas of
+ propriety, by accepting a renewal of the parole, place myself in
+ the position of seeming to acquiesce in a prolonged and illegal
+ banishment from my home and duties.
+
+ Respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+On the 11th of January, 1862, I returned to Fort Warren, and on the
+14th an offer was made to renew and extend my parole to ninety days
+upon condition that I would not pass south of Hudson River. This offer
+I declined. My term of office expired on the 12th of November, 1862,
+and soon afterwards I was released, as I have just stated.
+
+It is not my purpose to enter into an account of the trials and
+hardships of prison-life in the crowded forts in which we were
+successively confined under strict and sometimes very harsh military
+rule, but it is due to the memory of the commander at Fort Warren,
+Colonel Justin Dimick, that I should leave on record the warm feelings
+of respect and friendship with which he was regarded by the prisoners
+who knew him best, for the unvarying kindness and humanity with which
+he performed the difficult and painful duties of his office. As far as
+he was permitted to do so, he promoted the comfort and convenience of
+all, and after the war was over and he had been advanced to the rank
+of General, he came to Baltimore as the honored guest of one of his
+former prisoners, and while there received the warm and hearty
+greeting of others of his prisoners who still survived.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+A PERSONAL CHAPTER.
+
+
+I have now completed my task; but perhaps it will be expected that I
+should clearly define my own position. I have no objection to do so.
+
+Both from feeling and on principle I had always been opposed to
+slavery--the result in part of the teaching and example of my parents,
+and confirmed by my own reading and observation. In early manhood I
+became prominent in defending the rights of the free colored people of
+Maryland. In the year 1846 I was associated with a small number of
+persons, of whom the Rev. William F. Brand, author of the "Life of
+Bishop Whittingham," and myself, are the only survivors. The other
+members of the association were Dr. Richard S. Steuart, for many years
+President of the Maryland Hospital for the Insane, and himself a
+slaveholder; Galloway Cheston, a merchant and afterwards President of
+the Board of Trustees of the Johns Hopkins University; Frederick W.
+Brune, my brother-in-law and law-partner; and Ramsay McHenry, planter.
+We were preparing to initiate a movement tending to a gradual
+emancipation within the State, but the growing hostility between the
+North and the South rendered the plan wholly impracticable, and it was
+abandoned.
+
+My opinions, however, did not lead me into sympathy with the abolition
+party. I knew that slavery had existed almost everywhere in the world,
+and still existed in some places, and that, whatever might be its
+character elsewhere, it was not in the Southern States "the sum of all
+villainy." On the contrary, it had assisted materially in the
+development of the race. Nowhere else, I believe, had negro slaves
+been so well treated, on the whole, and had advanced so far in
+civilization. They had learned the necessity, as well as the habit, of
+labor; the importance--to some extent at least--of thrift; the
+essential distinctions between right and wrong, and the inevitable
+difference to the individual between right-doing and wrong-doing; the
+duty of obedience to law; and--not least--some conception, dim though
+it might be, of the inspiring teachings of the Christian religion.
+They had learned also to cherish a feeling of respect and good will
+towards the best portion of the white race, to whom they looked up,
+and whom they imitated.
+
+I refused to enlist in a crusade against slavery, not only on
+constitutional grounds, but for other reasons. If the slaves were
+freed and clothed with the right of suffrage, they would be incapable
+of using it properly. If the suffrage were withheld, they would be
+subjected to the oppression of the white race without the protection
+afforded by their masters. Thus I could see no prospect of maintaining
+harmony without a disastrous change in our form of government such as
+prevailed after the war, in what is called the period of
+reconstruction. If there were entire equality, and an intermingling of
+the two races, it would not, as it seemed to me, be for the benefit of
+either. I knew how strong are race prejudices, especially when
+stimulated by competition and interest; how cruelly the foreigners, as
+they were called, had been treated by the people in California, and
+the Indians by our people everywhere; and how, in my own city,
+citizens were for years ruthlessly deprived by the Know-Nothing party
+of the right of suffrage, some because they were of foreign birth,
+and some because they were Catholics. The problem of slavery was to me
+a Gordian knot which I knew not how to untie, and which I dared not
+attempt to cut with the sword. Such a severance involved the horrors
+of civil war, with the wickedness and demoralization which were sure
+to follow.
+
+I was deeply attached to the Union from a feeling imbibed in early
+childhood and constantly strengthened by knowledge and personal
+experience. I did not believe in secession as a constitutional right,
+and in Maryland there was no sufficient ground for revolution. It was
+clearly for her interest to remain in the Union and to free her
+slaves. An attempt to secede or to revolt would have been an act of
+folly which I deprecated, although I did believe that she, in common
+with the rest of the South, had constitutional rights in regard to
+slavery which the North was not willing to respect.
+
+It was my opinion that the Confederacy would prove to be a rope of
+sand. I thought that the seceding States should have been allowed to
+depart in peace, as General Scott advised, and I believed that
+afterwards the necessities of the situation and their own interest
+would induce them to return, severally, perhaps, to the old Union, but
+with slavery peacefully abolished; for, in the nature of things, I
+knew that slavery could not last forever.
+
+Whether or not my opinions were sound and my hopes well founded, is
+now a matter of little importance, even to myself, but they were at
+least sincere and were not concealed.
+
+There can be no true union in a Republic unless the parts are held
+together by a feeling of common interest, and also of mutual respect.
+
+That there is a common interest no reasonable person can doubt; but
+this is not sufficient; and, happily, there is a solid basis for
+mutual respect also.
+
+I have already stated the grounds on which, from their point of view,
+the Southern people were justified in their revolt, and even in the
+midst of the war I recognized what the South is gradually coming to
+recognize--that the grounds on which the Northern people waged
+war--love of the Union and hatred of slavery--were also entitled to
+respect.
+
+I believe that the results achieved--namely, the preservation of the
+Union and the abolition of slavery--are worth all they have cost.
+
+And yet I feel that I am living in a different land from that in which
+I was born, and under a different Constitution, and that new perils
+have arisen sufficient to cause great anxiety. Some of these are the
+consequences of the war, and some are due to other causes. But every
+generation must encounter its own trials, and should extract benefit
+from them if it can. The grave problems growing out of emancipation
+seem to have found a solution in an improving education of the whole
+people. Perhaps education is the true means of escape from the other
+perils to which I have alluded.
+
+Let me state them as they appear to me to exist.
+
+Vast fortunes, which astonish the world, have suddenly been acquired,
+very many by methods of more than doubtful honesty, while the fortunes
+themselves are so used as to benefit neither the possessors nor the
+country.
+
+Republican simplicity has ceased to be a reality, except where it
+exists as a survival in rural districts, and is hardly now mentioned
+even as a phrase. It has been superseded by republican luxury and
+ostentation. The mass of the people, who cannot afford to indulge in
+either, are sorely tempted to covet both.
+
+The individual man does not rely, as he formerly did, on his own
+strength and manhood. Organization for a common purpose is resorted to
+wherever organization is possible. Combinations of capital or of
+labor, ruled by a few individuals, bestride the land with immense
+power both for good and evil. In these combinations the individual
+counts for little, and is but little concerned about his own moral
+responsibility.
+
+When De Tocqueville, in 1838, wrote his remarkable book on Democracy
+in America, he expressed his surprise to observe how every public
+question was submitted to the decision of the people, and that, when
+the people had decided, the question was settled. Now politicians care
+little about the opinions of the people, because the people care
+little about opinions. Bosses have come into existence to ply their
+vile trade of office-brokerage. Rings are formed in which the bosses
+are masters and the voters their henchmen. Formerly decent people
+could not be bought either with money or offices. Political parties
+have always some honest foundation, but rings are factions like those
+of Rome in her decline, having no foundation but public plunder.
+
+Communism, socialism, and labor strikes have taken the place of
+slavery agitation. Many people have come to believe that this is a
+paternal Government from which they have a right to ask for favors,
+and not a Republic in which all are equal. Hence States, cities,
+corporations, individuals, and especially certain favored classes,
+have no scruple in getting money somehow or other, directly or
+indirectly, out of the purse of the Nation, as if the Nation had
+either purse or property which does not belong to the people, for the
+benefit of the whole people, without favor or partiality towards any.
+
+In many ways there is a dangerous tendency towards the centralization
+of power in the National Government, with little opposition on the
+part of the people.
+
+Paper money is held by the Supreme Court to be a lawful substitute for
+gold and silver coin, partly on the ground that this is the
+prerogative of European governments.[16] This is strange
+constitutional doctrine to those who were brought up in the school of
+Marshall, Story, and Chancellor Kent.
+
+[Footnote 16: Legal Tender Case, Vol. 110 U. S. Reports, p. 421.]
+
+The administration of cities has grown more and more extravagant and
+corrupt, thus leading to the creation of immense debts which oppress
+the people and threaten to become unmanageable.
+
+The national Congress, instead of faithfully administering its trust,
+has become reckless and wasteful of the public money.
+
+But, notwithstanding all this, I rejoice to believe that there is a
+reserve of power in the American people which has never yet failed to
+redress great wrongs when they have come to be fully recognized and
+understood.
+
+A striking instance of this is to be found in the temperance movement,
+which, extreme as it may be in some respects, shows that the
+conscience of the entire country is aroused on a subject of vast
+difficulty and importance.
+
+And other auspicious signs exist, the chief of which I think are that
+a new zeal is manifested in the cause of education; that people of all
+creeds come together as they never did before to help in good works;
+that an independent press, bent on enlightening, not deceiving, the
+people, is making itself heard and respected; and that younger men,
+who represent the best hopes and aspirations of the time, are pressing
+forward to take the place of the politicians of a different school,
+who represent chiefly their own selfish interests, or else a period of
+hate and discord which has passed away forever.
+
+These considerations give me hope and confidence in the country as it
+exists to-day.
+
+Baltimore is the place of my birth, of my home, and of my affections.
+No one could be bound to his native city by ties stronger than mine.
+Perhaps, in view of the incidents of the past, as detailed in this
+volume, I may be permitted to express to the good people of Baltimore
+my sincere and profound gratitude for the generous and unsolicited
+confidence which, on different occasions, they have reposed in me, and
+for their good will and kind feeling, which have never been withdrawn
+during the years, now not a few, which I have spent in their service.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I.
+
+
+The following account of the alleged conspiracy to assassinate Abraham
+Lincoln on his journey to Baltimore is taken from the "Life of Abraham
+Lincoln," by Ward H. Lamon, pp. 511-526:
+
+"Whilst Mr. Lincoln, in the midst of his suite and attendants, was
+being borne in triumph through the streets of Philadelphia, and a
+countless multitude of people were shouting themselves hoarse, and
+jostling and crushing each other around his carriage-wheels, Mr.
+Felton, the President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railway, was engaged with a private detective discussing the details
+of an alleged conspiracy to murder him at Baltimore. Some months
+before, Mr. Felton, apprehending danger to the bridges along his line,
+had taken this man into his pay and sent him to Baltimore to spy out
+and report any plot that might be found for their destruction. Taking
+with him a couple of other men and a woman, the detective went about
+his business with the zeal which necessarily marks his peculiar
+profession. He set up as a stock-broker, under an assumed name, opened
+an office, and became a vehement secessionist. His agents were
+instructed to act with the duplicity which such men generally use; to
+be rabid on the subject of 'Southern Rights'; to suggest all manner of
+crimes in vindication of them; and if, by these arts, corresponding
+sentiments should be elicited from their victims, the 'job' might be
+considered as prospering. Of course they readily found out what
+everybody else knew--that Maryland was in a state of great alarm; that
+her people were forming military associations, and that Governor Hicks
+was doing his utmost to furnish them with arms, on condition that the
+arms, in case of need, should be turned against the Federal
+Government. Whether they detected any plan to burn bridges or not, the
+chief detective does not relate; but it appears that he soon deserted
+that inquiry and got, or pretended to get, upon a scent that promised
+a heavier reward. Being intensely ambitious to shine in the
+professional way, and something of a politician besides, it struck him
+that it would be a particularly fine thing to discover a dreadful plot
+to assassinate the President-elect, and he discovered it accordingly.
+It was easy to get that far; to furnish tangible proofs of an
+imaginary conspiracy was a more difficult matter. But Baltimore was
+seething with political excitement; numerous strangers from the far
+South crowded its hotels and boarding-houses; great numbers of
+mechanics and laborers out of employment encumbered its streets; and
+everywhere politicians, merchants, mechanics, laborers and loafers
+were engaged in heated discussions about the anticipated war, and the
+probability of Northern troops being marched through Maryland to
+slaughter and pillage beyond the Potomac. It would seem like an easy
+thing to beguile a few individuals of this angry and excited multitude
+into the expression of some criminal desire; and the opportunity was
+not wholly lost, although the limited success of the detective under
+such favorable circumstances is absolutely wonderful. He put his
+'shadows' upon several persons whom it suited his pleasure to suspect,
+and the 'shadows' pursued their work with the keen zest and the cool
+treachery of their kind. They reported daily to their chief in
+writing, as he reported in turn to his employer. These documents are
+neither edifying nor useful: they prove nothing but the baseness of
+the vocation which gave them existence. They were furnished to Mr.
+Herndon in full, under the impression that partisan feeling had
+extinguished in him the love of truth and the obligations of candor,
+as it had in many writers who preceded him on the same subject-matter.
+They have been carefully and thoroughly read, analyzed, examined and
+compared, with an earnest and conscientious desire to discover the
+truth, if, perchance, any trace of truth might be in them. The process
+of investigation began with a strong bias in favor of the conclusion
+at which the detective had arrived. For ten years the author
+implicitly believed in the reality of the atrocious plot which these
+spies were supposed to have detected and thwarted; and for ten years
+he had pleased himself with the reflection that he also had done
+something to defeat the bloody purpose of the assassins. It was a
+conviction which could scarcely have been overthrown by evidence less
+powerful than the detective's weak and contradictory account of his
+own case. In that account there is literally nothing to sustain the
+accusation, and much to rebut it. It is perfectly manifest that there
+was no conspiracy--no conspiracy of a hundred, of fifty, of twenty, of
+three--no definite purpose in the heart of even one man to murder Mr.
+Lincoln at Baltimore.
+
+"The reports are all in the form of personal narratives, and for the
+most relate when the spies went to bed, when they rose, where they
+ate, what saloons and brothels they visited, and what blackguards they
+met and 'drinked' with. One of them shadowed a loud-mouthed drinking
+fellow named Luckett, and another, a poor scapegrace and braggart
+named Hilliard. These wretches 'drinked' and talked a great deal, hung
+about bars, haunted disreputable houses, were constantly half drunk,
+and easily excited to use big and threatening words by the faithless
+protestations and cunning management of the spies. Thus Hilliard was
+made to say that he thought a man who should act the part of Brutus in
+these times would deserve well of his country; and Luckett was induced
+to declare that he knew a man who would kill Lincoln. At length the
+great arch-conspirator--the Brutus, the Orsini of the New World, to
+whom Luckett and Hilliard, the 'national volunteers,' and all such,
+were as mere puppets--condescended to reveal himself in the most
+obliging and confiding manner. He made no mystery of his cruel and
+desperate scheme. He did not guard it as a dangerous secret, or choose
+his confidants with the circumspection which political criminals, and
+especially assassins, have generally thought proper to observe. Very
+many persons knew what he was about, and levied on their friends for
+small sums--five, ten and twenty dollars--to further the Captain's
+plan. Even Luckett was deep enough in the awful plot to raise money
+for it; and when he took one of the spies to a public bar-room and
+introduced him to the 'Captain,' the latter sat down and talked it all
+over without the slightest reserve. When was there ever before such a
+loud-mouthed conspirator, such a trustful and innocent assassin! His
+name was Ferrandini, his occupation that of a barber, his place of
+business beneath Barnum's Hotel, where the sign of the bloodthirsty
+villain still invites the unsuspecting public to come in for a shave.
+
+"'Mr. Luckett,' so the spy relates, 'said that he was not going home
+this evening; and if I would meet him at Barr's saloon, on South
+street, he would introduce me to Ferrandini. This was unexpected to
+me; but I determined to take the chances, and agreed to meet Mr.
+Luckett at the place named at 7 P. M. Mr. Luckett left about 2.30 P.
+M., and I went to dinner.
+
+"'I was at the office in the afternoon in hopes that Mr. Felton might
+call, but he did not; and at 6.15 P. M. I went to supper. After supper
+I went to Barr's saloon, and found Mr. Luckett and several other
+gentlemen there. He asked me to drink, and introduced me to Captain
+Ferrandini and Captain Turner. He eulogized me very highly as a
+neighbor of his, and told Ferrandini that I was the gentleman who had
+given the twenty-five dollars he (Luckett) had given to Ferrandini.
+
+"'The conversation at once got into politics; and Ferrandini, who is a
+fine-looking, intelligent-appearing person, became very excited. He
+shows the Italian in, I think, a very marked degree; and, although
+excited, yet was cooler than what I had believed was the general
+characteristic of Italians. He has lived South for many years, and is
+thoroughly imbued with the idea that the South must rule; that they
+(Southerners) have been outraged in their rights by the election of
+Lincoln, and freely justified resorting to any means to prevent
+Lincoln from taking his seat; and, as he spoke, his eyes fairly glared
+and glistened, and his whole frame quivered; but he was fully
+conscious of all he was doing. He is a man well calculated for
+controlling and directing the ardent-minded; he is an enthusiast, and
+believes that, to use his own words, "murder of any kind is
+justifiable and right to save the rights of the Southern people." In
+all his views he was ably seconded by Captain Turner.
+
+"'Captain Turner is an American; but although very much of a
+gentleman, and possessing warm Southern feelings, he is not by any
+means so dangerous a man as Ferrandini, as his ability for exciting
+others is less powerful; but that he is a bold and proud man there is
+no doubt, as also that he is entirely under the control of Ferrandini.
+In fact, he could not be otherwise, for even I myself felt the
+influence of this man's strange power; and, wrong though I knew him to
+be, I felt strangely unable to keep my mind balanced against him.
+
+"'Ferrandini said, "Never, never, shall Lincoln be President!" His
+life (Ferrandini's) was of no consequence; he was willing to give it
+up for Lincoln's; he would sell it for that abolitionist's; and as
+Orsini had given his life for Italy, so was he (Ferrandini) ready to
+die for his country and the rights of the South; and said Ferrandini,
+turning to Captain Turner, "We shall all die together: we shall show
+the North that we fear them not. Every man, Captain," said he, "will
+on that day prove himself a hero. The first shot fired, the main
+traitor (Lincoln) dead, and all Maryland will be with us, and the
+South shall be free; and the North must then be ours. Mr. Hutchins,"
+said Ferrandini, "if I alone must do it, I shall: Lincoln shall die in
+this city."
+
+"'Whilst we were thus talking, we (Mr. Luckett, Turner, Ferrandini and
+myself) were alone in one corner of the bar-room, and, while talking,
+two strangers had got pretty near us. Mr. Luckett called Ferrandini's
+attention to this, and intimated that they were listening; and we went
+up to the bar, drinked again at my expense, and again retired to
+another part of the room, at Ferrandini's request, to see if the
+strangers would again follow us. Whether by accident or design, they
+again got near us; but of course we were not talking of any matter of
+consequence. Ferrandini said he suspected they were spies, and
+suggested that he had to attend a secret meeting, and was apprehensive
+that the two strangers might follow him; and, at Mr. Luckett's
+request, I remained with him (Luckett) to watch the movements of the
+strangers. I assured Ferrandini that if they would attempt to follow
+him, we would whip them.
+
+"'Ferrandini and Turner left to attend the meeting, and, anxious as I
+was to follow them myself, I was obliged to remain with Mr. Luckett to
+watch the strangers, which we did for about fifteen minutes, when Mr.
+Luckett said that he should go to a friend's to stay over night, and I
+left for my hotel, arriving there at about 9 P. M., and soon retired.'
+
+"It is in a secret communication between hireling spies and paid
+informers that these ferocious sentiments are attributed to the poor
+knight of the soap-pot. No disinterested person would believe the
+story upon such evidence; and it will appear hereafter that even the
+detective felt that it was too weak to mention among his strong
+points, at that decisive moment when he revealed all he knew to the
+President and his friends. It is probably a mere fiction. If it had
+had any foundation in fact, we are inclined to believe that the
+sprightly and eloquent barber would have dangled at a rope's end long
+since. He would hardly have been left to shave and plot in peace,
+while the members of the Legislature, the Police Marshal, and numerous
+private gentlemen, were locked up in Federal prisons. When Mr. Lincoln
+was actually slain, four years later, and the cupidity of the
+detectives was excited by enormous rewards, Ferrandini was totally
+unmolested. But even if Ferrandini really said all that is here
+imputed to him, he did no more than many others around him were doing
+at the same time. He drank and talked, and made swelling speeches; but
+he never took, nor seriously thought of taking, the first step toward
+the frightful tragedy he is said to have contemplated.
+
+"The detectives are cautious not to include in the supposed plot to
+murder any person of eminence, power, or influence. Their game is all
+of the smaller sort, and, as they conceived, easily taken--witless
+vagabonds like Hilliard and Luckett, and a barber, whose calling
+indicates his character and associations.[17] They had no fault to
+find with the Governor of the State; he was rather a lively trimmer,
+to be sure, and very anxious to turn up at last on the winning side;
+but it was manifestly impossible that one in such an exalted station
+could meditate murder. Yet, if they had pushed their inquiries with an
+honest desire to get at the truth, they might have found much stronger
+evidence against the Governor than that which they pretend to have
+found against the barber. In the Governor's case the evidence is
+documentary, written, authentic--over his own hand, clear and
+conclusive as pen and ink could make it. As early as the previous
+November, Governor Hicks had written the following letter; and,
+notwithstanding its treasonable and murderous import, the writer
+became conspicuously loyal before spring, and lived to reap splendid
+rewards and high honors, under the auspices of the Federal Government,
+as the most patriotic and devoted Union man in Maryland. The person to
+whom the letter was addressed was equally fortunate; and, instead of
+drawing out his comrades in the field to 'kill Lincoln and his men,'
+he was sent to Congress by power exerted from Washington at a time
+when the administration selected the representatives of Maryland, and
+performed all his duties right loyally and acceptably. Shall one be
+taken and another left? Shall Hicks go to the Senate and Webster to
+Congress, while the poor barber is held to the silly words which he
+is alleged to have sputtered out between drinks in a low groggery,
+under the blandishments and encouragements of an eager spy, itching
+for his reward?
+
+[Footnote 17: Mr. Ferrandini, now in advanced years, still lives in
+Baltimore, and declares the charge of conspiracy to be wholly absurd
+and fictitious, and those who know him will, I think, believe that he
+is an unlikely person to be engaged in such a plot.]
+
+ "'STATE OF MARYLAND,
+ "'EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
+ "'ANNAPOLIS, _November 9, 1860_.
+ "'Hon. E. H. WEBSTER.
+
+ "'_My Dear Sir_:--I have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of
+ your favor introducing a very clever gentleman to my acquaintance
+ (though a Demo'). I regret to say that we have, at this time, no
+ arms on hand to distribute, but assure you at the earliest
+ possible moment your company shall have arms; they have complied
+ with all required on their part. We have some delay, in
+ consequence of contracts with Georgia and Alabama ahead of us. We
+ expect at an early day an additional supply, and of first
+ received your people shall be furnished. Will they be good men to
+ send out to kill Lincoln and his men? If not, suppose the arms
+ would be better sent South.
+
+ "'How does late election sit with you? 'Tis too bad. Harford
+ nothing to reproach herself for.
+
+ "'Your obedient servant,
+ "'THOS. H. HICKS.'
+
+"With the Presidential party was Hon. Norman B. Judd; he was supposed
+to exercise unbounded influence over the new President; and with him,
+therefore, the detective opened communications. At various places
+along the route Mr. Judd was given vague hints of the impending
+danger, accompanied by the usual assurances of the skill and activity
+of the patriots who were perilling their lives in a rebel city to save
+that of the Chief Magistrate. When he reached New York, he was met by
+the woman who had originally gone with the other spies to Baltimore.
+She had urgent messages from her chief--messages that disturbed Mr.
+Judd exceedingly. The detective was anxious to meet Mr. Judd and the
+President, and a meeting was accordingly arranged to take place at
+Philadelphia.
+
+"Mr. Lincoln reached Philadelphia on the afternoon of the 21st. The
+detective had arrived in the morning, and improved the interval to
+impress and enlist Mr. Felton. In the evening he got Mr. Judd and Mr.
+Felton into his room at the St. Louis Hotel, and told them all he had
+learned. He dwelt at large on the fierce temper of the Baltimore
+secessionists; on the loose talk he had heard about 'fireballs or
+hand-grenades'; on a 'privateer' said to be moored somewhere in the
+bay; on the organization called National Volunteers; on the fact that,
+eavesdropping at Barnum's Hotel, he had overheard Marshal Kane
+intimate that he would not supply a police force on some undefined
+occasion, but what the occasion was he did not know. He made much of
+his miserable victim, Hilliard, whom he held up as a perfect type of
+the class from which danger was to be apprehended; but concerning
+"Captain" Ferrandini and his threats, he said, according to his own
+account, not a single word. He had opened his case, his whole case,
+and stated it as strongly as he could. Mr. Judd was very much
+startled, and was sure that it would be extremely imprudent for Mr.
+Lincoln to pass through Baltimore in open daylight, according to the
+published programme. But he thought the detective ought to see the
+President himself; and, as it was wearing toward nine o'clock, there
+was no time to lose. It was agreed that the part taken by the
+detective and Mr. Felton should be kept secret from every one but the
+President. Mr. Sanford, President of the American Telegraph Company,
+had also been co-operating in the business, and the same stipulation
+was made with regard to him.
+
+"Mr. Judd went to his own room at the Continental, and the detective
+followed. The crowd in the hotel was very dense, and it took some time
+to get a message to Mr. Lincoln. But it finally reached him, and he
+responded in person. Mr. Judd introduced the detective, and the latter
+told his story over again, with a single variation: this time he
+mentioned the name of Ferrandini along with Hilliard's, but gave no
+more prominence to one than to the other.
+
+"Mr. Judd and the detective wanted Lincoln to leave for Washington
+that night. This he flatly refused to do. He had engagements with the
+people, he said, to raise a flag over Independence Hall in the
+morning, and to exhibit himself at Harrisburg in the afternoon, and
+these engagements he would not break in any event. But he would raise
+the flag, go to Harrisburg, 'get away quietly' in the evening, and
+permit himself to be carried to Washington in the way they thought
+best. Even this, however, he conceded with great reluctance. He
+condescended to cross-examine the detective on some parts of his
+narrative, but at no time did he seem in the least degree alarmed. He
+was earnestly requested not to communicate the change of plan to any
+member of his party except Mr. Judd, nor permit even a suspicion of it
+to cross the mind of another. To this he replied that he would be
+compelled to tell Mrs. Lincoln, 'and he thought it likely that she
+would insist upon W. H. Lamon going with him; but, aside from that, no
+one should know.'
+
+"In the meantime, Mr. Seward had also discovered the conspiracy. He
+dispatched his son to Philadelphia to warn the President-elect of the
+terrible plot into whose meshes he was about to run. Mr. Lincoln
+turned him over to Judd, and Judd told him they already knew all about
+it. He went away with just enough information to enable his father to
+anticipate the exact moment of Mr. Lincoln's surreptitious arrival in
+Washington.
+
+"Early on the morning of the 22d, Mr. Lincoln raised the flag over
+Independence Hall, and departed for Harrisburg. On the way Mr. Judd
+'gave him a full and precise detail of the arrangements that had been
+made' the previous night. After the conference with the detective, Mr.
+Sanford, Colonel Scott, Mr. Felton, railroad and telegraph officials,
+had been sent for, and came to Mr. Judd's room. They occupied nearly
+the whole of the night in perfecting the plan. It was finally
+understood that about six o'clock the next evening Mr. Lincoln should
+slip away from the Jones Hotel, at Harrisburg, in company with a
+single member of his party. A special car and engine would be provided
+for him on the track outside the depot. All other trains on the road
+would be 'side-tracked' until this one had passed. Mr. Sanford would
+forward skilled 'telegraph-climbers,' and see that all the wires
+leading out of Harrisburg were cut at six o'clock, and kept down until
+it was known that Mr. Lincoln had reached Washington in safety. The
+detective would meet Mr. Lincoln at the West Philadelphia Depot with a
+carriage, and conduct him by a circuitous route to the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Depot. Berths for four would be pre-engaged
+in the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight train for
+Baltimore. This train Mr. Felton would cause to be detained until the
+conductor should receive a package, containing important 'Government
+dispatches,' addressed to 'E. J. Allen, Willard's Hotel, Washington.'
+This package was made up of old newspapers, carefully wrapped and
+sealed, and delivered to the detective to be used as soon as Mr.
+Lincoln was lodged in the car. Mr. Lincoln approved of the plan, and
+signified his readiness to acquiesce. Then Mr. Judd, forgetting the
+secrecy which the spy had so impressively enjoined, told Mr. Lincoln
+that the step he was about to take was one of such transcendent
+importance that he thought 'it should be communicated to the other
+gentlemen of the party.' Mr. Lincoln said, 'You can do as you like
+about that.' Mr. Judd now changed his seat; and Mr. Nicolay, whose
+suspicions seem to have been aroused by this mysterious conference,
+sat down beside him and said: 'Judd, there is something _up_. What is
+it, if it is proper that I should know?' 'George,' answered Judd,
+'there is no necessity for your knowing it. One man can keep a matter
+better than two.'
+
+"Arrived at Harrisburg, and the public ceremonies and speechmaking
+over, Mr. Lincoln retired to a private parlor in the Jones House, and
+Mr. Judd summoned to meet him Judge Davis, Colonel Lamon, Colonel
+Sumner, Major Hunter and Captain Pope. The three latter were officers
+of the regular army, and had joined the party after it had left
+Springfield. Judd began the conference by stating the alleged fact of
+the Baltimore conspiracy, how it was detected, and how it was proposed
+to thwart it by a midnight expedition to Washington by way of
+Philadelphia. It was a great surprise to most of those assembled.
+Colonel Sumner was the first to break silence. 'That proceeding,' said
+he, 'will be a damned piece of cowardice.' Mr. Judd considered this a
+'pointed hit,' but replied that 'that view of the case had already
+been presented to Mr. Lincoln.' Then there was a general interchange
+of opinions, which Sumner interrupted by saying, 'I'll get a squad of
+cavalry, sir, and _cut_ our way to Washington, sir!' 'Probably before
+that day comes,' said Mr. Judd, 'the inauguration-day will have
+passed. It is important that Mr. Lincoln should be in Washington that
+day.' Thus far Judge Davis had expressed no opinion, but 'had put
+various questions to test the truthfulness of the story.' He now
+turned to Mr. Lincoln and said, 'You personally heard the detective's
+story. You have heard this discussion. What is your judgment in the
+matter?' 'I have listened,' answered Mr. Lincoln, 'to this discussion
+with interest. I see no reason, no good reason, to change the
+programme, and I am for carrying it out as arranged by Judd.' There
+was no longer any dissent as to the plan itself; but one question
+still remained to be disposed of. Who should accompany the President
+on his perilous ride? Mr. Judd again took the lead, declaring that he
+and Mr. Lincoln had previously determined that but one man ought to
+go, and that Colonel Lamon had been selected as the proper person. To
+this Sumner violently demurred. '_I_ have undertaken,' he exclaimed,
+'to see Mr. Lincoln to Washington.'
+
+"Mr. Lincoln was hastily dining when a close carriage was brought to
+the side door of the hotel. He was called, hurried to his room,
+changed his coat and hat, and passed rapidly through the hall and out
+of the door. As he was stepping into the carriage, it became manifest
+that Sumner was determined to get in also. 'Hurry with him,' whispered
+Judd to Lamon, and at the same time, placing his hand on Sumner's
+shoulder, said aloud, 'One moment, Colonel!' Sumner turned around, and
+in that moment the carriage drove rapidly away. 'A madder man,' says
+Mr. Judd, 'you never saw.'
+
+"Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon got on board the car without discovery
+or mishap. Besides themselves, there was no one in or about the car
+but Mr. Lewis, General Superintendent of the Pennsylvania Central
+Railroad, and Mr. Franciscus, superintendent of the division over
+which they were about to pass. As Mr. Lincoln's dress on this occasion
+has been much discussed, it may be as well to state that he wore a
+soft, light felt hat, drawn down over his face when it seemed
+necessary or convenient, and a shawl thrown over his shoulders, and
+pulled up to assist in disguising his features when passing to and
+from the carriage. This was all there was of the 'Scotch cap and
+cloak,' so widely celebrated in the political literature of the day.
+
+"At ten o'clock they reached Philadelphia, and were met by the
+detective and one Mr. Kinney, an under official of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. Lewis and Franciscus bade Mr.
+Lincoln adieu. Mr. Lincoln, Colonel Lamon and the detective seated
+themselves in a carriage which stood in waiting, and Mr. Kinney got
+upon the box with the driver. It was a full hour and a half before the
+Baltimore train was to start, and Mr. Kinney found it necessary 'to
+consume the time by driving northward in search of some imaginary
+person.'
+
+"On the way through Philadelphia, Mr. Lincoln told his companions
+about the message he had received from Mr. Seward. This new discovery
+was infinitely more appalling than the other. Mr. Seward had been
+informed 'that about _fifteen thousand men_ were organized to prevent
+his (Lincoln's) passage through Baltimore, and that arrangements were
+made by these parties to _blow up the railroad track, fire the
+train_,' etc. In view of these unpleasant circumstances, Mr. Seward
+recommended a change of route. Here was a plot big enough to swallow
+up the little one, which we are to regard as the peculiar property of
+Mr. Felton's detective. Hilliard, Ferrandini and Luckett disappear
+among the 'fifteen thousand,' and their maudlin and impotent twaddle
+about the 'abolition tyrant' looks very insignificant beside the
+bloody massacre, conflagration and explosion now foreshadowed.
+
+"As the moment for the departure of the Baltimore train drew near,
+the carriage paused in the dark shadows of the depot building. It was
+not considered prudent to approach the entrance. The spy passed in
+first and was followed by Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon. An agent of
+the former directed them to the sleeping-car, which they entered by
+the rear door. Mr. Kinney ran forward and delivered to the conductor
+the important package prepared for the purpose; and in three minutes
+the train was in motion. The tickets for the whole party had been
+procured beforehand. Their berths were ready, but had only been
+preserved from invasion by the statement that they were retained for a
+sick man and his attendants. The business had been managed very
+adroitly by the female spy, who had accompanied her employer from
+Baltimore to Philadelphia to assist him in this, the most delicate and
+important affair of his life. Mr. Lincoln got into his bed
+immediately, and the curtains were drawn together. When the conductor
+came around, the detective handed him the 'sick man's' ticket, and the
+rest of the party lay down also. None of 'our party appeared to be
+sleepy,' says the detective, 'but we all lay quiet, and nothing of
+importance transpired.'... During the night Mr. Lincoln indulged in a
+joke or two in an undertone; but, with that exception, the two
+sections occupied by them were perfectly silent. The detective said he
+had men stationed at various places along the road to let him know 'if
+all was right,' and he rose and went to the platform occasionally to
+observe their signals, but returned each time with a favorable report.
+
+"At thirty minutes after three the train reached Baltimore. One of the
+spy's assistants came on board and informed him in a whisper that all
+was right. The woman [the female detective] got out of the car. Mr.
+Lincoln lay close in his berth, and in a few moments the car was
+being slowly drawn through the quiet streets of the city toward the
+Washington Depot. There again there was another pause, but no sound
+more alarming than the noise of shifting cars and engines. The
+passengers, tucked away on their narrow shelves, dozed on as
+peacefully as if Mr. Lincoln had never been born....
+
+"In due time the train sped out of the suburbs of Baltimore, and the
+apprehensions of the President and his friends diminished with each
+welcome revolution of the wheels. At six o'clock the dome of the
+Capitol came in sight, and a moment later they rolled into the long,
+unsightly building which forms the Washington Depot. They passed out
+of the car unobstructed, and pushed along with the living stream of
+men and women towards the outer door. One man alone in the great crowd
+seemed to watch Mr. Lincoln with special attention. Standing a little
+on one side, he 'looked very sharp at him,' and, as he passed, seized
+hold of his hand and said in a loud tone of voice, 'Abe, you can't
+play that on me.' The detective and Col. Lamon were instantly alarmed.
+One of them raised his fist to strike the stranger; but Mr. Lincoln
+caught his arm and said, 'Don't strike him! don't strike him! It is
+Washburne. Don't you know him?' Mr. Seward had given to Mr. Washburne
+a hint of the information received through his son, and Mr. Washburne
+knew its value as well as another. For the present the detective
+admonished him to keep quiet, and they passed on together. Taking a
+hack, they drove towards Willard's Hotel. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Washburne
+and the detective got out into the street and approached the ladies'
+entrance, while Col. Lamon drove on to the main entrance, and sent the
+proprietor to meet his distinguished guest at the side door. A few
+minutes later Mr. Seward arrived, and was introduced to the company
+by Mr. Washburne. He spoke in very strong terms of the great danger
+which Mr. Lincoln had so narrowly escaped, and most heartily applauded
+the wisdom of the 'secret passage.' 'I informed Gov. Seward of the
+nature of the information I had,' says the detective, 'and that I had
+no information of any large organization in Baltimore; but the
+Governor reiterated that he had conclusive evidence of this.'...
+
+"That same day Mr. Lincoln's family and suite passed through Baltimore
+on the special train intended for him. They saw no sign of any
+disposition to burn them alive, or to blow them up with gunpowder, but
+went their way unmolested and very happy.
+
+"Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the midnight ride. His friends
+reproached him; his enemies taunted him. He was convinced that he had
+committed a grave mistake in yielding to the solicitations of a
+professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed. He saw that he had
+fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the shame and
+mortification natural to a brave man under such circumstances. But he
+was not disposed to take all the responsibility to himself, and
+frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and assisted him to
+demean himself at the very moment in all his life when his behavior
+should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure.
+
+"The news of his surreptitious entry into Washington occasioned much
+and varied comment throughout the country; but important events
+followed it in such rapid succession that its real significance was
+soon lost sight of; enough that Mr. Lincoln was safely at the Capital,
+and in a few days would in all probability assume the power confided
+to his hands."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX II.
+
+ EXTRACT FROM THE OPINION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
+ STATES, DELIVERED BY CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY IN THE CASE OF DRED
+ SCOTT _vs._ SANDFORD, 19 HOW. 407.
+
+
+"It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public opinion in
+relation to that unfortunate race" (the African) "which prevailed in
+the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of the
+Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the United
+States was framed and adopted.
+
+"But the public history of every European nation displays it in a
+manner too plain to be mistaken.
+
+"They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an
+inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race,
+either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that
+they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that
+the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his
+benefit."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX III.
+
+ THE HABEAS CORPUS CASE EX PARTE JOHN MERRYMAN, CAMPBELL'S
+ REPORTS, P. 246. -- OPINION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED
+ STATES.
+
+
+ _Ex parte_ } Before the Chief Justice of the Supreme
+ JOHN MERRYMAN. } Court of the United States, at Chambers.
+
+The application in this case for a writ of _habeas corpus_ is made to
+me under the fourteenth section of the Judiciary Act of 1789, which
+renders effectual for the citizen the constitutional privilege of the
+writ of _habeas corpus_. That act gives to the courts of the United
+States, as well as to each justice of the Supreme Court and to every
+district judge, power to grant writs of _habeas corpus_ for the
+purpose of an inquiry into the cause of commitment. The petition was
+presented to me at Washington, under the impression that I would order
+the prisoner to be brought before me there; but as he was confined in
+Fort McHenry, in the city of Baltimore, which is in my circuit, I
+resolved to hear it in the latter city, as obedience to the writ under
+such circumstances would not withdraw General Cadwallader, who had him
+in charge, from the limits of his military command.
+
+The petition presents the following case:
+
+The petitioner resides in Maryland, in Baltimore County. While
+peaceably in his own house, with his family, it was, at two o'clock on
+the morning of the 25th of May, 1861, entered by an armed force
+professing to act under military orders. He was then compelled to
+rise from his bed, taken into custody and conveyed to Fort McHenry,
+where he is imprisoned by the commanding officer, without warrant from
+any lawful authority.
+
+The commander of the fort, General George Cadwallader, by whom he is
+detained in confinement, in his return to the writ, does not deny any
+of the facts alleged in the petition. He states that the prisoner was
+arrested by order of General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and conducted as
+aforesaid to Fort McHenry by his order, and placed in his (General
+Cadwallader's) custody, to be there detained by him as a prisoner.
+
+A copy of the warrant or order under which the prisoner was arrested
+was demanded by his counsel and refused. And it is not alleged in the
+return that any specific act, constituting any offense against the
+laws of the United States, has been charged against him upon oath; but
+he appears to have been arrested upon general charges of treason and
+rebellion, without proof, and without giving the names of the
+witnesses, or specifying the acts which, in the judgment of the
+military officer, constituted these crimes. Having the prisoner thus
+in custody upon these vague and unsupported accusations, he refuses to
+obey the writ of _habeas corpus_, upon the ground that he is duly
+authorized by the President to suspend it.
+
+The case, then, is simply this: A military officer, residing in
+Pennsylvania, issues an order to arrest a citizen of Maryland upon
+vague and indefinite charges, without any proof, so far as appears.
+Under this order his house is entered in the night, he is seized as a
+prisoner and conveyed to Fort McHenry, and there kept in close
+confinement. And when a _habeas corpus_ is served on the commanding
+officer, requiring him to produce the prisoner before a justice of the
+Supreme Court, in order that he may examine into the legality of the
+imprisonment, the answer of the officer is that he is authorized by
+the President to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_ at his
+discretion, and, in the exercise of that discretion, suspends it in
+this case, and on that ground refuses obedience to the writ.
+
+As the case comes before me, therefore, I understand that the
+President not only claims the right to suspend the writ of _habeas
+corpus_ himself at his discretion, but to delegate that discretionary
+power to a military officer, and to leave it to him to determine
+whether he will or will not obey judicial process that may be served
+upon him.
+
+No official notice has been given to the courts of justice, or to the
+public, by proclamation or otherwise, that the President claimed this
+power, and had exercised it in the manner stated in the return. And I
+certainly listened to it with some surprise; for I had supposed it to
+be one of those points of constitutional law upon which there was no
+difference of opinion, and that it was admitted on all hands that the
+privilege of the writ could not be suspended except by act of
+Congress.
+
+When the conspiracy of which Aaron Burr was the head became so
+formidable and was so extensively ramified as to justify, in Mr.
+Jefferson's opinion, the suspension of the writ, he claimed on his
+part no power to suspend it, but communicated his opinion to Congress,
+with all the proofs in his possession, in order that Congress might
+exercise its discretion upon the subject, and determine whether the
+public safety required it. And in the debate which took place upon the
+subject, no one suggested that Mr. Jefferson might exercise the power
+himself, if, in his opinion, the public safety demanded it.
+
+Having therefore regarded the question as too plain and too well
+settled to be open to dispute, if the commanding officer had stated
+that upon his own responsibility, and in the exercise of his own
+discretion, he refused obedience to the writ, I should have contented
+myself with referring to the clause in the Constitution, and to the
+construction it received from every jurist and statesman of that day,
+when the case of Burr was before them. But being thus officially
+notified that the privilege of the writ has been suspended under the
+orders and by the authority of the President, and believing, as I do,
+that the President has exercised a power which he does not possess
+under the Constitution, a proper respect for the high office he fills
+requires me to state plainly and fully the grounds of my opinion, in
+order to show that I have not ventured to question the legality of his
+act without a careful and deliberate examination of the whole subject.
+
+The clause of the Constitution which authorizes the suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ is in the ninth section of
+the first article.
+
+This article is devoted to the legislative department of the United
+States, and has not the slightest reference to the Executive
+Department. It begins by providing "that all legislative powers
+therein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States,
+which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives"; and
+after prescribing the manner in which these two branches of the
+legislative department shall be chosen, it proceeds to enumerate
+specifically the legislative powers which it thereby grants, and at
+the conclusion of this specification a clause is inserted giving
+Congress "the power to make all laws which shall be necessary and
+proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
+powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United
+States, or in any department or office thereof."
+
+The power of legislation granted by this latter clause is by its words
+carefully confined to the specific objects before enumerated. But as
+this limitation was unavoidably somewhat indefinite, it was deemed
+necessary to guard more effectually certain great cardinal principles
+essential to the liberty of the citizen, and to the rights and
+equality of the States, by denying to Congress, in express terms, any
+power of legislation over them. It was apprehended, it seems, that
+such legislation might be attempted under the pretext that it was
+necessary and proper to carry into execution the powers granted; and
+it was determined that there should be no room to doubt, where rights
+of such vital importance were concerned, and accordingly this clause
+is immediately followed by an enumeration of certain subjects to which
+the powers of legislation shall not extend. The great importance which
+the framers of the Constitution attached to the privilege of the writ
+of _habeas corpus_ to protect the liberty of the citizen, is proved by
+the fact that its suspension, except in cases of invasion or
+rebellion, is first in the list of prohibited powers--and even in
+these cases the power is denied and its exercise prohibited, unless
+the public safety shall require it. It is true that in the cases
+mentioned, Congress is of necessity the judge of whether the public
+safety does, or does not, require it; and its judgment is conclusive.
+But the introduction of these words is a standing admonition to the
+legislative body of the danger of suspending it, and of the extreme
+caution they should exercise before they give the Government of the
+United States such power over the liberty of a citizen.
+
+It is the second article of the Constitution that provides for the
+organization of the Executive Department, and enumerates the powers
+conferred on it, and prescribes its duties. And if the high power over
+the liberty of the citizen now claimed was intended to be conferred
+on the President, it would undoubtedly be found in plain words in this
+article. But there is not a word in it that can furnish the slightest
+ground to justify the exercise of the power.
+
+The article begins by declaring that the executive power shall be
+vested in a President of the United States of America, to hold his
+office during the term of four years, and then proceeds to prescribe
+the mode of election, and to specify in precise and plain words the
+powers delegated to him, and the duties imposed upon him. The short
+term for which he is elected, and the narrow limits to which his power
+is confined, show the jealousy and apprehensions of future danger
+which the framers of the Constitution felt in relation to that
+department of the Government, and how carefully they withheld from it
+many of the powers belonging to the Executive Branch of the English
+Government which were considered as dangerous to the liberty of the
+subject, and conferred (and that in clear and specific terms) those
+powers only which were deemed essential to secure the successful
+operation of the Government.
+
+He is elected, as I have already said, for the brief term of four
+years, and is made personally responsible by impeachment for
+malfeasance in office. He is from necessity and the nature of his
+duties the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and of the militia
+when called into actual service. But no appropriation for the support
+of the Army can be made by Congress for a longer term than two years,
+so that it is in the power of the succeeding House of Representatives
+to withhold the appropriation for its support, and thus disband it,
+if, in their judgment, the President used or designed to use it for
+improper purposes. And although the militia, when in actual service,
+is under his command, yet the appointment of the officers is reserved
+to the States, as a security against the use of the military power for
+purposes dangerous to the liberties of the people or the rights of the
+States.
+
+So, too, his powers in relation to the civil duties and authority
+necessarily conferred on him are carefully restricted, as well as
+those belonging to his military character. He cannot appoint the
+ordinary officers of Government, nor make a treaty with a foreign
+nation or Indian tribe, without the advice and consent of the Senate,
+and cannot appoint even inferior officers unless he is authorized by
+an Act of Congress to do so. He is not empowered to arrest any one
+charged with an offense against the United States, and whom he may,
+from the evidence before him, believe to be guilty; nor can he
+authorize any officer, civil or military, to exercise this power; for
+the fifth article of the Amendments to the Constitution expressly
+provides that no person "shall be deprived of life, liberty or
+property without due process of law"--that is, judicial process. Even
+if the privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ were suspended by Act
+of Congress, and a party not subject to the rules and articles of war
+were afterwards arrested and imprisoned by regular judicial process,
+he could not be detained in prison or brought to trial before a
+military tribunal; for the article in the Amendments to the
+Constitution immediately following the one above referred to--that is,
+the sixth article--provides that "in all criminal prosecutions the
+accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an
+impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have
+been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained
+by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation;
+to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory
+process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the
+assistance of counsel for his defense."
+
+The only power, therefore, which the President possesses, where the
+"life, liberty, or property" of a private citizen is concerned, is the
+power and duty prescribed in the third section of the second article,
+which requires "that he shall take care that the laws be faithfully
+executed." He is not authorized to execute them himself, or through
+agents or officers, civil or military, appointed by himself, but he is
+to take care that they be faithfully carried into execution as they
+are expounded and adjudged by the co-ordinate branch of the Government
+to which that duty is assigned by the Constitution. It is thus made
+his duty to come in aid of the judicial authority, if it shall be
+resisted by a force too strong to be overcome without the assistance
+of the executive arm. But in exercising this power he acts in
+subordination to judicial authority, assisting it to execute its
+process and enforce its judgments.
+
+With such provisions in the Constitution, expressed in language too
+clear to be misunderstood by any one, I can see no ground whatever for
+supposing that the President, in any emergency or in any state of
+things, can authorize the suspension of the privilege of the writ of
+_habeas corpus_, or the arrest of a citizen, except in aid of the
+judicial power. He certainly does not faithfully execute the laws if
+he takes upon himself legislative power by suspending the writ of
+_habeas corpus_, and the judicial power also, by arresting and
+imprisoning a person without due process of law. Nor can any argument
+be drawn from the nature of sovereignty, or the necessity of
+Government for self-defense in times of tumult and danger. The
+Government of the United States is one of delegated and limited
+powers. It derives its existence and authority altogether from the
+Constitution, and neither of its branches, executive, legislative or
+judicial, can exercise any of the powers of Government beyond those
+specified and granted. For the tenth article of the Amendments to the
+Constitution in express terms provides that "the powers not delegated
+to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
+States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."
+
+Indeed, the security against imprisonment by executive authority,
+provided for in the fifth article of the Amendments to the
+Constitution, which I have before quoted, is nothing more than a copy
+of a like provision in the English Constitution, which had been firmly
+established before the Declaration of Independence.
+
+Blackstone states it in the following words:
+
+"To make imprisonment lawful, it must be either by process of law from
+the courts of judicature or by warrant from some legal officer having
+authority to commit to prison" (1 Bl. Com. 137).
+
+The people of the United Colonies, who had themselves lived under its
+protection while they were British subjects, were well aware of the
+necessity of this safeguard for their personal liberty. And no one can
+believe that, in framing a government intended to guard still more
+efficiently the rights and liberties of the citizen against executive
+encroachments and oppression, they would have conferred on the
+President a power which the history of England had proved to be
+dangerous and oppressive in the hands of the Crown, and which the
+people of England had compelled it to surrender after a long and
+obstinate struggle on the part of the English Executive to usurp and
+retain it.
+
+The right of the subject to the benefit of the writ of _habeas
+corpus_, it must be recollected, was one of the great points in
+controversy during the long struggle in England between arbitrary
+government and free institutions, and must therefore have strongly
+attracted the attention of the statesmen engaged in framing a new,
+and, as they supposed, a freer government than the one which they had
+thrown off by the Revolution. From the earliest history of the common
+law, if a person were imprisoned, no matter by what authority, he had
+a right to the writ of _habeas corpus_ to bring his case before the
+King's Bench; if no specific offense were charged against him in the
+warrant of commitment, he was entitled to be forthwith discharged; and
+if an offense were charged which was bailable in its character, the
+Court was bound to set him at liberty on bail. The most exciting
+contests between the Crown and the people of England from the time of
+_Magna Charta_ were in relation to the privilege of this writ, and
+they continued until the passage of the statute of 31st Charles II,
+commonly known as the Great _Habeas Corpus_ Act. This statute put an
+end to the struggle, and finally and firmly secured the liberty of the
+subject against the usurpation and oppression of the executive branch
+of the Government. It nevertheless conferred no new right upon the
+subject, but only secured a right already existing. For, although the
+right could not justly be denied, there was often no effectual remedy
+against its violation. Until the statute of 13 William III, the judges
+held their offices at the pleasure of the King, and the influence
+which he exercised over timid, time-serving and partisan judges often
+induced them, upon some pretext or other, to refuse to discharge the
+party, although entitled by law to his discharge, or delayed their
+decision from time to time, so as to prolong the imprisonment of
+persons who were obnoxious to the King for their political opinions,
+or had incurred his resentment in any other way.
+
+The great and inestimable value of the _habeas corpus_ act of the 31st
+Charles II. is that it contains provisions which compel courts and
+judges, and all parties concerned, to perform their duties promptly in
+the manner specified in the statute.
+
+A passage in Blackstone's Commentaries, showing the ancient state of
+the law on this subject, and the abuses which were practised through
+the power and influence of the Crown, and a short extract from
+Hallam's "Constitutional History," stating the circumstances which
+gave rise to the passage of this statute, explain briefly, but fully,
+all that is material to this subject.
+
+Blackstone says: "To assert an absolute exemption from imprisonment in
+all cases is inconsistent with every idea of law and political
+society, and, in the end, would destroy all civil liberty by rendering
+its protection impossible.
+
+"But the glory of the English law consists in clearly defining the
+times, the causes and the extent, when, wherefore and to what degree
+the imprisonment of the subject may be lawful. This it is which
+induces the absolute necessity of expressing upon every commitment the
+reason for which it is made, "that the court upon a _habeas corpus_
+may examine into its validity, and, according to the circumstances of
+the case, may discharge, admit to bail, or remand the prisoner.
+
+"And yet, early in the reign of Charles I, the Court of King's Bench,
+relying on some arbitrary precedents (and those, perhaps,
+misunderstood), determined that they would not, upon a _habeas
+corpus_, either bail or deliver a prisoner, though committed without
+any cause assigned, in case he was committed by the special command of
+the King, or by the Lords of the Privy Council. This drew on a
+Parliamentary inquiry and produced the Petition of Right--3 Charles
+I.--which recites this illegal judgment, and enacts that no freeman
+hereafter shall be so imprisoned or detained. But when, in the
+following year, Mr. Selden and others were committed by the Lords of
+the Council, in pursuance of His Majesty's special command, under a
+general charge of 'notable contempts, and stirring up sedition against
+the King and the Government,' the judges delayed for two terms
+(including also the long vacation) to deliver an opinion how far such
+a charge was bailable. And when at length they agreed that it was,
+they, however, annexed a condition of finding sureties for their good
+behavior, which still protracted their imprisonment, the Chief
+Justice, Sir Nicholas Hyde, at the same time declaring that 'if they
+were again remanded for that cause, perhaps the court would not
+afterwards grant a _habeas corpus_, being already made acquainted with
+the cause of the imprisonment.' But this was heard with indignation
+and astonishment by every lawyer present, according to Mr. Selden's
+own account of the matter, whose resentment was not cooled at the
+distance of four-and-twenty years" (3 Bl. Com. 133, 134).
+
+It is worthy of remark that the offenses charged against the prisoner
+in this case, and relied on as a justification for his arrest and
+imprisonment, in their nature and character, and in the loose and
+vague manner in which they are stated, bear a striking resemblance to
+those assigned in the warrant for the arrest of Mr. Selden. And yet,
+even at that day, the warrant was regarded as such a flagrant
+violation of the rights of the subject, that the delay of the
+time-serving judges to set him at liberty upon the _habeas corpus_
+issued in his behalf excited universal indignation of the bar. The
+extract from Hallam's "Constitutional History" is equally impressive
+and equally in point:
+
+"It is a very common mistake, and that not only among foreigners, but
+many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional laws might be
+expected, to suppose that this statute of Charles II. enlarged in a
+great degree our liberties, and forms a sort of epoch in their
+history. But though a very beneficial enactment, and eminently
+remedial in many cases of illegal imprisonment, it introduced no new
+principle, nor conferred any right upon the subject. From the earliest
+records of the English law, no freeman could be detained in prison,
+except upon a criminal charge, or conviction, or for a civil debt. In
+the former case it was always in his power to demand of the Court of
+King's Bench a writ of _habeas corpus ad subjiciendum_, directed to
+the person detaining him in custody, by which he was enjoined to bring
+up the body of the prisoner with the warrant of commitment, that the
+court might judge of its sufficiency, and remand the party, admit him
+to bail, or discharge him, according to the nature of the charge. This
+writ issued of right, and could not be refused by the court. It was
+not to bestow an immunity from arbitrary imprisonment--which is
+abundantly provided for in _Magna Charta_ (if, indeed, it is not more
+ancient)--that the statute of Charles II. was enacted, but to cut off
+the abuses by which the Government's lust of power, and the servile
+subtlety of the Crown lawyers, had impaired so fundamental a
+privilege" (3 Hallam's "Const. Hist.," 19).
+
+While the value set upon this writ in England has been so great that
+the removal of the abuses which embarrassed its employment has been
+looked upon as almost a new grant of liberty to the subject, it is not
+to be wondered at that the continuance of the writ thus made effective
+should have been the object of the most jealous care. Accordingly, no
+power in England short of that of Parliament can suspend or authorize
+the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. I quote again from
+Blackstone (1 Bl. Com. 136): "But the happiness of our Constitution is
+that it is not left to the executive power to determine when the
+danger of the State is so great as to render this measure expedient.
+It is the Parliament only, or legislative power, that, whenever it
+sees proper, can authorize the Crown, by suspending the _habeas
+corpus_ for a short and limited time, to imprison suspected persons
+without giving any reason for so doing." If the President of the
+United States may suspend the writ, then the Constitution of the
+United States has conferred upon him more regal and absolute power
+over the liberty of the citizen than the people of England have
+thought it safe to entrust to the Crown--a power which the Queen of
+England cannot exercise at this day, and which could not have been
+lawfully exercised by the sovereign even in the reign of Charles I.
+
+But I am not left to form my judgment upon this great question from
+analogies between the English Government and our own, or the
+commentaries of English jurists, or the decisions of English courts,
+although upon this subject they are entitled to the highest respect,
+and are justly regarded and received as authoritative by our courts of
+justice. To guide me to a right conclusion, I have the Commentaries on
+the Constitution of the United States of the late Mr. Justice Story,
+not only one of the most eminent jurists of the age, but for a long
+time one of the brightest ornaments of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, and also the clear and authoritative decision of that court
+itself, given more than half a century since, and conclusively
+establishing the principles I have above stated.
+
+Mr. Justice Story, speaking in his Commentaries of the _habeas corpus_
+clause in the Constitution, says: "It is obvious that cases of a
+peculiar emergency may arise which may justify, nay, even require, the
+temporary suspension of any right to the writ. But as it has
+frequently happened in foreign countries, and even in England, that
+the writ has, upon various pretexts and occasions, been suspended,
+whereby persons apprehended upon suspicion have suffered a long
+imprisonment, sometimes from design, and sometimes because they were
+forgotten, the right to suspend it is expressly confined to cases of
+rebellion or invasion, where the public safety may require it. A very
+just and wholesome restraint, which cuts down at a blow a fruitful
+means of oppression, capable of being abused in bad times to the worst
+of purposes. Hitherto no suspension of the writ has ever been
+authorized by Congress since the establishment of the Constitution. It
+would seem, as the power is given to Congress to suspend the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ in cases of rebellion or invasion, that the right to
+judge whether the exigency had arisen must exclusively belong to that
+body" (3 Story's Com. on the Constitution, Section 1836).
+
+And Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the Supreme
+Court in the case of _ex parte_ Bollman and Swartwout, uses this
+decisive language in 4 Cranch 95: "It may be worthy of remark that
+this Act (speaking of the one under which I am proceeding) was passed
+by the first Congress of the United States, sitting under a
+Constitution which had declared 'that the privilege of the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ should not be suspended unless when, in cases of
+rebellion or invasion, the public safety might require it.' Acting
+under the immediate influence of this injunction, they must have felt
+with peculiar force the obligation of providing efficient means by
+which this great constitutional privilege should receive life and
+activity; for if the means be not in existence, the privilege itself
+would be lost, although no law for its suspension should be enacted.
+Under the impression of this obligation, they give to all the courts
+the power of awarding writs of _habeas corpus_."
+
+And again, on page 101: "If at any time the public safety should
+require the suspension of the powers vested by this Act in the courts
+of the United States, it is for the Legislature to say so. That
+question depends on political considerations, on which the Legislature
+is to decide. Until the legislative will be expressed, this court can
+only see its duty, and must obey the laws."
+
+I can add nothing to these clear and emphatic words of my great
+predecessor. But the documents before me show that the military
+authority in this case has gone far beyond the mere suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_. It has, by force of arms,
+thrust aside the judicial authorities and officers to whom the
+Constitution has confided the power and duty of interpreting and
+administering the laws, and substituted a military government in its
+place, to be administered and executed by military officers. For, at
+the time these proceedings were had against John Merryman, the
+district judge of Maryland, the commissioner appointed under the Act
+of Congress, the district attorney and the marshal, all resided in the
+city of Baltimore, a few miles only from the home of the prisoner. Up
+to that time there had never been the slightest resistance or
+obstruction to the process of any court or judicial officer of the
+United States in Maryland, except by the military authority. And if a
+military officer, or any other person, had reason to believe that the
+prisoner had committed any offense against the laws of the United
+States, it was his duty to give information of the fact, and the
+evidence to support it, to the district attorney; it would then have
+become the duty of that officer to bring the matter before the
+district judge or commissioner, and if there was sufficient legal
+evidence to justify his arrest, the judge or commissioner would have
+issued his warrant to the marshal to arrest him, and upon the hearing
+of the case would have held him to bail, or committed him for trial,
+according to the character of the offense as it appeared in the
+testimony, or would have discharged him immediately, if there was not
+sufficient evidence to support the accusation. There was no danger of
+any obstruction or resistance to the action of the civil authorities,
+and therefore no reason whatever for the interposition of the
+military. Yet, under these circumstances, a military officer stationed
+in Pennsylvania, without giving any information to the district
+attorney, and without any application to the judicial authorities,
+assumes to himself the judicial power in the District of Maryland;
+undertakes to decide what constitutes the crime of treason or
+rebellion; what evidence (if, indeed, he required any) is sufficient
+to support the accusation and justify the commitment; and commits the
+party without a hearing, even before himself, to close custody in a
+strongly garrisoned fort, to be there held, it would seem, during the
+pleasure of those who committed him.
+
+The Constitution provides, as I have before said, that "no person
+shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of
+law." It declares that "the right of the people to be secure in their
+persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and
+seizures shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue, but upon
+probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly
+describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be
+seized." It provides that the party accused shall be entitled to a
+speedy trial in a court of justice.
+
+These great and fundamental laws, which Congress itself could not
+suspend, have been disregarded and suspended, like the writ of _habeas
+corpus_, by a military order, supported by force of arms. Such is the
+case now before me, and I can only say that if the authority which the
+Constitution has confided to the judiciary department and judicial
+officers may thus upon any pretext or under any circumstances be
+usurped by the military power at its discretion, the people of the
+United States are no longer living under a government of laws, but
+every citizen holds life, liberty and property at the will and
+pleasure of the army officer in whose military district he may happen
+to be found.
+
+In such a case my duty was too plain to be mistaken. I have exercised
+all the power which the Constitution and laws confer upon me, but that
+power has been resisted by a force too strong for me to overcome. It
+is possible that the officer who has incurred this grave
+responsibility may have misunderstood his instructions and exceeded
+the authority intended to be given him. I shall therefore order all
+the proceedings in this case, with my opinion, to be filed and
+recorded in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of
+Maryland, and direct the clerk to transmit a copy, under seal, to the
+President of the United States. It will then remain for that high
+officer, in fulfilment of his constitutional obligation, to "take care
+that the laws be faithfully executed," to determine what measures he
+will take to cause the civil process of the United States to be
+respected and enforced.
+
+ R. B. TANEY,
+ _Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
+ of the United States_.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX IV.
+
+
+On the 12th of July, 1861, I sent a message to the First and Second
+Branches of the City Council referring to the events of the 19th of
+April and those which followed. The first paragraph and the concluding
+paragraphs of this document are here inserted:
+
+ "THE MAYOR'S MESSAGE.
+
+ "TO THE HONORABLE THE MEMBERS OF THE
+ FIRST AND SECOND BRANCHES OF THE CITY COUNCIL.
+
+ "_Gentlemen_:--A great object of the reform movement was to
+ separate municipal affairs entirely from national politics, and
+ in accordance with this principle I have heretofore, in all my
+ communications to the city council, carefully refrained from any
+ allusion to national affairs. I shall not now depart from this
+ rule further than is rendered absolutely necessary by the
+ unprecedented condition of things at present existing in this
+ city....
+
+ "After the board of police had been superseded, and its members
+ arrested by the order of General Banks, I proposed, in order to
+ relieve the serious complication which had arisen, to proceed, as
+ the only member left free to act, to exercise the power of the
+ board as far as an individual member could do so. Marshal Kane,
+ while he objected to the propriety of this course, was prepared
+ to place his resignation in my hands whenever I should request
+ it, and the majority of the board interposed no objection to my
+ pursuing such course as I might deem it right and proper to
+ adopt in view of the existing circumstances, and upon my own
+ responsibility, until the board should be enabled to resume the
+ exercise of its functions.
+
+ "If this arrangement could have been effected, it would have
+ continued in the exercise of their duties the police force which
+ is lawfully enrolled, and which has won the confidence and
+ applause of all good citizens by its fidelity and impartiality at
+ all times and under all circumstances. But the arrangement was
+ not satisfactory to the Federal authorities.
+
+ "As the men of the police force, through no fault of theirs, are
+ now prevented from discharging their duty, their pay constitutes
+ a legal claim on the city from which, in my opinion, it cannot be
+ relieved.
+
+ "The force which has been enrolled is in direct violation of the
+ law of the State, and no money can be appropriated by the city
+ for its support without incurring the heavy penalties provided by
+ the Act of Assembly.
+
+ "Officers in the Fire Alarm and Police Telegraph Department who
+ are appointed by the mayor and city council, and not by the board
+ of police, have been discharged and others have been substituted
+ in their place.
+
+ "I mention these facts with profound sorrow, and with no purpose
+ whatever of increasing the difficulties unfortunately existing in
+ this city, but because it is your right to be acquainted with the
+ true condition of affairs, and because I cannot help entertaining
+ the hope that redress will yet be afforded by the authorities of
+ the United States upon a proper representation made by you. I am
+ entirely satisfied that the suspicion entertained of any
+ meditated hostility on the part of the city authorities against
+ the General Government is wholly unfounded, and with the best
+ means of knowledge express the confident belief and conviction
+ that there is no organization of any kind among the people for
+ such a purpose. I have no doubt that the officers of the United
+ States have acted on information which they deemed reliable,
+ obtained from our own citizens, some of whom may be deluded by
+ their fears, while others are actuated by baser motives; but
+ suspicions thus derived can, in my judgment, form no sufficient
+ justification for what I deem to be grave and alarming violations
+ of the rights of individual citizens of the city of Baltimore and
+ of the State of Maryland.
+
+ "Very respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX V.
+
+
+As a part of the history of the times, it may not be inappropriate to
+reproduce an account, taken from the Baltimore American of December 5,
+1860, of the reception of the Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut,
+in the city of Baltimore. At this time it still seemed to most men of
+moderate views that the impending troubles might be averted through
+concessions and compromise. In the tone of the two speeches, both of
+which were, of course, meant to be friendly and conciliatory, there is
+a difference to be noted which was, I think, characteristic of the
+attitude of the two sections; in the one speech some prominence is
+given to the Constitution and constitutional rights; in the other,
+loyalty to the Union is the theme enforced:
+
+"The Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut, under the command of
+Major Horace Goodwin, yesterday afternoon reached here, at four
+o'clock, by the Philadelphia train, _en route_ for a visit to the tomb
+of Washington. A detachment of the Eagle Artillery gave them a
+national salute.
+
+"The Battalion Baltimore City Guards, consisting of four companies,
+under the command of Major Joseph P. Warner, were drawn up on
+Broadway, and after passing in salute, the column moved by way of
+Broadway and Baltimore and Calvert streets to the old Universalist
+church-building.
+
+"As soon as the military entered the edifice and were seated, the
+galleries were thrown open to the public, and in a few minutes they
+were crowded to overflowing.
+
+"Captain Parks introduced Major Goodwin to Mayor Brown, who was in
+turn introduced to the commissioned officers of the Phalanx. Major
+Goodwin then turned to his command and said: 'Gentlemen of the
+Phalanx, I have the honor of introducing you to the Mayor of the city
+of Baltimore.' Mayor Brown arose, and after bowing to the Battalion,
+addressed them as follows:
+
+"MAYOR BROWN'S SPEECH.
+
+"'_Mr. Commander and Gentlemen_:--In the name and on behalf of the
+people of Baltimore, I extend to the Putnam Phalanx a sincere and
+hearty welcome to the hospitalities of our city. The citizens of
+Baltimore are always glad to receive visits from the citizen-soldiers
+of sister States, because they come as friends, and more than
+friends--as the defenders of a common country.
+
+"'These sister States, as we love to call them, live somewhat far
+apart, and gradually become more and more separated by distance, just
+as sisters will be as the children marry and one by one leave the
+parent homestead.
+
+"'But, gentlemen, far or near, on the Connecticut or Potomac, on the
+Gulf of Mexico or the great lakes, on the Atlantic or Pacific, they
+are sisters still, united by blood and affection, and the holy tie
+should never be severed. (Applause.)
+
+"'Let me carry the figure a step further, and add what I know will
+meet with a response from the Putnam Phalanx, with whose history and
+high character I am somewhat acquainted--that a sisterhood of States,
+like separate families of sisters living in the same neighborhood, can
+never dwell together in peace unless each is permitted to manage her
+own domestic affairs in her own way (applause); not only without
+active interference from the rest, but even without much fault-finding
+or advice, however well intended it may be.
+
+"'Maryland has sometimes been called the Heart State, because she lies
+very close to the great heart of the Union; and she might also be
+called the Heart State because her heart beats with true and warm love
+for the Union. (Loud applause.) Nor, as I trust, does Connecticut fall
+short of her in this respect. And when the questions now before the
+country come to be fairly understood, and the people look into them
+with their own eyes, and take matters into their own hands, I believe
+that we shall see a sight of which politicians, North and South,
+little dream. (Applause.) We shall see whether there is a love for the
+Union or not.
+
+"'But there are great national questions agitating the land which must
+now be finally settled. One is, Will the States of the North keep on
+their statute-books laws which violate a right of the States of the
+South, guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States? No
+individuals, no families, no States, can live in peace together when
+any right of a part is persistently and deliberately violated by the
+rest. Another question is, What shall be done with the national
+territory? Shall it belong exclusively to the North or the South, or
+shall it be shared by both, as it was gained by the blood and treasure
+of both? Are there not wisdom and patriotism enough in the land to
+settle these questions?
+
+"'Gentlemen, your presence here to-day proves that you are animated by
+a higher and larger sentiment than that of State pride--the sentiment
+of American nationality. The most sacred spot in America is the tomb
+of Washington, and to that shrine you are about to make a pilgrimage.
+You come from a State celebrated above all others for the most
+extensive diffusion of the great blessing of education; which has a
+colonial and Revolutionary history abounding in honorable memorials;
+which has heretofore done her full share in founding the institutions
+of this country--the land of Washington--and which can now do as much
+as any other in preserving that land one and undivided, as it was left
+by the Father of his Country. I will not permit myself to doubt that
+your State and our State, that Connecticut and Maryland, will both be
+on the same side, as they have often been in times past, and that they
+will both respect and obey and uphold the sacred Constitution of the
+country.' (Shouts of applause.)
+
+"As soon as the Mayor concluded, Major Goodwin arose; but it was some
+time before he could be heard, such was the tremendous applause with
+which he was greeted. The Major is nearly ninety years of age, and is
+one of the most venerable-looking men in the country. Dressed in the
+old Revolutionary uniform, a _fac-simile_ of that worn by General
+Putnam, and with his locks silvered with age, we may say that his
+appearance electrified the multitude, and shout after shout shook the
+very building. Major Goodwin expressed himself as follows:
+
+"'Mr. Mayor and gentlemen of the Baltimore City Guards, permit me to
+introduce to you our Judge Advocate, Captain Stuart.'
+
+"Captain Stuart arose and spoke as follows:
+
+"SPEECH OF CAPTAIN STUART.
+
+"'Your Honor, Mayor Brown: For your kind words of welcome, and for
+your patriotic sentiments in favor of the Union, the Putnam Phalanx
+returns you its most cordial thanks. I can assure you, sir, that when
+you spoke in such eloquent terms of the value and importance of a
+united country, you but echoed the sentiments of the whole of our
+organization; and let me say, it is with great pleasure, upon a
+journey, as we are, to the tomb of the illustrious Washington; that we
+pause for a while within a city so famed for its intelligence, its
+industry, its general opulence and its courtesy, as is this your own
+beautiful Baltimore.
+
+"'We opine, nay, we know from what you have yourself, in such fitting
+terms, just expressed, that you heartily appreciate the purpose which
+lies at the foundation of our organization, that purpose being the
+lofty one of commemorating, by our military attire and discipline, the
+imposing foundation-period of the American Republic, of attracting our
+own patriotic feeling, and that of all who may honor us with their
+observation, to the exalted virtues of those heroic men who laid the
+foundations of our present national prosperity and glory--men of whom
+your city and State furnished, as it pleasantly happens, a large and
+most honorable share.
+
+"'We come, sir, from that portion of the United States in which the
+momentous struggle for American freedom took its rise, and where the
+blood of its earliest martyrs was shed; from the region where odious
+writs of assistance, infamous Courts of Admiralty, intolerable
+taxation, immolated charters of government and prohibited commerce
+were once fast paving the way for the slavery of our institutions;
+from the region of a happy and God-fearing people--from the region,
+sir, of Lexington and Concord and Bunker Hill and Croton Heights, of
+ravaged New London and fired Fairfield and Norwalk and devastated
+Danbury and sacked New Haven. And we come, Mr. Mayor, to a city and
+State, we are proudly aware, which to all these trials and perils of
+assaulted New England, and to the trials and perils of our whole
+common country, during "the times that tried men's souls," gave ever
+the meed of its heartfelt sympathy, and the unstinted tribute of its
+patriotic blood and treasure; which, with a full and clear
+comprehension of all the great principles of American freedom, and a
+devotion to those principles that was ever ardent and exalted,
+signalized themselves by their wisdom in council and their prowess on
+the field.
+
+"'When the devoted metropolis of New England began to feel the awful
+scourge of the Writ Bill, Maryland it was that then contributed most
+liberal supplies for its suffering people, and with these supplies
+those cheering, ever-to-be-remembered, talismanic words: "The Supreme
+Director of all events will terminate this severe trial of your
+patriotism in the happy confirmation of American freedom."
+
+"'When this same metropolis soon after became the seat of war,
+Maryland it was that at once sent to the camp around Boston her own
+companies of "dauntless riflemen," under her brave Michael Cresap and
+the gallant Price, to mingle in the defense of New England firesides
+and New England homes. She saw and felt, and bravely uttered at the
+time, the fact that in the then existing state of public affairs there
+was no alternative left for her, or for the country at large, but
+"base submission or manly resistance"; and, Mr. Mayor, at the
+memorable battle of Long Island she made this manly resistance, for
+there she poured out the life-blood of no less than two hundred and
+fifty-nine of her gallant sons, who fought in her own Smallwood's
+immortal regiment; and elsewhere, from the St. Lawrence to the banks
+of the Savannah, through Pennsylvania, Virginia and both the
+Carolinas--devoted the best blood within her borders, and the flower
+of her soldiery, to the battlefields of the Union.
+
+"'Sir, we of this Phalanx recall these and other Revolutionary
+memories belonging to your city and State with pride and satisfaction.
+They unite Connecticut and Maryland in strong and pleasant bonds. And
+we are highly gratified to be here in the midst of them, and to
+receive at your hands so grateful a welcome as that which you have
+extended.
+
+"'Be assured, Mr. Mayor, that in the sentiments of devotion to our
+common country which you so eloquently express, this Phalanx
+sympathizes heart and soul. You may plant the flag of the Union
+anywhere and we shall warm to it. And now, renewedly thanking you for
+the present manifestation of courtesy, we shall leave to enjoy the
+hospitality which awaits us in pleasant quarters at our hotel.'
+
+"Captain Stuart was frequently interrupted by applause."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX VI.
+
+
+On the 19th of April, 1880, a portion of the members of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Regiment again visited Baltimore, and an account of its
+reception, taken from the Baltimore Sun and the Baltimore _American_,
+seems to be a fitting close to this paper:
+
+"Thirty-nine members of the Association of Survivors of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Union Regiment came to Baltimore yesterday afternoon, to
+celebrate the nineteenth anniversary of their march through Baltimore,
+April 19, 1861, which gave rise to the riot of that day. The visitors
+were met, on landing from the cars at President-street Depot, by
+Wilson, Dushane and Harry Howard Posts, Grand Army of the Republic, in
+full uniform, with band and drum corps. The line was up Broadway to
+Baltimore street, to Barnum's Hotel. A file of policemen, with
+Marshals Gray and Frey, kept the street open for the parade. The
+streets were crowded with people. The Massachusetts men wore citizen's
+dress and badges."
+
+Wilson Post No. 1, of the Grand Army of the Republic, received the
+visitors in their hall, Rialto Building, at two o'clock. Commander
+Dukehart, of Wilson Post, welcomed the guests in a brief speech, and
+then introduced Comrade Crowley, of the old Sixth, who said:
+
+"'Nineteen years ago I was but a boy. A few days before the 19th of
+April, the militia of Middlesex County were summoned for the defense
+of the National Capital. We left workshops, desk and family, to come
+to the defense of the capital. We thought we were coming to a picnic;
+that the people of South Carolina were a little off their balance,
+and would be all right on sober second thought. A few miles out from
+Baltimore the Quartermaster gave us each ten rounds of ammunition. We
+had been singing songs. The Colonel told us he expected trouble in
+Baltimore, and impressed on each man not to fire until he was
+compelled to. The singing ceased, and we then thought we had serious
+business before us, and that others besides South Carolina had lost
+their balance. When we reached the Baltimore Depot some of the cars
+had gone ahead, and four companies--young men--were in the cars
+unconscious of what was going on outside. We thought the people of
+Baltimore and Maryland were of the same Government, and if not they
+ought to be. (Cheers and applause.) That they had the same interest in
+the Government, the best ever devised; that Maryland at least was
+loyal. A man knocked on the car-door and told us they were tearing up
+the track. Our Captain said, "Men, file out!" The order was given and
+we marched out. The Captain said, "March as close as you possibly can.
+Fire on no man unless compelled." We marched through railroad iron,
+bricks and other missiles. We proved ourselves brave soldiers--proved
+that we could wait, at least, for the word of command. We were pelted
+in Baltimore nineteen years ago. We lost some of our comrades, and
+others were disabled for life. But we went to Washington. We don't
+claim to be the saviors of the capital; we take no great credit for
+what we did; but we did the best we could, and the result is shown.
+The success of our march through Baltimore to-day is as indelibly
+fixed and will ever be as fresh as that of nineteen years ago, and our
+reception will remain in our hearts and minds as long as life lasts.
+My father had six sons, and five were at the front at the same time.
+I had learned to think that if Maryland, South Carolina or Virginia
+was to declare independence the Government would be broken up, and
+that we would have no country, no home, no flag. We were not fighting
+for Massachusetts, for Maryland or for Virginia, but for our
+country--the United States (cheers and applause)--remembering the
+declaration of the great statesman, "Liberty and Union, now and
+forever, one and inseparable." This country went through four years of
+carnage and blood. Few families, North or South, but have mourning at
+their firesides; but it was not in vain, for it has established the
+fact that we are one people, and are an all-powerful people.
+(Prolonged cheers.) Our reception to-day has convinced us that the war
+has ended, and that there are Union men in Maryland as in
+Massachusetts; that we are brothers, and will be so to the end of
+time; that this is one great country; and that the people are marching
+on in amity and power, second to none on the face of the globe.'
+(Cheers.)
+
+"In the evening there was a banquet at the Eutaw House, and Judge Geo.
+William Brown, who was Mayor of Baltimore in 1861, presided. Nearly
+two hundred persons were at table. After the dinner was over, Judge
+Brown said:
+
+"'This is the 19th of April, a day memorable in the annals of this
+city, and in the annals of the country. It is filled in my mind with
+the most painful recollections of my life, and I doubt not that many
+who are here present share with me those feelings. I shall make but
+brief allusions to the events of that day. The city authorities of
+Baltimore of that time have mostly passed away, and I believe I am the
+only one here present to-night. In justice to the living and the dead
+I have to say that the authorities of Baltimore faithfully endeavored
+to do their duty. It is not necessary for me, perhaps, to say so in
+this presence. (Applause.) It was not their fault that the
+Massachusetts Sixth Regiment met a bloody reception in the streets of
+Baltimore. The visit of that regiment on both occasions has a great
+and important significance. What did it mean in 1861? It meant civil
+war; that the irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward predicted had
+broken out at last, and that, as Mr. Lincoln said, a house divided
+against itself cannot stand. A great question then presented itself to
+the country. When war virtually began in Baltimore, by bloodshed on
+both sides, it meant that the question must be settled by force
+whether or not the house should stand. It took four years of war,
+waged with indomitable perseverance, to decide it, because the
+combatants on both sides were sustained by deep and honest
+convictions. It is not surprising, looking back coolly and calmly on
+the feelings of that day, that they found vent as they did. I am not
+here to excuse or to apologize, but to acknowledge facts. That was the
+significance of the first visit of the Massachusetts Sixth Regiment,
+in response to the call of the President of the United States. After
+the war there was peace. But enforced peace is not sufficient in a
+family of States any more than in a household. There must be among
+brothers respect, confidence, mutual help and forbearance, and, above
+everything, justice and right. After nineteen years the visit of
+survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts is, I hope, significant of more
+than peace. It is, I hope, significant of the fact that there is a
+true bond of union between the North and the South (applause), and
+that we are a family of States, all equal, all friends; and if it be,
+there is no one in the country who can more fervently thank God than
+myself that the old house still stands.' (Applause.)
+
+"Judge Brown offered as a toast: 'The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts:
+Baltimore extends to her fraternal greeting.'"
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+ A
+
+ Acton, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Allen, E. J., dispatches addressed to, 131.
+
+ _American, The_, on the Baltimore riot of 1861, 65;
+ account of the Putnam Phalanx in Baltimore, 160-167;
+ on the reception of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in
+ Baltimore, 167-170.
+
+ Andrew, Gov. J. A., correspondence with Mayor Brown, 54, 55.
+
+ Arkansas, secession of, 33.
+
+
+ B
+
+ Baltimore, unjust prejudice against, 13, 19;
+ supposed conspiracy in, 14, 15, 120;
+ slaveholders in, 30;
+ Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in, 42-53, 167-170;
+ excitement on 20th April, 60, 61, 64;
+ defense of, 63;
+ apprehension of bloodshed in, 75;
+ armed neutrality, 77;
+ Gen. Butler's entrance into, 84;
+ Gen. Dix's headquarters in, 100, 101;
+ Mayor's message to City Council, 157-159;
+ reception of Putnam Phalanx in, 160-166.
+
+ Banks, Gen. N. P., in command, 97;
+ arrests police commissioners of Baltimore, 98, 99;
+ Secretary Cameron's letter to, 102;
+ General McClellan's letter to, 102.
+
+ Bartol, Judge, imprisonment of, 94.
+
+ Belger, Major, comes to Baltimore, 73.
+
+ Bell, Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Black, Judge, on martial law, 93.
+
+ Blackstone on the right of imprisonment, 147, 149.
+
+ Bond's, Judge, errand to Lincoln, 57, 61.
+
+ Boston, slave-traffic in, 20;
+ regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Brand, Rev. William F., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Breckinridge, Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Brown, Geo. Wm., meets the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore, 48, 49;
+ Captain Dike on, 54;
+ correspondence with Gov. Andrew, 54, 55;
+ speech to the excited public, 56;
+ writes to President Lincoln about passage of troops through
+ Baltimore, 57, 61, 62;
+ interview with President Lincoln, 71-75;
+ General Butler's letter to, 83, 84;
+ petitions Congress to restore peace to city, 99;
+ arrest of, 102, 103, 108;
+ correspondence with General Dix, 104-108;
+ parole offered to, 110, 111;
+ anti-slavery principles of, 113;
+ opposed to secession, 115;
+ on the tendencies of the age, 117, 118;
+ message to City Council, 157-159;
+ speech to the Putnam Phalanx, 160-163;
+ speech to the survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, 169, 170.
+
+ Brown, John, reverence for in the North, 21.
+
+ Brune, Frederick W., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Brune, John C., message to President Lincoln, 57, 61;
+ accompanies Mayor to Washington, 71;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Bush River Bridge partially burned to prevent ingress of troops, 58, 59.
+
+ Butler, Gen., and the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, 76;
+ at the Relay House, 83;
+ rumor of an attack on his camp, 83, 84;
+ enters Baltimore, 84;
+ arrests Ross Winans, 87.
+
+ Byrne, Wm., denounces the North, 38.
+
+
+ C
+
+ Cadwallader, General, and the writ of _habeas corpus_, 88, 140.
+
+ Cameron, Simon, advice to Governor Hicks to restrain Maryland, 40;
+ on the obstruction of Northern Central bridge, 73;
+ letter to Gen. Banks, 102.
+
+ Carmichael, Judge, assaulted and imprisoned, 93.
+
+ Carr, W. C. N., speaks at States Rights meeting, 38, 39.
+
+ Cheston, G., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Christison, Wenlock, a Quaker, owns slaves, 21.
+
+ Clark, John, advances money for defense of city, 61.
+
+ Crawford, William, Kane's letter to, 40.
+
+ Crowley, Comrade, of the Massachusetts Sixth, speech in
+ Baltimore, 1880, 167.
+
+ Curtis, Benj. R., Life of, quotation about Judge Taney, 91.
+
+ Cutter, B. L., release from arrest, 109.
+
+
+ D
+
+ Davis, Jefferson, elected President of the Confederacy, 32.
+
+ Davis, John W., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35, 49;
+ errand to Fort McHenry, 66, 67, 68.
+
+ Davis, Judge, doubts the rumors of conspiracy, 132, 133.
+
+ Davis, Robert W., killed, 52.
+
+ De Tocqueville, on public opinion in America, 117.
+
+ Dike, Capt. J. H., company attacked in Baltimore, 46;
+ testifies as to the conduct of Baltimore civil authority
+ during the riot, 53, 54.
+
+ Dimick, Col. J., releases prisoners from Fort Warren, 108;
+ kind treatment of prisoners, 111.
+
+ Dix, General, headquarters in Baltimore, 101;
+ correspondence with Mayor Brown, 104-108.
+
+ Dix, Miss, relates a Confederate plot, 13.
+
+ Dobbin, Geo. W., errand to Lincoln, 57, 61;
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington, 71.
+
+ Douglas, S. A., Senatorial campaign, 22;
+ Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Dred Scott Case, 138.
+
+
+ E
+
+ Evans, H. D., his code for Liberia, 31.
+
+
+ F
+
+ Felton, C. C., on the "Baltimore Plot," 18.
+
+ Felton, Samuel M., on the supposed conspiracy, 13-18, 129-133;
+ advises Massachusetts Sixth to load their guns, 43;
+ engages spies, 120.
+
+ Ferrandini, Captain, suspected of conspiracy to assassinate
+ President Lincoln, 122-129.
+
+ Follansbee, Capt., company attacked in Baltimore, 46, 49.
+
+ Fort McHenry, apprehended attack on, 66, 69.
+
+ Fort Sumter, bombardment of, 32.
+
+ Franciscus, in the car with Lincoln, 133.
+
+
+ G
+
+ Garrett's, John W., dispatch to Mayor Brown concerning advance of
+ troops to Cockeysville, 73, 74, 75.
+
+ Gatchell, Wm. H., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Giles, Judge, issues writ of _habeas corpus_ to Major Morris, 87.
+
+ Gill, George M., meets the Massachusetts Sixth, 48;
+ counsel for John Merryman, 87.
+
+ Goodwin, Major Horace, commands Putnam Phalanx, 160;
+ his appearance, 163.
+
+ Greeley, Horace, on the conduct of the Baltimore authorities, 76, 77.
+
+ Groton, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Gunpowder River Bridge partially burned, 58.
+
+
+ H
+
+ _Habeas corpus_ case, 87, 139-156.
+
+ Hall, Thomas W., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Hallam's Constitutional History, extract from, 151.
+
+ Halleck, Gen., in Baltimore, 101.
+
+ Harris, J. Morrison, errand to the Capital, 63.
+
+ Harrison, Wm. G., elected to General Assembly, 80;
+ released from arrest, 108.
+
+ Hart, Capt., company attacked in Baltimore, 46.
+
+ Herndon, Wm. H., comments on Lincoln's senatorial campaign speech, 23;
+ reports of plot furnished to, 122.
+
+ Hicks, T. H., Governor of Maryland, 34;
+ proclamation of, 40;
+ speech before excited public, 56;
+ writes to Lincoln not to pass troops through Baltimore, 57, 61;
+ suggests mediation between North and South by Lord Lyons, 76;
+ convenes General Assembly, 79;
+ letter to E. H. Webster, 128.
+
+ Hilliard, suspected of conspiracy, 122, 123.
+
+ Hinks, Chas. D., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ released from arrest, 99.
+
+ Hopkins, Johns, advances money for city defense, 61.
+
+ Howard, Charles, police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ apprehends attack on Fort McHenry, 66, 67;
+ report on the state of city, 80, 81;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Howard, F. K., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Huger, General, made Colonel of 53d Regiment, 66.
+
+ Hull, Rob't, release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Hyde, Sir Nicholas, on the writ of _habeas corpus_, 150.
+
+
+ J
+
+ Jefferson, Thomas, and writ of _habeas corpus_, 141.
+
+ Johnson, Capt. B. T., arrives in Baltimore, 64;
+ hasty dispatch from Marshal Kane, 69, 70.
+
+ Jones, Col. Edmund F., passage through Baltimore, 43;
+ on the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore, 46, 47, 48, 51;
+ letter to Marshal Kane, 54.
+
+ Judd, N. B., with Lincoln in Philadelphia, 16;
+ hears of conspiracy in Baltimore, 128-133.
+
+
+ K
+
+ Kane, Marshal George P., investigates supposed plot, 15;
+ head of Baltimore police, 35;
+ letter to Crawford, 40;
+ keeps order at Camden Station, 48;
+ attempts to quell Baltimore mob, 51, 53;
+ Col. Jones's gratitude to, 54;
+ hasty dispatch to Johnson, 69, 70;
+ after the war elected Sheriff and subsequently Mayor, 70;
+ arrest of, 97;
+ release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Keim, Gen., arrests John Merryman, 87, 140.
+
+ Kenly, John R., supersedes Marshal Kane, 97.
+
+ Kennedy, Anthony, errand to the Capital, 63.
+
+ Kennedy, John P., on the attitude of Border States, 31, 32.
+
+ Kentucky, temporary neutrality of, 34.
+
+ Keys, John S., letter from Mayor Brown to, 110, 111.
+
+ Kinney, Mr., receives Lincoln in Philadelphia, 134.
+
+
+ L
+
+ Lamon, Colonel W. H., on Lincoln's midnight ride, 19, 120-137;
+ on Lincoln-Douglas campaign, 22;
+ ride with Lincoln, 133.
+
+ Latrobe, John H. B., President of Maryland Colonization Society, 31.
+
+ Lawrence, Massachusetts, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Lee, Colonel, on Gen. Cadwallader's errand to Judge Taney, 88.
+
+ Lewis, Mr., in the car with Lincoln, 133.
+
+ Lincoln, President, alleged conspiracy against, in
+ Maryland, 11-15, 121-137;
+ midnight ride to Washington, 17, 19, 120;
+ Senatorial campaign with Douglas, 22;
+ differs from Seward, 24;
+ election to Presidency, 25;
+ calls out the militia, 32;
+ letter to Gov. Hicks, 62;
+ Mayor Brown writes to, concerning passage of troops through
+ Baltimore, 57, 61;
+ Mayor Brown's interview with, 71-75.
+
+ Lowell, Massachusetts, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Luckett, suspected of conspiracy, 122-127.
+
+ Lyons, Lord, suggested as mediator between North and South, 76;
+ Secretary Seward's boast of his authority to, 91.
+
+
+ M
+
+ Macgill, Dr. Charles, release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Marshall, Chief Justice, on _habeas corpus_, 153, 154.
+
+ Maryland, rumors of conspiracy in, 11, 12, 13;
+ slavery in, 20, 30;
+ Lincoln's call for militia, how received in, 33;
+ excitement, 40, 41.
+
+ Mason, James M., sent from Virginia to negotiate with Maryland, 84.
+
+ Massachusetts, Minute Men, 11;
+ slavery in, 20;
+ Eighth Regiment, 76;
+ Sixth Regiment, 42, 167-170.
+
+ May, Henry, M. C., arrest of, 103.
+
+ McClellan, General, letter to General Banks, 102.
+
+ McComas, Sergeant, removes obstruction from railway track in
+ Baltimore, 49.
+
+ McHenry, Ramsay, efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Merryman, John, arrest of, 87, 88, 154;
+ charges against unfounded, 90.
+
+ Morfit, H. M., elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Morris, Major, refuses to obey writ of _habeas corpus_, 87.
+
+
+ N
+
+ Negro. _See_ Slavery.
+
+ Newport, slave-traffic in, 20.
+
+ Nicolay, George, on Lincoln's midnight ride, 132.
+
+ North Carolina, secession of, 33.
+
+
+ O
+
+ O'Donnell, Columbus, advances money for city defense, 61.
+
+
+ P
+
+ Parker, Edward P., General Butler's aide-de-camp, 83.
+
+ Patapsco Dragoons, arrival in Baltimore, 64.
+
+ Pemberton, Major, leads U. S. Artillery through Baltimore, 86.
+
+ Pennsylvania troops in Baltimore, 44, 53;
+ at Cockeysville, 75.
+
+ Phillips, Wendell, on States Rights, 26.
+
+ Pickering, Captain, company opposed in Baltimore, 46.
+
+ Pikesville, arsenal taken possession of, 65.
+
+ Pitts, Charles H., elected to General Assembly, 80.
+
+ Putnam Phalanx of Hartford in Baltimore, 160-166.
+
+ Putnam's Record of the Rebellion, quotation from, 38.
+
+
+ R
+
+ Revolution, right of, 26-29.
+
+ Robinson, Dr. Alex. C., Chairman of States Rights Convention, 38.
+
+ Robinson, General John C., on Baltimore in 1861, 66, 69, 81, 82, 83.
+
+
+ S
+
+ Sanford, plans Lincoln's midnight ride, 131.
+
+ Sangston, L., elected to General Assembly, 80.
+
+ Scharf's History of Maryland quoted, 35, 37, 78, 103.
+
+ Scott, General, on the passage of troops through Baltimore, 62, 72, 75.
+
+ Scott, T. Parkin, sympathizes with the South, 38, 39;
+ elected Judge after the war, 39;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Seward, Secretary, position before Presidential Convention, 24;
+ boasts of his authority, 91;
+ sends news of supposed conspiracy to Lincoln, 130, 134.
+
+ Slavery, compromises of Constitution in regard to, 20-22;
+ Geo. Wm. Brown opposed to, 113;
+ some good effects of, 114.
+
+ Small, Colonel, leads Pennsylvania regiment, 42.
+
+ South Carolina, secession of, 31.
+
+ Steuart, Dr. Richard S., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Story, Justice, on _habeas corpus_, 152, 153.
+
+ Stuart, Captain, speech in Baltimore, 163-166.
+
+ Sumner, Colonel, offers to accompany President Lincoln to
+ Washington, 132, 133.
+
+ _Sun, The_, on the offer of service by colored people, 65, 66;
+ on the suffering of Pennsylvania troops in Baltimore County, 76;
+ Reception of 6th Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore, 167-170.
+
+
+ T
+
+ Taney, Chief Justice, on negro rights, 21, 138;
+ _habeas corpus_ case _ex parte_ John Merryman, 87-93, 139-156.
+
+ Tennessee, secession of, 33.
+
+ Thomas, Dr. J. Hanson, elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Trimble, Colonel I. R., defense of Baltimore, 63.
+
+ Trist, N. P., news of conspiracy communicated to, 14.
+
+ Turner, Capt., suspected of conspiracy, 124-126.
+
+
+ U
+
+ Union Convention called, 92.
+
+
+ V
+
+ Virginia, secession of, 33;
+ sends Mason to negotiate with Maryland, 84.
+
+
+ W
+
+ Wallis, S. Teackle, legal adviser to Baltimore police commission, 35;
+ speech to the excited public, 56;
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington, 71;
+ elected to the General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108, 109.
+
+ Warfield, Henry M., elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Warner, Major J. P., commands Baltimore City Guards, 160.
+
+ Washburne, Mr., meets President Lincoln at Washington Depot, 136.
+
+ Watson, Major, company attacked in Baltimore, 45.
+
+ Webster, E. H., Gov. Hicks's letter to, 128.
+
+ Whitefield, the Calvinist, owns slaves, 21.
+
+ Williams, George H., counsel for John Merryman, 87.
+
+ Winans, Ross, denounces passage of troops through Baltimore, 37;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ arrested by Gen. Butler's order, 87.
+
+ Winder, Wm. H., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Wood, Fernando, tries to make New York a free city, 31.
+
+ Wool, General, checks arbitrary arrest, 109.
+
+ Worcester, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+
+
+
+Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+
+HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor.
+
+
+PROSPECTUS OF FIFTH SERIES.--1887.
+
+The Studies in Municipal Government will be continued. The Fifth
+Series will also embrace Studies in the History of American Political
+Economy and of American Co-operation. The following papers are ready
+or in preparation:
+
+ =I-II. City Government of Philadelphia.= By EDWARD P. ALLINSON,
+ A. M. (Haverford), and BOIES PENROSE, A. B. (Harvard). January
+ and February, 1887. _Price 50 cents._ 72 pp.
+
+ =III. City Government of Boston.= By JAMES M. BUGBEE. March,
+ 1887. _Price 25 cents._ 60 pp.
+
+ =City Government of Baltimore.= By JOHN C. ROSE, B. L.
+ (University of Maryland, School of Law). _In preparation._
+
+ =City Government of Chicago.= By F. H. HODDER, Ph. M. (University
+ of Mich.) Instructor in History, Cornell University.
+
+ =City Government of San Francisco.= By BERNARD MOSES, Ph. D.,
+ Professor of History and Politics, University of California.
+
+ =City Government of St. Louis.= By MARSHALL S. SNOW, A. M.
+ (Harvard), Professor of History, Washington University.
+
+ =City Government of New Orleans.= By HON. W. W. HOWE.
+
+ =City Government of New York.= By SIMON STERNE and J. F. JAMESON,
+ Ph. D., Associate in History, J. H. U.
+
+ =The Influence of the War of 1812 upon the Consolidation of the
+ American Union.= By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. and Fellow of
+ Columbia College.
+
+ =The History of American Political Economy.= Studies by R. T.
+ ELY, WOODROW WILSON, and D. R. DEWEY.
+
+ =The History of American Co-operation.= Studies by E. W. BEMIS,
+ D. R. RANDALL, A. G. WARNER, _et al._
+
+
+FOURTH SERIES.--Municipal Government and Land Tenure.--1886.
+
+ =I. Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River.= By IRVING
+ ELTING, A. B. (Harvard). January, 1886; pp. 68. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =II-III. Town Government in Rhode Island.= By WILLIAM E. FOSTER,
+ A. M. (Brown University).--=The Narragansett Planters.= By EDWARD
+ CHANNING, Ph. D. and Instructor in History (Harvard University).
+ February and March, 1886; pp. 60. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =IV. Pennsylvania Boroughs.= By WILLIAM P. HOLCOMB, Ph. D. (J. H.
+ U.), Professor of History and Political Science, Swarthmore
+ College, April, 1886; pp. 51. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V. Introduction to the Constitutional and Political History of
+ the Individual States.= By J. F. JAMESON, Ph. D. and Associate in
+ History, J. H. U. May, 1886; pp. 29. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =VI. The Puritan Colony at Annapolis, Maryland.= By DANIEL R.
+ RANDALL, A. B. (St. John's College). June, 1886; pp. 47. _Price
+ 50 cents._
+
+ =VII-VIII-IX. History of the Land Question in the United States.=
+ By SHOSUKE SATO, B. S. (Sapporo), Ph. D. and Fellow by Courtesy,
+ J. H. U. July-September, 1886; pp. 181. _Price $1.00._
+
+ =X. The Town and City Government of New Haven.= By CHARLES H.
+ LEVERMORE, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), Instructor in History, University
+ of California. October, 1886; pp. 103. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XI-XII. The Land System of the New England Colonies.= By
+ MELVILLE EGLESTON, A. M. (Williams College). November and
+ December, 1886. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+THIRD SERIES.--Maryland, Virginia, and Washington.--1885.
+
+ =I. Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to the United
+ States.= With minor papers on George Washington's Interest in
+ Western Lands, the Potomac Company, and a National University. By
+ HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). January, 1885; pp. 102.
+ _Price 75 cents._
+
+ =II-III. Virginia Local Institutions:--The Land System; Hundred;
+ Parish; County; Town.= By EDWARD INGLE, A. B. (J. H. U.).
+ February and March, 1885; pp. 127. _Price 75 cents._
+
+ =IV. Recent American Socialism.= By RICHARD T. ELY, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), Associate in Political Economy, J. H. U. April,
+ 1885; pp. 74. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V-VI-VII. Maryland Local Institutions:--The Land System;
+ Hundred; County; Town.= By LEWIS W. WILHELM, Ph. D. (J. H. U.),
+ Fellow by Courtesy, J. H. U. May, June, and July, 1885; pp. 130.
+ _Price $1.00._
+
+ =VIII. The Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of
+ New Jersey.= By AUSTIN SCOTT, Ph. D. (Leipzig), formerly
+ Associate and Lecturer, J. H. U.; Professor of History, Political
+ Economy, and Constitutional Law, Rutgers College. August, 1885;
+ pp. 26. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =IX-X. American Constitutions; The Relations of the Three
+ Departments as Adjusted by a Century.= By HORACE DAVIS, A. B.
+ (Harvard). San Francisco, California. September and October,
+ 1885; pp. 70. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XI-XII. The City of Washington.= By JOHN ADDISON PORTER, A. B.
+ (Yale). November and December, 1885; pp. 56. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+SECOND SERIES.--Institutions and Economics.--1884.
+
+ =I-II. Methods of Historical Study.= By HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg). January and February, 1884; pp. 137.*
+
+ =III. The Past and the Present of Political Economy.= By RICHARD
+ T. ELY, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). March, 1884; pp. 64.*
+
+ =IV. Samuel Adams, The Man of the Town Meeting.= By JAMES K.
+ HOSMER, A. M. (Harvard), Professor of English and German
+ Literature, Washington University, St. Louis. April, 1884; pp.
+ 60. _Price 35 cents._
+
+ =V-VI. Taxation in the United States.= By HENRY CARTER ADAMS, Ph.
+ D. (J. H. U.), Professor of Political Economy, University of
+ Michigan. May and June, 1884; pp. 79.*
+
+ =VII. Institutional Beginnings in a Western State.= By JESSE
+ MACY, A. B. (Iowa College); Professor of Historical and Political
+ Science, Iowa College. July, 1884; pp. 38. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =VIII-IX. Indian Money as a Factor In New England Civilization.=
+ By WILLIAM B. WEEDEN, A. M. (Brown Univ.). August and September,
+ 1884; pp. 51. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =X. Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North
+ America.= By EDWARD CHANNING, Ph.D. (Harvard); Instructor in
+ History, Harvard College. October, 1884; pp. 57.*
+
+ =XI. Rudimentary Society among Boys.= By JOHN JOHNSON, A B. (J.
+ H. U.); Instructor in History and English, McDonogh Institute,
+ Baltimore Co., Md. November, 1884; pp. 56. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XII. Land Laws of Mining Districts.= By CHARLES HOWARD SHINN, A.
+ B. (J. H. U.), Editor of the _Overland Monthly_. December, 1884;
+ pp. 69. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+FIRST SERIES.--Local Institutions.--1883.
+
+ =I. An Introduction to American Institutional History.= By EDWARD
+ A. FREEMAN, D. C. L., LL. D., Regius Professor of Modern History,
+ University of Oxford. With an Account of Mr. Freeman's Visit to
+ Baltimore, by the Editor.*
+
+ =II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns.= Read before the
+ Harvard Historical Society, May 9, 1881. By H. B. ADAMS, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), 1876. With Notes on Co-operation in University
+ Work.*
+
+ =III. Local Government in Illinois.= First published in the
+ _Fortnightly Review_ By ALBERT SHAW, A. B. (Iowa College),
+ 1879--=Local Government in Pennsylvania.= Read before the
+ Pennsylvania Historical Society, May 1, 1882 By E. R. L. GOULD,
+ A. B. (Victoria University, Canada), 1882. _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =IV. Saxon Tithingmen in America.= Read before the American
+ Antiquarian Society, October 21, 1881. By H. B. ADAMS. 2d
+ Edition. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V. Local Government in Michigan and the Northwest.= Read before
+ the Social Science Association, at Saratoga, September 7, 1882.
+ By E. W. BEMIS A. B. (Amherst College), 1880. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =VI. Parish Institutions of Maryland.= By EDWARD INGLE, A. B.
+ (Johns Hopkins University), 1882. _Price 40 cents._
+
+ =VII. Old Maryland Manors.= By JOHN JOHNSON, A. B. (Johns Hopkins
+ University), 1881. _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =VIII. Norman Constables in America.= Read before the New England
+ Historical & Genealogical Society, February 1, 1882. By H. B.
+ ADAMS. 2d Edition. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =IX-X. Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem.= From the
+ Historical Collection of the Essex Institute. By H. B. ADAMS.*
+
+ =XI. The Genesis of a New England State (Connecticut).= By
+ ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, A. M. (Rutgers College), 1870; Professor of
+ Political Economics and Jurisprudence at Princeton College.
+ _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =XII. Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina.= Read
+ before the Historical Society of South Carolina, December 15,
+ 1882. By B. J. RAMAGE.
+
+
+The first annual series of monthly monographs devoted to History,
+Politics, and Economics was begun in 1882-1883. Four volumes have thus
+far appeared.
+
+The separate volumes bound in cloth will be sold as follows:
+
+ VOLUME I.--Local Institutions. 479 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME II.--Institutions and Economics. 629 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME III.--Maryland, Virginia, and Washington. 595 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME IV.--Municipal Government and Land Tenure. 610 pp. $3.50.
+
+ _The set of four volumes will be sold together for $12.50 net._
+
+ VOLUME V.--Municipal Government and Economics. (1887.)
+
+ _This volume will be furnished in monthly parts upon receipt of
+ subscription price, $3; or the bound volume will be sent at the
+ end of the year 1887 for $3.50._
+
+
+EXTRA VOLUMES OF STUDIES.
+
+In connection with the regular annual series of Studies, a series of
+Extra Volumes is proposed. It is intended to print them in a style
+uniform with the regular Studies, but to publish each volume by
+itself, in numbered sequence and in a cloth binding uniform with the
+First, Second, Third, and Fourth Series. The volumes will vary in size
+from 200 to 500 pages, with corresponding prices. Subscriptions to the
+Annual Series of Studies will not necessitate subscriptions to the
+Extra Volumes, although they will be offered to regular subscribers at
+reduced rates.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME I.--The Republic of New Haven: A History of
+ Municipal Evolution.= By CHARLES H. LIVERMORE, Ph. D., Baltimore.
+
+ This volume, now ready, comprises 350 pages octavo, with various
+ diagrams and an index. It is sold, bound in cloth, at $2.00.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME II.--Philadelphia, 1681-1887. A History of
+ Municipal Development.= By EDWARD P. ALLINSON, A. M. (Haverford),
+ and BOIES PENROSE, A. B. (Harvard).
+
+ The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo. It will be
+ sold, bound in cloth, at $3.00; in law-sheep, at $3.50.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME III.--Baltimore and the Nineteenth of April, 1861.=
+ By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of
+ Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861. Price $1.00.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+All communications relating to subscriptions, exchanges, etc., should
+be addressed to the PUBLICATION AGENCY OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS
+UNIVERSITY, BALTIMORE, MARYLAND.
+
+The following table of contents will serve to indicate the scope and
+character of the topics treated in Mr. Levermore's History of New
+Haven:
+
+ CHAPTER I. THE GENESIS OF NEW HAVEN. -- Davenport and Eaton. --
+ Formation of a State. -- Town-Meetings. -- Fundamental Agreement.
+ -- Davenport's Policy. -- Theophilus Eaton.
+
+ CHAPTER II. THE EVOLUTION OF TOWN GOVERNMENT. -- Social Order. --
+ Town Courts. -- The Quarters. -- Military Organization. -- The
+ Watch. -- The Marshal. -- The Town Drummer. -- Minor Offices. --
+ Roads. -- Fences. -- Cattle. -- Supervisors. -- Doctor. --
+ School-Teacher. -- Viewers and Brewers. -- The Townsmen. --
+ Currency and Taxation.
+
+ CHAPTER III. THE LAND QUESTION. -- Official Control over
+ Alienations and Dwellings. -- Divisions of the Outland. -- New
+ Haven a Village Community. -- Evolution of Subordinate Townships.
+ -- The Delaware Company.
+
+ CHAPTER IV. THE UNION WITH CONNECTICUT. THE BIRTH OF NEWARK. -- A
+ New Party within the Colony. -- Terms of Admission of Strangers.
+ -- Increasing Importance of Townsmen. -- The Village Question. --
+ New Haven and the Restored Stuart. -- Hegira to New Jersey.
+
+ CHAPTER V. THE WORK OF THE COURTS IN JUDICATURE AND LEGISLATION.
+ -- Drunkenness. -- Sabbath-breaking. -- Spiritual
+ Discouragements. -- Quakers and Witches. -- Lewdness. -- Methods
+ of Civil Procedure. -- Legislation concerning Trade and Prices.
+ -- Arbitration. -- Magisterial Interest in Trade. -- Revival of
+ the Common Law and English Usage.
+
+ CHAPTER VI. NEW HAVEN A CONNECTICUT TOWN, 1664-1700. -- Changes
+ in Constitution. -- Hopkins Grammar School. -- Minister's Tax. --
+ Tithingmen. -- Justice of the Peace. -- Divisions of Land. --
+ Indian Reservations. -- The Village Controversy. -- Public
+ Benevolence. -- Indian Wars. -- Villages again. -- Tyranny of
+ Andros. -- Local Enactments. -- Intemperance. -- Funeral Customs.
+
+ CHAPTER VII. NEW HAVEN A CONNECTICUT TOWN, 1700-1784. -- The
+ Quarrel with East Haven. -- Yale College. -- The Walpolean
+ Lethargy. -- Sale of the Town's Poor. -- First Post-Office. --
+ First Oyster Laws. -- Sketch of the Town's Commerce. -- The
+ Approach of the Revolution. -- New Haven during the War. --
+ Committees. -- Articles of Confederation. -- Treatment of Tories.
+ -- Final Division of the Township. -- The Church the Germ of the
+ Town.
+
+ CHAPTER VIII. THE DUAL GOVERNMENT. TOWN AND CITY. 1784-1886. --
+ Town-Born _vs._ Interloper. -- First Phases of City Politics. --
+ First Charter. -- Description of the City. -- Municipal
+ Improvements. -- Fire Department. -- Adornment of the Green. --
+ Public Letters to the Presidents and Others. -- Downfall of
+ Federalism. -- Slavery and Abolition. -- Municipal Growth. --
+ Sects. -- Administrative Changes. -- Windfall from Washington. --
+ Liquor Traffic. -- Light in the Streets. -- High School. -- Era
+ of Railways. -- Needs of the Poor. -- The City Meeting. --
+ Charter of 1857. -- Town Officers. -- City Improvement. -- Police
+ and Fire Departments. -- In the Civil War. -- Recent Charters. --
+ Conservative Influences in the Community.
+
+ CHAPTER IX. THE PRESENT MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION. -- School
+ District. -- Town Government. -- Town-Meeting. -- Consolidation.
+ -- City Government. -- City Judiciary. -- City Executive. -- City
+ Legislature. -- Legislative Control over the Commissions. --
+ Conduct of Commissions. -- Executive Organization. --
+ Administrative Courts. -- Frequent Elections. -- Board of
+ Councilmen. -- Choice of Aldermen.
+
+ Appendix A.--Mr. Pierson's Elegy.
+ " B.--The Town of Naugatuck.
+ " C.--Dr. Manasseh Cutler's Diary.
+ " D.--A Town Court of Elections. New Haven, A. D. 1656.
+
+The volume now ready comprises 350 pages octavo, with various diagrams
+and an index. It will be sold, neatly bound in cloth, at $2.00.
+Subscribers to the STUDIES can obtain at reduced rates this new
+volume.
+
+
+
+
+PHILADELPHIA
+
+1681-1887:
+
+A History of Municipal Development.
+
+BY
+
+EDWARD P. ALLINSON, A. M., AND BOIES PENROSE, A. B., OF THE
+PHILADELPHIA BAR.
+
+
+While several general histories of Philadelphia have been written,
+there is no history of that city as a municipal corporation. Such a
+work is now offered, based upon the Acts of Assembly, the City
+Ordinances, the State Reports, and many other authorities. Numerous
+manuscripts in the Pennsylvania Historical Society, in Public
+Libraries, and in the Departments at Philadelphia and Harrisburg have
+also been consulted, and important facts found therein are now for the
+first time published.
+
+The development of the government of Philadelphia affords a peculiarly
+interesting study, and is full of instruction to the student of
+municipal questions. The first charter granted by the original
+proprietor, William Penn, created a close, self-elected corporation,
+consisting of the "Mayor, Recorder and Common Council," holding office
+for life. Such corporations survived in England from medieval times to
+the passage of the Reform Act of 1835. The corporation of Philadelphia
+possessed practically no power of taxation, and few and extremely
+limited powers of any kind. As a rapidly growing city required greater
+municipal powers, the legislature instead of increasing the powers of
+the corporation which, being self-elected, was held in distrust by
+the citizens, established from time to time various independent
+boards, commissions, and trusts for the control of taxation, streets,
+poor, etc. These boards were subsequently transformed into the city
+departments as they exist to-day. The State and municipal legislation,
+extending over two centuries, is extremely varied and frequently
+experimental. It affords instruction illustrative of almost every form
+of municipal expedient and constitution.
+
+The development of the city government of Philadelphia has been
+carefully traced through many changes in the powers and duties of the
+mayor, in the election and powers of the subordinate executive
+officers, in the position and relation of the various departments, in
+the legislative and executive powers of councils, in the frequently
+shifting distribution of executive power between the mayor and
+councils, and in the procedure of councils. _In 1885 an Act of
+Assembly was passed providing for a new government for Philadelphia
+which embodies the latest ideas upon municipal questions._
+
+The history of the government of the city thus begins with the
+medieval charter of most contracted character, and ends with _the
+liberal provisions of the Reform Act of 1885_. It furnishes
+illustrations of almost every phase of municipal development. The
+story cannot fail to interest all those who believe that the question
+of better government for our great cities is one of critical
+importance, and who are aware of the fact that this question is
+already receiving widespread attention. The subject had become so
+serious in 1876 that Governor Hartranft, in his message of that year,
+called the attention of the Legislature to it in the following
+succinct and forcible statement: "_There is no political problem that
+at the present moment occasions so much just alarm and is obtaining
+more anxious thought than the government of cities._"
+
+The consideration of the subject naturally resolves itself into five
+sharply-defined periods, to each of which a chapter has been devoted,
+as indicated by the following summary, which, while not exhaustive,
+will suggest the general scope.
+
+ CHAPTER I. FIRST PERIOD, 1681-1701. -- Founding of the city. --
+ Functions of the Provincial Council. -- Slight but certain
+ evidence of some organized city government prior to Penn's
+ Charter.
+
+ CHAPTER II. SECOND PERIOD, 1701-1789. -- Penn's authority. --
+ Charter of 1701. -- Attributes of the Proprietary Charter; its
+ medieval character. -- Integral parts of the corporation. --
+ Arbitrary nature and limited powers. -- Acts of Legislature
+ creating independent commissions. -- Miscellaneous acts and
+ ordinances. -- The Revolution. -- Abrogation of Charter. --
+ Legislative government. -- Summary.
+
+ CHAPTER III. THIRD PERIOD, 1789-1854. -- Character of Second
+ Charter. -- Causes leading to its passage. -- A modern municipal
+ corporation. -- Supplements. -- Departments. -- Concentration of
+ authority. -- Councils. -- Bicameral system adopted. -- Officers,
+ how appointed or elected. -- Diminishing powers of the mayor. --
+ Introduction of standing committees. -- Finance. -- Debt. --
+ Revenue. -- Review of the period.
+
+ CHAPTER IV. FOURTH PERIOD, 1854-1887. -- Act of consolidation. --
+ Causes leading to its passage. -- Features of New Charter. --
+ Supplements. -- Extent of territory covered by consolidation. --
+ Character of outlying districts. -- New Constitution. -- Relation
+ of city and county. -- Summary of changes effected. --
+ Twenty-five _quasi_-independent departments established. --
+ Encroachment of legislative upon executive powers. -- Resulting
+ Citizens' Reform movement. -- Committee of one hundred. --
+ Contracts. -- Debt. -- Delusive methods of finance. -- Reform
+ movement in councils. -- Causes leading to the passage of the
+ Bullit Bill. -- Review of the period.
+
+ CHAPTER V. FIFTH PERIOD. -- Text of the Act of 1885. -- History
+ of the passage of the Bullit Bill. -- Changes by it effected in
+ the organic law. -- Conclusions.
+
+
+PRICE.
+
+The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo, and will be sold,
+bound in cloth, at $3; in law-sheep at $3.50; and at reduced rates to
+regular subscribers to the "Studies."
+
+Orders and subscriptions should be addressed to THE PUBLICATION,
+AGENCY OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, BALTIMORE, MARYLAND.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April,
+1861, by George William Brown
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861, by
+George William Brown
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861
+ A Study of the War
+
+Author: George William Brown
+
+Release Date: April 2, 2012 [EBook #39346]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Edwards, Christine P. Travers and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<a id="img001" name="img001"></a>
+<div class="figcenter">
+<img src="images/img001.jpg" width="500" height="323" alt="Map showing route of rail road through Baltimore from
+President St. station to Camden St. station." title="">
+</div>
+
+<h1>BALTIMORE<br>
+<span class="smaller">AND</span><br>
+THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861</h1>
+
+<p class="p4 center">A Study of the War</p>
+
+<p class="p4 center"><span class="smcap">By</span> GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN<br>
+<i>Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861</i></p>
+
+<p class="p4 center smaller">BALTIMORE<br>
+<span class="smcap">N. Murray, Publication Agent, Johns Hopkins University</span><br>
+1887</p>
+
+<p class="p2 center smaller"><span class="smcap">Copyright, 1887, by N. Murray.</span></p>
+
+<p class="p2 center smaller">ISAAC FRIEDENWALD, PRINTER,<br>
+ BALTIMORE.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page5" name="page5"></a>(p. 5)</span> CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+<div class="toc">
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER I.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>&nbsp; <span class="ralign10">Page.</span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">Introduction</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page9">9</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">The First Blood Shed in the War</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page10">10</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">The Supposed Plot to Assassinate the Incoming President</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page11">11</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">The Midnight Ride to Washington</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page17">17</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER II.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">The Compromises of the Constitution in Regard to Slavery</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page20">20</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">A Divided House</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page23">23</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">The Broken Compact</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page25">25</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">The Right of Revolution</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page27">27</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER III.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">Maryland's Desire for Peace</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page30">30</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">Events which Followed the Election of President Lincoln</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page31">31</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">His Proclamation Calling for Troops</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page32">32</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">The City Authorities and Police of Baltimore</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page34">34</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">Increasing Excitement in Baltimore</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page39">39</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER IV.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">The Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page42">42</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">The Fight</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page47">47</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">The Departure for Washington</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page52">52</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">Correspondence in Regard to the Killed and Wounded</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page54">54</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">Public Meeting</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page56">56</a></span></li>
+
+<li>6. <span class="smcap">Telegram to the President</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page57">57</a></span></li>
+
+<li>7. <span class="smcap">No Reply</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page58">58</a></span></li>
+
+<li>8. <span class="smcap">Burning of Bridges</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page59">59</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="pagenum"><a id="page6" name="page6"></a>(p. 6)</span> CHAPTER V.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">April 20th&mdash;Increasing Excitement</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page60">60</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">Appropriation of $500,000 for Defense of the City</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page60">60</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">Correspondence with President and Governor</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page61">61</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">Men Enrolled</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page63">63</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">Apprehended Attack on Fort McHenry</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page66">66</a></span></li>
+
+<li>6. <span class="smcap">Marshal Kane</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page69">69</a></span></li>
+
+<li>7. <span class="smcap">Interview with President, Cabinet, and General Scott</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page71">71</a></span></li>
+
+<li>8. <span class="smcap">General Butler, with the Eighth Massachusetts, Proceeds
+ to Annapolis and Washington</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page76">76</a></span></li>
+
+<li>9. <span class="smcap">Baltimore in a State of Armed Neutrality</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page77">77</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER VI.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">Session of the General Assembly</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page79">79</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">Report of the Board of Police</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page80">80</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">Suppression of the Flags</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page82">82</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">On the 5th of May General Butler Takes Position Six Miles
+ from Baltimore</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page83">83</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">On the 13th of May He Enters Baltimore and Fortifies Federal Hill</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page84">84</a></span></li>
+
+<li>6. <span class="smcap">The General Assembly will Take no Steps toward Secession</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page85">85</a></span></li>
+
+<li>7. <span class="smcap">Many Young Men Join the Army of the Confederacy</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page85">85</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER VII.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">Chief Justice Taney and the Writ of Habeas Corpus</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page87">87</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">A Union Convention</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page92">92</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">Consequence of the Suspension of the Writ</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page93">93</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">Incidents of the War</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page95">95</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">The Women in the War</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page95">95</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER VIII.</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>1. <span class="smcap">General Banks in Command</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page97">97</a></span></li>
+
+<li>2. <span class="smcap">Marshal Kane Arrested</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page97">97</a></span></li>
+
+<li>3. <span class="smcap">Police Commissioners Superseded</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page97">97</a></span></li>
+
+<li>4. <span class="smcap">Resolutions Passed by the General Assembly</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page98">98</a></span></li>
+
+<li>5. <span class="smcap">Police Commissioners Arrested</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page98">98</a></span></li>
+
+<li><span class="pagenum"><a id="page7" name="page7"></a>(p. 7)</span> 6. <span class="smcap">Resolutions Passed by the General Assembly</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page100">100</a></span></li>
+
+<li>7. <span class="smcap">General Dix in Command</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page100">100</a></span></li>
+
+<li>8. <span class="smcap">Arrest of the Members of the General Assembly, the Mayor,
+ and Others</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page102">102</a></span></li>
+
+<li>9. <span class="smcap">Release of Prisoners</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page108">108</a></span></li>
+
+<li>10. <span class="smcap">Colonel Dimick</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page111">111</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center">CHAPTER IX.&mdash;<span class="smcap">A Personal Chapter.</span>
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page113">113</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="p2 center">APPENDIX I.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Account of the Alleged Conspiracy To Assassinate Abraham Lincoln
+ on His Journey to Baltimore, from the "Life of Abraham
+ Lincoln," by Ward H. Lamon, pp. 511-526</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page120">120</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center">APPENDIX II.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Extract from the Opinion of the Supreme Court of the United
+ States, Delivered by Chief Justice Taney, in the Case of
+ Dred Scott vs. Sanford (19 How. 407)</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page138">138</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center">APPENDIX III.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The Habeas Corpus Case.&mdash;Opinion of the Chief Justice of the
+ United States</span> (<i>Ex Parte</i> <span class="smcap">John Merryman</span>),
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page139">139</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center">APPENDIX IV.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Message of the 12th of July, 1861, to the First and Second
+ Branches of the City Council, Referring to the Events of
+ the 19th of April and those which Followed.&mdash;The First
+ Paragraph and the Concluding Paragraphs of this Document</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page157">157</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center">APPENDIX V.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">As a Part of the History of the Times, Reproduction from the
+ Baltimore "American" of December 5, 1860, of the Reception
+ of the Putnam Phalanx, of Hartford, Connecticut, in
+ the City of Baltimore</span>,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page160">160</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center"><span class="pagenum"><a id="page8" name="page8"></a>(p. 8)</span> APPENDIX VI.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Visit of a Portion of the Members of the Sixth Massachusetts
+ Regiment to Baltimore on the 19th of April, 1880, and an
+ Account of its Reception, from the Baltimore "Sun" and
+ the Baltimore "American</span>,"
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page167">167</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center">INDEX,
+<span class="ralign10"><a href="#page171">171</a></span></p>
+</div>
+
+<h1><span class="pagenum"><a id="page9" name="page9"></a>(p. 9)</span> BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861.<br>
+<span class="smaller"><i>A STUDY OF THE WAR.</i></span></h1>
+
+<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">INTRODUCTION. &mdash; THE FIRST BLOOD SHED IN THE WAR. &mdash; THE SUPPOSED
+ PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE INCOMING PRESIDENT. &mdash; THE MIDNIGHT RIDE
+ TO WASHINGTON.</p>
+
+<p>I have often been solicited by persons of widely opposite political
+opinions to write an account of the events which occurred in Baltimore
+on the 19th of April, 1861, about which much that is exaggerated and
+sensational has been circulated; but, for different reasons, I have
+delayed complying with the request until this time.</p>
+
+<p>These events were not isolated facts, but were the natural result of
+causes which had roots deep in the past, and they were followed by
+serious and important consequences. The narrative, to be complete,
+must give some account of both cause and consequence, and to do this
+briefly and with a proper regard to historical proportion is no easy
+task.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, it is not pleasant to disturb the ashes of a great
+conflagration, which, although they have grown cold on the surface,
+cover embers still capable of emitting both smoke and heat; and
+especially is it not pleasant when the disturber <span class="pagenum"><a id="page10" name="page10"></a>(p. 10)</span> of the ashes
+was himself an actor in the scenes which he is asked to describe.</p>
+
+<p>But more than twenty-five years have passed, and with them have passed
+away most of the generation then living; and, as one of the rapidly
+diminishing survivors, I am admonished by the lengthening shadows that
+anything I may have to say should be said speedily. The nation has
+learned many lessons of wisdom from its civil war, and not the least
+among them is that every truthful contribution to its annals or to its
+teachings is not without some value.</p>
+
+<p>I have accordingly undertaken the task, but not without reluctance,
+because it necessarily revives recollections of the most trying and
+painful experiences of my life&mdash;experiences which for a long time I
+have not unwillingly permitted to fade in the dim distance.</p>
+
+<p>There was another 19th of April&mdash;that of Lexington in 1775&mdash;which has
+become memorable in history for a battle between the Minute Men of
+Massachusetts and a column of British troops, in which the first blood
+was shed in the war of the Revolution. It was the heroic beginning of
+that contest.</p>
+
+<p>The fight which occurred in the streets of Baltimore on the 19th of
+April, 1861, between the 6th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers and
+a mob of citizens, was also memorable, because then was shed the first
+blood in a conflict between the North and the South; then a step was
+taken which made compromise or retreat almost impossible; then
+passions on both sides were aroused which could not be controlled.<a id="footnotetag1" name="footnotetag1"></a><a href="#footnote1" title="Go to footnote 1"><span class="smaller">[1]</span></a>
+In each case the outbreak was an explosion of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page11" name="page11"></a>(p. 11)</span> conflicting
+forces long suppressed, but certain, sooner or later, to occur. Here
+the coincidence ends. The Minute Men of Massachusetts were so called
+because they were prepared to rise on a minute's notice. They had
+anticipated and had prepared for the strife. The attack by the mob in
+Baltimore was a sudden uprising of popular fury. The events themselves
+were magnified as the tidings flashed over the whole country, and the
+consequences were immediate. The North became wild with astonishment
+and rage, and the South rose to fever-heat from the conviction that
+Maryland was about to fall into line as the advance guard of the
+Southern Confederacy.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr5">
+
+<p>In February, 1861, when Mr. Lincoln was on his way to Washington to
+prepare for his inauguration as President of the United States, an
+unfortunate incident occurred which had a sinister influence on the
+State of Maryland, and especially on the city of Baltimore. Some
+superserviceable persons, carried away, honestly no doubt, by their
+own frightened imaginations, and perhaps in part stimulated by the
+temptation of getting up a sensation of the first class, succeeded in
+persuading Mr. Lincoln that a formidable conspiracy existed to
+assassinate him on his way through Maryland.</p>
+
+<p>It was announced publicly that he was to come from Philadelphia, not
+by the usual route through Wilmington, but by a circuitous journey
+through Harrisburg, and thence by the Northern Central Railroad to
+Baltimore. Misled by this statement, I, as Mayor of the city,
+accompanied by the Police Commissioners and supported by a strong
+force of police, was at the Calvert-street station on Saturday
+morning, February 23d, at half-past eleven o'clock, the appointed time
+of arrival, ready to receive with due respect the incoming President.
+An <span class="pagenum"><a id="page12" name="page12"></a>(p. 12)</span> open carriage was in waiting, in which I was to have the
+honor of escorting Mr. Lincoln through the city to the Washington
+station, and of sharing in any danger which he might encounter. It is
+hardly necessary to say that I apprehended none. When the train came
+it appeared, to my great astonishment, that Mrs. Lincoln and her three
+sons had arrived safely and without hindrance or molestation of any
+kind, but that Mr. Lincoln could not be found. It was then announced
+that he had passed through the city <i>incognito</i> in the night train by
+the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and had reached
+Washington in safety at the usual hour in the morning. For this signal
+deliverance from an imaginary peril, those who devised the ingenious
+plan of escape were of course devoutly thankful, and they accordingly
+took to themselves no little amount of credit for its success.</p>
+
+<p>If Mr. Lincoln had arrived in Baltimore at the time expected, and had
+spoken a few words to the people who had gathered to hear him,
+expressing the kind feelings which were in his heart with the simple
+eloquence of which he was so great a master, he could not have failed
+to make a very different impression from that which was produced not
+only by the want of confidence and respect manifested towards the city
+of Baltimore by the plan pursued, but still more by the manner in
+which it was carried out. On such an occasion as this even trifles are
+of importance, and this incident was not a trifle. The emotional part
+of human nature is its strongest side and soonest leads to action. It
+was so with the people of Baltimore. Fearful accounts of the
+conspiracy flew all over the country, creating a hostile feeling
+against the city, from which it soon afterwards suffered. A single
+specimen of the news thus spread will suffice. A dispatch from
+Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to the New York <i>Times</i>, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page13" name="page13"></a>(p. 13)</span> dated
+February 23d, 8 A. M., says: "Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of
+the United States, is safe in the capital of the nation." Then, after
+describing the dreadful nature of the conspiracy, it adds: "The list
+of the names of the conspirators presented a most astonishing array of
+persons high in Southern confidence, and some whose fame is not
+confined to this country alone."</p>
+
+<p>Of course, the list of names was never furnished, and all the men in
+buckram vanished in air. This is all the notice which this matter
+would require except for the extraordinary narrative contributed by
+Mr. Samuel M. Felton, at that time President of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad Company, to the volume entitled "A
+History of Massachusetts in the Civil War," published in 1868.</p>
+
+<p>Early in 1861, Mr. Felton had made, as he supposed, a remarkable
+discovery of "a deep-laid conspiracy to capture Washington and break
+up the Government."</p>
+
+<p>Soon afterwards Miss Dix, the philanthropist, opportunely came to his
+office on a Saturday afternoon, stating that she had an important
+communication to make to him personally, and then, with closed doors
+and for more than an hour, she poured into his ears a thrilling tale,
+to which he attentively listened. "The sum of all was (I quote the
+language of Mr. Felton) that there was then an extensive and organized
+conspiracy throughout the South to seize upon Washington, with its
+archives and records, and then declare the Southern conspirators <i>de
+facto</i> the Government of the United States. The whole was to be a
+<i>coup d'état</i>. At the same time they were to cut off all modes of
+communication between Washington and the North, East or West, and thus
+prevent the transportation of troops to wrest the capital from the
+hands of the insurgents. Mr. Lincoln's inauguration was thus to
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page14" name="page14"></a>(p. 14)</span> be prevented, or his life was to fall a sacrifice to the
+attempt at inauguration. In fact, troops were then drilling on the
+line of our own road, and the Washington and Annapolis line and other
+lines."</p>
+
+<p>It was clear that the knowledge of a treasonable conspiracy of such
+vast proportions, which had already begun its operations, ought not to
+be confined solely to the keeping of Mr. Felton and Miss Dix. Mr. N.
+P. Trist, an officer of the road, was accordingly admitted into the
+secret, and was dispatched in haste to Washington, to lay all the
+facts before General Scott, the Commander-in-Chief. The General,
+however, would give no assurances except that he would do all he could
+to bring sufficient troops to Washington to make it secure. Matters
+stood in this unsatisfactory condition for some time, until a new
+rumor reached the ears of Mr. Felton.</p>
+
+<p>A gentleman from Baltimore, he says, came out to Back River Bridge,
+about five miles east of the city, and told the bridgekeeper that he
+had information which had come to his knowledge, of vital importance
+to the road, which he wished communicated to Mr. Felton. The nature of
+this communication was that a party was then organized in Baltimore to
+burn the bridges in case Mr. Lincoln came over the road, or in case an
+attempt was made to carry troops for the defense of Washington. The
+party at that time had combustible materials prepared to pour over the
+bridges, and were to disguise themselves as negroes and be at the
+bridge just before the train in which Mr. Lincoln travelled had
+arrived. The bridge was then to be burned, the train attacked, and Mr.
+Lincoln to be put out of the way. The man appeared several times,
+always, it seems, to the bridgekeeper, and he always communicated new
+information about the conspirators, but he would never give his name
+nor place of abode, and both <span class="pagenum"><a id="page15" name="page15"></a>(p. 15)</span> still remain a mystery. Mr.
+Felton himself then went to Washington, where he succeeded in
+obtaining from a prominent gentleman from Baltimore whom he there saw,
+the judicious advice to apply to Marshal Kane, the Chief of Police in
+Baltimore, with the assurance that he was a perfectly reliable person.
+Marshal Kane was accordingly seen, but he scouted the idea that there
+was any such thing on foot as a conspiracy to burn the bridges and cut
+off Washington, and said he had thoroughly investigated the whole
+matter, and there was not the slightest foundation for such rumors.
+Mr. Felton was not satisfied, but he would have nothing more to do
+with Marshal Kane. He next sent for a celebrated detective in the
+West, whose name is not given, and through this chief and his
+subordinates every nook and corner of the road and its vicinity was
+explored. They reported that they had joined the societies of the
+conspirators in Baltimore and got into their secrets, and that the
+secret working of secession and treason was laid bare, with all its
+midnight plottings and daily consultations. The conspiracy being thus
+proved to Mr. Felton's satisfaction, he at once organized and armed a
+force of two hundred men and scattered them along the line of the
+railroad between the Susquehanna and Baltimore, principally at the
+bridges. But, strange to say, all that was accomplished by this
+formidable body was an enormous job of whitewashing.</p>
+
+<p>The narrative proceeds: "These men were drilled secretly and regularly
+by drill-masters, and were apparently employed in whitewashing the
+bridges, patting on some six or seven coats of whitewash saturated
+with salt and alum, to make the outside of the bridges as nearly
+fireproof as possible. This whitewashing, so extensive in its
+application, became (continues Mr. Felton) the nine days' wonder of
+the neighborhood." <span class="pagenum"><a id="page16" name="page16"></a>(p. 16)</span> And well it might. After the lapse of
+twenty-five years the wonder over this feat of strategy can hardly yet
+have ceased in that rural and peaceful neighborhood. But,
+unfortunately for Mr. Felton's peace of mind, the programme of Mr.
+Lincoln's journey was suddenly changed. He had selected a different
+route. He had decided to go to Harrisburg from Philadelphia, and
+thence by day to Baltimore, over another and a rival road, known as
+the Northern Central. Then the chief detective discovered that the
+attention of the conspirators was suddenly turned to the Northern
+Central road. The mysterious unknown gentleman from Baltimore appeared
+again on the scene and confirmed this statement. He gave warning that
+Mr. Lincoln was to be waylaid and his life sacrificed on that road, on
+which no whitewash had been used, and where there were no armed men to
+protect him.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Felton hurried to Philadelphia, and there, in a hotel, joined his
+chief detective, who was registered under a feigned name. Mr. Lincoln,
+cheered by a dense crowd, was, at that moment, passing through the
+streets of Philadelphia. A sub-detective was sent to bring Mr. Judd,
+Mr. Lincoln's intimate friend, to the hotel to hold a consultation.
+Mr. Judd was in the procession with Mr. Lincoln, but the emergency
+admitted no delay. The eagerness of the sub-detective was so great
+that he was three times arrested and carried out of the crowd by the
+police before he could reach Mr. Judd. The fourth attempt succeeded,
+and Mr. Judd was at last brought to the hotel, where he met both Mr.
+Felton and the chief detective. The narrative then proceeds in the
+words of Mr. Felton: "We lost no time in making known to him (Mr.
+Judd) all the facts which had come to our knowledge in reference to
+the conspiracy, and I most earnestly advised <span class="pagenum"><a id="page17" name="page17"></a>(p. 17)</span> sleeping-car.
+Mr. Judd fully entered into the plan, and said he would urge Mr.
+Lincoln to adopt it. On his communicating with Mr. Lincoln, after the
+services of the evening were over, he answered that he had engaged to
+go to Harrisburg and speak the next day, and that he would not break
+his engagement, even in the face of such peril, but that after he had
+fulfilled his engagement he would follow such advice as we might give
+him in reference to his journey to Washington." Mr. Lincoln
+accordingly went to Harrisburg the next day and made an address. After
+that the arrangements for the journey were shrouded in the profoundest
+mystery. It was given out that he was to go to Governor Curtin's house
+for the night, but he was, instead, conducted to a point about two
+miles out of Harrisburg, where an extra car and engine waited to take
+him to Philadelphia. The telegraph lines east, west, north and south
+from Harrisburg were cut, so that no message as to his movements could
+be sent off in any direction. But all this caused a detention, and the
+night train from Philadelphia to Baltimore had to be held back until
+the arrival of Mr. Lincoln at the former place. If, however, the delay
+proved to be considerable, when Mr. Lincoln reached Baltimore the
+connecting train to Washington might leave without him. But Mr. Felton
+was equal to the occasion. He devised a plan which was communicated to
+only three or four on the road. A messenger was sent to Baltimore by
+an earlier train to say to the officials of the Washington road that a
+very important package must be delivered in Washington early in the
+morning, and to request them to wait for the night train from
+Philadelphia. To give color to this statement, a package of old
+railroad reports, done up with great care, and with a large seal
+attached, marked by Mr. Felton's own hand, "Very Important," was sent
+in the train which carried Mr. Lincoln on his famous night ride from
+Philadelphia <span class="pagenum"><a id="page18" name="page18"></a>(p. 18)</span> through Maryland and Baltimore to the city of
+Washington. The only remarkable incident of the journey was the
+mysterious behavior of the few officials who were entrusted with the
+portentous secret.</p>
+
+<p>I do not know how others may be affected by this narrative, but I
+confess even now to a feeling of indignation that Mr. Lincoln, who was
+no coward, but proved himself on many an occasion to be a brave man,
+was thus prevented from carrying out his original intention of
+journeying to Baltimore in the light of day, in company with his wife
+and children, relying as he always did on the honor and manhood of the
+American people. It is true we have, to our sorrow, learned by the
+manner of his death, as well as by the fate of still another
+President, that no one occupying so high a place can be absolutely
+safe, even in this country, from the danger of assassination, but it
+is still true that as a rule the best way to meet such danger is
+boldly to defy it.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. C. C. Felton, son of Mr. Samuel M. Felton, in an article entitled
+"The Baltimore Plot," published in December, 1885, in the <i>Harvard
+Monthly</i>, has attempted to revive this absurd story. He repeats the
+account of whitewashing the bridges, and of the astonishment created
+among the good people of the neighborhood. He has faith in "the
+unknown Baltimorean" who visited the bridgekeeper, but would never
+give his name, and in the spies employed, who, he tells us, were "the
+well-known detective Pinkerton and eight assistants," and he leaves
+his readers to infer that Mr. Lincoln's life was saved by the
+extraordinary vigilance which had been exercised and the ingenious
+plan which had been devised by his worthy father, but alas!&mdash;</p>
+
+<p class="poem10">"The earth hath bubbles as the water has,"</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">and this was of them.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page19" name="page19"></a>(p. 19)</span> Colonel Lamon, a close friend of President Lincoln, and the
+only person who accompanied him on his night ride to Washington, has
+written his biography, a very careful and conscientious work, which
+unfortunately was left unfinished, and he of course had the strongest
+reasons for carefully examining the subject. After a full examination
+of all the documents, Colonel Lamon pronounces the conspiracy to be a
+mere fiction, and adds in confirmation the mature opinion of Mr.
+Lincoln himself.</p>
+
+<p>Colonel Lamon says:<a id="footnotetag2" name="footnotetag2"></a><a href="#footnote2" title="Go to footnote 2"><span class="smaller">[2]</span></a> "Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the
+midnight ride. His friends reproached him, his enemies taunted him. He
+was convinced that he had committed a grave mistake in yielding to the
+solicitations of a professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed.
+He saw that he had fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the
+shame and mortification natural to a brave man under such
+circumstances. But he was not disposed to take all the responsibility
+to himself, and frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and
+assisted him to demean himself at the very moment in all his life when
+his behavior should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure."</p>
+
+<p>As Colonel Lamon's biography, a work of absorbing interest, is now out
+of print, and as his account of the ride and of the results of the
+investigation of the conspiracy is too long to be inserted here, it is
+added in an Appendix.</p>
+
+<p>The account above given has its appropriateness here, for the midnight
+ride through Baltimore, and the charge that its citizens were plotting
+the President's assassination, helped to feed the flame of excitement
+which, in the stirring events of that time, was already burning too
+high all over the land, and especially in a border city with divided
+sympathies.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page20" name="page20"></a>(p. 20)</span> CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">THE COMPROMISES OF THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. &mdash; A
+ DIVIDED HOUSE. &mdash; THE BROKEN COMPACT. &mdash; THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION.</p>
+
+<p>For a period the broad provisions of the Constitution of the United
+States, as expounded by the wise and broad decisions of the Supreme
+Court, had proved to be equal to every emergency. The thirteen feeble
+colonies had grown to be a great Republic, and no external obstacle
+threatened its majestic progress; foreign wars had been waged and vast
+territories had been annexed, but every strain on the Constitution
+only served to make it stronger. Yet there was a canker in a vital
+part which nothing could heal, which from day to day became more
+malignant, and which those who looked beneath the surface could
+perceive was surely leading, and at no distant day, to dissolution or
+war, or perhaps to both. The canker was the existence of negro
+slavery.</p>
+
+<p>In colonial days, kings, lords spiritual and temporal, and commons,
+all united in favoring the slave trade. In Massachusetts the Puritan
+minister might be seen on the Sabbath going to meeting in family
+procession, with his negro slave bringing up the rear. Boston was
+largely engaged in building ships and manufacturing rum, and a portion
+of the ships and much of the rum were sent to Africa, the rum to buy
+slaves, and the ships to bring them to a market in America. Newport
+was more largely, and until a more recent time, engaged in the same
+traffic.</p>
+
+<p>In Maryland, even the Friends were sometimes owners of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page21" name="page21"></a>(p. 21)</span>
+slaves; and it is charged, and apparently with reason, that Wenlock
+Christison, the Quaker preacher, after being driven from Massachusetts
+by persecution and coming to Maryland by way of Barbadoes, sent or
+brought in with him a number of slaves, who cultivated his plantation
+until his death. In Georgia, the Calvinist Whitefield blessed God for
+his negro plantation, which was generously given to him to establish
+his "Bethesda" as a refuge for orphan children.</p>
+
+<p>In the Dred Scott case, Chief Justice Taney truly described the
+opinion, which he deplored, prevailing at the time of the adoption of
+the Constitution, as being that the colored man had no rights which
+the white man was bound to respect.<a id="footnotetag3" name="footnotetag3"></a><a href="#footnote3" title="Go to footnote 3"><span class="smaller">[3]</span></a></p>
+
+<p>The Constitution had endeavored to settle the question of slavery by a
+compromise. As the difficulty in regard to it arose far more from
+political than moral grounds, so in the settlement the former were
+almost exclusively considered. It was, however, the best that could be
+made at that time. It is certain that without such a compromise the
+Constitution would not have been adopted. The existence of slavery in
+a State was left in the discretion of the State itself. If a slave
+escaped to another State, he was to be returned to his master. Laws
+were passed by Congress to carry out this provision, and the Supreme
+Court decided that they were constitutional.</p>
+
+<p>For a long time the best people at the North stood firmly by the
+compromise. It was a national compact, and must be respected. But
+ideas, and especially moral ideas, cannot be forever fettered by a
+compact, no matter how solemn may be its sanctions. The change of
+opinion at the North was first slow, then rapid, and then so powerful
+as to overwhelm all opposition. John Brown, who was executed for
+raising a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page22" name="page22"></a>(p. 22)</span> negro insurrection in Virginia, in which men were
+wounded and killed, was reverenced by many at the North as a hero, a
+martyr and a saint. It had long been a fixed fact that no fugitive
+slave could by process of law be returned from the North into slavery.
+With the advent to power of the Republican party&mdash;a party based on
+opposition to slavery&mdash;another breach in the outworks of the
+Constitution, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, had been made.
+Sooner or later the same hands would capture the citadel. Sooner or
+later it was plain that slavery was doomed.</p>
+
+<p>In the memorable Senatorial campaign in Illinois between Stephen A.
+Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, the latter, in his speech before the
+Republican State Convention at Springfield, June 17, 1858, struck the
+keynote of his party by the bold declaration on the subject of slavery
+which he then made and never recalled.</p>
+
+<p>This utterance was the more remarkable because on the previous day the
+convention had passed unanimously a resolution declaring that Mr.
+Lincoln was their first and only choice for United States Senator, to
+fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr.
+Douglas's term of office, but the convention had done nothing which
+called for the advanced ground on which Mr. Lincoln planted himself in
+that speech. It was carefully prepared.</p>
+
+<p>The narrative of Colonel Lamon in his biography of Lincoln is
+intensely interesting and dramatic.<a id="footnotetag4" name="footnotetag4"></a><a href="#footnote4" title="Go to footnote 4"><span class="smaller">[4]</span></a></p>
+
+<p>About a dozen gentlemen, he says, were called to meet in the library
+of the State House. After seating them at the round table, Mr. Lincoln
+read his entire speech, dwelling slowly on that part which speaks of a
+divided house, so that every man fully understood it. After he had
+finished, he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page23" name="page23"></a>(p. 23)</span> asked for the opinion of his friends. All but
+William H. Herndon, the law partner of Mr. Lincoln, declared that the
+whole speech was too far in advance of the times, and they especially
+condemned that part which referred to a divided house. Mr. Herndon sat
+still while they were giving their respective opinions; then he sprang
+to his feet and said: "Lincoln, deliver it just as it reads. If it is
+in advance of the times, let us&mdash;you and I, if no one else&mdash;lift the
+people to the level of this speech now, higher hereafter. The speech
+is true, wise and politic, and will succeed now, or in the future.
+Nay, it will aid you, if it will not make you President of the United
+States."...</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln sat still a short moment, rose from his chair, walked
+backward and forward in the hall, stopped and said: 'Friends, I have
+thought about this matter a great deal, have weighed the question well
+from all corners, and am thoroughly convinced the time has come when
+it should be uttered; and if it must be that I must go down because of
+this speech, then let me go down linked to truth&mdash;die in the advocacy
+of what is right and just. This nation cannot live on injustice. A
+house divided against itself cannot stand, I say again and again.'"</p>
+
+<p>The opening paragraph of the speech is as follows: "If we could first
+know where we are and whither we are tending, we could then better
+judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far on into the fifth
+year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident
+promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of
+that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but is constantly
+augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have
+been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand.
+I believe this Government can <span class="pagenum"><a id="page24" name="page24"></a>(p. 24)</span> not endure permanently half
+slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do
+not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be
+divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the
+opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place
+it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the
+course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward
+till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as
+new, North as well as South."</p>
+
+<p>The blast of the trumpet gave no uncertain sound. The far-seeing
+suggestion of Mr. Herndon came true to the letter. I believe this
+speech made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>But the founders of the Constitution of the United States had built a
+house which was divided against itself from the beginning. They had
+framed a union of States which was part free and part slave, and that
+union was intended to last forever. Here was an irreconcilable
+conflict between the Constitution and the future President of the
+United States.</p>
+
+<p>When the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago in May, 1860, in
+the heat of the contest, which soon became narrowed down to a choice
+between Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, the latter dispatched a friend to
+Chicago with a message in writing, which was handed either to Judge
+Davis or Judge Logan, both members of the convention, which runs as
+follows: "Lincoln agrees with Seward in his irrepressible-conflict
+idea, and in negro equality; but he is opposed to Seward's higher
+law." But there was no substantial difference between the position of
+the two: Lincoln's "divided house" and Seward's "higher law" placed
+them really in the same attitude.</p>
+
+<p>The seventh resolution in the Chicago platform condemned <span class="pagenum"><a id="page25" name="page25"></a>(p. 25)</span> what
+it described as the "new dogma that the Constitution, of its own
+force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the
+United States." This resolution was a direct repudiation by a National
+Convention of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott
+case.</p>
+
+<p>On the 6th of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of
+the United States. Of the actual votes cast there was a majority
+against him of 930,170. Next came Mr. Douglas, who lost the support of
+the Southern Democrats by his advocacy of the doctrine of "squatter
+sovereignty," as it was called, which was in effect, although not in
+form, as hostile to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred
+Scott case as the seventh resolution of the Chicago Convention itself.
+Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, the candidate of the Southern
+Democracy, fell very far, and Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, the candidate of
+the Union party, as it was called, a short-lived successor of the old
+Whig party, fell still farther in the rear of the two Northern
+candidates.</p>
+
+<p>The great crisis had come at last. The Abolition party had become a
+portion of the victorious Republican party. The South, politically,
+was overwhelmed. Separated now from its only ally, the Northern
+Democracy, it stood at last alone.</p>
+
+<p>It matters not that Mr. Lincoln, after his election, in sincerity of
+heart held out the olive branch to the nation, and that during his
+term of office the South, so far as his influence could avail, would
+have been comparatively safe from direct aggressions. Mr. Lincoln was
+not known then as he is known now, and, moreover, his term of office
+would be but four years.</p>
+
+<p>What course, then, was left to the South if it was determined to
+maintain its rights under the Constitution? What but the right of
+self-defense?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page26" name="page26"></a>(p. 26)</span> The house of every man is his castle, and he may defend it to
+the death against all aggressors. When a hostile hand is raised to
+strike a blow, he who is assaulted need not wait until the blow falls,
+but on the instant may protect himself as best he can. These are the
+rights of self-defense known, approved and acted on by all freemen.
+And where constitutional rights of a people are in jeopardy, a kindred
+right of self-defense belongs to them. Although revolutionary in its
+character, it is not the less a right.</p>
+
+<p>Wendell Phillips, abolitionist as he was, in a speech made at New
+Bedford on the 9th of April, 1861, three days before the bombardment
+of Fort Sumter, fully recognized this right. He said: "Here are a
+series of States girding the Gulf, who think that their peculiar
+institutions require that they should have a separate government. They
+have a right to decide that question without appealing to you or me. A
+large body of the people, sufficient to make a nation, have come to
+the conclusion that they will have a government of a certain form. Who
+denies them the right? Standing with the principles of '76 behind us,
+who can deny them the right? What is a matter of a few millions of
+dollars or a few forts? It is a mere drop in the bucket of the great
+national question. It is theirs just as much as ours. I maintain, on
+the principles of '76, that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier
+in Fort Sumter."</p>
+
+<p>And such was the honest belief of the people who united in
+establishing the Southern Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>Wendell Phillips was not wrong in declaring the principles of '76 to
+be kindred to those of '61. The men of '76 did not fight to get rid of
+the petty tax of three pence a pound on tea, which was the only tax
+left to quarrel about. They were determined to pay no taxes, large or
+small, then or <span class="pagenum"><a id="page27" name="page27"></a>(p. 27)</span> thereafter. Whether the tax was lawful or not
+was a doubtful question, about which there was a wide difference of
+opinion, but they did not care for that. Nothing would satisfy them
+but the relinquishment of any claim of right to tax the colonies, and
+this they could not obtain. They maintained that their rights were
+violated. They were, moreover, embittered by a long series of disputes
+with the mother country, and they wanted to be independent and to have
+a country of their own. They thought they were strong enough to
+maintain that position.</p>
+
+<p>Neither were the Southern men of '61 fighting for money. And they too
+were deeply embittered, not against a mother country, but against a
+brother country. The Northern people had published invectives of the
+most exasperating character broadcast against the South in their
+speeches, sermons, newspapers and books. The abolitionists had
+proceeded from words to deeds and were unwearied in tampering with the
+slaves and carrying them off. The Southern people, on their part, were
+not less violent in denunciation of the North. The slavery question
+had divided the political parties throughout the nation, and on this
+question the South was practically a unit. They could get no security
+that the provisions of the Constitution would be kept either in letter
+or in spirit, and this they demanded as their right.</p>
+
+<p>The Southern men thought that they also were strong enough to wage
+successfully a defensive war. Like the men of '76, they in great part
+were of British stock; they lived in a thinly settled country, led
+simple lives, were accustomed to the use of arms, and knew how to
+protect themselves. Such men make good soldiers, and when their armies
+were enrolled the ranks were filled with men of all classes, the rich
+as well as the poor, the educated as well as the ignorant.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page28" name="page28"></a>(p. 28)</span> It is a mistake to suppose that they were inveigled into
+secession by ambitious leaders. On the contrary, it is probable that
+they were not as much under the influence of leaders as the men of
+'76, and that there were fewer disaffected among them. At times the
+scales trembled in the balance. There are always mistakes in war. It
+is an easy and ungrateful task to point them out afterward. We can now
+see that grave errors, both financial and military, were made, and
+that opportunities were thrown away. How far these went to settle the
+contest, we can never certainly know, but it does not need great
+boldness to assert that the belief which the Southern people
+entertained that they were strong enough to defend themselves, was not
+unreasonable.</p>
+
+<p>The determination of the South to maintain slavery was undoubtedly the
+main cause of secession, but another deep and underlying cause was the
+firm belief of the Southern people in the doctrine of States' rights,
+and their jealousy of any attack upon those rights. Devotion to their
+State first of all, a conviction that paramount obligation&mdash;in case of
+any conflict of allegiance&mdash;was due not to the Union but to the State,
+had been part of the political creed of very many in the South ever
+since the adoption of the Constitution. An ignoble love of slavery was
+not the general and impelling motive. The slaveholders, who were
+largely in the minority, acted as a privileged class always does act.
+They were determined to maintain their privileges at all hazards. But
+they, as well as the great mass of the people who had no personal
+interest in slavery, fought the battles of the war with the passionate
+earnestness of men who believed with an undoubting conviction that
+they were the defenders not only of home rule and of their firesides,
+but also of their constitutional rights.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page29" name="page29"></a>(p. 29)</span> And behind the money question, the constitutional question and
+the moral question, there was still another of the gravest import. Was
+it possible for two races nearly equal in number, but widely different
+in character and civilization, to live together in a republic in peace
+and equality of rights without mingling in blood? The answer of the
+Southern man was, "It is not possible."</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page30" name="page30"></a>(p. 30)</span> CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">MARYLAND'S DESIRE FOR PEACE. &mdash; EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED THE
+ ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. &mdash; HIS PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR
+ TROOPS. &mdash; THE CITY AUTHORITIES AND POLICE OF BALTIMORE. &mdash;
+ INCREASING EXCITEMENT IN BALTIMORE.</p>
+
+<p>I now come to consider the condition of affairs in Maryland. As yet
+the Republican party had obtained a very slight foothold. Only 2,294
+votes had in the whole State been cast for Mr. Lincoln. Her sympathies
+were divided between the North and the South, with a decided
+preponderance on the Southern side. For many years her conscience had
+been neither dead nor asleep on the subject of slavery. Families had
+impoverished themselves to free their slaves. In 1860 there were
+83,942 free colored people in Maryland and 87,189 slaves, the white
+population being 515,918. Thus there were nearly as many free as
+slaves of the colored race. Emancipation, in spite of harsh laws
+passed to discountenance it, had rapidly gone on. In the northern part
+of the State and in the city of Baltimore there were but few
+slaveholders, and the slavery was hardly more than nominal. The
+patriarchal institution, as it has been derisively called, had a real
+existence in many a household. Not a few excellent people have I known
+and respected who were born and bred in slavery and had been freed by
+their masters. In 1831 the State incorporated the Maryland
+Colonization Society, which founded on the west coast of Africa a
+successful republican colony of colored people, now known as the State
+of Maryland <span class="pagenum"><a id="page31" name="page31"></a>(p. 31)</span> in Liberia, and for twenty-six years, and until
+the war broke out, the State contributed $10,000 a year to its
+support. This amount was increased by the contributions of
+individuals. The board, of which Mr. John H. B. Latrobe was for many
+years president, was composed of our best citizens. A code of laws for
+the government of the colony was prepared by the excellent and learned
+lawyer, Hugh Davey Evans.</p>
+
+<p>While there was on the part of a large portion of the people a
+deep-rooted and growing dislike to slavery, agitation on the subject
+had not commenced. It was in fact suppressed by reason of the violence
+of Northern abolitionists with whom the friends of emancipation were
+not able to unite.</p>
+
+<p>It is not surprising that Maryland was in no mood for war, but that
+her voice was for compromise and peace&mdash;compromise and peace at any
+price consistent with honor.</p>
+
+<p>The period immediately following the election of Mr. Lincoln in
+November, 1860, was throughout the country one of intense agitation
+and of important events. A large party at the North preferred
+compromise to war, even at the cost of dissolution of the Union. If
+dissolution began, no one could tell where it would stop. South
+Carolina seceded on the 17th of December, 1860. Georgia and the five
+Gulf States soon followed. On the 6th of January, 1861, Fernando Wood,
+mayor of the city of New York, sent a message to the common council
+advising that New York should secede and become a free city.<a id="footnotetag5" name="footnotetag5"></a><a href="#footnote5" title="Go to footnote 5"><span class="smaller">[5]</span></a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page32" name="page32"></a>(p. 32)</span> On February the 9th, Jefferson Davis was elected President of
+the Southern Confederacy, a Confederacy to which other States would
+perhaps soon be added. But the Border States were as yet debatable
+ground; they might be retained by conciliation and compromise or
+alienated by hostile measures, whether directed against them or
+against the seceded States. In Virginia a convention had been called
+to consider the momentous question of union or secession, and an
+overwhelming majority of the delegates chosen were in favor of
+remaining in the Union. Other States were watching Virginia's course,
+in order to decide whether to stay in the Union or go out of it with
+her.</p>
+
+<p>On the 12th and 13th of April occurred the memorable bombardment and
+surrender of Fort Sumter. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln
+issued his celebrated proclamation calling out seventy-five thousand
+militia, and appealing "to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and
+aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity and existence of
+our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to
+redress wrongs already long enough endured." What <span class="pagenum"><a id="page33" name="page33"></a>(p. 33)</span> these
+wrongs were is not stated. "The first service assigned to the forces
+hereby called forth," said the proclamation, "will probably be to
+re-possess the forts, places and property which have been seized from
+the Union." On the same day there was issued from the War Department a
+request addressed to the Governors of the different States, announcing
+what the quota of each State would be, and that the troops were to
+serve for three months unless sooner discharged. Maryland's quota was
+four regiments.</p>
+
+<p>The proclamation was received with exultation at the North&mdash;many
+dissentient voices being silenced in the general acclaim&mdash;with
+defiance at the South, and in Maryland with mingled feelings in which
+astonishment, dismay and disapprobation were predominant. On all sides
+it was agreed that the result must be war, or a dissolution of the
+Union, and I may safely say that a large majority of our people then
+preferred the latter.</p>
+
+<p>An immediate effect of the proclamation was to intensify the feeling
+of hostility in the wavering States, and to drive four of them into
+secession. Virginia acted promptly. On April 17th her convention
+passed an ordinance of secession&mdash;subject to ratification by a vote of
+the people&mdash;and Virginia became the head and front of the Confederacy.
+North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas soon followed her lead.
+Meanwhile, and before the formal acts of secession, the Governors of
+Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee sent prompt and defiant answers
+to the requisition, emphatically refusing to furnish troops, as did
+also the Governors of Kentucky and Missouri.</p>
+
+<p>The position of Maryland was most critical. This State was especially
+important, because the capital of the nation lay within her borders,
+and all the roads from the North <span class="pagenum"><a id="page34" name="page34"></a>(p. 34)</span> leading to it passed through
+her territory. After the President's proclamation was issued, no doubt
+a large majority of her people sympathized with the South; but even
+had that sentiment been far more preponderating, there was an
+underlying feeling that by a sort of geographical necessity her lot
+was cast with the North, that the larger and stronger half of the
+nation would not allow its capital to be quietly disintegrated away by
+her secession. Delaware and Maryland were the only Border States which
+did not attempt to secede. Kentucky at first took the impossible stand
+of an armed neutrality. When this failed, a portion of her people
+passed an ordinance of secession, and a portion of the people of
+Missouri passed a similar ordinance.</p>
+
+<p>It is now proper to give some explanation of the condition of affairs
+in Baltimore, at that time a city of 215,000 inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>Thomas Holliday Hicks, who had been elected by the American, or
+Know-Nothing party, three years before, was the Governor of the State.
+The city authorities, consisting of the mayor and city council, had
+been elected in October, 1860, a few weeks before the Presidential
+election, not as representatives of any of the national parties, but
+as the candidates of an independent reform party, and in opposition to
+the Know-Nothing party. This party, which then received its quietus,
+had been in power for some years, and had maintained itself by methods
+which made its rule little better than a reign of terror.<a id="footnotetag6" name="footnotetag6"></a><a href="#footnote6" title="Go to footnote 6"><span class="smaller">[6]</span></a> No one
+acquainted with the history of that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page35" name="page35"></a>(p. 35)</span> period can doubt that the
+reform was greatly needed. A large number of the best men of the
+American party united in the movement, and with their aid it became
+triumphantly successful, carrying every ward in the city. The city
+council was composed of men of unusually high character. "Taken as a
+whole" (Scharf's "History of Maryland," Vol. III., p. 284), "a better
+ticket has seldom, if ever, been brought out. In the selection of
+candidates all party tests were discarded, and all thought of
+rewarding partisan services repudiated." Four police commissioners,
+appointed by the Legislature&mdash;Charles Howard, William H. Gatchell,
+Charles D. Hinks and John W. Davis&mdash;men of marked ability and worth,
+had, with the mayor, who was <i>ex officio</i> a member of the board, the
+appointment and control of the police force. Mr. S. Teackle Wallis was
+the legal adviser of the board. The entire police force consisted of
+398 men, and had been raised to a high degree of discipline and
+efficiency under the command of Marshal Kane. They were armed with
+revolvers.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately after the call of the President for troops, including four
+regiments from Maryland, a marked division among the people manifested
+itself. Two large and excited crowds, eager for news, and nearly
+touching each other, stood from morning until late at night before two
+newspaper offices on Baltimore street which advocated contrary views
+and opinions. Strife was in the air. It was difficult for the police
+to keep the peace. Business was almost suspended. Was there indeed to
+be war between the sections, or could it yet, by some <span class="pagenum"><a id="page36" name="page36"></a>(p. 36)</span>
+unlooked-for interposition, be averted? Would the Border States
+interfere and demand peace? There was a deep and pervading impression
+of impending evil. And now an immediate fear was as to the effect on
+the citizens of the passage of Northern troops through the city.
+Should they be permitted to cross the soil of Maryland, to make war on
+sister States of the South, allied to her by so many ties of
+affection, as well as of kindred institutions? On the other hand, when
+the capital of the nation was in danger, should not the kindest
+greeting and welcome be extended to those who were first to come to
+the rescue? Widely different were the answers given to these
+questions. The Palmetto flag had several times been raised by some
+audacious hands in street and harbor, but it was soon torn down. The
+National flag and the flag of the State, with its black and orange,
+the colors of Lord Baltimore, waved unmolested, but not side by side,
+for they had become symbols of different ideas, although the
+difference was, as yet, not clearly defined.</p>
+
+<p>On the 17th of April, the state of affairs became so serious that I,
+as mayor, issued a proclamation earnestly invoking all good citizens
+to refrain from every act which could lead to outbreak or violence of
+any kind; to refrain from harshness of speech, and to render in all
+cases prompt and efficient aid, as by law they were required to do, to
+the public authorities, whose constant efforts would be exerted to
+maintain unbroken the peace and order of the city, and to administer
+the laws with fidelity and impartiality. I cannot flatter myself that
+this appeal produced much effect. The excitement was too great for any
+words to allay it.</p>
+
+<p>On the 18th of April, notice was received from Harrisburg that two
+companies of United States artillery, commanded by Major Pemberton,
+and also four companies of militia, would <span class="pagenum"><a id="page37" name="page37"></a>(p. 37)</span> arrive by the
+Northern Central Railroad at Bolton Station, in the northern part of
+the city, at two o'clock in the afternoon. The militia had neither
+arms nor uniforms.</p>
+
+<p>Before the troops arrived at the station, where I was waiting to
+receive them, I was suddenly called away by a message from Governor
+Hicks stating that he desired to see me on business of urgent
+importance, and this prevented my having personal knowledge of what
+immediately afterward occurred. The facts, however, are that a large
+crowd assembled at the station and followed the soldiers in their
+march to the Washington station with abuse and threats. The regulars
+were not molested, but the wrath of the mob was directed against the
+militia, and an attack would certainly have been made but for the
+vigilance and determination of the police, under the command of
+Marshal Kane.</p>
+
+<p>"These proceedings," says Mr. Scharf, in the third volume of his
+"History of Maryland," page 401, "were an earnest of what might be
+expected on the arrival of other troops, the excitement growing in
+intensity with every hour. Numerous outbreaks occurred in the
+neighborhood of the newspaper offices during the day, and in the
+evening a meeting of the States Rights Convention was held in Taylor's
+building, on Fayette street near Calvert, where, it is alleged, very
+strong ground was taken against the passage of any more troops through
+Baltimore, and armed resistance to it threatened. On motion of Mr.
+Ross Winans, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:</p>
+
+<div class="quote">
+ <p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That in the opinion of this convention the
+ prosecution of the design announced by the President in his late
+ proclamation, of recapturing the forts in the seceded States,
+ will inevitably lead to a sanguinary war, the dissolution of the
+ Union, and the irreconcilable estrangement of the people of the
+ South from the people of the North.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That we protest in the name of the people of
+ Maryland <span class="pagenum"><a id="page38" name="page38"></a>(p. 38)</span> against the garrisoning of Southern forts by
+ militia drawn from the free States; or the quartering of militia
+ from the free States in any of the towns or places of the
+ slaveholding States.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That in the opinion of this convention the massing
+ of large bodies of militia, exclusively from the free States, in
+ the District of Columbia, is uncalled for by any public danger or
+ exigency, is a standing menace to the State of Maryland, and an
+ insult to her loyalty and good faith, and will, if persisted in,
+ alienate her people from a government which thus attempts to
+ overawe them by the presence of armed men and treats them with
+ contempt and distrust.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the time has arrived when it becomes all good
+ citizens to unite in a common effort to obliterate all party
+ lines which have heretofore unhappily divided us, and to present
+ an unbroken front in the preservation and defense of our
+ interests, our homes and our firesides, to avert the horrors of
+ civil war, and to repel, if need be, any invader who may come to
+ establish a military despotism over us.</p>
+
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">A. C. Robinson</span>, <i>Chairman</i>."</p>
+
+<p class="noindent">"<span class="smcap">G. Harlan Williams</span>,<br>
+"<span class="smcap">Albert Ritchie</span>,<br>
+<span class="add5em">"<i>Secretaries</i>."</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<p>The names of the members who composed this convention are not given,
+but the mover of the resolutions and the officers of the meeting were
+men well known and respected in this community.</p>
+
+<p>The bold and threatening character of the resolutions did not tend to
+calm the public mind. They did not, however, advocate an attack on the
+troops.</p>
+
+<p>In Putnam's "Record of the Rebellion," Volume I, page 29, the
+following statement is made of a meeting which was held on the morning
+of the 18th of April: "An excited secession meeting was held at
+Baltimore, Maryland. T. Parkin Scott occupied the chair, and speeches
+denunciatory of the Administration and the North were made by Wilson
+C. N. Carr, William Byrne [improperly spelled Burns], President of the
+National Volunteer Association, and others."</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page39" name="page39"></a>(p. 39)</span> An account of the meeting is before me, written by Mr. Carr,
+lately deceased, a gentleman entirely trustworthy. He did not know, he
+says, of the existence of such an association, but on his way down
+town having seen the notice of a town meeting to be held at Taylor's
+Hall, to take into consideration the state of affairs, he went to the
+meeting. Mr. Scott was in the chair and was speaking. He was not
+making an excited speech, but, on the contrary, was urging the
+audience to do nothing rashly, but to be moderate and not to interfere
+with any troops that might attempt to pass through the city. As soon
+as he had finished, Mr. Carr was urged to go up to the platform and
+reply to Mr. Scott. I now give Mr. Carr's words. "I went up," he says,
+"but had no intention of saying anything in opposition to what Mr.
+Scott had advised the people to do. I was not there as an advocate of
+secession, but was anxious to see some way opened for reconciliation
+between the North and South. I did not make an excited speech nor did
+I denounce the Administration. I saw that I was disappointing the
+crowd. Some expressed their disapprobation pretty plainly and I cut my
+speech short. As soon as I finished speaking the meeting adjourned."</p>
+
+<p>After the war was over, Mr. Scott was elected Chief Judge of the
+Supreme Bench of Baltimore City. He was a strong sympathizer with the
+South, and had the courage of his convictions, but he had been also an
+opponent of slavery, and I have it from his own lips that years before
+the war, on a Fourth of July, he had persuaded his mother to liberate
+all her slaves, although she depended largely on their services for
+her support. And yet he lived and died a poor man.</p>
+
+<p>On the 16th of April, Marshal Kane addressed a letter to William
+Crawford, the Baltimore agent of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and
+Baltimore Railroad Company, in the following terms:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+ <p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page40" name="page40"></a>(p. 40)</span> "<i>Dear Sir</i>:&mdash;Is it true as stated that an attempt will be made to pass
+ the volunteers from New York intended to war upon the South over your
+ road to-day? It is important that we have explicit understanding on the
+ subject.</p>
+<p>Your friend,</p> <p class="signat smcap">George P. Kane."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>This letter was not submitted to me, nor to the board of police. If it
+had been, it would have been couched in very different language. Mr.
+Crawford forwarded it to the President of the road, who, on the same
+day, sent it to Simon Cameron, the Secretary of War.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Cameron, on April 18th, wrote to Governor Hicks, giving him notice
+that there were unlawful combinations of citizens of Maryland to
+impede the transit of United States troops across Maryland on their
+way to the defense of the capital, and that the President thought it
+his duty to make it known to the Governor, so that all loyal and
+patriotic citizens might be warned in time, and that he might be
+prepared to take immediate and effective measures against it.</p>
+
+<p>On the afternoon of the 18th, Governor Hicks arrived in town. He had
+prepared a proclamation as Governor of the State, and wished me to
+issue another as mayor of the city, which I agreed to do. In it he
+said, among other things, that the unfortunate state of affairs now
+existing in the country had greatly excited the people of Maryland;
+that the emergency was great, and that the consequences of a rash step
+would be fearful. He therefore counselled the people in all
+earnestness to withhold their hands from whatever might tend to
+precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to receive us.
+All powers vested in the Governor of the State would be strenuously
+exerted to preserve peace and maintain inviolate the honor and
+integrity of Maryland. He assured the people that no troops would be
+sent from Maryland, unless it might be for the defense of the national
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page41" name="page41"></a>(p. 41)</span> capital. He concluded by saying that the people of this State
+would in a short time have the opportunity afforded them, in a special
+election for members of Congress, to express their devotion to the
+Union, or their desire to see it broken up.</p>
+
+<p>This proclamation is of importance in several respects. It shows the
+great excitement of the people and the imminent danger of domestic
+strife. It shows, moreover, that even the Governor of the State had
+then little idea of the course which he himself was soon about to
+pursue. If this was the case with the Governor, it could not have been
+different with thousands of the people. Very soon he became a thorough
+and uncompromising upholder of the war.</p>
+
+<p>In my proclamation I concurred with the Governor in his determination
+to preserve the peace and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity
+of Maryland, and added that I could not withhold my expression of
+satisfaction at his resolution that no troops should be sent from
+Maryland to the soil of any other State.</p>
+
+<p>Simultaneously with the passage of the first Northern regiments on
+their way to Washington, came the news that Virginia had seceded. Two
+days were crowded with stirring news&mdash;a proclamation from the
+President of the Southern Confederacy offering to issue commissions or
+letters of marque to privateers, President Lincoln's proclamation
+declaring a blockade of Southern ports, the Norfolk Navy Yard
+abandoned, Harper's Ferry evacuated and the arsenal in the hands of
+Virginia troops. These events, so exciting in themselves, and coming
+together with the passage of the first troops, greatly increased the
+danger of an explosion.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page42" name="page42"></a>(p. 42)</span> CHAPTER IV.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE. &mdash; THE FIGHT. &mdash;
+ THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON. &mdash; CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO THE
+ KILLED AND WOUNDED. &mdash; PUBLIC MEETING. &mdash; TELEGRAM TO THE
+ PRESIDENT. &mdash; NO REPLY. &mdash; BURNING OF BRIDGES.</p>
+
+<p>The Sixth Massachusetts Regiment had the honor of being the first to
+march in obedience to the call of the President, completely equipped
+and organized. It had a full band and regimental staff. Mustered at
+Lowell on the morning of the 16th, the day after the proclamation was
+issued, four companies from Lowell presented themselves, and to these
+were added two from Lawrence, one from Groton, one from Acton, and one
+from Worcester; and when the regiment reached Boston, at one o'clock,
+an additional company was added from that city and another from
+Stoneham, making eleven in all&mdash;about seven hundred men.<a id="footnotetag7" name="footnotetag7"></a><a href="#footnote7" title="Go to footnote 7"><span class="smaller">[7]</span></a> It was
+addressed by the Governor of the State in front of the State House. In
+the city and along the line of the railroad, on the 17th, everywhere,
+ovations attended them. In the march down Broadway, in New York, on
+the 18th, the wildest enthusiasm inspired all classes. Similar scenes
+occurred in the progress through New Jersey and through the city of
+Philadelphia. At midnight on the 18th, reports reached Philadelphia
+that the passage of the regiment through Baltimore would be disputed.</p>
+
+<p>An unarmed and un-uniformed Pennsylvania regiment, under Colonel
+Small, was added to the train, either in Philadelphia <span class="pagenum"><a id="page43" name="page43"></a>(p. 43)</span> or when
+the train reached the Susquehanna&mdash;it has been stated both ways, and I
+am not sure which account is correct&mdash;and the two regiments made the
+force about seventeen hundred men.</p>
+
+<p>The proper course for the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railroad Company was to have given immediate notice to the mayor or
+board of police of the number of the troops, and the time when they
+were expected to arrive in the city, so that preparation might have
+been made to receive them, but no such notice was given. On the
+contrary, it was purposely withheld, and no information could be
+obtained from the office of the company, although the marshal of
+police repeatedly telegraphed to Philadelphia to learn when the troops
+were to be expected. No news was received until from a half hour to an
+hour of the time at which they were to arrive. Whatever was the reason
+that no notice of the approach of the troops was given, it was not
+because they had no apprehensions of trouble. Mr. Felton, the
+president of the railroad company, says that <i>before</i> the troops left
+Philadelphia he called the colonel and principal officers into his
+office, and told them of the dangers they would probably encounter,
+and advised that each soldier should load his musket before leaving
+and be ready for any emergency. Colonel Jones's official report, which
+is dated, "Capitol, Washington, April 22, 1861," says, "<i>After</i>
+leaving Philadelphia, I received intimation that the passage through
+the city of Baltimore would be resisted. I caused ammunition to be
+distributed and arms loaded, and went personally through the cars, and
+issued the following order&mdash;viz.:</p>
+
+<p>"'The regiment will march through Baltimore in columns of sections,
+arms at will. You will undoubtedly be insulted, abused, and perhaps
+assaulted, to which you must <span class="pagenum"><a id="page44" name="page44"></a>(p. 44)</span> pay no attention whatever, but
+march with your faces square to the front, and pay no attention to the
+mob, even if they throw stones, bricks, or other missiles; but if you
+are fired upon, and any of you are hit, your officers will order you
+to fire. Do not fire into any promiscuous crowds, but select any man
+whom you may see aiming at you, and be sure you drop him.'"</p>
+
+<p>If due notice had been given, and if this order had been carried out,
+the danger of a serious disturbance would have been greatly
+diminished. The plainest dictates of prudence required the
+Massachusetts and Pennsylvania regiments to march through the city in
+a body. The Massachusetts regiment was armed with muskets, and could
+have defended itself, and would also have had aid from the police; and
+although the Pennsylvania troops were unarmed, they would have been
+protected by the police just as troops from the same State had been
+protected on the day before. The mayor and police commissioners would
+have been present, adding the sanction and authority of their official
+positions. But the plan adopted laid the troops open to be attacked in
+detail when they were least able to defend themselves and were out of
+the reach of assistance from the police. This plan was that when the
+train reached the President-street or Philadelphia station, in the
+southeastern part of Baltimore, each car should, according to custom,
+be detached from the engine and be drawn through the city by four
+horses for the distance of more than a mile to the Camden-street or
+Washington station, in the southwestern part of the city. Some one had
+blundered.</p>
+
+<p>The train of thirty-five cars arrived at President-street Station at
+about eleven o'clock. The course which the troops had to take was
+first northerly on President street, four squares to Pratt street, a
+crowded thoroughfare leading along <span class="pagenum"><a id="page45" name="page45"></a>(p. 45)</span> the heads of the docks,
+then along Pratt street west for nearly a mile to Howard street, and
+then south, on Howard street, one square to the Camden-street station.</p>
+
+<p>Drawn by horses across the city at a rapid pace, about nine<a id="footnotetag8" name="footnotetag8"></a><a href="#footnote8" title="Go to footnote 8"><span class="smaller">[8]</span></a> cars,
+containing seven companies of the Massachusetts Sixth, reached the
+Camden-street station, the first carloads being assailed only with
+jeers and hisses; but the last car, containing Company "K" and Major
+Watson, was delayed on its passage&mdash;according to one account was
+thrown off the track by obstructions, and had to be replaced with the
+help of a passing team; paving-stones and other missiles were thrown,
+the windows were broken, and some of the soldiers were struck. Colonel
+Jones was in one of the cars which passed through. Near Gay street, it
+happened that a number of laborers were at work repaving Pratt street,
+and had taken up the cobble-stones for the purpose of relaying them.
+As the troops kept passing, the crowd of bystanders grew larger, the
+excitement and&mdash;among many&mdash;the feeling of indignation grew more
+intense; each new aggressive act was the signal and example for
+further aggression. A cart coming by with a load of sand, the track
+was blocked by dumping the cartload upon it&mdash;I have been told that
+this was the act of some merchants and clerks of the neighborhood&mdash;and
+then, as a more effectual means of obstruction, some anchors lying
+near the head of the Gay-street dock were dragged up to and placed
+across the track.<a id="footnotetag9" name="footnotetag9"></a><a href="#footnote9" title="Go to footnote 9"><span class="smaller">[9]</span></a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page46" name="page46"></a>(p. 46)</span> The next car being stopped by these obstructions, the driver
+attached the horses to the rear end of the car and drove it back, with
+the soldiers, to the President-street station, the rest of the cars
+also, of course, having to turn back, or&mdash;if any of them had not yet
+started&mdash;to remain where they were at the depot. In the cars thus
+stopped and turned back there were four companies, "C," "D," "I" and
+"L," under Captains Follansbee, Hart, Pickering and Dike; also the
+band, which, I believe, did not leave the depot, and which remained
+there with the unarmed Pennsylvania regiment. These four companies, in
+all about 220 men, formed on President street, in the midst of a dense
+and angry crowd, which threatened and pressed upon the troops,
+uttering cheers for Jefferson Davis and the Southern Confederacy, and
+groans for Lincoln and the North, with much abusive language. As the
+soldiers advanced along President street, the commotion increased; one
+of the band of rioters appeared bearing a Confederate flag, and it was
+carried a considerable distance before it was torn from its staff by
+citizens. Stones were thrown in great numbers, and at the corner of
+Fawn street two of the soldiers were knocked down by stones and
+seriously injured. In crossing Pratt-street bridge, the troops had to
+pick their way over joists and scantling, which by this time had been
+placed on the bridge to obstruct their passage.</p>
+
+<p>Colonel Jones's official report, from which I have already quoted,
+thus describes what happened after the four companies left the cars.
+As Colonel Jones was not present during the march, but obtained the
+particulars from others, it is not surprising that his account
+contains errors. These will be pointed out and corrected later:</p>
+
+<p>"They proceeded to march in accordance with orders, and had proceeded
+but a short distance before they were furiously <span class="pagenum"><a id="page47" name="page47"></a>(p. 47)</span> attacked by a
+shower of missiles, which came faster as they advanced. They increased
+their step to double-quick, which seemed to infuriate the mob, as it
+evidently impressed the mob with the idea that the soldiers dared not
+fire or had no ammunition, and pistol-shots were numerously fired into
+the ranks, and one soldier fell dead. The order "Fire!" was given, and
+it was executed; in consequence several of the mob fell, and the
+soldiers again advanced hastily. The mayor of Baltimore placed himself
+at the head of the column beside Captain Follansbee, and proceeded
+with them a short distance, assuring him that he would protect them,
+and begging him not to let the men fire. But the mayor's patience was
+soon exhausted, and he seized a musket from the hands of one of the
+men, and killed a man therewith; and a policeman, who was in advance
+of the column, also shot a man with a revolver. They at last reached
+the cars, and they started immediately for Washington. On going
+through the train I found there were about one hundred and thirty
+missing, including the band and field music. Our baggage was seized,
+and we have not as yet been able to recover any of it. I have found it
+very difficult to get reliable information in regard to the killed and
+wounded, but believe there were only three killed.</p>
+
+<p>"As the men went into the cars" [meaning the men who had marched
+through the city to Camden Station], "I caused the blinds to the cars
+to be closed, and took every precaution to prevent any shadow of
+offense to the people of Baltimore, but still the stones flew thick
+and fast into the train, and it was with the utmost difficulty that I
+could prevent the troops from leaving the cars and revenging the death
+of their comrades. After a volley of stones, some one of the soldiers
+fired and killed a Mr. Davis, who, I ascertained by <span class="pagenum"><a id="page48" name="page48"></a>(p. 48)</span> reliable
+witnesses, threw a stone into the car." This is incorrectly stated, as
+will hereafter appear.</p>
+
+<p>It is proper that I should now go back and take up the narration from
+my own point of view.</p>
+
+<p>On the morning of the 19th of April I was at my law office in Saint
+Paul street after ten o'clock, when three members of the city council
+came to me with a message from Marshal Kane, informing me that he had
+just received intelligence that troops were about to arrive&mdash;I did not
+learn how many&mdash;and that he apprehended a disturbance, and requesting
+me to go to the Camden-street station. I immediately hastened to the
+office of the board of police, and found that they had received a
+similar notice. The Counsellor of the City, Mr. George M. Gill, and
+myself then drove rapidly in a carriage to the Camden-street station.
+The police commissioners followed, and, on reaching the station, we
+found Marshal Kane on the ground and the police coming in in squads. A
+large and angry crowd had assembled, but were restrained by the police
+from committing any serious breach of the peace.</p>
+
+<p>After considerable delay seven of the eleven companies of the
+Massachusetts regiment arrived at the station, as already mentioned,
+and I saw that the windows of the last car were badly broken. No one
+to whom I applied could inform me whether more troops were expected or
+not. At this time an alarm was given that the mob was about to tear up
+the rails in advance of the train on the Washington road, and Marshal
+Kane ordered some of his men to go out the road as far as necessary to
+protect the track. Soon afterward, and when I was about to leave the
+Camden-street station, supposing all danger to be over, news was
+brought to Police Commissioner Davis and myself, who were standing
+together, that some troops had been left behind, and that the mob was
+tearing <span class="pagenum"><a id="page49" name="page49"></a>(p. 49)</span> up the track on Pratt street, so as to obstruct the
+progress of the cars, which were coming to the Camden-street station.
+Mr. Davis immediately ran to summon the marshal, who was at the
+station with a body of police, to be sent to the point of danger,
+while I hastened alone in the same direction. On arriving at about
+Smith's Wharf, foot of Gay street, I found that anchors had been
+placed on the track, and that Sergeant McComas and four policemen who
+were with him were not allowed by a group of rioters to remove the
+obstruction. I at once ordered the anchors to be removed, and my
+authority was not resisted. I hurried on, and, approaching
+Pratt-street bridge, I saw a battalion, which proved to be four
+companies of the Massachusetts regiment which had crossed the bridge,
+coming towards me in double-quick time.</p>
+
+<p>They were firing wildly, sometimes backward, over their shoulders. So
+rapid was the march that they could not stop to take aim. The mob,
+which was not very large, as it seemed to me, was pursuing with shouts
+and stones, and, I think, an occasional pistol-shot. The uproar was
+furious. I ran at once to the head of the column, some persons in the
+crowd shouting, "Here comes the mayor." I shook hands with the officer
+in command, Captain Follansbee, saying as I did so, "I am the mayor of
+Baltimore." The captain greeted me cordially. I at once objected to
+the double-quick, which was immediately stopped. I placed myself by
+his side, and marched with him. He said, "We have been attacked
+without provocation," or words to that effect. I replied, "You must
+defend yourselves." I expected that he would face his men to the rear,
+and, after giving warning, would fire if necessary. But I said no
+more, for I immediately felt that, as mayor of the city, it was not my
+province to volunteer such advice. Once before in my life I had taken
+part in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page50" name="page50"></a>(p. 50)</span> opposing a formidable riot, and had learned by
+experience that the safest and most humane manner of quelling a mob is
+to meet it at the beginning with armed resistance.</p>
+
+<p>The column continued its march. There was neither concert of action
+nor organization among the rioters. They were armed only with such
+stones or missiles as they could pick up, and a few pistols. My
+presence for a short time had some effect, but very soon the attack
+was renewed with greater violence. The mob grew bolder. Stones flew
+thick and fast. Rioters rushed at the soldiers and attempted to snatch
+their muskets, and at least on two occasions succeeded. With one of
+these muskets a soldier was killed. Men fell on both sides. A young
+lawyer, then and now known as a quiet citizen, seized a flag of one of
+the companies and nearly tore it from its staff. He was shot through
+the thigh, and was carried home apparently a dying man, but he
+survived to enter the army of the Confederacy, where he rose to the
+rank of captain, and he afterward returned to Baltimore, where he
+still lives. The soldiers fired at will. There was no firing by
+platoons, and I heard no order given to fire. I remember that at the
+corner of South street several citizens standing in a group fell,
+either killed or wounded. It was impossible for the troops to
+discriminate between the rioters and the by-standers, but the latter
+seemed to suffer most, because, as the main attack was from the mob
+pursuing the soldiers from the rear, they, in their march, could not
+easily face backward to fire, but could shoot at those whom they
+passed on the street. Near the corner of Light street a soldier was
+severely wounded, who afterward died, and a boy on a vessel lying in
+the dock was killed, and about the same place three soldiers at the
+head of the column leveled their muskets and fired into a group
+standing on the sidewalk, who, as far as I <span class="pagenum"><a id="page51" name="page51"></a>(p. 51)</span> could see, were
+taking no active part. The shots took effect, but I cannot say how
+many fell. I cried out, waving my umbrella to emphasize my words, "For
+God's sake don't shoot!" but it was too late. The statement that I
+begged Captain Follansbee not to let the men fire is incorrect,
+although on this occasion I did say, "Don't shoot." It then seemed to
+me that I was in the wrong place, for my presence did not avail to
+protect either the soldiers or the citizens, and I stepped out from
+the column. Just at this moment a boy ran forward and handed to me a
+discharged musket which had fallen from one of the soldiers. I took it
+from him and hastened into the nearest shop, asking the person in
+charge to keep it safely, and returned immediately to the street. This
+boy was far from being alone in his sympathy for the troops, but their
+friends were powerless, except to care for the wounded and remove the
+dead. The statement in Colonel Jones's report that I seized a musket
+and killed one of the rioters is entirely incorrect. The smoking
+musket seen in my hands was no doubt the foundation for it. There is
+no foundation for the other statement that one of the police shot a
+man with a revolver. At the moment when I returned to the street,
+Marshal Kane, with about fifty policemen (as I then supposed, but I
+have since ascertained that in fact there were not so many), came at a
+run from the direction of the Camden-street station, and throwing
+themselves in the rear of the troops, they formed a line in front of
+the mob, and with drawn revolvers kept it back. This was between Light
+and Charles streets. Marshal Kane's voice shouted, "Keep back, men, or
+I shoot!" This movement, which I saw myself, was gallantly executed,
+and was perfectly successful. The mob recoiled like water from a rock.
+One of the leading rioters, then a young man, now a peaceful merchant,
+tried, as he has <span class="pagenum"><a id="page52" name="page52"></a>(p. 52)</span> himself told me, to pass the line, but the
+marshal seized him and vowed he would shoot if the attempt was made.
+This nearly ended the fight, and the column passed on under the
+protection of the police, without serious molestation, to Camden
+Station.<a id="footnotetag10" name="footnotetag10"></a><a href="#footnote10" title="Go to footnote 10"><span class="smaller">[10]</span></a> I had accompanied the troops for more than a third of a
+mile, and regarded the danger as now over. At Camden-street Station
+there was rioting and confusion. Commissioner Davis assisted in
+placing the soldiers in the cars for Washington. Some muskets were
+pointed out of the windows by the soldiers. To this he earnestly
+objected, as likely to bring on a renewal of the fight, and he advised
+the blinds to be closed. The muskets were then withdrawn and the
+blinds closed, by military order, as stated by Colonel Jones.</p>
+
+<p>At last, about a quarter before one o'clock, the train, consisting of
+thirteen cars filled with troops, moved out of Camden Station amid the
+hisses and groans of the multitude, and passed safely on to
+Washington. At the outskirts of the city, half a mile or more beyond
+the station, occurred the unfortunate incident of the killing of
+Robert W. Davis. This gentleman, a well-known dry-goods merchant, was
+standing on a vacant lot near the track with two friends, and as the
+train went by they raised a cheer for Jefferson Davis and the South,
+when he was immediately shot dead by one of the soldiers from a
+car-window, several firing at once. There were no rioters near them,
+and they did not know that the troops had been attacked on their march
+through the city. There was no "volley of stones" thrown just before
+Mr. Davis was killed, nor did he or his friends throw any.<a id="footnotetag11" name="footnotetag11"></a><a href="#footnote11" title="Go to footnote 11"><span class="smaller">[11]</span></a> This
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page53" name="page53"></a>(p. 53)</span> was the last of the casualties of the day, and was by far the
+most serious and unfortunate in its consequences, for it was not
+unnaturally made the most of to inflame the minds of the people
+against the Northern troops. Had it not been for this incident, there
+would perhaps have been among many of our people a keener sense of
+blame attaching to themselves as the aggressors. Four of the
+Massachusetts regiment were killed and thirty-six wounded. Twelve
+citizens were killed, including Mr. Davis. The number of wounded among
+the latter has never been ascertained. As the fighting was at close
+quarters, the small number of casualties shows that it was not so
+severe as has generally been supposed.</p>
+
+<p>But peace even for the day had not come. The unarmed Pennsylvanians
+and the band of the Massachusetts regiment were still at the
+President-street station, where a mob had assembled, and the police at
+that point were not sufficient to protect them. Stones were thrown,
+and some few of the Pennsylvania troops were hurt, not seriously, I
+believe. A good many of them were, not unnaturally, seized with a
+panic, and scattered through the city in different directions. Marshal
+Kane again appeared on the scene with an adequate force, and an
+arrangement was made with the railroad company by which the troops
+were sent back in the direction of Philadelphia. During the afternoon
+and night a number of stragglers sought the aid of the police and were
+cared for at one of the station-houses.</p>
+
+<p>The following card of Captain Dike, who commanded Company "C" of the
+Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, appeared in the Boston <i>Courier</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>April 25, 1861</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"It is but an act of justice that induces me to say to my friends
+ who may feel any interest, and to the community generally, that
+ in the affair <span class="pagenum"><a id="page54" name="page54"></a>(p. 54)</span> which occurred in this city on Friday, the
+ 19th instant, the mayor and city authorities should be exonerated
+ from blame or censure, as they did all in their power, as far as
+ my knowledge extends, to quell the riot, and Mayor Brown attested
+ the sincerity of his desire to preserve the peace, and pass our
+ regiment safely through the city, by marching at the head of its
+ column, and remaining there at the risk of his life. Candor could
+ not permit me to say less, and a desire to place the conduct of
+ the authorities here on the occasion in a right position, as well
+ as to allay feelings, urges me to this sheer act of justice.</p>
+
+<p class="signat"><span class="smcap">John H. Dike</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Captain Company 'C,' Seventh Regiment,
+ attached to Sixth Regiment Massachusetts V. M.</i>"</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>In a letter to Marshal Kane, Colonel Jones wrote as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"Headquarters Sixth Regiment M. V. M.</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, <i>April 28, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>Marshal Kane, Baltimore, Maryland.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"Please deliver the bodies of the deceased soldiers belonging to
+ my regiment to Murrill S. Wright, Esq., who is authorized to
+ receive them, and take charge of them through to Boston, and
+ thereby add one more to the many favors for which, in connection
+ with this matter, I am, with my command, much indebted to you.
+ Many, many thanks for the Christian conduct of the authorities of
+ Baltimore in this truly unfortunate affair.</p>
+
+ <p>"I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Edward F. Jones</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Colonel Sixth Regiment M. V. M.</i>"</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>The following correspondence with the Governor of Massachusetts seems
+to be entitled to a place in this paper. Gov. Andrew's first telegram
+cannot be found. The second, which was sent by me in reply, is as
+follows:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>April 20, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>To the Honorable John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;No one deplores the sad events of yesterday in this city
+ more deeply than myself, but they were inevitable. Our people
+ viewed the passage of armed troops to another State through the
+ streets as an invasion <span class="pagenum"><a id="page55" name="page55"></a>(p. 55)</span> of our soil, and could not be
+ restrained. The authorities exerted themselves to the best of
+ their ability, but with only partial success. Governor Hicks was
+ present, and concurs in all my views as to the proceedings now
+ necessary for our protection. When are these scenes to cease? Are
+ we to have a war of sections? God forbid! The bodies of the
+ Massachusetts soldiers could not be sent out to Boston, as you
+ requested, all communication between this city and Philadelphia
+ by railroad and with Boston by steamer having ceased, but they
+ have been placed in cemented coffins, and will be placed with
+ proper funeral ceremonies in the mausoleum of Greenmount
+ Cemetery, where they shall be retained until further directions
+ are received from you. The wounded are tenderly cared for. I
+ appreciate your offer, but Baltimore will claim it as her right
+ to pay all expenses incurred."</p>
+
+<p>"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Mayor of Baltimore.</i>"</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>To this the following reply was returned by the Governor:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+ <p>"<i>To His Honor George W. Brown, Mayor of Baltimore.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Dear Sir</i>:&mdash;I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and
+ our dead, and trust that at the earliest moment the remains of
+ our fallen will return to us. I am overwhelmed with surprise that
+ a peaceful march of American citizens over the highway to the
+ defense of our common capital should be deemed aggressive to
+ Baltimoreans. Through New York the march was triumphal.</p>
+
+<p class="signat"><span class="smcap">John A. Andrew</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Governor of Massachusetts.</i>"</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>This correspondence carries the narrative beyond the nineteenth of
+April, and I now return to the remaining events of that day.</p>
+
+<p>After the news spread through the city of the fight in the streets,
+and especially of the killing of Mr. Davis, the excitement became
+intense. It was manifest that no more troops, while the excitement
+lasted, could pass through without a bloody conflict. All citizens, no
+matter what were their political opinions, appeared to agree in
+this&mdash;the strongest <span class="pagenum"><a id="page56" name="page56"></a>(p. 56)</span> friends of the Union as well as its foes.
+However such a conflict might terminate, the result would be
+disastrous. In each case it might bring down the vengeance of the
+North upon the city. If the mob succeeded, it would probably
+precipitate the city, and perhaps the State, into a temporary
+secession. Such an event all who had not lost their reason deprecated.
+The immediate and pressing necessity was that no more troops should
+arrive.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Hicks called out the military for the preservation of the
+peace and the protection of the city.</p>
+
+<p>An immense public meeting assembled in Monument Square. Governor
+Hicks, the mayor, Mr. S. Teackle Wallis, and others, addressed it.</p>
+
+<p>In my speech I insisted on the maintenance of peace and order in the
+city. I denied that the right of a State to secede from the Union was
+granted by the Constitution. This was received with groans and shouts
+of disapproval by a part of the crowd, but I maintained my ground. I
+deprecated war on the seceding States, and strongly expressed the
+opinion that the South could not be conquered. I approved of Governor
+Hicks's determination to send no troops from Maryland to invade the
+South. I further endeavored to calm the people by informing them of
+the efforts made by Governor Hicks and myself to prevent the passage
+of more troops through the city.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Hicks said: "I coincide in the sentiment of your worthy
+mayor. After three conferences we have agreed, and I bow in submission
+to the people. I am a Marylander; I love my State and I love the
+Union, but I will suffer my right arm to be torn from my body before I
+will raise it to strike a sister State."</p>
+
+<p>A dispatch had previously been sent by Governor Hicks <span class="pagenum"><a id="page57" name="page57"></a>(p. 57)</span> and
+myself to the President of the United States as follows: "A collision
+between the citizens and the Northern troops has taken place in
+Baltimore, and the excitement is fearful. Send no troops here. We will
+endeavor to prevent all bloodshed. A public meeting of citizens has
+been called, and the troops of the State have been called out to
+preserve the peace. They will be enough."</p>
+
+<p>Immediately afterward, Messrs. H. Lennox Bond, a Republican, then
+Judge of the Criminal Court of Baltimore, and now Judge of the Circuit
+Court of the United States; George W. Dobbin, an eminent lawyer, and
+John C. Brune, President of the Board of Trade, went to Washington at
+my request, bearing the following letter to the President:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Mayor's Office, Baltimore</span>, <i>April 19, 1861</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;This will be presented to you by the Hon. H. Lennox
+ Bond, and George W. Dobbin, and John C. Brune, Esqs., who will
+ proceed to Washington by an express train at my request, in order
+ to explain fully the fearful condition of affairs in this city.
+ The people are exasperated to the highest degree by the passage
+ of troops, and the citizens are universally decided in the
+ opinion that no more should be ordered to come. The authorities
+ of the city did their best to-day to protect both strangers and
+ citizens and to prevent a collision, but in vain, and, but for
+ their great efforts, a fearful slaughter would have occurred.
+ Under these circumstances it is my solemn duty to inform you that
+ it is not possible for more soldiers to pass through Baltimore
+ unless they fight their way at every step. I therefore hope and
+ trust and most earnestly request that no more troops be permitted
+ or ordered by the Government to pass through the city. If they
+ should attempt it, the responsibility for the blood shed will not
+ rest upon me.</p>
+
+<p>"With great respect, your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor</i>.</p>
+
+<p>"<i>To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President United States.</i>"</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>To this Governor Hicks added: "I have been in Baltimore City since
+Tuesday evening last, and coöperated with Mayor <span class="pagenum"><a id="page58" name="page58"></a>(p. 58)</span> G. W. Brown
+in his untiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and
+suppress the fearful outbreak as indicated above, and I fully concur
+in all that is said by him in the above communication."</p>
+
+<p>No reply came from Washington. The city authorities were left to act
+on their own responsibility. Late at night reports came of troops
+being on their way both from Harrisburg and Philadelphia. It was
+impossible that they could pass through the city without fighting and
+bloodshed. In this emergency, the board of police, including the
+mayor, immediately assembled for consultation, and came to the
+conclusion that it was necessary to burn or disable the bridges on
+both railroads so far as was required to prevent the ingress of
+troops. This was accordingly done at once, some of the police and a
+detachment of the Maryland Guard being sent out to do the work.
+Governor Hicks was first consulted and urged to give his consent, for
+we desired that he should share with us the responsibility of taking
+this grave step. This consent he distinctly gave in my presence and in
+the presence of several others, and although there was an attempt
+afterward to deny the fact that he so consented, there can be no doubt
+whatever about the matter. He was in my house at the time, where, on
+my invitation, he had taken refuge, thinking that he was in some
+personal danger at the hotel where he was staying. Early the next
+morning the Governor returned to Annapolis, and after this the city
+authorities had to bear alone the responsibilities which the anomalous
+state of things in Baltimore had brought upon them.</p>
+
+<p>On the Philadelphia Railroad the detachment sent out by special train
+for the purpose of burning the bridges went as far as the Bush River,
+and the long bridge there, and the still longer one over the wide
+estuary of the Gunpowder, a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page59" name="page59"></a>(p. 59)</span> few miles nearer Baltimore, were
+partially burned. It is an interesting fact that just as this party
+arrived at the Bush River bridge, a volunteer party of five gentlemen
+from Baltimore reached the same place on the same errand. They had
+ridden on horseback by night to the river, and had then gone by boat
+to the bridge for the purpose of burning it, and in fact they stayed
+at the bridge and continued the work of burning until the afternoon.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page60" name="page60"></a>(p. 60)</span> CHAPTER V.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">APRIL 20TH, INCREASING EXCITEMENT. &mdash; APPROPRIATION OF $500,000
+ FOR DEFENSE OF THE CITY. &mdash; CORRESPONDENCE WITH PRESIDENT AND
+ GOVERNOR. &mdash; MEN ENROLLED. &mdash; APPREHENDED ATTACK ON FORT McHENRY.
+ &mdash; MARSHAL KANE. &mdash; INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT, CABINET AND GENERAL
+ SCOTT. &mdash; GENERAL BUTLER, WITH THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS, PROCEEDS
+ TO ANNAPOLIS AND WASHINGTON. &mdash; BALTIMORE IN A STATE OF ARMED
+ NEUTRALITY.</p>
+
+<p>On Saturday morning, the 20th, the excitement and alarm had greatly
+increased. Up to this time no answer had been received from
+Washington. The silence became unbearable. Were more troops to be
+forced through the city at any cost? If so, how were they to come, by
+land or water? Were the guns of Fort McHenry to be turned upon the
+inhabitants? Was Baltimore to be compelled at once to determine
+whether she would side with the North or with the South? Or was she
+temporarily to isolate herself and wait until the frenzy had in some
+measure spent its force and reason had begun to resume its sway? In
+any case it was plain that the authorities must have the power placed
+in their hands of controlling any outbreak which might occur. This was
+the general opinion. Union men and disunion men appeared on the
+streets with arms in their hands. A time like that predicted in
+Scripture seemed to have come, when he who had no sword would sell his
+garment to buy one.</p>
+
+<p>About ten A. M. the city council assembled and immediately
+appropriated $500,000, to be expended under my direction <span class="pagenum"><a id="page61" name="page61"></a>(p. 61)</span> as
+mayor, for the purpose of putting the city in a complete state of
+defense against any description of danger arising or which might arise
+out of the present crisis. The banks of the city promptly held a
+meeting, and a few hours afterward a committee appointed by them,
+consisting of three bank presidents, Johns Hopkins, John Clark and
+Columbus O'Donnell, all wealthy Union men, placed the whole sum in
+advance at my disposal. Mr. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland,"
+Volume 3, page 416, says, in a footnote, that this action of the city
+authorities was endorsed by the editors of the <i>Sun</i>, <i>American</i>,
+<i>Exchange</i>, <i>German Correspondent</i>, <i>Clipper</i>, <i>South</i>, etc. Other
+considerable sums were contributed by individuals and firms without
+respect to party.</p>
+
+<p>On the same morning I received a dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin
+and Brune, the committee who had gone to Washington, which said: "We
+have seen the President and General Scott. We have from the former a
+letter to the mayor and Governor declaring that no troops shall be
+brought to Baltimore, if, in a military point of view and without
+interruption from opposition, they can be marched around Baltimore."</p>
+
+<p>As the Governor had left Baltimore for Annapolis early in the morning,
+I telegraphed him as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>April 20, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>To Governor Hicks.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"Letter from President and General Scott. No troops to pass
+ through Baltimore if as a military force they can march around. I
+ will answer that every effort will be made to prevent parties
+ leaving the city to molest them, but cannot guarantee against
+ acts of individuals not organized. Do you approve?</p>
+
+<p class="signat smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>This telegram was based on that from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune.
+The letter referred to had not been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page62" name="page62"></a>(p. 62)</span> received when my telegram
+to Governor Hicks was dispatched. I was mistaken in supposing that
+General Scott had signed the letter as well as the President.</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln's letter was as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Washington</span>, <i>April 20, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Gentlemen</i>:&mdash;Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune is
+ received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to
+ keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed.
+ For the future troops <i>must</i> be brought here, but I make no point
+ of bringing them <i>through</i> Baltimore.</p>
+
+ <p>"Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave
+ details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning, in
+ presence of these gentlemen, 'March them <i>around</i> Baltimore, and
+ not through it.'</p>
+
+ <p>"I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will
+ consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object
+ to it.</p>
+
+ <p>"By this, a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops
+ will be avoided unless they go out of their way to seek it. I
+ hope you will exert your influence to prevent this.</p>
+
+ <p>"Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently
+ with the maintenance of government.</p>
+
+<p>"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat smcap">A. Lincoln."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Governor Hicks replied as follows to my telegram:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Annapolis</span>, <i>April 20, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>To the Mayor of Baltimore.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"Your dispatch received. I hoped they would send no more troops
+ through Maryland, but as we have no right to demand that, I am
+ glad no more are to be sent through Baltimore. I know you will do
+ all in your power to preserve the peace.</p>
+
+<p class="signat smcap">Thos. H. Hicks."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>I then telegraphed to the President as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore, Maryland</span>, <i>April 20, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<i>To President Lincoln.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"Every effort will be made to prevent parties leaving the city to
+ molest troops marching to Washington. Baltimore seeks only to
+ protect herself. Governor Hicks has gone to Annapolis, but I have
+ telegraphed to him.</p>
+
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor of Baltimore</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page63" name="page63"></a>(p. 63)</span> After the receipt of the dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin
+and Brune, another committee was sent to Washington, consisting of
+Messrs. Anthony Kennedy, Senator of the United States, and J. Morrison
+Harris, member of the House of Representatives, both Union men, who
+sent a dispatch to me saying that they "had seen the President,
+Secretaries of State, Treasury and War, and also General Scott. The
+result is the transmission of orders that will stop the passage of
+troops through or around the city."</p>
+
+<p>Preparations for the defense of the city were nevertheless continued.
+With this object I issued a notice in which I said: "All citizens
+having arms suitable for the defense of the city, and which they are
+willing to contribute for the purpose, are requested to deposit them
+at the office of the marshal of police."</p>
+
+<p>The board of police enrolled temporarily a considerable number of men
+and placed them under the command of Colonel Isaac R. Trimble. He
+informs me that the number amounted to more than fifteen thousand,
+about three-fourths armed with muskets, shotguns and pistols.</p>
+
+<p>This gentleman was afterward a Major-General in the Confederate Army,
+where he distinguished himself. He lost a leg at Gettysburg.</p>
+
+<p>By this means not only was the inadequate number of the police
+supplemented, but many who would otherwise have been the disturbers of
+the peace became its defenders. And, indeed, not a few of the men
+enrolled, who thought and hoped that their enrollment meant war, were
+disappointed to find that the prevention of war was the object of the
+city authorities, and afterwards found their way into the Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>For some days it looked very much as if Baltimore had taken her stand
+decisively with the South; at all events, the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page64" name="page64"></a>(p. 64)</span> outward
+expressions of Southern feeling were very emphatic, and the Union
+sentiment temporarily disappeared.</p>
+
+<p>Early on the morning of Saturday, the 20th, a large Confederate flag
+floated from the headquarters of a States Rights club on Fayette
+street near Calvert, and on the afternoon of the same day the Minute
+Men, a Union club, whose headquarters were on Baltimore street, gave a
+most significant indication of the strength of the wave of feeling
+which swept over our people by hauling down the National colors and
+running up in their stead the State flag of Maryland, amid the cheers
+of the crowd.<a id="footnotetag12" name="footnotetag12"></a><a href="#footnote12" title="Go to footnote 12"><span class="smaller">[12]</span></a> Everywhere on the streets men and boys were wearing
+badges which displayed miniature Confederate flags, and were cheering
+the Southern cause. Military companies began to arrive from the
+counties. On Saturday, first came a company of seventy men from
+Frederick, under Captain Bradley T. Johnson, afterward General in the
+Southern Army, and next two cavalry companies from Baltimore County,
+and one from Anne Arundel County. These last, the Patapsco Dragoons,
+some thirty men, a sturdy-looking body of yeomanry, rode straight to
+the City Hall and drew up, expecting to be received with a speech of
+welcome from the mayor. I made them a very brief address, and informed
+them that dispatches received from Washington had postponed the
+necessity for their services, whereupon they started homeward amid
+cheers, their bugler striking up "Dixie," which was the first time I
+heard that tune. A few days after, they came into Baltimore again. On
+Sunday came in the Howard County Dragoons, and by steamboat that
+morning two companies from Talbot County, and soon it was reported
+that from Harford, Cecil, Carroll and Prince George's, companies were
+on their way. All the city companies of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page65" name="page65"></a>(p. 65)</span> uniformed militia
+were, of course, under arms. Three batteries of light artillery were
+in the streets, among them the light field-pieces belonging to the
+military school at Catonsville, but these the reverend rector of the
+school, a strong Union man, had thoughtfully spiked.</p>
+
+<p>The United States arsenal at Pikesville, at the time unoccupied, was
+taken possession of by some Baltimore County troops.</p>
+
+<p>From the local columns of the <i>American</i> of the 22d, a paper which was
+strongly on the Union side, I take the following paragraph:</p>
+
+<p class="center smcap">"WAR SPIRIT ON SATURDAY.</p>
+
+<p>"The war spirit raged throughout the city and among all classes during
+Saturday with an ardor which seemed to gather fresh force each
+hour.... All were united in a determination to resist at every hazard
+the passage of troops through Baltimore.... Armed men were marching
+through the streets, and the military were moving about in every
+direction, and it is evident that Baltimore is to be the battlefield
+of the Southern revolution."</p>
+
+<p>And from the <i>American</i> of Tuesday, 23d:</p>
+
+<p>"At the works of the Messrs. Winans their entire force is engaged in
+the making of pikes, and in casting balls of every description for
+cannon, the steam gun,<a id="footnotetag13" name="footnotetag13"></a><a href="#footnote13" title="Go to footnote 13"><span class="smaller">[13]</span></a> rifles, muskets, etc., which they are
+turning out very rapidly."</p>
+
+<p>And a very significant paragraph from the <i>Sun</i> of the same day:</p>
+
+<p>"Yesterday morning between 300 and 400 of our most respectable colored
+residents made a tender of their services <span class="pagenum"><a id="page66" name="page66"></a>(p. 66)</span> to the city
+authorities. The mayor thanked them for their offer, and informed them
+that their services will be called for if they can be made in any way
+available."</p>
+
+<p>Officers from Maryland in the United States Army were sending in their
+resignations. Colonel (afterward General) Huger, of South Carolina,
+who had recently resigned, and was in Baltimore at the time, was made
+Colonel of the Fifty-third Regiment, composed of the Independent Greys
+and the six companies of the Maryland Guard.</p>
+
+<p>On Monday morning, the 22d, I issued an order directing that all the
+drinking-saloons should be closed that day, and the order was
+enforced.</p>
+
+<p>On Saturday, April 20th, Captain John C. Robinson, now Major-General,
+then in command at Fort McHenry, which stands at the entrance of the
+harbor, wrote to Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General of the United
+States Army, that he would probably be attacked that night, but he
+believed he could hold the fort.</p>
+
+<p>In the September number, for the year 1885, of <i>American History</i>
+there is an article written by General Robinson, entitled "Baltimore
+in 1861," in which he speaks of the apprehended attack on the fort,
+and of the conduct of the Baltimore authorities.</p>
+
+<p>He says that about nine o'clock on the evening of the 20th, Police
+Commissioner Davis called at the fort, bringing a letter, dated eight
+o'clock P. M. of the same evening, from Charles Howard, the president
+of the board, which he quotes at length, and which states that, from
+rumors that had reached the board, they were apprehensive that the
+commander of the fort might be annoyed by lawless and disorderly
+characters approaching the walls of the fort, and they proposed to
+send a guard of perhaps two hundred men to station themselves <span class="pagenum"><a id="page67" name="page67"></a>(p. 67)</span>
+on Whetstone Point, of course beyond the outer limits of the fort,
+with orders to arrest and hand over to the civil authorities any
+evil-disposed and disorderly persons who might approach the fort. The
+letter further stated that this duty would have been confided to the
+police force, but their services were so imperatively required
+elsewhere that it would be impossible to detail a sufficient number,
+and this duty had therefore been entrusted to a detachment of the
+regular organized militia of the State, then called out pursuant to
+law, and actually in the service of the State. It was added that the
+commanding officer of the detachment would be ordered to communicate
+with Captain Robinson. The letter closed with repeating the assurance
+verbally given to Captain Robinson in the morning that no disturbance
+at or near the post should be made with the sanction of any of the
+constituted authorities of the city of Baltimore; but, on the
+contrary, all their powers should be exerted to prevent anything of
+the kind by any parties. A postscript stated that there might perhaps
+be a troop of volunteer cavalry with the detachment.</p>
+
+<p>General Robinson continues:</p>
+
+<div class="quote">
+ <p>"I did not question the good faith of Mr. Howard, but
+ Commissioner Davis verbally stated that they proposed to send the
+ Maryland Guards to help protect the fort. Having made the
+ acquaintance of some of the officers of that organization, and
+ heard them freely express their opinions, I declined the offered
+ support, and then the following conversation occurred:</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commandant.</i> I am aware, sir, that we are to be attacked
+ to-night. I received notice of it before sundown. If you will go
+ outside with me you will see we are prepared for it. You will
+ find the guns loaded, and men standing by them. As for the
+ Maryland Guards, they cannot come here. I am acquainted with some
+ of those gentlemen, and know what their sentiments are.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commissioner Davis.</i> Why, Captain, we are anxious to avoid a
+ collision.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commandant.</i> So am I, sir. If you wish to avoid a collision,
+ place <span class="pagenum"><a id="page68" name="page68"></a>(p. 68)</span> your city military anywhere between the city and
+ that chapel on the road, but if they come this side of it, I
+ shall fire on them.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commissioner Davis.</i> Would you fire into the city of Baltimore?</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commandant.</i> I should be sorry to do it, sir, but if it becomes
+ necessary in order to hold this fort, I shall not hesitate for
+ one moment.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commissioner Davis</i> (excitedly). I assure you, Captain
+ Robinson, if there is a woman or child killed in that city, there
+ will not be one of you left alive here, sir.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Commandant.</i> Very well, sir, I will take the chances. Now, I
+ assure you, Mr. Davis, if your Baltimore mob comes down here
+ to-night, you will not have another mob in Baltimore for ten
+ years to come, sir."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Mr. Davis is a well-known and respected citizen of Baltimore, who has
+filled various important public offices with credit, and at present
+holds a high position in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company.
+According to his recollection, the interview was more courteous and
+less dramatic than would be supposed from the account given by General
+Robinson. Mr. Davis says that the people of Baltimore were acquainted
+with the defenseless condition of the fort, and that in the excited
+state of the public mind this fact probably led to the apprehension
+and consequent rumor that an attempt would be made to capture it. The
+police authorities believed, and, as it turned out, correctly, that
+the rumor was without foundation; yet, to avoid the danger of any
+disturbance whatever, the precautions were taken which are described
+in the letter of Mr. Howard, and Mr. Davis went in person to deliver
+it to Captain Robinson.</p>
+
+<p>His interview was not, however, confined to Captain Robinson, but
+included also other officers of the fort, and Mr. Davis was hospitably
+received. A conversation ensued in regard to the threatened attack,
+and, with one exception, was conducted without asperity. A junior
+officer threatened, in case of an attack, to direct the fire of a
+cannon on the Washington Monument, which stands in the heart of the
+city, and to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page69" name="page69"></a>(p. 69)</span> this threat Mr. Davis replied with heat, "If you
+do that, and if a woman or child is killed, there will be nothing left
+of you but your brass buttons to tell who you were."</p>
+
+<p>The commandant insisted that the military sent by the board should not
+approach the fort nearer than the Roman Catholic chapel, a demand to
+which Mr. Davis readily assented, as that situation commanded the only
+approach from the city to the fort. In the midst of the conversation
+the long roll was sounded, and the whole garrison rushed to arms. For
+a long time, and until the alarm was over, Mr. Davis was left alone.</p>
+
+<p>General Robinson was mistaken in his conjecture, "when it seemed to
+him that for hours of the night mounted men from the country were
+crossing the bridges of the Patapsco." There was but one bridge over
+the Patapsco, known as the Long Bridge, from which any sound of
+passing horsemen or vehicles of any description could possibly have
+been heard at the fort. The sounds which did reach the fort from the
+Long Bridge during the hours of the night were probably the market
+wagons of Anne Arundel County passing to and from the city on their
+usual errand, and the one or two companies from that county, which
+came to Baltimore during the period of disturbance, no doubt rode in
+over the Long Bridge by daylight.</p>
+
+<p>General Robinson, after describing in his paper the riot of the 19th
+of April and the unfortunate event of the killing of Mr. Davis, adds:
+"It is impossible to describe the intense excitement that now
+prevailed. Only those who saw and felt it can understand or conceive
+any adequate idea of its extent"; and in this connection he mentions
+the fact that Marshal Kane, chief of the police force, on the evening
+of the 19th of April, telegraphed to Bradley T. Johnson, at <span class="pagenum"><a id="page70" name="page70"></a>(p. 70)</span>
+Frederick, as follows: "Streets red with Maryland blood; send
+expresses over the mountains of Maryland and Virginia for the riflemen
+to come without delay. Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow. We
+will fight them and whip them, or die."</p>
+
+<p>The sending of this dispatch was indeed a startling event, creating a
+new complication and embarrassing in the highest degree to the city
+authorities. The marshal of police, who had gallantly and successfully
+protected the national troops on the 18th and 19th, was so carried
+away by the frenzy of the hour that he had thus on his own
+responsibility summoned volunteers from Virginia and Maryland to
+contest the passage of national troops through the city. Different
+views were taken by members of the board of police. It was considered,
+on the one hand, that the services of Colonel Kane were, in that
+crisis, indispensable, because no one could control as he could the
+secession element of the city, which was then in the ascendant and
+might get control of the city, and, on the other, that his usefulness
+had ceased, because not only had the gravest offense been given to the
+Union sentiment of the city by this dispatch, but the authorities in
+Washington, while he was at the head of the police, could no longer
+have any confidence in the police, or perhaps in the board itself. The
+former consideration prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>It is due to Marshal Kane to say that subsequently, and while he
+remained in office, he performed his duty to the satisfaction of the
+Board. Some years after the war was over he was elected sheriff, and
+still later mayor of the city, and in both capacities he enjoyed the
+respect and regard of the community.</p>
+
+<p>It may with propriety be added that the conservative position and
+action of the police board were so unsatisfactory to many <span class="pagenum"><a id="page71" name="page71"></a>(p. 71)</span> of
+the more heated Southern partisans, that a scheme was at one time
+seriously entertained by them to suppress the board, and transfer the
+control of the police force to other hands. Happily for all parties,
+better counsels prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>On Sunday, the 21st of April, with three prominent citizens of
+Baltimore, I went to Washington, and we there had an interview with
+the President and Cabinet and General Scott. This interview was of so
+much importance, that a statement of what occurred was prepared on the
+same day and was immediately published. It is here given at length:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date"><span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>April 21</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>Mayor Brown received a dispatch from the President of the United
+ States at three o'clock A. M. (this morning), directed to himself
+ and Governor Hicks, requesting them to go to Washington by
+ special train, in order to consult with Mr. Lincoln for the
+ preservation of the peace of Maryland. The mayor replied that
+ Governor Hicks was not in the city, and inquired if he should go
+ alone. Receiving an answer by telegraph in the affirmative, his
+ Honor, accompanied by George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T.
+ Wallis, Esqs., whom he had summoned to attend him, proceeded at
+ once to the station. After a series of delays they were enabled
+ to procure a special train about half-past seven o'clock, in
+ which they arrived at Washington about ten.</p>
+
+ <p>They repaired at once to the President's house, where they were
+ admitted to an immediate interview, to which the Cabinet and
+ General Scott were summoned. A long conversation and discussion
+ ensued. The President, upon his part, recognized the good faith
+ of the city and State authorities, and insisted upon his own. He
+ admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore, and his
+ desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences of a collision
+ with the people. He urged, on the other hand, the absolute,
+ irresistible necessity of having a transit through the State for
+ such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the
+ Federal capital. The protection of Washington, he asserted with
+ great earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops
+ there, and he protested that none of the troops brought through
+ Maryland were intended for any purposes hostile to the State, or
+ aggressive as against the Southern States. Being now unable to
+ bring them up the Potomac in security, the President must either
+ bring them through Maryland or abandon the capital.</p>
+
+ <p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page72" name="page72"></a>(p. 72)</span> He called on General Scott for his opinion, which the
+ General gave at length, to the effect that troops might be
+ brought through Maryland without going through Baltimore, by
+ either carrying them from Perryville to Annapolis, and thence by
+ rail to Washington, or by bringing them to the Relay House on the
+ Northern Central Railroad [about seven miles north of the city],
+ and marching them to the Relay House on the Washington Railroad
+ [about seven miles south-west of the city], and thence by rail to
+ the capital. If the people would permit them to go by either of
+ these routes uninterruptedly, the necessity of their passing
+ through Baltimore would be avoided. If the people would not
+ permit them a transit thus remote from the city, they must select
+ their own best route, and, if need be, fight their own way
+ through Baltimore&mdash;a result which the General earnestly
+ deprecated.</p>
+
+ <p>The President expressed his hearty concurrence in the desire to
+ avoid a collision, and said that no more troops should be ordered
+ through Baltimore if they were permitted to go uninterrupted by
+ either of the other routes suggested. In this disposition the
+ Secretary of War expressed his participation.</p>
+
+ <p>Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would
+ use all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving
+ Baltimore to attack the troops in passing at a distance; but he
+ urged, at the same time, the impossibility of their being able to
+ promise anything more than their best efforts in that direction.
+ The excitement was great, he told the President, the people of
+ all classes were fully aroused, and it was impossible for any one
+ to answer for the consequences of the presence of Northern troops
+ anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President also that
+ the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their
+ own population, and that he could give no promises for the people
+ elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The
+ President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the
+ Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best
+ efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction.</p>
+
+ <p>The interview terminated with the distinct assurance on the part
+ of the President that no more troops would be sent through
+ Baltimore, unless obstructed in their transit in other
+ directions, and with the understanding that the city authorities
+ should do their best to restrain their own people.</p>
+
+ <p>The Mayor and his companions availed themselves of the
+ President's full discussion of the day to urge upon him
+ respectfully, but in the most earnest manner, a course of policy
+ which would give peace to the country, and especially the
+ withdrawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops
+ through any part of Maryland.</p>
+
+ <p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page73" name="page73"></a>(p. 73)</span> On returning to the cars, and when just about to leave,
+ about 2 P. M., the Mayor received a dispatch from Mr. Garrett
+ (the President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad) announcing the
+ approach of troops to Cockeysville [about fourteen miles from
+ Baltimore on the Northern Central Railroad], and the excitement
+ consequent upon it in the city. Mr. Brown and his companions
+ returned at once to the President and asked an immediate
+ audience, which was promptly given. The Mayor exhibited Mr.
+ Garrett's dispatch, which gave the President great surprise. He
+ immediately summoned the Secretary of War and General Scott, who
+ soon appeared with other members of the Cabinet. The dispatch was
+ submitted. The President at once, in the most decided way, urged
+ the recall of the troops, saying he had no idea they would be
+ there. Lest there should be the slightest suspicion of bad faith
+ on his part in summoning the Mayor to Washington and allowing
+ troops to march on the city during his absence, he desired that
+ the troops should, if it were practicable, be sent back at once
+ to York or Harrisburg. General Scott adopted the President's
+ views warmly, and an order was accordingly prepared by the
+ Lieutenant-General to that effect, and forwarded by Major Belger,
+ of the Army, who also accompanied the Mayor to this city. The
+ troops at Cockeysville, the Mayor was assured, were not brought
+ there for transit through the city, but were intended to be
+ marched to the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
+ They will proceed to Harrisburg, from there to Philadelphia, and
+ thence by the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal or by Perryville, as
+ Major-General Patterson may direct.</p>
+
+ <p>This statement is made by the authority of the Mayor and Messrs.
+ George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T. Wallis, who accompanied
+ Mr. Brown, and who concurred with him in all particulars in the
+ course adopted by him in the two interviews with Mr. Lincoln.</p>
+
+<p class="signat"><span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>This statement was written by Mr. Wallis, at the request of his
+associates, on the train, and was given to the public immediately on
+their return to the city.</p>
+
+<p>In the course of the first conversation Mr. Simon Cameron called my
+attention to the fact that an iron bridge on the Northern Central
+Railway, which, he remarked, belonged to the city of Baltimore, had
+been disabled by a skilled person so as to inflict little injury on
+the bridge, and he desired to <span class="pagenum"><a id="page74" name="page74"></a>(p. 74)</span> know by what authority this had
+been done. Up to this time nothing had been said about the disabling
+of the bridges. In reply I addressed myself to the President, and
+said, with much earnestness, that the disabling of this bridge, and of
+the other bridges, had been done by authority, as the reader has
+already been told, and that it was a measure of protection on a sudden
+emergency, designed to prevent bloodshed in the city of Baltimore, and
+not an act of hostility towards the General Government; that the
+people of Maryland had always been deeply attached to the Union, which
+had been shown on all occasions, but that they, including the citizens
+of Baltimore, regarded the proclamation calling for 75,000 troops as
+an act of war on the South, and a violation of its constitutional
+rights, and that it was not surprising that a high-spirited people,
+holding such opinions, should resent the passage of Northern troops
+through their city for such a purpose.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln was greatly moved, and, springing up from his chair,
+walked backward and forward through the apartment. He said, with great
+feeling, "Mr. Brown, I am not a learned man! I am not a learned man!"
+that his proclamation had not been correctly understood; that he had
+no intention of bringing on war, but that his purpose was to defend
+the capital, which was in danger of being bombarded from the heights
+across the Potomac.</p>
+
+<p>I am giving here only a part of a frank and full conversation, in
+which others present participated.</p>
+
+<p>The telegram of Mr. Garrett to me referred to in the preceding
+statement is in the following words: "Three thousand Northern troops
+are reported to be at Cockeysville. Intense excitement prevails.
+Churches have been dismissed and the people are arming in mass. To
+prevent terrific bloodshed, the result of your interview and
+arrangement is awaited."</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page75" name="page75"></a>(p. 75)</span> To this the following reply to Mr. Garrett was made by me:
+"Your telegram received on our return from an interview with the
+President, Cabinet and General Scott. Be calm and do nothing until you
+hear from me again. I return to see the President at once and will
+telegraph again. Wallis, Brune and Dobbin are with me."</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, after the second interview, the following dispatch was
+sent by me to Mr. Garrett: "We have again seen the President, General
+Scott, Secretary of War and other members of the Cabinet, and the
+troops are ordered to return forthwith to Harrisburg. A messenger goes
+with us from General Scott. We return immediately."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Garrett's telegram was not exaggerated. It was a fearful day in
+Baltimore. Women and children, and men, too, were wild with
+excitement. A certainty of a fight in the streets if Northern troops
+should enter was the pressing danger. Those who were arming in hot
+haste to resist the passage of Northern troops little recked of the
+fearful risk to which they were exposing themselves and all they held
+dear. It was well for the city and State that the President had
+decided as he did. When the President gave his deliberate decision
+that the troops should pass around Baltimore and not through it,
+General Scott, stern soldier as he sometimes was, said with emotion,
+"Mr. President, I thank you for this, and God will bless you for it."</p>
+
+<p>From the depth of our hearts my colleagues and myself thanked both the
+General and the President.</p>
+
+<p>The troops on the line of the Northern Central Railway&mdash;some 2400 men,
+about half of them armed&mdash;did not receive their orders to return to
+Pennsylvania until after several days. As they had expected to make
+the journey to Washington by rail, they were naturally not well
+equipped or <span class="pagenum"><a id="page76" name="page76"></a>(p. 76)</span> supplied for camp life. I take the following from
+the <i>Sun</i> of April 23d: "By order of Marshal Kane, several wagon-loads
+of bread and meat were sent to the camp of the Pennsylvania troops, it
+being understood that a number were sick and suffering for proper food
+and nourishment.... One of the Pennsylvanians died on Sunday and was
+buried within the encampment. Two more died yesterday and a number of
+others were on the sick list. The troops were deficient in food,
+having nothing but crackers to feed upon."</p>
+
+<p>The Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, under command of General Butler,
+was the next which passed through Maryland. It reached Perryville, on
+the Susquehanna, by rail on the 20th, and there embarked on the
+steamboat <i>Maryland</i>, arriving at Annapolis early on the morning of
+the 21st. Governor Hicks addressed the General a note advising that he
+should not land his men, on account of the great excitement there, and
+stated that he had telegraphed to that effect to the Secretary of War.</p>
+
+<p>The Governor also wrote to the President, advising him to order
+elsewhere the troops then off Annapolis, and to send no more through
+Maryland, and added the surprising suggestion that Lord Lyons, the
+British Minister, be requested to act as mediator between the
+contending parties of the country.</p>
+
+<p>The troops, however, were landed without opposition. The railway from
+Annapolis leading to the Washington road had, in some places, been
+torn up, but it was promptly repaired by the soldiers, and by the 25th
+an unobstructed route was opened through Annapolis to Washington.</p>
+
+<p>Horace Greeley, in his book called "The American Conflict," denounces
+with characteristic vehemence and severity of language the proceedings
+of the city authorities. He scouts "the demands" of the Mayor and his
+associates, whom he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page77" name="page77"></a>(p. 77)</span> designates as "Messrs. Brown &amp; Co." He
+insists that practically on the morning of the 20th of April Maryland
+was a member of the Southern Confederacy, and that her Governor spoke
+and acted the bidding of a cabal of the ablest and most envenomed
+traitors.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that the city then, and for days afterwards, was in an
+anomalous condition, which may be best described as one of "armed
+neutrality"; but it is not true that in any sense it was, on the 20th
+of April, or at any other time, a member of the Southern Confederacy.
+On the contrary, while many, especially among the young and reckless,
+were doing their utmost to place it in that position, regardless of
+consequences, and would, if they could, have forced the hands of the
+city authorities, it was their conduct which prevented such a
+catastrophe. Temporizing and delay were necessary. As soon as passions
+had time to cool, a strong reaction set in and the people rapidly
+divided into two parties&mdash;one on the side of the North, and the other
+on the side of the South; but whatever might be their personal or
+political sympathies, it was clear to all who had not lost their
+reason that Maryland, which lay open from the North by both land and
+sea, would be kept in the Union for the sake of the national capital,
+even if it required the united power of the nation to accomplish the
+object. The telegraph wires on the lines leading to the North had been
+cut, and for some days the city was without regular telegraphic
+connection. For a longer time the mails were interrupted and travel
+was stopped. The buoys in the harbor were temporarily removed. The
+business interests of the city of course suffered under these
+interruptions, and would be paralyzed if such isolation were to
+continue, and the merchants soon began to demand that the channels of
+trade should be reopened to the north and east.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page78" name="page78"></a>(p. 78)</span> The immediate duty of the city authorities was to keep the
+peace and protect the city, and, without going into details or
+discussing the conduct of individuals, I shall leave others to speak
+of the manner in which it was performed.</p>
+
+<p>Colonel Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, p. 415, sums
+up the matter as follows: "In such a period of intense excitement,
+many foolish and unnecessary acts were undoubtedly done by persons in
+the employment of the city, as well as by private individuals, but it
+is undoubtedly true that the Mayor and board of police commissioners
+were inflexibly determined to resist all attempts to force the city
+into secession or into acts of hostility to the Federal Government,
+and that they successfully accomplished their purpose. If they had
+been otherwise disposed, they could easily have effected their
+object."</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page79" name="page79"></a>(p. 79)</span> CHAPTER VI.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. &mdash; REPORT OF THE BOARD OF
+ POLICE. &mdash; SUPPRESSION OF THE FLAGS. &mdash; ON THE 5TH OF MAY,
+ GENERAL BUTLER TAKES POSITION SEVEN MILES FROM BALTIMORE. &mdash; ON
+ THE 13TH OF MAY, HE ENTERS BALTIMORE AND FORTIFIES FEDERAL HILL.
+ &mdash; THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WILL TAKE NO STEPS TOWARDS SECESSION. &mdash;
+ MANY YOUNG MEN JOIN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDERACY.</p>
+
+<p>On the 22d of April, Governor Hicks convened the General Assembly of
+the State, to meet in special session at Annapolis on the 26th, to
+deliberate and consider of the condition of the State, and to take
+such measures as in their wisdom they might deem fit to maintain peace
+and order and security within its limits.</p>
+
+<p>On the 24th of April, "in consequence of the extraordinary state of
+affairs," Governor Hicks changed the meeting of the Assembly to
+Frederick. The candidates for the House of Delegates for the city of
+Baltimore, who had been returned as elected to the General Assembly in
+1859, had been refused their seats, as previously stated, and a new
+election in the city had therefore become necessary to fill the
+vacancy.</p>
+
+<p>A special election for that purpose was accordingly held in the city
+on the 24th instant. Only a States Rights ticket was presented, for
+which nine thousand two hundred and forty-four votes were cast. The
+candidates elected were: John C. Brune, Ross Winans, Henry M.
+Warfield, J. Hanson Thomas, T. Parkin Scott, H. M. Morfit, S. Teackle
+Wallis, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page80" name="page80"></a>(p. 80)</span> Charles H. Pitts, William G. Harrison and Lawrence
+Sangston, well-known and respected citizens, and the majority of them
+nominated because of their known conservatism and declared opposition
+to violent measures.</p>
+
+<p>This General Assembly, which contained men of unusual weight and force
+of character, will ever remain memorable in Maryland for the courage
+and ability with which it maintained the constitutional rights of the
+State.</p>
+
+<p>On the 3d of May, the board of police made a report of its proceedings
+to the Legislature of the State, signed by Charles Howard, President.
+After speaking of the disabling of the railroads, it concludes as
+follows:</p>
+
+<div class="quote">
+ <p>"The absolute necessity of the measures thus determined upon by
+ the Governor, Mayor and Police Board, is fully illustrated by the
+ fact that early on Sunday morning reliable information reached
+ the city of the presence of a large body of Pennsylvania troops,
+ amounting to about twenty-four hundred men, who had reached
+ Ashland, near Cockeysville, by the way of the Northern Central
+ Railroad, and was stopped in their progress towards Baltimore by
+ the partial destruction of the Ashland bridge. Every intelligent
+ citizen at all acquainted with the state of feeling then
+ existing, must be satisfied that if these troops had attempted to
+ march through the city, an immense loss of life would have ensued
+ in the conflict which would necessarily have taken place. The
+ bitter feelings already engendered would have been intensely
+ increased by such a conflict; all attempts at conciliation would
+ have been vain, and terrible destruction would have been the
+ consequence, if, as is certain, other bodies of troops had
+ insisted on forcing their way through the city.</p>
+
+ <p>"The tone of the whole Northern press and the mass of the
+ population was violent in the extreme. Incursions upon our city
+ were daily threatened, not only by troops in the service of the
+ Federal Government, but by the vilest and most reckless
+ desperadoes, acting independently, and, as they threatened, in
+ despite of the Government, backed by well-known influential
+ citizens, and sworn to the commission of all kinds of excesses.
+ In short, every possible effort was made to alarm this community.
+ In this condition of things the Board felt it to be their solemn
+ duty to continue the organization which had already been
+ commenced, for the purpose of assuring the people of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page81" name="page81"></a>(p. 81)</span>
+ Baltimore that no effort would be spared to protect all within
+ its borders, to the extent of their ability. All the means
+ employed were devoted to this end, and with no view of producing
+ a collision with the General Government, which the Board were
+ particularly anxious to avoid, and an arrangement was happily
+ effected by the Mayor with the General Government that no troops
+ should be passed through the city. As an evidence of the
+ determination of the Board to prevent such collision, a
+ sufficient guard was sent in the neighborhood of Fort McHenry
+ several nights to arrest all parties who might be engaged in a
+ threatened attack upon it, and a steam-tug was employed, properly
+ manned, to prevent any hostile demonstration upon the
+ receiving-ship <i>Alleghany</i>, lying at anchor in the harbor, of all
+ which the United States officers in command were duly notified.</p>
+
+ <p>"Property of various descriptions belonging to the Government and
+ individuals was taken possession of by the police force with a
+ view to its security. The best care has been taken of it. Every
+ effort has been made to discover the rightful owners, and a
+ portion of it has already been forwarded to order. Arrangements
+ have been made with the Government agents satisfactory to them
+ for the portion belonging to it, and the balance is held subject
+ to the order of its owners.</p>
+
+ <p>"Amidst all the excitement and confusion which has since
+ prevailed, the Board take great pleasure in stating that the good
+ order and peace of the city have been preserved to an
+ extraordinary degree. Indeed, to judge from the accounts given by
+ the press of other cities of what has been the state of things in
+ their own communities, Baltimore, during the whole of the past
+ week and up to this date, will compare favorably, as to the
+ protection which persons and property have enjoyed, with any
+ other large city in the United States."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Much has been said in regard to the suppression of the national flag
+in Baltimore during the disturbances, and it is proper that the facts
+should here be stated.</p>
+
+<p>General Robinson, in his description of the occurrences which took
+place after the 19th of April, says that meetings were held under the
+flag of the State of Maryland, at which the speeches were inflammatory
+secession harangues, and that the national flag disappeared, and no
+man dared to display it. Whether or not this statement exactly
+represents the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page82" name="page82"></a>(p. 82)</span> condition of things, it at least approximates
+it, and on the 26th of April, an order was issued by the board of
+police reciting that the peace of the city was likely to be disturbed
+by the display of various flags, and directing that no flag of any
+description should be raised or carried through the streets. On April
+29th, the city council passed an ordinance, signed by the Mayor,
+authorizing him, when in his opinion the peace of the city required
+it, to prohibit by proclamation for a limited period, to be designated
+by him, the public display of all flags or banners in the city of
+Baltimore, except on buildings or vessels occupied or employed by the
+Government of the United States. On the same day I, in pursuance of
+the ordinance, issued a proclamation prohibiting the display of flags
+for thirty days, with the exception stated in the ordinance, and on
+the 10th of May, when I was satisfied that all danger was over, I
+issued a proclamation removing the prohibition. The only violation of
+the order which came under my notice during the period of suppression
+was on the part of a military company which had the Maryland flag
+flying at its headquarters, on Lexington street near the City Hall. On
+my directing this flag to be taken down, the request was at once
+complied with.</p>
+
+<p>General Robinson says that "the first demonstration of returning
+loyalty was on the 28th day of April, when a sailing vessel came down
+the river crowded with men, and covered from stem to stern with
+national flags. She sailed past the fort, cheered and saluted our
+flag, which was dipped in return, after which she returned to the
+city." He then adds: "The tide had turned. Union men avowed
+themselves, the stars and stripes were again unfurled, and order was
+restored. Although after this time arrests were made of persons
+conspicuous for disloyalty, the return to reason was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page83" name="page83"></a>(p. 83)</span> almost
+as sudden as the outbreak of rebellion. The railroads were repaired,
+trains ran regularly, and troops poured into Washington without
+hindrance or opposition of any sort. Thousands of men volunteered for
+the Union Army. Four regiments of Maryland troops afterwards served
+with me, and constituted the Third Brigade of my division. They fought
+gallantly the battles of the Union, and no braver soldiers ever
+marched under the flag."</p>
+
+<p>The tide indeed soon turned, but not quite so rapidly as this
+statement seems to indicate. On the 5th of May, General Butler, with
+two regiments and a battery of artillery, came from Washington and
+took possession of the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+at the junction of the Washington branch, about seven miles from
+Baltimore, and fortified the position. One of his first proceedings
+was highly characteristic. He issued a special order declaring that he
+had found well-authenticated evidence that one of his soldiers had
+"been poisoned by means of strychnine administered in the food brought
+into the camp," and he warned the people of Maryland that he could
+"put an agent, with a word, into every household armed with this
+terrible weapon." This statement sent a thrill of horror through the
+North, and the accompanying threat of course excited the indignation
+and disgust of our people. The case was carefully examined by the city
+physician, and it turned out that the man had an ordinary attack of
+cholera morbus, the consequence of imprudent diet and camp life, but
+the General never thought proper to correct the slander.</p>
+
+<p>On the evening of the 11th of May, General Butler being then at
+Annapolis, I received a note from Edward G. Parker, his aide-de-camp,
+stating that he had received intimations from many sources that an
+attack by the Baltimore roughs <span class="pagenum"><a id="page84" name="page84"></a>(p. 84)</span> was intended that night; that
+these rumors had been confirmed by a gentleman from Baltimore, who
+gave his name and residence; that the attack would be made by more
+than a thousand men, every one sworn to kill a man; that they were
+coming in wagons, on horses and on foot, and that a considerable force
+from the west, probably the Point of Rocks in Maryland, was also
+expected, and I was requested to guard every avenue from the city, so
+as to prevent the Baltimore rioters from leaving town.</p>
+
+<p>Out of respect to the source from which the application came, I
+immediately sent for the marshal of police, and requested him to throw
+out bodies of his men so as to guard every avenue leading to the Relay
+House. No enemy, however, appeared. The threatened attack proved to be
+merely a groundless alarm, as I knew from the beginning it was.</p>
+
+<p>On the night of the 13th of May, when the city was as peaceful as it
+is to-day, General Butler, in the midst of a thunderstorm of unusual
+violence, entered Baltimore and took possession of Federal Hill, which
+overlooks the harbor and commands the city, and which he immediately
+proceeded to fortify. There was nobody to oppose him, and nobody
+thought of doing so; but, for this exploit, which he regarded as the
+capture of Baltimore, he was made a Major-General. He immediately
+issued a proclamation, as if he were in a conquered city subject to
+military law.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime, on the 26th of April, the General Assembly of the State had
+met at Frederick. "As soon as the General Assembly met" (Scharf's
+History of Maryland, Vol. III, p. 444), "the Hon. James M. Mason,
+formerly United States Senator from Virginia, waited on it as
+commissioner from that State, authorized to negotiate a treaty of
+alliance offensive and defensive with Maryland on her behalf." This
+proposition <span class="pagenum"><a id="page85" name="page85"></a>(p. 85)</span> met with no acceptance. On the 27th, the Senate,
+by a unanimous vote, issued an address for the purpose of allaying the
+apprehensions of the people, declaring that it had no constitutional
+authority to take any action leading to secession, and on the next day
+the House of Delegates, by a vote of 53 to 12, made a similar
+declaration. Early in May, the General Assembly, by a vote in the
+House of 43 to 12, and in the Senate of 11 to 3, passed a series of
+resolutions proclaiming its position in the existing crisis.</p>
+
+<p>The resolutions protested against the war as unjust and
+unconstitutional, and announced a determination to take no part in its
+prosecution. They expressed a desire for the immediate recognition of
+the Confederate States; and while they protested against the military
+occupation of the State, and the arbitrary restrictions and
+illegalities with which it was attended, they called on all good
+citizens to abstain from violent and unlawful interference with the
+troops, and patiently and peacefully to leave to time and reason the
+ultimate and certain re-establishment and vindication of the right;
+and they declared it to be at that time inexpedient to call a
+Sovereign Convention of the State, or to take any measures for the
+immediate organization or arming of the militia.</p>
+
+<p>After it became plain that no movement would be made towards
+secession, a large number of young men, including not a few of the
+flower of the State, and representing largely the more wealthy and
+prominent families, escaped across the border and entered the ranks of
+the Confederacy. The number has been estimated at as many as twenty
+thousand, but this, perhaps, is too large a figure, and there are no
+means of ascertaining the truth. The muster-rolls have perished with
+the Confederacy. The great body of those <span class="pagenum"><a id="page86" name="page86"></a>(p. 86)</span> who sympathized with
+the South had no disposition to take arms against the Union so long as
+Maryland remained a member of it. This was subsequently proved by
+their failure to enlist in the Southern armies on the different
+occasions in 1862, 1863 and 1864 when they crossed the Potomac and
+transferred the seat of war to Maryland and Pennsylvania, under the
+command twice of General Lee and once of General Early.</p>
+
+<p>The first of these campaigns ended in the bloody battle of Antietam.
+The Maryland men, as a tribute to their good conduct, were placed at
+the head of the army, and crossed the river with enthusiasm, the band
+playing and the soldiers singing "My Maryland." Great was their
+disappointment that the recruits did not even suffice to fill the gaps
+in their shattered ranks.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page87" name="page87"></a>(p. 87)</span> CHAPTER VII.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY AND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. &mdash; A UNION
+ CONVENTION. &mdash; CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT. &mdash;
+ INCIDENTS OF THE WAR. &mdash; THE WOMEN IN THE WAR.</p>
+
+<p>The suspension of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, by order of the
+President, without the sanction of an Act of Congress, which had not
+then been given, was one of the memorable events of the war.</p>
+
+<p>On the 4th of May, 1861, Judge Giles, of the United States District
+Court of Maryland, issued a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> to Major Morris,
+then in command of Fort McHenry, to discharge a soldier who was under
+age. Major Morris refused to obey the writ.</p>
+
+<p>On the 14th of May the General Assembly adjourned, and Mr. Ross
+Winans, of Baltimore, a member of the House of Delegates, while
+returning to his home, was arrested by General Butler on a charge of
+high treason. He was conveyed to Annapolis, and subsequently to Fort
+McHenry, and was soon afterwards released.</p>
+
+<p>A case of the highest importance next followed. On the 25th of May,
+Mr. John Merryman, of Baltimore County, was arrested by order of
+General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and confined in Fort McHenry. The next
+day (Sunday, May 26th) his counsel, Messrs. George M. Gill and George
+H. Williams, presented a petition for the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> to
+Chief Justice Taney, who issued the writ immediately, directed
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page88" name="page88"></a>(p. 88)</span> to General Cadwallader, then in command in Maryland, ordering
+him to produce the body of Merryman in court on the following day
+(Monday, May 27th). On that day Colonel Lee, his aide-de-camp, came
+into court with a letter from General Cadwallader, directed to the
+Chief Justice, stating that Mr. Merryman had been arrested on charges
+of high treason, and that he (the General) was authorized by the
+President of the United States in such cases to suspend the writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i> for the public safety. Judge Taney asked Colonel Lee
+if he had brought with him the body of John Merryman. Colonel Lee
+replied that he had no instructions except to deliver the letter.</p>
+
+<div class="quote">
+ <p><i>Chief Justice.</i>&mdash;The commanding officer, then, declines to obey
+ the writ?</p>
+
+ <p><i>Colonel Lee.</i>&mdash;After making that communication my duty is ended,
+ and I have no further power (rising and retiring).</p>
+
+ <p><i>Chief Justice.</i>&mdash;The Court orders an attachment to issue against
+ George Cadwallader for disobedience to the high writ of the
+ Court, returnable at twelve o'clock to-morrow.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>The order was accordingly issued as directed.</p>
+
+<p>A startling issue was thus presented. The venerable Chief Justice had
+come from Washington to Baltimore for the purpose of issuing a writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i>, and the President had thereupon authorized the
+commander of the fort to hold the prisoner and disregard the writ.</p>
+
+<p>A more important occasion could hardly have occurred. Where did the
+President of the United States acquire such a power? Was it true that
+a citizen held his liberty subject to the arbitrary will of any man?
+In what part of the Constitution could such a power be found? Why had
+it never been discovered before? What precedent existed for such an
+act?</p>
+
+<p>Judge Taney was greatly venerated in Baltimore, where <span class="pagenum"><a id="page89" name="page89"></a>(p. 89)</span> he had
+formerly lived. The case created a profound sensation.</p>
+
+<p>On the next morning the Chief Justice, leaning on the arm of his
+grandson, walked slowly through the crowd which had gathered in front
+of the court-house, and the crowd silently and with lifted hats opened
+the way for him to pass.</p>
+
+<p>Roger B. Taney was one of the most self-controlled and courageous of
+judges. He took his seat with his usual quiet dignity. He called the
+case of John Merryman and asked the marshal for his return to the writ
+of attachment. The return stated that he had gone to Fort McHenry for
+the purpose of serving the writ on General Cadwallader; that he had
+sent in his name at the outer gate; that the messenger had returned
+with the reply that there was no answer to send; that he was not
+permitted to enter the gate, and, therefore, could not serve the writ,
+as he was commanded to do.</p>
+
+<p>The Chief Justice then read from his manuscript as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="quote">
+ <p>I ordered the attachment of yesterday because upon the face of
+ the return the detention of the prisoner was unlawful upon two
+ grounds:</p>
+
+ <p>1st. The President, under the Constitution and laws of the United
+ States, cannot suspend the privilege of the writ of <i>habeas
+ corpus</i>, nor authorize any military officer to do so.</p>
+
+ <p>2d. A military officer has no right to arrest and detain a person
+ not subject to the rules and articles of war, for an offense
+ against the laws of the United States, except in aid of the
+ judicial authority and subject to its control; and if the party
+ is arrested by the military, it is the duty of the officer to
+ deliver him over immediately to the civil authority, to be dealt
+ with according to law.</p>
+
+ <p>I forbore yesterday to state the provisions of the Constitution
+ of the United States which make these principles the fundamental
+ law of the Union, because an oral statement might be
+ misunderstood in some portions of it, and I shall therefore put
+ my opinion in writing, and file it in the office of the clerk of
+ this court, in the course of this week.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>The Chief Justice then orally remarked:</p>
+
+<p class="quote"><span class="pagenum"><a id="page90" name="page90"></a>(p. 90)</span> In relation to the present return, it is proper to say
+ that of course the marshal has legally the power to summon the
+ <i>posse comitatus</i> to seize and bring into court the party named
+ in the attachment; but it is apparent he will be resisted in the
+ discharge of that duty by a force notoriously superior to the
+ <i>posse</i>, and, this being the case, such a proceeding can result
+ in no good, and is useless. I will not, therefore, require the
+ marshal to perform this duty. If, however, General Cadwallader
+ were before me, I should impose on him the punishment which it is
+ my province to inflict&mdash;that of fine and imprisonment. I shall
+ merely say, to-day, that I shall reduce to writing the reasons
+ under which I have acted, and which have led me to the
+ conclusions expressed in my opinion, and shall direct the clerk
+ to forward them with these proceedings to the President, so that
+ he may discharge his constitutional duty "to take care that the
+ laws are faithfully executed."</p>
+
+<p>It is due to my readers that they should have an opportunity of
+reading this opinion, and it is accordingly inserted in an Appendix.</p>
+
+<p>After the court had adjourned, I went up to the bench and thanked
+Judge Taney for thus upholding, in its integrity, the writ of <i>habeas
+corpus</i>. He replied, "Mr. Brown, I am an old man, a very old man" (he
+had completed his eighty-fourth year), "but perhaps I was preserved
+for this occasion." I replied, "Sir, I thank God that you were."</p>
+
+<p>He then told me that he knew that his own imprisonment had been a
+matter of consultation, but that the danger had passed, and he warned
+me, from information he had received, that my time would come.</p>
+
+<p>The charges against Merryman were discovered to be unfounded and he
+was soon discharged by military authority.</p>
+
+<p>The nation is now tired of war, and rests in the enjoyment of a
+harmony which has not been equalled since the days of James Monroe.
+When Judge Taney rendered this decision the Constitution was only
+seventy-two years old&mdash;twelve years younger than himself. It is now
+less than one hundred years <span class="pagenum"><a id="page91" name="page91"></a>(p. 91)</span> old&mdash;a short period in a nation's
+life&mdash;and yet during that period there have been serious
+commotions&mdash;two foreign wars and a civil war. In the future, as in the
+past, offenses will come, and hostile parties and factions will arise,
+and the men who wield power will, if they dare, shut up in fort or
+prison, without reach of relief, those whom they regard as dangerous
+enemies. When that period arrives, then will those who wisely love
+their country thank the great Chief Justice, as I did, for his
+unflinching defense of <i>habeas corpus</i>, the supreme writ of right, and
+the corner-stone of personal liberty among all English-speaking
+people.</p>
+
+<p>In the Life of Benjamin R. Curtis, Vol. I, p. 240, his biographer
+says, speaking of Chief Justice Taney, with reference to the case of
+Merryman, "If he had never done anything else that was high, heroic
+and important, his noble vindication of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>
+and the dignity and authority of his office against a rash minister of
+State, who, in the pride of a fancied executive power, came near to
+the commission of a great crime, will command the admiration and
+gratitude of every lover of constitutional liberty so long as our
+institutions shall endure." The crime referred to was the intended
+imprisonment of the Chief Justice.</p>
+
+<p>Although this crime was not committed, a criminal precedent had been
+set and was ruthlessly followed. "My lord," said Mr. Seward to Lord
+Lyons, "I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the imprisonment
+of a citizen of Ohio; I can touch a bell again and order the
+imprisonment of a citizen of New York; and no power on earth, except
+that of the President, can release them. Can the Queen of England do
+so much?" When such a power is wielded by any man, or set of men,
+nothing is left to protect the liberty of the citizen.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page92" name="page92"></a>(p. 92)</span> On the 24th of May, a Union Convention, consisting of fourteen
+counties of the State, including the city of Baltimore, and leaving
+eight unrepresented, met in the city. The counties not represented
+were Washington, Montgomery, Prince George, Charles, St. Mary's,
+Dorchester, Somerset, and Worcester. The number of members does not
+appear to have been large, but it included the names of gentlemen well
+known and highly respected. The Convention adopted Resolutions which
+declared, among other things, that the revolution on the part of
+eleven States was without excuse or palliation, and that the redress
+of actual or supposed wrongs in connection with the slavery question
+formed no part of their views or purposes; that the people of this
+State were unalterably determined to defend the Government of the
+United States, and would support the Government in all legal and
+constitutional measures which might be necessary to resist the
+revolutionists; that the intimations made by the majority of the
+Legislature at its late session&mdash;that the people were humiliated or
+subjugated by the action of the Government&mdash;were gratuitous insults to
+that people; that the dignity of the State of Maryland, involved in a
+precise, persistent and effective recognition of all her rights,
+privileges and immunities under the Constitution of the United States,
+will be vindicated at all times and under all circumstances by those
+of her sons who are sincere in their fealty to her and the Government
+of the Union of which she is part, and to popular constitutional
+liberty; that while they concurred with the present Executive of the
+United States that the unity and integrity of the National Union must
+be preserved, their view of the nature and true principles of the
+Constitution, of the powers which it confers, and of the duties which
+it enjoins, and the rights which it secures, as it relates to and
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page93" name="page93"></a>(p. 93)</span> affects the question of slavery in many of the essential
+bearings, is directly opposed to the views of the Executive; that they
+are fixed in their conviction, amongst others, that a just
+comprehension of the true principles of the Constitution forbid
+utterly the formation of political parties on the foundation of the
+slavery question, and that the Union men will oppose to the utmost of
+their ability all attempts of the Federal Executive to commingle in
+any manner its peculiar views on the slavery question with that of
+maintaining the just powers of the Government.</p>
+
+<p>These resolutions are important as showing the stand taken by a large
+portion of the Union party of the State in regard to any interference,
+as the result of the war or otherwise, by the General Government with
+the provisions of the Constitution with regard to slavery.</p>
+
+<p>After the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> had been thus suspended, martial
+law, as a consequence, rapidly became all-powerful, and it continued
+in force during the war. That law is by Judge Black, in his argument
+before the Supreme Court in the case of <i>ex parte</i> Milligan,<a id="footnotetag14" name="footnotetag14"></a><a href="#footnote14" title="Go to footnote 14"><span class="smaller">[14]</span></a> shown
+to be simply the rule of irresponsible force. Law becomes helpless
+before it. <i>Inter arma silent leges.</i></p>
+
+<p>On May 25, 1862, Judge Carmichael, an honored magistrate, while
+sitting in his court in Easton, was, by the provost marshal and his
+deputies, assisted by a body of military sent from Baltimore, beaten,
+and dragged bleeding from the bench, and then imprisoned, because he
+had on a previous occasion delivered a charge to the grand jury
+directing them to inquire into certain illegal acts and to indict the
+offenders. His imprisonment in Forts McHenry, Lafayette, and Delaware,
+lasted more than six months. On December 4, 1862, he was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page94" name="page94"></a>(p. 94)</span>
+unconditionally released, no trial having been granted him, nor any
+charges made against him. On June 28, 1862, Judge Bartol, of the Court
+of Appeals of Maryland, was arrested and confined in Fort McHenry. He
+was released after a few days, without any charge being preferred
+against him, or any explanation given.</p>
+
+<p>Spies and informers abounded. A rigid supervision was established.
+Disloyalty, so called, of any kind was a punishable offense. Rebel
+colors, the red and white, were prohibited. They were not allowed to
+appear in shop-windows or on children's garments, or anywhere that
+might offend the Union sentiment. If a newspaper promulgated disloyal
+sentiments, the paper was suppressed and the editor imprisoned. If a
+clergyman was disloyal in prayer or sermon, or if he failed to utter a
+prescribed prayer, he was liable to be treated in the same manner, and
+was sometimes so treated. A learned and eloquent Lutheran clergyman
+came to me for advice because he had been summoned before the provost
+marshal for saying that a nation which incurred a heavy debt in the
+prosecution of war laid violent hands on the harvests of the future;
+but his offense was condoned, because it appeared that he had referred
+to the "Thirty Years' War" and had made no direct reference to the
+debt of the United States, and perhaps for a better reason&mdash;that he
+had strong Republican friends among his congregation.</p>
+
+<p>If horses and fodder, fences and timber, or houses and land, were
+taken for the use of the Army, the owner was not entitled to
+compensation unless he could prove that he was a loyal man; and the
+proof was required to be furnished through some well-known loyal
+person, who, of course, was usually paid for his services. Very soon
+no one was allowed to vote unless he was a loyal man, and soldiers at
+the polls assisted in settling the question of loyalty.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page95" name="page95"></a>(p. 95)</span> Nearly all who approved of the war regarded these things as an
+inevitable military necessity; but those who disapproved deeply
+resented them as unwarrantable violations of sacred constitutional
+rights. The consequence was that friendships were dissolved, the ties
+of blood severed, and an invisible but well-understood line divided
+the people. The bitterness and even the common mention of these acts
+have long since ceased, but the tradition survives and still continues
+to be a factor, silent, but not without influence, in the politics of
+the State.</p>
+
+<p>History repeats itself. There were deeds done on both sides which
+bring to mind the wars of England and Scotland and the border strife
+between those countries. There were flittings to and fro, and
+adventures and hairbreadth escapes innumerable. Soldiers returned to
+visit their homes at the risk of their necks. Contraband of every
+description, and letters and newspapers, found their way across the
+border. The military lines were long and tortuous, and vulnerable
+points were not hard to find, and trusty carriers were ready to go
+anywhere for the love of adventure or the love of gain.</p>
+
+<p>The women were as deeply interested as the men, and were less
+apprehensive of personal consequences. In different parts of the city,
+not excepting its stateliest square, where stands the marble column
+from which the father of his country looked down, sadly as it were, on
+a divided people, there might have been found, by the initiated,
+groups of women who, with swift and skillful fingers, were fashioning
+and making garments strangely various in shape and kind&mdash;some for
+Northern prisons where captives were confined, some for destitute
+homes beyond the Southern border, in which only women and children
+were left, and some for Southern camps where ragged soldiers were
+waiting <span class="pagenum"><a id="page96" name="page96"></a>(p. 96)</span> to be clad. The work was carried on not without its
+risks; but little cared the workers for that. Perhaps the sensation of
+danger itself, and a spirit of resistance to an authority which they
+refused to recognize, gave zest to their toil; nor did they always
+think it necessary to inform the good man of the house in which they
+were assembled either of their presence or of what was going on
+beneath his roof.</p>
+
+<p>The women who stood by the cause of the Union were not compelled to
+hide their charitable deeds from the light of day. No need for them to
+feed and clothe the soldiers of the Union, whose wants were amply
+supplied by a bountiful Government; but with untiring zeal they
+visited the military hospitals on missions of mercy, and when the
+bloody fields of Antietam and Gettysburg were fought, both they and
+their Southern sisters hastened, though not with a common purpose, to
+the aid of the wounded and dying, the victims of civil strife and
+children of a common country.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page97" name="page97"></a>(p. 97)</span> CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">GENERAL BANKS IN COMMAND. &mdash; MARSHAL KANE ARRESTED. &mdash; POLICE
+ COMMISSIONERS SUPERSEDED. &mdash; RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL
+ ASSEMBLY. &mdash; POLICE COMMISSIONERS ARRESTED. &mdash; MEMORIAL ADDRESSED
+ BY THE MAYOR AND CITY COUNCIL TO CONGRESS. &mdash; GENERAL DIX IN
+ COMMAND. &mdash; ARREST OF MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, THE MAYOR
+ AND OTHERS. &mdash; RELEASE OF PRISONERS. &mdash; COLONEL DIMICK.</p>
+
+<p>On the 10th of June, 1861, Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks, of
+Massachusetts, was appointed in the place of General Cadwallader to
+the command of the Department of Annapolis, with headquarters at
+Baltimore. On the 27th of June, General Banks arrested Marshal Kane
+and confined him in Fort McHenry. He then issued a proclamation
+announcing that he had superseded Marshal Kane and the commissioners
+of police, and that he had appointed Colonel John R. Kenly, of the
+First Regiment of Maryland Volunteers, provost marshal, with the aid
+and assistance of the subordinate officers of the police department.</p>
+
+<p>The police commissioners, including the mayor, offered no resistance,
+but adopted and published a resolution declaring that, in the opinion
+of the board, the forcible suspension of their functions suspended at
+the same time the active operation of the police law and put the
+officers and men off duty for the present, leaving them subject,
+however, to the rules and regulations of the service as to their
+personal conduct and deportment, and to the orders which the board
+might see <span class="pagenum"><a id="page98" name="page98"></a>(p. 98)</span> fit thereafter to issue, when the present illegal
+suspension of their functions should be removed.</p>
+
+<p>The Legislature of Maryland, at its adjourned session on the 22d of
+June, passed a series of resolutions declaring that the
+unconstitutional and arbitrary proceedings of the Federal Executive
+had not been confined to the violation of the personal rights and
+liberties of the citizens of Maryland, but had been so extended that
+the property of no man was safe, the sanctity of no dwelling was
+respected, and that the sacredness of private correspondence no longer
+existed; that the Senate and House of Delegates of Maryland felt it
+due to her dignity and independence that history should not record the
+overthrow of public freedom for an instant within her borders, without
+recording likewise the indignant expression of her resentment and
+remonstrance, and they accordingly protested against the oppressive
+and tyrannical assertion and exercise of military jurisdiction within
+the limits of Maryland over the persons and property of her citizens
+by the Government of the United States, and solemnly declared the same
+to be subversive of the most sacred guarantees of the Constitution,
+and in flagrant violation of the fundamental and most cherished
+principles of American free government.</p>
+
+<p>On the first of July, the police commissioners were arrested and
+imprisoned by order of General Banks, on the ground, as he alleged in
+a proclamation, that the commissioners had refused to obey his
+decrees, or to recognize his appointees, and that they continued to
+hold the police force for some purpose not known to the Government.</p>
+
+<p>General Banks does not say what authority he had to make decrees, or
+what the decrees were which the commissioners had refused to obey; and
+as on the 27th of June he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page99" name="page99"></a>(p. 99)</span> had imprisoned the marshal of
+police, and had put a provost marshal in his place, retaining only the
+subordinate officers of the police department, and had appointed
+instead of the men another body of police, all under the control of
+the provost marshal; and as the commissioners had no right to
+discharge the police force established by a law of the State, and were
+left with no duties in relation to the police which they could
+perform, it is very plain that, whatever motive General Banks may have
+had for the arrest and imprisonment of the commissioners, it is not
+stated in his proclamation.</p>
+
+<p>One of the commissioners, Charles D. Hinks, was soon released in
+consequence of failing health.</p>
+
+<p>On the day of the arrest of the police commissioners the city was
+occupied by troops, who in large detachments, infantry and artillery,
+took up positions in Monument Square, Exchange Place, at Camden-street
+Station and other points, and they mounted guard and bivouacked in the
+streets for more than a week.</p>
+
+<p>On July 18th, the police commissioners presented to Congress a
+memorial in which they protested very vigorously against their
+unlawful arrest and imprisonment.</p>
+
+<p>On the 23d day of July, 1861, the mayor and city council of Baltimore
+addressed a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the
+United States, in which, after describing the condition of affairs in
+Baltimore, they respectfully, yet most earnestly, demanded, as matter
+of right, that their city might be governed according to the
+Constitution and laws of the United States and of the State of
+Maryland, that the citizens might be secure in their persons, houses,
+papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures; that
+they should not be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
+process of law; that the military should render <span class="pagenum"><a id="page100" name="page100"></a>(p. 100)</span> obedience to
+the civil authority; that the municipal laws should be respected, the
+officers released from imprisonment and restored to the lawful
+exercise of their functions, and that the police government
+established by law should be no longer impeded by armed force to the
+injury of peace and order. It is perhaps needless to add that the
+memorial met with no favor.</p>
+
+<p>On the 7th of August, 1861, the Legislature of the State, in a series
+of resolutions, denounced these proceedings in all their parts,
+pronouncing them, so far as they affected individuals, a gross and
+unconstitutional abuse of power which nothing could palliate or
+excuse, and, in their bearing upon the authority and constitutional
+powers and privileges of the State herself, a revolutionary subversion
+of the Federal compact.</p>
+
+<p>The Legislature then adjourned, to meet on the 17th of September.</p>
+
+<p>On the 24th of July, 1861, General Dix had been placed in command of
+the Department, with his headquarters in Baltimore. On that day he
+wrote from Fort McHenry to the Assistant Adjutant-General for
+re-enforcement of the troops under his command. He said that there
+ought to be ten thousand men at Baltimore and Annapolis, and that he
+could not venture to respond for the quietude of the Department with a
+smaller number. At Fort McHenry, as told by his biographer, he
+exhibited to some ladies of secession proclivities an immense
+columbiad, and informed them that it was pointed to Monument Square,
+and if there was an uprising that this piece would be the first he
+would fire. But the guns of Fort McHenry were not sufficient. He built
+on the east of the city a very strong work, which he called Fort
+Marshall, and he strengthened the earthwork on Federal <span class="pagenum"><a id="page101" name="page101"></a>(p. 101)</span> Hill,
+in the southern part, so that the city lay under the guns of three
+powerful forts, with several smaller ones. Not satisfied with this, on
+the 15th of September, 1862, General Dix, after he had been
+transferred to another department, wrote to Major-General Halleck,
+then Commander-in-Chief, advising that the ground on which the
+earthwork on Federal Hill had been erected should be purchased at a
+cost of one hundred thousand dollars, and that it should be
+permanently fortified at an additional expense of $250,000. He was of
+opinion that although the great body of the people were, as he
+described them, eminently distinguished for their moral virtues,
+Baltimore had always contained a mass of inflammable material, which
+would ignite on the slightest provocation. He added that "Fort Federal
+Hill completely commanded the city, and is capable, from its proximity
+to the principal business quarters, of assailing any one without
+injury to the others. The hill seems to have been placed there by
+Nature as a site for a permanent citadel, and I beg to suggest whether
+a neglect to appropriate it to its obvious design would not be an
+unpardonable dereliction of duty."</p>
+
+<p>These views were perhaps extreme even for a major-general commanding
+in Baltimore, especially as by this time the disorderly element which
+infests all cities had gone over to the stronger side, and was engaged
+in the pious work of persecuting rebels. General Halleck, even after
+this solemn warning, left Federal Hill to the protection of its
+earthwork.</p>
+
+<p>The opinion which General Dix had of Baltimore extended, though in a
+less degree, to a large portion of the State, and was shared, in part
+at least, not only by the other military commanders, but by the
+Government at Washington.</p>
+
+<p>On the 11th of September, 1861, Simon Cameron, Secretary <span class="pagenum"><a id="page102" name="page102"></a>(p. 102)</span> of
+War, wrote the following letter to Major-General Banks, who was at
+this time in command of a division in Maryland:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">War Department</span>, <i>September 11, 1861</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>General.</i>&mdash;The passage of any act of secession by the
+ Legislature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary, all or
+ any part of the members must be arrested. Exercise your own
+ judgment as to the time and manner, but do the work effectively."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>On the 12th of September, Major-General McClellan, Commander-in-Chief
+of the Army of the Potomac, wrote a confidential letter to General
+Banks reciting that "after full consultation with the President,
+Secretary of State, War, etc., it has been decided to effect the
+operation proposed for the 17th." The 17th was the day fixed for the
+meeting of the General Assembly, and the operation to be performed was
+the arrest of some thirty members of that body, and other persons
+besides. Arrangements had been made to have a Government steamer at
+Annapolis to receive the prisoners and convey them to their
+destination. The plan was to be arranged with General Dix and Governor
+Seward, and the letter closes with leaving this exceedingly important
+affair to the tact and discretion of General Banks, and impressing on
+him the absolute necessity of secrecy and success.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, a number of the most prominent members of the
+Legislature, myself, as mayor of Baltimore, and editors of newspapers,
+and other citizens, were arrested at midnight. I was arrested at my
+country home, near the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
+by four policemen and a guard of soldiers. The soldiers were placed in
+both front and rear of the house, while the police rapped violently on
+the front door. I had gone to bed, but was still awake, for I had some
+apprehension of danger. I immediately arose, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page103" name="page103"></a>(p. 103)</span> and opening my
+bed-room window, asked the intruders what they wanted. They replied
+that they wanted Mayor Brown. I asked who wanted him, and they
+answered, the Government of the United States. I then inquired for
+their warrant, but they had none. After a short time spent in
+preparation I took leave of my wife and children, and closely guarded,
+walked down the high hill on which the house stands to the foot, where
+a carriage was waiting for me. The soldiers went no farther, but I was
+driven in charge of the police seven miles to Baltimore and through
+the city to Fort McHenry, where to my surprise I found myself a
+fellow-prisoner in a company of friends and well-known citizens. We
+were imprisoned for one night in Fort McHenry, next in Fort Monroe for
+about two weeks, next in Fort Lafayette for about six weeks, and
+finally in Fort Warren. Henry May, member of Congress from Baltimore,
+was arrested at the same time, but was soon released.</p>
+
+<p>Col. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, says: "It was
+originally intended that they (the prisoners) should be confined in
+the fort at the Dry Tortugas, but as there was no fit steamer in
+Hampton Roads to make the voyage, the programme was changed."<a id="footnotetag15" name="footnotetag15"></a><a href="#footnote15" title="Go to footnote 15"><span class="smaller">[15]</span></a></p>
+
+<p>The apprehension that the Legislature intended to pass an act of
+secession, as intimated by Secretary Cameron, was, in view of the
+position in which the State was placed, and the whole condition of
+affairs, so absurd that it is difficult to believe that he seriously
+entertained it. The blow was no doubt, however, intended to strike
+with terror the opponents of the war, and was one of the effective
+means resorted to by the Government to obtain, as it soon did, entire
+control of the State.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page104" name="page104"></a>(p. 104)</span> As the events of the 19th of April had occurred nearly five
+months previously, and I was endeavoring to perform my duties as
+mayor, in obedience to law, without giving offense to either the civil
+or military authorities of the Government, the only apparent reason
+for my arrest grew out of a difficulty in regard to the payment of the
+police appointed by General Banks. In July a law had been passed by
+Congress appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of
+such payment, but it was plain that a similar expenditure would not
+long be tolerated by Congress. In this emergency an intimation came to
+me indirectly from Secretary Seward, through a common acquaintance,
+that I was expected to pay the Government police out of the funds
+appropriated by law for the city police. I replied that any such
+payment would be illegal and was not within my power.</p>
+
+<p>Soon afterwards I received the following letter from General Dix,
+which I insert, together with the correspondence which followed:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"Headquarters Department of Pennsylvania,</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore, Md.</span>, <i>September 8, 1861</i>.</p>
+
+<p>"<span class="smcap">To Hon. Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor of the City of Baltimore</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;Reasons of state, which I deem imperative, demand that
+ the payment of compensation to the members of the old city
+ police, who were, by a resolution of the Board of Police
+ Commissioners, dated the 27th of Jane last, declared 'off duty,'
+ and whose places were filled in pursuance of an order of
+ Major-General Banks of the same date, should cease. I therefore
+ direct, by virtue of the authority vested in me as commanding
+ officer of the military forces of the United States in Baltimore
+ and its vicinity, that no further payment be made to them.</p>
+
+ <p>"Independently of all other considerations, the continued
+ compensation of a body of men who have been suspended in their
+ functions by the order of the Government, is calculated to bring
+ its authority into disrespect; and the extraction from the
+ citizens of Baltimore by taxation, in a time of general
+ depression and embarrassment, of a sum amounting to several
+ hundred thousand dollars a year for the payment of nominal
+ officials who <span class="pagenum"><a id="page105" name="page105"></a>(p. 105)</span> render it no service, cannot fail by
+ creating widespread dissatisfaction to disturb the quietude of
+ the city, which I am most anxious to preserve.</p>
+
+ <p>"I feel assured that the payment would have been voluntarily
+ discontinued by yourself, as a violation of the principle on
+ which all compensation is bestowed&mdash;as a remuneration for an
+ equivalent service actually performed&mdash;had you not considered
+ yourself bound by existing laws to make it.</p>
+
+ <p>"This order will relieve you from the embarrassment, and I do not
+ doubt that it will be complied with.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="add5em">"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">John A. Dix</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Major-General Commanding</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"Mayor's Office, City Hall,</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>September 5, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"Major-General <span class="smcap">John A. Dix</span>, <i>Baltimore, Md.</i></p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;I was not in town yesterday, and did not receive until
+ this morning your letter of the 3d inst. ordering that no further
+ payment be made to the members of the city police.</p>
+
+ <p>"The payments have been made heretofore in pursuance of the laws
+ of the State, under the advice of the City Counsellor, by the
+ Register, the Comptroller and myself.</p>
+
+ <p>"Without entering into a discussion of the considerations which
+ you have deemed sufficient to justify this proceeding, I feel it
+ to be my duty to enter my protest against this interference, by
+ military authority, with the exercise of powers lawfully
+ committed by the State of Maryland to the officers of the city
+ corporation; but it is nevertheless not the intention of the city
+ authorities to offer resistance to the order which you have
+ issued, and I shall therefore give public notice to the officers
+ and men of the city police that no further payments may be
+ expected by them.</p>
+
+ <p>"There is an arrearage of pay of two weeks due to the force, and
+ the men have by the law and rules of the board been prevented
+ from engaging in any other business or occupation. Most of them
+ have families, who are entirely dependent for support on the pay
+ received.</p>
+
+ <p>"I do not understand your order as meaning to prohibit the
+ payment of this arrearage, and shall therefore proceed to make
+ it, unless prevented by your further order.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="add5em">"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Mayor of Baltimore</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap"><span class="pagenum"><a id="page106" name="page106"></a>(p. 106)</span> "Headquarters Department of Pennsylvania,</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore, Md.</span>, <i>September 9, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Hon. Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor of the City of Baltimore</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;Your letter of the 5th inst. was duly received. I
+ cannot, without acquiescing in the violation of a principle,
+ assent to the payment of an arrearage to the members of the old
+ city police, as suggested in the closing paragraph of your
+ letter.</p>
+
+ <p>"It was the intention of my letter to prohibit any payment to
+ them subsequently to the day on which it was written.</p>
+
+ <p>"You will please, therefore, to consider this as the 'further
+ order' referred to by you.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="add5em">"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">John A. Dix</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Major-General Commanding</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"Mayor's Office, City Hall,</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, <i>September 11, 1861</i>.</p>
+<p>"Major-General <span class="smcap">John A. Dix</span>, Baltimore.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;I did not come to town yesterday until the afternoon,
+ and then ascertained that my letters had been sent out to my
+ country residence, where, on my return last evening, I found
+ yours of the 9th, in reply to mine of the 5th instant, awaiting
+ me. It had been left at the mayor's office yesterday morning.</p>
+
+ <p>"Before leaving the mayor's office, about three o'clock P. M. on
+ the 9th instant, and not having received any reply from you, I
+ had signed a check for the payment of arrears due the police, and
+ the money was on the same day drawn out of the bank and handed
+ over to the proper officers, and nearly the entire amount was by
+ them paid to the police force before the receipt of your letter.</p>
+
+ <p>"The suggestion in your letter as to the 'violation of a
+ principle' requires me to add that I recognize in the action of
+ the Government of the United States in the matter in question
+ nothing but the assertion of superior force.</p>
+
+ <p>"Out of regard to the great interests committed to my charge as
+ chief magistrate of the city, I have yielded to that force, and
+ do not feel it necessary to enter into any discussion of the
+ principles upon which the Government sees fit to exercise it.</p>
+
+<p>"Very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="add5em">"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Mayor</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page107" name="page107"></a>(p. 107)</span> The reasons which General Dix assigned for prohibiting me
+from paying the arrearages due the police present a curious
+combination. First, there were reasons of State; next, the respect due
+to the Government; third, his concern for the taxpayers of Baltimore;
+fourth, the danger to the quiet of the city which he apprehended might
+arise from the payment; and, finally, there was a principle which he
+must protect from violation, but what that principle was he did not
+state.</p>
+
+<p>A striking commentary on these reasons was furnished on the 11th of
+December, 1863, by a decision of the Court of Appeals of Maryland in
+the case of the Mayor, etc., of Baltimore <i>vs.</i> Charles Howard and
+others, reported in 20th Maryland Rep., p. 335. The question was
+whether the interference by the Government of the United States with
+the Board of Police and police force established by law in the city of
+Baltimore was without authority of law and did in any manner affect or
+impair the rights or invalidate the acts of the board. The court held
+that, though the board was displaced by a force to which they yielded
+and could not resist, their power and rights under their organization
+were still preserved, and that they were amenable for any dereliction
+of official duty, except in so far as they were excused by
+uncontrollable events. And the court decided that Mr. Hinks, one of
+the police commissioners, whose case was alone before the court, was
+entitled to his salary, which had accrued after the board was so
+displaced.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently, after the close of the war, the Legislature of the State
+passed an act for the payment of all arrearages due to the men of the
+police subsequent to their displacement by the Government of the
+United States and until their discharge by the Government of the
+State.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page108" name="page108"></a>(p. 108)</span> It will be perceived that General Dix delayed replying to my
+letter of the 5th of September until the 9th; that his reply was not
+left at the mayor's office until the tenth, and that in the meantime,
+on the afternoon of the 9th, after waiting for his reply for four
+days, I paid the arrears due the police, as I had good reason to
+suppose he intended I should.</p>
+
+<p>A friend of mine, a lawyer of Baltimore, and a pronounced Union man,
+has, since then, informed me that General Dix showed him my letter of
+the 5th before my arrest; that my friend asked him whether he had
+replied to it, and the General replied he had not. My friend answered
+that he thought a reply was due to me. From all this it does not seem
+uncharitable to believe that the purpose of General Dix was to put me
+in the false position of appearing to disobey his order and thus to
+furnish an excuse for my imprisonment. This lasted until the 27th of
+November, 1862, a short time after my term of office had expired, when
+there was a sudden and unexpected release of all the State prisoners
+in Fort Warren, where we were then confined.</p>
+
+<p>On the 26th of November, 1862, Colonel Justin Dimick, commanding at
+Fort Warren, received the following telegraphic order from the
+Adjutant-General's Office, Washington: "The Secretary of War directs
+that you release all the Maryland State prisoners, also any other
+State prisoners that may be in your custody, and report to this
+office."</p>
+
+<p>In pursuance of this order, Colonel Dimick on the following day
+released from Fort Warren the following State prisoners, without
+imposing any condition upon them whatever: Severn Teackle Wallis,
+Henry M. Warfield, William G. Harrison, T. Parkin Scott, ex-members of
+the Maryland Legislature from Baltimore; George William Brown,
+ex-Mayor of Baltimore; Charles Howard and William H. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page109" name="page109"></a>(p. 109)</span>
+Gatchell, ex-Police Commissioners; George P. Kane, ex-Marshal of
+Police; Frank Key Howard, one of the editors of the Baltimore
+<i>Exchange</i>; Thomas W. Hall, editor of the Baltimore <i>South</i>; Robert
+Hull, merchant, of Baltimore; Dr. Charles Macgill, of Hagerstown;
+William H. Winder, of Philadelphia; and B. L. Cutter, of
+Massachusetts.</p>
+
+<p>General Wool, then in command in Baltimore, issued an order declaring
+that thereafter no person should be arrested within the limits of the
+Department except by his order, and in all such cases the charges
+against the accused party were to be sworn to before a justice of the
+peace.</p>
+
+<p>As it was intimated that these gentlemen had entered into some
+engagement as the condition of their release, Mr. Wallis, while in New
+York on his return home, took occasion to address a letter on the
+subject to the editor of the New York <i>World</i>, in which he said: "No
+condition whatever was sought to be imposed, and none would have been
+accepted, as the Secretary of War well knew. Speaking of my
+fellow-prisoners from Maryland, I have a right to say that they
+maintained to the last the principle which they asserted from the
+first&mdash;namely, that, if charged with crime, they were entitled to be
+charged, held and tried in due form of law and not otherwise; and
+that, in the absence of lawful accusation and process, it was their
+right to be discharged without terms or conditions of any sort, and
+they would submit to none."</p>
+
+<p>Many of our fellow-prisoners were from necessity not able to take this
+stand. There were no charges against them, but there were imperative
+duties which required their presence at home, and when the Government
+at Washington adopted the policy of offering liberty to those who
+would consent to take an oath of allegiance prepared for the occasion,
+they had been compelled to accept it.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page110" name="page110"></a>(p. 110)</span> Before this, in December, 1861, the Government at Washington,
+on application of friends, had granted me a parole for thirty days,
+that I might attend to some important private business, and for that
+time I stayed with kind relatives, under the terms of the parole, in
+Boston.</p>
+
+<p>The following correspondence, which then took place, will show the
+position which I maintained:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Boston</span>, <i>January 4, 1862</i>.</p>
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Marshal Keys</span>, <i>Boston</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;I called twice to see you during this week, and in your
+ absence had an understanding with your deputy that I was to
+ surrender myself to you this morning, on the expiration of my
+ parole, in time to be conveyed to Fort Warren, and I have
+ accordingly done so.</p>
+
+ <p>"As you have not received any instructions from Washington in
+ regard to the course to be pursued with me, I shall consider
+ myself in your custody until you have had ample time to write to
+ Washington and obtain a reply.</p>
+
+ <p>"I desire it, however, to be expressly understood that no further
+ extension of my parole is asked for, or would be accepted at this
+ time.</p>
+
+ <p>"It is my right and my wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the
+ performance of my official and private duties.</p>
+
+<p>Respectfully,</p>
+<p class="signat smcap">"Geo. Wm. Brown."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"Department of State,</p>
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Washington</span>, <i>January 6, 1862</i>.</p>
+<p>"<span class="smcap">John S. Keys</span>, Esq., U. S. Marshal, <i>Boston</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;Your letter of the 4th inst., relative to George W.
+ Brown, has been received.</p>
+
+ <p>"In reply, I have to inform you that, if he desires it, you may
+ extend his parole to the period of thirty days. If not, you will
+ please recommit him to Fort Warren and report to this Department.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, sir, very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="add5em">"Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">F. W. Seward</span>,<br>
+ "<i>Acting Secretary of State</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="date">"<span class="smcap">Boston</span>, <i>January 10, 1862</i>.</p>
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Marshal Keys</span>, <i>Boston</i>.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Sir</i>:&mdash;In my note to you of the 4th inst. I stated that I did
+ not desire <span class="pagenum"><a id="page111" name="page111"></a>(p. 111)</span> a renewal of my parole, but that it was my
+ right and wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the performance
+ of my private and official duties.</p>
+
+ <p>"My note was, in substance, as you informed me, forwarded to Hon.
+ W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, in a letter from you to him.</p>
+
+ <p>"In reply to your communication, F. W. Seward, Acting Secretary
+ of State, wrote to you under date of the 6th inst. that 'you may
+ extend the parole of George W. Brown if he desires it, but if
+ not, you are directed to recommit him to Fort Warren.'</p>
+
+ <p>"It was hardly necessary to give me the option of an extension of
+ parole which I had previously declined, but the offer renders it
+ proper for me to say that the parole was applied for by my
+ friends, to enable me to attend to important private business,
+ affecting the interests of others as well as myself; that the
+ necessities growing out of this particular matter of business no
+ longer exist, and that I cannot consistently with my ideas of
+ propriety, by accepting a renewal of the parole, place myself in
+ the position of seeming to acquiesce in a prolonged and illegal
+ banishment from my home and duties.</p>
+
+<p>Respectfully,</p>
+<p class="signat smcap">"Geo. Wm. Brown."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>On the 11th of January, 1862, I returned to Fort Warren, and on the
+14th an offer was made to renew and extend my parole to ninety days
+upon condition that I would not pass south of Hudson River. This offer
+I declined. My term of office expired on the 12th of November, 1862,
+and soon afterwards I was released, as I have just stated.</p>
+
+<p>It is not my purpose to enter into an account of the trials and
+hardships of prison-life in the crowded forts in which we were
+successively confined under strict and sometimes very harsh military
+rule, but it is due to the memory of the commander at Fort Warren,
+Colonel Justin Dimick, that I should leave on record the warm feelings
+of respect and friendship with which he was regarded by the prisoners
+who knew him best, for the unvarying kindness and humanity with which
+he performed the difficult and painful duties of his office. As far as
+he was permitted to do so, he promoted the comfort and convenience of
+all, and after the war was <span class="pagenum"><a id="page112" name="page112"></a>(p. 112)</span> over and he had been advanced to
+the rank of General, he came to Baltimore as the honored guest of one
+of his former prisoners, and while there received the warm and hearty
+greeting of others of his prisoners who still survived.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page113" name="page113"></a>(p. 113)</span> CHAPTER IX.</h2>
+
+<p class="center smcap">A PERSONAL CHAPTER.</p>
+
+<p>I have now completed my task; but perhaps it will be expected that I
+should clearly define my own position. I have no objection to do so.</p>
+
+<p>Both from feeling and on principle I had always been opposed to
+slavery&mdash;the result in part of the teaching and example of my parents,
+and confirmed by my own reading and observation. In early manhood I
+became prominent in defending the rights of the free colored people of
+Maryland. In the year 1846 I was associated with a small number of
+persons, of whom the Rev. William F. Brand, author of the "Life of
+Bishop Whittingham," and myself, are the only survivors. The other
+members of the association were Dr. Richard S. Steuart, for many years
+President of the Maryland Hospital for the Insane, and himself a
+slaveholder; Galloway Cheston, a merchant and afterwards President of
+the Board of Trustees of the Johns Hopkins University; Frederick W.
+Brune, my brother-in-law and law-partner; and Ramsay McHenry, planter.
+We were preparing to initiate a movement tending to a gradual
+emancipation within the State, but the growing hostility between the
+North and the South rendered the plan wholly impracticable, and it was
+abandoned.</p>
+
+<p>My opinions, however, did not lead me into sympathy with the abolition
+party. I knew that slavery had existed almost everywhere in the world,
+and still existed in some places, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page114" name="page114"></a>(p. 114)</span> and that, whatever might
+be its character elsewhere, it was not in the Southern States "the sum
+of all villainy." On the contrary, it had assisted materially in the
+development of the race. Nowhere else, I believe, had negro slaves
+been so well treated, on the whole, and had advanced so far in
+civilization. They had learned the necessity, as well as the habit, of
+labor; the importance&mdash;to some extent at least&mdash;of thrift; the
+essential distinctions between right and wrong, and the inevitable
+difference to the individual between right-doing and wrong-doing; the
+duty of obedience to law; and&mdash;not least&mdash;some conception, dim though
+it might be, of the inspiring teachings of the Christian religion.
+They had learned also to cherish a feeling of respect and good will
+towards the best portion of the white race, to whom they looked up,
+and whom they imitated.</p>
+
+<p>I refused to enlist in a crusade against slavery, not only on
+constitutional grounds, but for other reasons. If the slaves were
+freed and clothed with the right of suffrage, they would be incapable
+of using it properly. If the suffrage were withheld, they would be
+subjected to the oppression of the white race without the protection
+afforded by their masters. Thus I could see no prospect of maintaining
+harmony without a disastrous change in our form of government such as
+prevailed after the war, in what is called the period of
+reconstruction. If there were entire equality, and an intermingling of
+the two races, it would not, as it seemed to me, be for the benefit of
+either. I knew how strong are race prejudices, especially when
+stimulated by competition and interest; how cruelly the foreigners, as
+they were called, had been treated by the people in California, and
+the Indians by our people everywhere; and how, in my own city,
+citizens were for years ruthlessly deprived by the Know-Nothing party
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page115" name="page115"></a>(p. 115)</span> of the right of suffrage, some because they were of foreign
+birth, and some because they were Catholics. The problem of slavery
+was to me a Gordian knot which I knew not how to untie, and which I
+dared not attempt to cut with the sword. Such a severance involved the
+horrors of civil war, with the wickedness and demoralization which
+were sure to follow.</p>
+
+<p>I was deeply attached to the Union from a feeling imbibed in early
+childhood and constantly strengthened by knowledge and personal
+experience. I did not believe in secession as a constitutional right,
+and in Maryland there was no sufficient ground for revolution. It was
+clearly for her interest to remain in the Union and to free her
+slaves. An attempt to secede or to revolt would have been an act of
+folly which I deprecated, although I did believe that she, in common
+with the rest of the South, had constitutional rights in regard to
+slavery which the North was not willing to respect.</p>
+
+<p>It was my opinion that the Confederacy would prove to be a rope of
+sand. I thought that the seceding States should have been allowed to
+depart in peace, as General Scott advised, and I believed that
+afterwards the necessities of the situation and their own interest
+would induce them to return, severally, perhaps, to the old Union, but
+with slavery peacefully abolished; for, in the nature of things, I
+knew that slavery could not last forever.</p>
+
+<p>Whether or not my opinions were sound and my hopes well founded, is
+now a matter of little importance, even to myself, but they were at
+least sincere and were not concealed.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no true union in a Republic unless the parts are held
+together by a feeling of common interest, and also of mutual respect.</p>
+
+<p>That there is a common interest no reasonable person can <span class="pagenum"><a id="page116" name="page116"></a>(p. 116)</span>
+doubt; but this is not sufficient; and, happily, there is a solid
+basis for mutual respect also.</p>
+
+<p>I have already stated the grounds on which, from their point of view,
+the Southern people were justified in their revolt, and even in the
+midst of the war I recognized what the South is gradually coming to
+recognize&mdash;that the grounds on which the Northern people waged
+war&mdash;love of the Union and hatred of slavery&mdash;were also entitled to
+respect.</p>
+
+<p>I believe that the results achieved&mdash;namely, the preservation of the
+Union and the abolition of slavery&mdash;are worth all they have cost.</p>
+
+<p>And yet I feel that I am living in a different land from that in which
+I was born, and under a different Constitution, and that new perils
+have arisen sufficient to cause great anxiety. Some of these are the
+consequences of the war, and some are due to other causes. But every
+generation must encounter its own trials, and should extract benefit
+from them if it can. The grave problems growing out of emancipation
+seem to have found a solution in an improving education of the whole
+people. Perhaps education is the true means of escape from the other
+perils to which I have alluded.</p>
+
+<p>Let me state them as they appear to me to exist.</p>
+
+<p>Vast fortunes, which astonish the world, have suddenly been acquired,
+very many by methods of more than doubtful honesty, while the fortunes
+themselves are so used as to benefit neither the possessors nor the
+country.</p>
+
+<p>Republican simplicity has ceased to be a reality, except where it
+exists as a survival in rural districts, and is hardly now mentioned
+even as a phrase. It has been superseded by republican luxury and
+ostentation. The mass of the people, who cannot afford to indulge in
+either, are sorely tempted to covet both.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page117" name="page117"></a>(p. 117)</span> The individual man does not rely, as he formerly did, on his
+own strength and manhood. Organization for a common purpose is
+resorted to wherever organization is possible. Combinations of capital
+or of labor, ruled by a few individuals, bestride the land with
+immense power both for good and evil. In these combinations the
+individual counts for little, and is but little concerned about his
+own moral responsibility.</p>
+
+<p>When De Tocqueville, in 1838, wrote his remarkable book on Democracy
+in America, he expressed his surprise to observe how every public
+question was submitted to the decision of the people, and that, when
+the people had decided, the question was settled. Now politicians care
+little about the opinions of the people, because the people care
+little about opinions. Bosses have come into existence to ply their
+vile trade of office-brokerage. Rings are formed in which the bosses
+are masters and the voters their henchmen. Formerly decent people
+could not be bought either with money or offices. Political parties
+have always some honest foundation, but rings are factions like those
+of Rome in her decline, having no foundation but public plunder.</p>
+
+<p>Communism, socialism, and labor strikes have taken the place of
+slavery agitation. Many people have come to believe that this is a
+paternal Government from which they have a right to ask for favors,
+and not a Republic in which all are equal. Hence States, cities,
+corporations, individuals, and especially certain favored classes,
+have no scruple in getting money somehow or other, directly or
+indirectly, out of the purse of the Nation, as if the Nation had
+either purse or property which does not belong to the people, for the
+benefit of the whole people, without favor or partiality towards any.</p>
+
+<p>In many ways there is a dangerous tendency towards the centralization
+of power in the National Government, with little opposition on the
+part of the people.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page118" name="page118"></a>(p. 118)</span> Paper money is held by the Supreme Court to be a lawful
+substitute for gold and silver coin, partly on the ground that this is
+the prerogative of European governments.<a id="footnotetag16" name="footnotetag16"></a><a href="#footnote16" title="Go to footnote 16"><span class="smaller">[16]</span></a> This is strange
+constitutional doctrine to those who were brought up in the school of
+Marshall, Story, and Chancellor Kent.</p>
+
+<p>The administration of cities has grown more and more extravagant and
+corrupt, thus leading to the creation of immense debts which oppress
+the people and threaten to become unmanageable.</p>
+
+<p>The national Congress, instead of faithfully administering its trust,
+has become reckless and wasteful of the public money.</p>
+
+<p>But, notwithstanding all this, I rejoice to believe that there is a
+reserve of power in the American people which has never yet failed to
+redress great wrongs when they have come to be fully recognized and
+understood.</p>
+
+<p>A striking instance of this is to be found in the temperance movement,
+which, extreme as it may be in some respects, shows that the
+conscience of the entire country is aroused on a subject of vast
+difficulty and importance.</p>
+
+<p>And other auspicious signs exist, the chief of which I think are that
+a new zeal is manifested in the cause of education; that people of all
+creeds come together as they never did before to help in good works;
+that an independent press, bent on enlightening, not deceiving, the
+people, is making itself heard and respected; and that younger men,
+who represent the best hopes and aspirations of the time, are pressing
+forward to take the place of the politicians of a different school,
+who represent chiefly their own selfish interests, or else a period of
+hate and discord which has passed away forever.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations give me hope and confidence in the country as it
+exists to-day.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page119" name="page119"></a>(p. 119)</span> Baltimore is the place of my birth, of my home, and of my
+affections. No one could be bound to his native city by ties stronger
+than mine. Perhaps, in view of the incidents of the past, as detailed
+in this volume, I may be permitted to express to the good people of
+Baltimore my sincere and profound gratitude for the generous and
+unsolicited confidence which, on different occasions, they have
+reposed in me, and for their good will and kind feeling, which have
+never been withdrawn during the years, now not a few, which I have
+spent in their service.</p>
+
+<p><a id="app1" name="app1"></a>
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page120" name="page120"></a>(p. 120)</span> APPENDIX I.</h2>
+
+<p>The following account of the alleged conspiracy to assassinate Abraham
+Lincoln on his journey to Baltimore is taken from the "Life of Abraham
+Lincoln," by Ward H. Lamon, pp. 511-526:</p>
+
+<p>"Whilst Mr. Lincoln, in the midst of his suite and attendants, was
+being borne in triumph through the streets of Philadelphia, and a
+countless multitude of people were shouting themselves hoarse, and
+jostling and crushing each other around his carriage-wheels, Mr.
+Felton, the President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railway, was engaged with a private detective discussing the details
+of an alleged conspiracy to murder him at Baltimore. Some months
+before, Mr. Felton, apprehending danger to the bridges along his line,
+had taken this man into his pay and sent him to Baltimore to spy out
+and report any plot that might be found for their destruction. Taking
+with him a couple of other men and a woman, the detective went about
+his business with the zeal which necessarily marks his peculiar
+profession. He set up as a stock-broker, under an assumed name, opened
+an office, and became a vehement secessionist. His agents were
+instructed to act with the duplicity which such men generally use; to
+be rabid on the subject of 'Southern Rights'; to suggest all manner of
+crimes in vindication of them; and if, by these arts, corresponding
+sentiments should be elicited from their victims, the 'job' might be
+considered as prospering. Of course they readily <span class="pagenum"><a id="page121" name="page121"></a>(p. 121)</span> found out
+what everybody else knew&mdash;that Maryland was in a state of great alarm;
+that her people were forming military associations, and that Governor
+Hicks was doing his utmost to furnish them with arms, on condition
+that the arms, in case of need, should be turned against the Federal
+Government. Whether they detected any plan to burn bridges or not, the
+chief detective does not relate; but it appears that he soon deserted
+that inquiry and got, or pretended to get, upon a scent that promised
+a heavier reward. Being intensely ambitious to shine in the
+professional way, and something of a politician besides, it struck him
+that it would be a particularly fine thing to discover a dreadful plot
+to assassinate the President-elect, and he discovered it accordingly.
+It was easy to get that far; to furnish tangible proofs of an
+imaginary conspiracy was a more difficult matter. But Baltimore was
+seething with political excitement; numerous strangers from the far
+South crowded its hotels and boarding-houses; great numbers of
+mechanics and laborers out of employment encumbered its streets; and
+everywhere politicians, merchants, mechanics, laborers and loafers
+were engaged in heated discussions about the anticipated war, and the
+probability of Northern troops being marched through Maryland to
+slaughter and pillage beyond the Potomac. It would seem like an easy
+thing to beguile a few individuals of this angry and excited multitude
+into the expression of some criminal desire; and the opportunity was
+not wholly lost, although the limited success of the detective under
+such favorable circumstances is absolutely wonderful. He put his
+'shadows' upon several persons whom it suited his pleasure to suspect,
+and the 'shadows' pursued their work with the keen zest and the cool
+treachery of their kind. They reported daily to their chief in
+writing, as he reported in turn to his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page122" name="page122"></a>(p. 122)</span> employer. These
+documents are neither edifying nor useful: they prove nothing but the
+baseness of the vocation which gave them existence. They were
+furnished to Mr. Herndon in full, under the impression that partisan
+feeling had extinguished in him the love of truth and the obligations
+of candor, as it had in many writers who preceded him on the same
+subject-matter. They have been carefully and thoroughly read,
+analyzed, examined and compared, with an earnest and conscientious
+desire to discover the truth, if, perchance, any trace of truth might
+be in them. The process of investigation began with a strong bias in
+favor of the conclusion at which the detective had arrived. For ten
+years the author implicitly believed in the reality of the atrocious
+plot which these spies were supposed to have detected and thwarted;
+and for ten years he had pleased himself with the reflection that he
+also had done something to defeat the bloody purpose of the assassins.
+It was a conviction which could scarcely have been overthrown by
+evidence less powerful than the detective's weak and contradictory
+account of his own case. In that account there is literally nothing to
+sustain the accusation, and much to rebut it. It is perfectly manifest
+that there was no conspiracy&mdash;no conspiracy of a hundred, of fifty, of
+twenty, of three&mdash;no definite purpose in the heart of even one man to
+murder Mr. Lincoln at Baltimore.</p>
+
+<p>"The reports are all in the form of personal narratives, and for the
+most relate when the spies went to bed, when they rose, where they
+ate, what saloons and brothels they visited, and what blackguards they
+met and 'drinked' with. One of them shadowed a loud-mouthed drinking
+fellow named Luckett, and another, a poor scapegrace and braggart
+named Hilliard. These wretches 'drinked' and talked a great deal, hung
+about bars, haunted disreputable houses, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page123" name="page123"></a>(p. 123)</span> were constantly
+half drunk, and easily excited to use big and threatening words by the
+faithless protestations and cunning management of the spies. Thus
+Hilliard was made to say that he thought a man who should act the part
+of Brutus in these times would deserve well of his country; and
+Luckett was induced to declare that he knew a man who would kill
+Lincoln. At length the great arch-conspirator&mdash;the Brutus, the Orsini
+of the New World, to whom Luckett and Hilliard, the 'national
+volunteers,' and all such, were as mere puppets&mdash;condescended to
+reveal himself in the most obliging and confiding manner. He made no
+mystery of his cruel and desperate scheme. He did not guard it as a
+dangerous secret, or choose his confidants with the circumspection
+which political criminals, and especially assassins, have generally
+thought proper to observe. Very many persons knew what he was about,
+and levied on their friends for small sums&mdash;five, ten and twenty
+dollars&mdash;to further the Captain's plan. Even Luckett was deep enough
+in the awful plot to raise money for it; and when he took one of the
+spies to a public bar-room and introduced him to the 'Captain,' the
+latter sat down and talked it all over without the slightest reserve.
+When was there ever before such a loud-mouthed conspirator, such a
+trustful and innocent assassin! His name was Ferrandini, his
+occupation that of a barber, his place of business beneath Barnum's
+Hotel, where the sign of the bloodthirsty villain still invites the
+unsuspecting public to come in for a shave.</p>
+
+<p>"'Mr. Luckett,' so the spy relates, 'said that he was not going home
+this evening; and if I would meet him at Barr's saloon, on South
+street, he would introduce me to Ferrandini. This was unexpected to
+me; but I determined to take the chances, and agreed to meet Mr.
+Luckett at the place named <span class="pagenum"><a id="page124" name="page124"></a>(p. 124)</span> at 7 P. M. Mr. Luckett left about
+2.30 P. M., and I went to dinner.</p>
+
+<p>"'I was at the office in the afternoon in hopes that Mr. Felton might
+call, but he did not; and at 6.15 P. M. I went to supper. After supper
+I went to Barr's saloon, and found Mr. Luckett and several other
+gentlemen there. He asked me to drink, and introduced me to Captain
+Ferrandini and Captain Turner. He eulogized me very highly as a
+neighbor of his, and told Ferrandini that I was the gentleman who had
+given the twenty-five dollars he (Luckett) had given to Ferrandini.</p>
+
+<p>"'The conversation at once got into politics; and Ferrandini, who is a
+fine-looking, intelligent-appearing person, became very excited. He
+shows the Italian in, I think, a very marked degree; and, although
+excited, yet was cooler than what I had believed was the general
+characteristic of Italians. He has lived South for many years, and is
+thoroughly imbued with the idea that the South must rule; that they
+(Southerners) have been outraged in their rights by the election of
+Lincoln, and freely justified resorting to any means to prevent
+Lincoln from taking his seat; and, as he spoke, his eyes fairly glared
+and glistened, and his whole frame quivered; but he was fully
+conscious of all he was doing. He is a man well calculated for
+controlling and directing the ardent-minded; he is an enthusiast, and
+believes that, to use his own words, "murder of any kind is
+justifiable and right to save the rights of the Southern people." In
+all his views he was ably seconded by Captain Turner.</p>
+
+<p>"'Captain Turner is an American; but although very much of a
+gentleman, and possessing warm Southern feelings, he is not by any
+means so dangerous a man as Ferrandini, as his ability for exciting
+others is less powerful; but that he is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page125" name="page125"></a>(p. 125)</span> a bold and proud man
+there is no doubt, as also that he is entirely under the control of
+Ferrandini. In fact, he could not be otherwise, for even I myself felt
+the influence of this man's strange power; and, wrong though I knew
+him to be, I felt strangely unable to keep my mind balanced against
+him.</p>
+
+<p>"'Ferrandini said, "Never, never, shall Lincoln be President!" His
+life (Ferrandini's) was of no consequence; he was willing to give it
+up for Lincoln's; he would sell it for that abolitionist's; and as
+Orsini had given his life for Italy, so was he (Ferrandini) ready to
+die for his country and the rights of the South; and said Ferrandini,
+turning to Captain Turner, "We shall all die together: we shall show
+the North that we fear them not. Every man, Captain," said he, "will
+on that day prove himself a hero. The first shot fired, the main
+traitor (Lincoln) dead, and all Maryland will be with us, and the
+South shall be free; and the North must then be ours. Mr. Hutchins,"
+said Ferrandini, "if I alone must do it, I shall: Lincoln shall die in
+this city."</p>
+
+<p>"'Whilst we were thus talking, we (Mr. Luckett, Turner, Ferrandini and
+myself) were alone in one corner of the bar-room, and, while talking,
+two strangers had got pretty near us. Mr. Luckett called Ferrandini's
+attention to this, and intimated that they were listening; and we went
+up to the bar, drinked again at my expense, and again retired to
+another part of the room, at Ferrandini's request, to see if the
+strangers would again follow us. Whether by accident or design, they
+again got near us; but of course we were not talking of any matter of
+consequence. Ferrandini said he suspected they were spies, and
+suggested that he had to attend a secret meeting, and was apprehensive
+that the two strangers might follow him; and, at Mr. Luckett's
+request, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page126" name="page126"></a>(p. 126)</span> I remained with him (Luckett) to watch the
+movements of the strangers. I assured Ferrandini that if they would
+attempt to follow him, we would whip them.</p>
+
+<p>"'Ferrandini and Turner left to attend the meeting, and, anxious as I
+was to follow them myself, I was obliged to remain with Mr. Luckett to
+watch the strangers, which we did for about fifteen minutes, when Mr.
+Luckett said that he should go to a friend's to stay over night, and I
+left for my hotel, arriving there at about 9 P. M., and soon retired.'</p>
+
+<p>"It is in a secret communication between hireling spies and paid
+informers that these ferocious sentiments are attributed to the poor
+knight of the soap-pot. No disinterested person would believe the
+story upon such evidence; and it will appear hereafter that even the
+detective felt that it was too weak to mention among his strong
+points, at that decisive moment when he revealed all he knew to the
+President and his friends. It is probably a mere fiction. If it had
+had any foundation in fact, we are inclined to believe that the
+sprightly and eloquent barber would have dangled at a rope's end long
+since. He would hardly have been left to shave and plot in peace,
+while the members of the Legislature, the Police Marshal, and numerous
+private gentlemen, were locked up in Federal prisons. When Mr. Lincoln
+was actually slain, four years later, and the cupidity of the
+detectives was excited by enormous rewards, Ferrandini was totally
+unmolested. But even if Ferrandini really said all that is here
+imputed to him, he did no more than many others around him were doing
+at the same time. He drank and talked, and made swelling speeches; but
+he never took, nor seriously thought of taking, the first step toward
+the frightful tragedy he is said to have contemplated.</p>
+
+<p>"The detectives are cautious not to include in the supposed <span class="pagenum"><a id="page127" name="page127"></a>(p. 127)</span>
+plot to murder any person of eminence, power, or influence. Their game
+is all of the smaller sort, and, as they conceived, easily
+taken&mdash;witless vagabonds like Hilliard and Luckett, and a barber,
+whose calling indicates his character and associations.<a id="footnotetag17" name="footnotetag17"></a><a href="#footnote17" title="Go to footnote 17"><span class="smaller">[17]</span></a> They had
+no fault to find with the Governor of the State; he was rather a
+lively trimmer, to be sure, and very anxious to turn up at last on the
+winning side; but it was manifestly impossible that one in such an
+exalted station could meditate murder. Yet, if they had pushed their
+inquiries with an honest desire to get at the truth, they might have
+found much stronger evidence against the Governor than that which they
+pretend to have found against the barber. In the Governor's case the
+evidence is documentary, written, authentic&mdash;over his own hand, clear
+and conclusive as pen and ink could make it. As early as the previous
+November, Governor Hicks had written the following letter; and,
+notwithstanding its treasonable and murderous import, the writer
+became conspicuously loyal before spring, and lived to reap splendid
+rewards and high honors, under the auspices of the Federal Government,
+as the most patriotic and devoted Union man in Maryland. The person to
+whom the letter was addressed was equally fortunate; and, instead of
+drawing out his comrades in the field to 'kill Lincoln and his men,'
+he was sent to Congress by power exerted from Washington at a time
+when the administration selected the representatives of Maryland, and
+performed all his duties right loyally and acceptably. Shall one be
+taken and another left? Shall Hicks go to the Senate and Webster to
+Congress, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page128" name="page128"></a>(p. 128)</span> while the poor barber is held to the silly words
+which he is alleged to have sputtered out between drinks in a low
+groggery, under the blandishments and encouragements of an eager spy,
+itching for his reward?</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"'State of Maryland,<br>
+ "'Executive Chamber,</p>
+<p class="date">"'<span class="smcap">Annapolis</span>, <i>November 9, 1860</i>.</p>
+<p>"'Hon. E. H. <span class="smcap">Webster</span>.</p>
+
+ <p>"'<i>My Dear Sir</i>:&mdash;I have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of
+ your favor introducing a very clever gentleman to my acquaintance
+ (though a Demo'). I regret to say that we have, at this time, no
+ arms on hand to distribute, but assure you at the earliest
+ possible moment your company shall have arms; they have complied
+ with all required on their part. We have some delay, in
+ consequence of contracts with Georgia and Alabama ahead of us. We
+ expect at an early day an additional supply, and of first
+ received your people shall be furnished. Will they be good men to
+ send out to kill Lincoln and his men? If not, suppose the arms
+ would be better sent South.</p>
+
+ <p>"'How does late election sit with you? 'Tis too bad. Harford
+ nothing to reproach herself for.</p>
+
+<p>"'Your obedient servant,</p>
+<p class="signat smcap">"'Thos. H. Hicks.'</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>"With the Presidential party was Hon. Norman B. Judd; he was supposed
+to exercise unbounded influence over the new President; and with him,
+therefore, the detective opened communications. At various places
+along the route Mr. Judd was given vague hints of the impending
+danger, accompanied by the usual assurances of the skill and activity
+of the patriots who were perilling their lives in a rebel city to save
+that of the Chief Magistrate. When he reached New York, he was met by
+the woman who had originally gone with the other spies to Baltimore.
+She had urgent messages from her chief&mdash;messages that disturbed Mr.
+Judd exceedingly. The detective was anxious to meet Mr. Judd and the
+President, and a meeting was accordingly arranged to take place at
+Philadelphia.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page129" name="page129"></a>(p. 129)</span> "Mr. Lincoln reached Philadelphia on the afternoon of the
+21st. The detective had arrived in the morning, and improved the
+interval to impress and enlist Mr. Felton. In the evening he got Mr.
+Judd and Mr. Felton into his room at the St. Louis Hotel, and told
+them all he had learned. He dwelt at large on the fierce temper of the
+Baltimore secessionists; on the loose talk he had heard about
+'fireballs or hand-grenades'; on a 'privateer' said to be moored
+somewhere in the bay; on the organization called National Volunteers;
+on the fact that, eavesdropping at Barnum's Hotel, he had overheard
+Marshal Kane intimate that he would not supply a police force on some
+undefined occasion, but what the occasion was he did not know. He made
+much of his miserable victim, Hilliard, whom he held up as a perfect
+type of the class from which danger was to be apprehended; but
+concerning "Captain" Ferrandini and his threats, he said, according to
+his own account, not a single word. He had opened his case, his whole
+case, and stated it as strongly as he could. Mr. Judd was very much
+startled, and was sure that it would be extremely imprudent for Mr.
+Lincoln to pass through Baltimore in open daylight, according to the
+published programme. But he thought the detective ought to see the
+President himself; and, as it was wearing toward nine o'clock, there
+was no time to lose. It was agreed that the part taken by the
+detective and Mr. Felton should be kept secret from every one but the
+President. Mr. Sanford, President of the American Telegraph Company,
+had also been co-operating in the business, and the same stipulation
+was made with regard to him.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Judd went to his own room at the Continental, and the detective
+followed. The crowd in the hotel was very dense, and it took some time
+to get a message to Mr. Lincoln. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page130" name="page130"></a>(p. 130)</span> But it finally reached him,
+and he responded in person. Mr. Judd introduced the detective, and the
+latter told his story over again, with a single variation: this time
+he mentioned the name of Ferrandini along with Hilliard's, but gave no
+more prominence to one than to the other.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Judd and the detective wanted Lincoln to leave for Washington
+that night. This he flatly refused to do. He had engagements with the
+people, he said, to raise a flag over Independence Hall in the
+morning, and to exhibit himself at Harrisburg in the afternoon, and
+these engagements he would not break in any event. But he would raise
+the flag, go to Harrisburg, 'get away quietly' in the evening, and
+permit himself to be carried to Washington in the way they thought
+best. Even this, however, he conceded with great reluctance. He
+condescended to cross-examine the detective on some parts of his
+narrative, but at no time did he seem in the least degree alarmed. He
+was earnestly requested not to communicate the change of plan to any
+member of his party except Mr. Judd, nor permit even a suspicion of it
+to cross the mind of another. To this he replied that he would be
+compelled to tell Mrs. Lincoln, 'and he thought it likely that she
+would insist upon W. H. Lamon going with him; but, aside from that, no
+one should know.'</p>
+
+<p>"In the meantime, Mr. Seward had also discovered the conspiracy. He
+dispatched his son to Philadelphia to warn the President-elect of the
+terrible plot into whose meshes he was about to run. Mr. Lincoln
+turned him over to Judd, and Judd told him they already knew all about
+it. He went away with just enough information to enable his father to
+anticipate the exact moment of Mr. Lincoln's surreptitious arrival in
+Washington.</p>
+
+<p>"Early on the morning of the 22d, Mr. Lincoln raised the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page131" name="page131"></a>(p. 131)</span>
+flag over Independence Hall, and departed for Harrisburg. On the way
+Mr. Judd 'gave him a full and precise detail of the arrangements that
+had been made' the previous night. After the conference with the
+detective, Mr. Sanford, Colonel Scott, Mr. Felton, railroad and
+telegraph officials, had been sent for, and came to Mr. Judd's room.
+They occupied nearly the whole of the night in perfecting the plan. It
+was finally understood that about six o'clock the next evening Mr.
+Lincoln should slip away from the Jones Hotel, at Harrisburg, in
+company with a single member of his party. A special car and engine
+would be provided for him on the track outside the depot. All other
+trains on the road would be 'side-tracked' until this one had passed.
+Mr. Sanford would forward skilled 'telegraph-climbers,' and see that
+all the wires leading out of Harrisburg were cut at six o'clock, and
+kept down until it was known that Mr. Lincoln had reached Washington
+in safety. The detective would meet Mr. Lincoln at the West
+Philadelphia Depot with a carriage, and conduct him by a circuitous
+route to the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Depot. Berths for
+four would be pre-engaged in the sleeping-car attached to the regular
+midnight train for Baltimore. This train Mr. Felton would cause to be
+detained until the conductor should receive a package, containing
+important 'Government dispatches,' addressed to 'E. J. Allen,
+Willard's Hotel, Washington.' This package was made up of old
+newspapers, carefully wrapped and sealed, and delivered to the
+detective to be used as soon as Mr. Lincoln was lodged in the car. Mr.
+Lincoln approved of the plan, and signified his readiness to
+acquiesce. Then Mr. Judd, forgetting the secrecy which the spy had so
+impressively enjoined, told Mr. Lincoln that the step he was about to
+take was one of such transcendent importance that <span class="pagenum"><a id="page132" name="page132"></a>(p. 132)</span> he thought
+'it should be communicated to the other gentlemen of the party.' Mr.
+Lincoln said, 'You can do as you like about that.' Mr. Judd now
+changed his seat; and Mr. Nicolay, whose suspicions seem to have been
+aroused by this mysterious conference, sat down beside him and said:
+'Judd, there is something <i>up</i>. What is it, if it is proper that I
+should know?' 'George,' answered Judd, 'there is no necessity for your
+knowing it. One man can keep a matter better than two.'</p>
+
+<p>"Arrived at Harrisburg, and the public ceremonies and speechmaking
+over, Mr. Lincoln retired to a private parlor in the Jones House, and
+Mr. Judd summoned to meet him Judge Davis, Colonel Lamon, Colonel
+Sumner, Major Hunter and Captain Pope. The three latter were officers
+of the regular army, and had joined the party after it had left
+Springfield. Judd began the conference by stating the alleged fact of
+the Baltimore conspiracy, how it was detected, and how it was proposed
+to thwart it by a midnight expedition to Washington by way of
+Philadelphia. It was a great surprise to most of those assembled.
+Colonel Sumner was the first to break silence. 'That proceeding,' said
+he, 'will be a damned piece of cowardice.' Mr. Judd considered this a
+'pointed hit,' but replied that 'that view of the case had already
+been presented to Mr. Lincoln.' Then there was a general interchange
+of opinions, which Sumner interrupted by saying, 'I'll get a squad of
+cavalry, sir, and <i>cut</i> our way to Washington, sir!' 'Probably before
+that day comes,' said Mr. Judd, 'the inauguration-day will have
+passed. It is important that Mr. Lincoln should be in Washington that
+day.' Thus far Judge Davis had expressed no opinion, but 'had put
+various questions to test the truthfulness of the story.' He now
+turned to Mr. Lincoln and <span class="pagenum"><a id="page133" name="page133"></a>(p. 133)</span> said, 'You personally heard the
+detective's story. You have heard this discussion. What is your
+judgment in the matter?' 'I have listened,' answered Mr. Lincoln, 'to
+this discussion with interest. I see no reason, no good reason, to
+change the programme, and I am for carrying it out as arranged by
+Judd.' There was no longer any dissent as to the plan itself; but one
+question still remained to be disposed of. Who should accompany the
+President on his perilous ride? Mr. Judd again took the lead,
+declaring that he and Mr. Lincoln had previously determined that but
+one man ought to go, and that Colonel Lamon had been selected as the
+proper person. To this Sumner violently demurred. '<i>I</i> have
+undertaken,' he exclaimed, 'to see Mr. Lincoln to Washington.'</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln was hastily dining when a close carriage was brought to
+the side door of the hotel. He was called, hurried to his room,
+changed his coat and hat, and passed rapidly through the hall and out
+of the door. As he was stepping into the carriage, it became manifest
+that Sumner was determined to get in also. 'Hurry with him,' whispered
+Judd to Lamon, and at the same time, placing his hand on Sumner's
+shoulder, said aloud, 'One moment, Colonel!' Sumner turned around, and
+in that moment the carriage drove rapidly away. 'A madder man,' says
+Mr. Judd, 'you never saw.'</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon got on board the car without discovery
+or mishap. Besides themselves, there was no one in or about the car
+but Mr. Lewis, General Superintendent of the Pennsylvania Central
+Railroad, and Mr. Franciscus, superintendent of the division over
+which they were about to pass. As Mr. Lincoln's dress on this occasion
+has been much discussed, it may be as well to state that he <span class="pagenum"><a id="page134" name="page134"></a>(p. 134)</span>
+wore a soft, light felt hat, drawn down over his face when it seemed
+necessary or convenient, and a shawl thrown over his shoulders, and
+pulled up to assist in disguising his features when passing to and
+from the carriage. This was all there was of the 'Scotch cap and
+cloak,' so widely celebrated in the political literature of the day.</p>
+
+<p>"At ten o'clock they reached Philadelphia, and were met by the
+detective and one Mr. Kinney, an under official of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. Lewis and Franciscus bade Mr.
+Lincoln adieu. Mr. Lincoln, Colonel Lamon and the detective seated
+themselves in a carriage which stood in waiting, and Mr. Kinney got
+upon the box with the driver. It was a full hour and a half before the
+Baltimore train was to start, and Mr. Kinney found it necessary 'to
+consume the time by driving northward in search of some imaginary
+person.'</p>
+
+<p>"On the way through Philadelphia, Mr. Lincoln told his companions
+about the message he had received from Mr. Seward. This new discovery
+was infinitely more appalling than the other. Mr. Seward had been
+informed 'that about <i>fifteen thousand men</i> were organized to prevent
+his (Lincoln's) passage through Baltimore, and that arrangements were
+made by these parties to <i>blow up the railroad track, fire the
+train</i>,' etc. In view of these unpleasant circumstances, Mr. Seward
+recommended a change of route. Here was a plot big enough to swallow
+up the little one, which we are to regard as the peculiar property of
+Mr. Felton's detective. Hilliard, Ferrandini and Luckett disappear
+among the 'fifteen thousand,' and their maudlin and impotent twaddle
+about the 'abolition tyrant' looks very insignificant beside the
+bloody massacre, conflagration and explosion now foreshadowed.</p>
+
+<p>"As the moment for the departure of the Baltimore train <span class="pagenum"><a id="page135" name="page135"></a>(p. 135)</span> drew
+near, the carriage paused in the dark shadows of the depot building.
+It was not considered prudent to approach the entrance. The spy passed
+in first and was followed by Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon. An agent
+of the former directed them to the sleeping-car, which they entered by
+the rear door. Mr. Kinney ran forward and delivered to the conductor
+the important package prepared for the purpose; and in three minutes
+the train was in motion. The tickets for the whole party had been
+procured beforehand. Their berths were ready, but had only been
+preserved from invasion by the statement that they were retained for a
+sick man and his attendants. The business had been managed very
+adroitly by the female spy, who had accompanied her employer from
+Baltimore to Philadelphia to assist him in this, the most delicate and
+important affair of his life. Mr. Lincoln got into his bed
+immediately, and the curtains were drawn together. When the conductor
+came around, the detective handed him the 'sick man's' ticket, and the
+rest of the party lay down also. None of 'our party appeared to be
+sleepy,' says the detective, 'but we all lay quiet, and nothing of
+importance transpired.'... During the night Mr. Lincoln indulged in a
+joke or two in an undertone; but, with that exception, the two
+sections occupied by them were perfectly silent. The detective said he
+had men stationed at various places along the road to let him know 'if
+all was right,' and he rose and went to the platform occasionally to
+observe their signals, but returned each time with a favorable report.</p>
+
+<p>"At thirty minutes after three the train reached Baltimore. One of the
+spy's assistants came on board and informed him in a whisper that all
+was right. The woman [the female detective] got out of the car. Mr.
+Lincoln lay close in his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page136" name="page136"></a>(p. 136)</span> berth, and in a few moments the car
+was being slowly drawn through the quiet streets of the city toward
+the Washington Depot. There again there was another pause, but no
+sound more alarming than the noise of shifting cars and engines. The
+passengers, tucked away on their narrow shelves, dozed on as
+peacefully as if Mr. Lincoln had never been born....</p>
+
+<p>"In due time the train sped out of the suburbs of Baltimore, and the
+apprehensions of the President and his friends diminished with each
+welcome revolution of the wheels. At six o'clock the dome of the
+Capitol came in sight, and a moment later they rolled into the long,
+unsightly building which forms the Washington Depot. They passed out
+of the car unobstructed, and pushed along with the living stream of
+men and women towards the outer door. One man alone in the great crowd
+seemed to watch Mr. Lincoln with special attention. Standing a little
+on one side, he 'looked very sharp at him,' and, as he passed, seized
+hold of his hand and said in a loud tone of voice, 'Abe, you can't
+play that on me.' The detective and Col. Lamon were instantly alarmed.
+One of them raised his fist to strike the stranger; but Mr. Lincoln
+caught his arm and said, 'Don't strike him! don't strike him! It is
+Washburne. Don't you know him?' Mr. Seward had given to Mr. Washburne
+a hint of the information received through his son, and Mr. Washburne
+knew its value as well as another. For the present the detective
+admonished him to keep quiet, and they passed on together. Taking a
+hack, they drove towards Willard's Hotel. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Washburne
+and the detective got out into the street and approached the ladies'
+entrance, while Col. Lamon drove on to the main entrance, and sent the
+proprietor to meet his distinguished guest at the side door. A few
+minutes later Mr. Seward arrived, and was introduced to the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page137" name="page137"></a>(p. 137)</span>
+company by Mr. Washburne. He spoke in very strong terms of the great
+danger which Mr. Lincoln had so narrowly escaped, and most heartily
+applauded the wisdom of the 'secret passage.' 'I informed Gov. Seward
+of the nature of the information I had,' says the detective, 'and that
+I had no information of any large organization in Baltimore; but the
+Governor reiterated that he had conclusive evidence of this.'...</p>
+
+<p>"That same day Mr. Lincoln's family and suite passed through Baltimore
+on the special train intended for him. They saw no sign of any
+disposition to burn them alive, or to blow them up with gunpowder, but
+went their way unmolested and very happy.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the midnight ride. His friends
+reproached him; his enemies taunted him. He was convinced that he had
+committed a grave mistake in yielding to the solicitations of a
+professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed. He saw that he had
+fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the shame and
+mortification natural to a brave man under such circumstances. But he
+was not disposed to take all the responsibility to himself, and
+frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and assisted him to
+demean himself at the very moment in all his life when his behavior
+should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure.</p>
+
+<p>"The news of his surreptitious entry into Washington occasioned much
+and varied comment throughout the country; but important events
+followed it in such rapid succession that its real significance was
+soon lost sight of; enough that Mr. Lincoln was safely at the Capital,
+and in a few days would in all probability assume the power confided
+to his hands."</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page138" name="page138"></a>(p. 138)</span> APPENDIX II.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">EXTRACT FROM THE OPINION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
+ STATES, DELIVERED BY CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY IN THE CASE OF DRED
+ SCOTT <i>vs.</i> SANDFORD, 19 HOW. 407.</p>
+
+<p>"It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public opinion in
+relation to that unfortunate race" (the African) "which prevailed in
+the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of the
+Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the United
+States was framed and adopted.</p>
+
+<p>"But the public history of every European nation displays it in a
+manner too plain to be mistaken.</p>
+
+<p>"They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an
+inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race,
+either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that
+they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that
+the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his
+benefit."</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page139" name="page139"></a>(p. 139)</span> APPENDIX III.</h2>
+
+<p class="resume">THE HABEAS CORPUS CASE EX PARTE JOHN MERRYMAN, CAMPBELL'S
+ REPORTS, P. 246. &mdash; OPINION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED
+ STATES.</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="3" summary="Title.">
+<colgroup>
+ <col width="20%">
+ <col width="80%">
+</colgroup>
+<tr>
+<td class="center"><i>Ex parte</i><br> JOHN MERRYMAN.</td>
+<td>Before the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, at Chambers.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The application in this case for a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> is made to
+me under the fourteenth section of the Judiciary Act of 1789, which
+renders effectual for the citizen the constitutional privilege of the
+writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>. That act gives to the courts of the United
+States, as well as to each justice of the Supreme Court and to every
+district judge, power to grant writs of <i>habeas corpus</i> for the
+purpose of an inquiry into the cause of commitment. The petition was
+presented to me at Washington, under the impression that I would order
+the prisoner to be brought before me there; but as he was confined in
+Fort McHenry, in the city of Baltimore, which is in my circuit, I
+resolved to hear it in the latter city, as obedience to the writ under
+such circumstances would not withdraw General Cadwallader, who had him
+in charge, from the limits of his military command.</p>
+
+<p>The petition presents the following case:</p>
+
+<p>The petitioner resides in Maryland, in Baltimore County. While
+peaceably in his own house, with his family, it was, at two o'clock on
+the morning of the 25th of May, 1861, entered by an armed force
+professing to act under military orders. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page140" name="page140"></a>(p. 140)</span> He was then
+compelled to rise from his bed, taken into custody and conveyed to
+Fort McHenry, where he is imprisoned by the commanding officer,
+without warrant from any lawful authority.</p>
+
+<p>The commander of the fort, General George Cadwallader, by whom he is
+detained in confinement, in his return to the writ, does not deny any
+of the facts alleged in the petition. He states that the prisoner was
+arrested by order of General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and conducted as
+aforesaid to Fort McHenry by his order, and placed in his (General
+Cadwallader's) custody, to be there detained by him as a prisoner.</p>
+
+<p>A copy of the warrant or order under which the prisoner was arrested
+was demanded by his counsel and refused. And it is not alleged in the
+return that any specific act, constituting any offense against the
+laws of the United States, has been charged against him upon oath; but
+he appears to have been arrested upon general charges of treason and
+rebellion, without proof, and without giving the names of the
+witnesses, or specifying the acts which, in the judgment of the
+military officer, constituted these crimes. Having the prisoner thus
+in custody upon these vague and unsupported accusations, he refuses to
+obey the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>, upon the ground that he is duly
+authorized by the President to suspend it.</p>
+
+<p>The case, then, is simply this: A military officer, residing in
+Pennsylvania, issues an order to arrest a citizen of Maryland upon
+vague and indefinite charges, without any proof, so far as appears.
+Under this order his house is entered in the night, he is seized as a
+prisoner and conveyed to Fort McHenry, and there kept in close
+confinement. And when a <i>habeas corpus</i> is served on the commanding
+officer, requiring him to produce the prisoner before a justice of the
+Supreme Court, in order that he may examine into the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page141" name="page141"></a>(p. 141)</span>
+legality of the imprisonment, the answer of the officer is that he is
+authorized by the President to suspend the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> at
+his discretion, and, in the exercise of that discretion, suspends it
+in this case, and on that ground refuses obedience to the writ.</p>
+
+<p>As the case comes before me, therefore, I understand that the
+President not only claims the right to suspend the writ of <i>habeas
+corpus</i> himself at his discretion, but to delegate that discretionary
+power to a military officer, and to leave it to him to determine
+whether he will or will not obey judicial process that may be served
+upon him.</p>
+
+<p>No official notice has been given to the courts of justice, or to the
+public, by proclamation or otherwise, that the President claimed this
+power, and had exercised it in the manner stated in the return. And I
+certainly listened to it with some surprise; for I had supposed it to
+be one of those points of constitutional law upon which there was no
+difference of opinion, and that it was admitted on all hands that the
+privilege of the writ could not be suspended except by act of
+Congress.</p>
+
+<p>When the conspiracy of which Aaron Burr was the head became so
+formidable and was so extensively ramified as to justify, in Mr.
+Jefferson's opinion, the suspension of the writ, he claimed on his
+part no power to suspend it, but communicated his opinion to Congress,
+with all the proofs in his possession, in order that Congress might
+exercise its discretion upon the subject, and determine whether the
+public safety required it. And in the debate which took place upon the
+subject, no one suggested that Mr. Jefferson might exercise the power
+himself, if, in his opinion, the public safety demanded it.</p>
+
+<p>Having therefore regarded the question as too plain and too <span class="pagenum"><a id="page142" name="page142"></a>(p. 142)</span>
+well settled to be open to dispute, if the commanding officer had
+stated that upon his own responsibility, and in the exercise of his
+own discretion, he refused obedience to the writ, I should have
+contented myself with referring to the clause in the Constitution, and
+to the construction it received from every jurist and statesman of
+that day, when the case of Burr was before them. But being thus
+officially notified that the privilege of the writ has been suspended
+under the orders and by the authority of the President, and believing,
+as I do, that the President has exercised a power which he does not
+possess under the Constitution, a proper respect for the high office
+he fills requires me to state plainly and fully the grounds of my
+opinion, in order to show that I have not ventured to question the
+legality of his act without a careful and deliberate examination of
+the whole subject.</p>
+
+<p>The clause of the Constitution which authorizes the suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> is in the ninth section of
+the first article.</p>
+
+<p>This article is devoted to the legislative department of the United
+States, and has not the slightest reference to the Executive
+Department. It begins by providing "that all legislative powers
+therein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States,
+which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives"; and
+after prescribing the manner in which these two branches of the
+legislative department shall be chosen, it proceeds to enumerate
+specifically the legislative powers which it thereby grants, and at
+the conclusion of this specification a clause is inserted giving
+Congress "the power to make all laws which shall be necessary and
+proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
+powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United
+States, or in any department or office thereof."</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page143" name="page143"></a>(p. 143)</span> The power of legislation granted by this latter clause is by
+its words carefully confined to the specific objects before
+enumerated. But as this limitation was unavoidably somewhat
+indefinite, it was deemed necessary to guard more effectually certain
+great cardinal principles essential to the liberty of the citizen, and
+to the rights and equality of the States, by denying to Congress, in
+express terms, any power of legislation over them. It was apprehended,
+it seems, that such legislation might be attempted under the pretext
+that it was necessary and proper to carry into execution the powers
+granted; and it was determined that there should be no room to doubt,
+where rights of such vital importance were concerned, and accordingly
+this clause is immediately followed by an enumeration of certain
+subjects to which the powers of legislation shall not extend. The
+great importance which the framers of the Constitution attached to the
+privilege of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> to protect the liberty of the
+citizen, is proved by the fact that its suspension, except in cases of
+invasion or rebellion, is first in the list of prohibited powers&mdash;and
+even in these cases the power is denied and its exercise prohibited,
+unless the public safety shall require it. It is true that in the
+cases mentioned, Congress is of necessity the judge of whether the
+public safety does, or does not, require it; and its judgment is
+conclusive. But the introduction of these words is a standing
+admonition to the legislative body of the danger of suspending it, and
+of the extreme caution they should exercise before they give the
+Government of the United States such power over the liberty of a
+citizen.</p>
+
+<p>It is the second article of the Constitution that provides for the
+organization of the Executive Department, and enumerates the powers
+conferred on it, and prescribes its duties. And if the high power over
+the liberty of the citizen <span class="pagenum"><a id="page144" name="page144"></a>(p. 144)</span> now claimed was intended to be
+conferred on the President, it would undoubtedly be found in plain
+words in this article. But there is not a word in it that can furnish
+the slightest ground to justify the exercise of the power.</p>
+
+<p>The article begins by declaring that the executive power shall be
+vested in a President of the United States of America, to hold his
+office during the term of four years, and then proceeds to prescribe
+the mode of election, and to specify in precise and plain words the
+powers delegated to him, and the duties imposed upon him. The short
+term for which he is elected, and the narrow limits to which his power
+is confined, show the jealousy and apprehensions of future danger
+which the framers of the Constitution felt in relation to that
+department of the Government, and how carefully they withheld from it
+many of the powers belonging to the Executive Branch of the English
+Government which were considered as dangerous to the liberty of the
+subject, and conferred (and that in clear and specific terms) those
+powers only which were deemed essential to secure the successful
+operation of the Government.</p>
+
+<p>He is elected, as I have already said, for the brief term of four
+years, and is made personally responsible by impeachment for
+malfeasance in office. He is from necessity and the nature of his
+duties the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and of the militia
+when called into actual service. But no appropriation for the support
+of the Army can be made by Congress for a longer term than two years,
+so that it is in the power of the succeeding House of Representatives
+to withhold the appropriation for its support, and thus disband it,
+if, in their judgment, the President used or designed to use it for
+improper purposes. And although the militia, when in actual service,
+is under his <span class="pagenum"><a id="page145" name="page145"></a>(p. 145)</span> command, yet the appointment of the officers is
+reserved to the States, as a security against the use of the military
+power for purposes dangerous to the liberties of the people or the
+rights of the States.</p>
+
+<p>So, too, his powers in relation to the civil duties and authority
+necessarily conferred on him are carefully restricted, as well as
+those belonging to his military character. He cannot appoint the
+ordinary officers of Government, nor make a treaty with a foreign
+nation or Indian tribe, without the advice and consent of the Senate,
+and cannot appoint even inferior officers unless he is authorized by
+an Act of Congress to do so. He is not empowered to arrest any one
+charged with an offense against the United States, and whom he may,
+from the evidence before him, believe to be guilty; nor can he
+authorize any officer, civil or military, to exercise this power; for
+the fifth article of the Amendments to the Constitution expressly
+provides that no person "shall be deprived of life, liberty or
+property without due process of law"&mdash;that is, judicial process. Even
+if the privilege of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> were suspended by Act
+of Congress, and a party not subject to the rules and articles of war
+were afterwards arrested and imprisoned by regular judicial process,
+he could not be detained in prison or brought to trial before a
+military tribunal; for the article in the Amendments to the
+Constitution immediately following the one above referred to&mdash;that is,
+the sixth article&mdash;provides that "in all criminal prosecutions the
+accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an
+impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have
+been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained
+by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation;
+to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page146" name="page146"></a>(p. 146)</span> process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have
+the assistance of counsel for his defense."</p>
+
+<p>The only power, therefore, which the President possesses, where the
+"life, liberty, or property" of a private citizen is concerned, is the
+power and duty prescribed in the third section of the second article,
+which requires "that he shall take care that the laws be faithfully
+executed." He is not authorized to execute them himself, or through
+agents or officers, civil or military, appointed by himself, but he is
+to take care that they be faithfully carried into execution as they
+are expounded and adjudged by the co-ordinate branch of the Government
+to which that duty is assigned by the Constitution. It is thus made
+his duty to come in aid of the judicial authority, if it shall be
+resisted by a force too strong to be overcome without the assistance
+of the executive arm. But in exercising this power he acts in
+subordination to judicial authority, assisting it to execute its
+process and enforce its judgments.</p>
+
+<p>With such provisions in the Constitution, expressed in language too
+clear to be misunderstood by any one, I can see no ground whatever for
+supposing that the President, in any emergency or in any state of
+things, can authorize the suspension of the privilege of the writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i>, or the arrest of a citizen, except in aid of the
+judicial power. He certainly does not faithfully execute the laws if
+he takes upon himself legislative power by suspending the writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i>, and the judicial power also, by arresting and
+imprisoning a person without due process of law. Nor can any argument
+be drawn from the nature of sovereignty, or the necessity of
+Government for self-defense in times of tumult and danger. The
+Government of the United States is one of delegated and limited
+powers. It derives its existence and authority <span class="pagenum"><a id="page147" name="page147"></a>(p. 147)</span> altogether
+from the Constitution, and neither of its branches, executive,
+legislative or judicial, can exercise any of the powers of Government
+beyond those specified and granted. For the tenth article of the
+Amendments to the Constitution in express terms provides that "the
+powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor
+prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States
+respectively, or to the people."</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, the security against imprisonment by executive authority,
+provided for in the fifth article of the Amendments to the
+Constitution, which I have before quoted, is nothing more than a copy
+of a like provision in the English Constitution, which had been firmly
+established before the Declaration of Independence.</p>
+
+<p>Blackstone states it in the following words:</p>
+
+<p>"To make imprisonment lawful, it must be either by process of law from
+the courts of judicature or by warrant from some legal officer having
+authority to commit to prison" (1 Bl. Com. 137).</p>
+
+<p>The people of the United Colonies, who had themselves lived under its
+protection while they were British subjects, were well aware of the
+necessity of this safeguard for their personal liberty. And no one can
+believe that, in framing a government intended to guard still more
+efficiently the rights and liberties of the citizen against executive
+encroachments and oppression, they would have conferred on the
+President a power which the history of England had proved to be
+dangerous and oppressive in the hands of the Crown, and which the
+people of England had compelled it to surrender after a long and
+obstinate struggle on the part of the English Executive to usurp and
+retain it.</p>
+
+<p>The right of the subject to the benefit of the writ of <i>habeas
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page148" name="page148"></a>(p. 148)</span> corpus</i>, it must be recollected, was one of the great points
+in controversy during the long struggle in England between arbitrary
+government and free institutions, and must therefore have strongly
+attracted the attention of the statesmen engaged in framing a new,
+and, as they supposed, a freer government than the one which they had
+thrown off by the Revolution. From the earliest history of the common
+law, if a person were imprisoned, no matter by what authority, he had
+a right to the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> to bring his case before the
+King's Bench; if no specific offense were charged against him in the
+warrant of commitment, he was entitled to be forthwith discharged; and
+if an offense were charged which was bailable in its character, the
+Court was bound to set him at liberty on bail. The most exciting
+contests between the Crown and the people of England from the time of
+<i>Magna Charta</i> were in relation to the privilege of this writ, and
+they continued until the passage of the statute of 31st Charles II,
+commonly known as the Great <i>Habeas Corpus</i> Act. This statute put an
+end to the struggle, and finally and firmly secured the liberty of the
+subject against the usurpation and oppression of the executive branch
+of the Government. It nevertheless conferred no new right upon the
+subject, but only secured a right already existing. For, although the
+right could not justly be denied, there was often no effectual remedy
+against its violation. Until the statute of 13 William III, the judges
+held their offices at the pleasure of the King, and the influence
+which he exercised over timid, time-serving and partisan judges often
+induced them, upon some pretext or other, to refuse to discharge the
+party, although entitled by law to his discharge, or delayed their
+decision from time to time, so as to prolong the imprisonment of
+persons who were obnoxious to the King for their <span class="pagenum"><a id="page149" name="page149"></a>(p. 149)</span> political
+opinions, or had incurred his resentment in any other way.</p>
+
+<p>The great and inestimable value of the <i>habeas corpus</i> act of the 31st
+Charles II. is that it contains provisions which compel courts and
+judges, and all parties concerned, to perform their duties promptly in
+the manner specified in the statute.</p>
+
+<p>A passage in Blackstone's Commentaries, showing the ancient state of
+the law on this subject, and the abuses which were practised through
+the power and influence of the Crown, and a short extract from
+Hallam's "Constitutional History," stating the circumstances which
+gave rise to the passage of this statute, explain briefly, but fully,
+all that is material to this subject.</p>
+
+<p>Blackstone says: "To assert an absolute exemption from imprisonment in
+all cases is inconsistent with every idea of law and political
+society, and, in the end, would destroy all civil liberty by rendering
+its protection impossible.</p>
+
+<p>"But the glory of the English law consists in clearly defining the
+times, the causes and the extent, when, wherefore and to what degree
+the imprisonment of the subject may be lawful. This it is which
+induces the absolute necessity of expressing upon every commitment the
+reason for which it is made, "that the court upon a <i>habeas corpus</i>
+may examine into its validity, and, according to the circumstances of
+the case, may discharge, admit to bail, or remand the prisoner.</p>
+
+<p>"And yet, early in the reign of Charles I, the Court of King's Bench,
+relying on some arbitrary precedents (and those, perhaps,
+misunderstood), determined that they would not, upon a <i>habeas
+corpus</i>, either bail or deliver a prisoner, though committed without
+any cause assigned, in case he was committed by the special command of
+the King, or by the Lords of the Privy Council. This drew on a
+Parliamentary inquiry <span class="pagenum"><a id="page150" name="page150"></a>(p. 150)</span> and produced the Petition of Right&mdash;3
+Charles I.&mdash;which recites this illegal judgment, and enacts that no
+freeman hereafter shall be so imprisoned or detained. But when, in the
+following year, Mr. Selden and others were committed by the Lords of
+the Council, in pursuance of His Majesty's special command, under a
+general charge of 'notable contempts, and stirring up sedition against
+the King and the Government,' the judges delayed for two terms
+(including also the long vacation) to deliver an opinion how far such
+a charge was bailable. And when at length they agreed that it was,
+they, however, annexed a condition of finding sureties for their good
+behavior, which still protracted their imprisonment, the Chief
+Justice, Sir Nicholas Hyde, at the same time declaring that 'if they
+were again remanded for that cause, perhaps the court would not
+afterwards grant a <i>habeas corpus</i>, being already made acquainted with
+the cause of the imprisonment.' But this was heard with indignation
+and astonishment by every lawyer present, according to Mr. Selden's
+own account of the matter, whose resentment was not cooled at the
+distance of four-and-twenty years" (3 Bl. Com. 133, 134).</p>
+
+<p>It is worthy of remark that the offenses charged against the prisoner
+in this case, and relied on as a justification for his arrest and
+imprisonment, in their nature and character, and in the loose and
+vague manner in which they are stated, bear a striking resemblance to
+those assigned in the warrant for the arrest of Mr. Selden. And yet,
+even at that day, the warrant was regarded as such a flagrant
+violation of the rights of the subject, that the delay of the
+time-serving judges to set him at liberty upon the <i>habeas corpus</i>
+issued in his behalf excited universal indignation of the bar. The
+extract from Hallam's "Constitutional History" is equally impressive
+and equally in point:</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page151" name="page151"></a>(p. 151)</span> "It is a very common mistake, and that not only among
+foreigners, but many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional
+laws might be expected, to suppose that this statute of Charles II.
+enlarged in a great degree our liberties, and forms a sort of epoch in
+their history. But though a very beneficial enactment, and eminently
+remedial in many cases of illegal imprisonment, it introduced no new
+principle, nor conferred any right upon the subject. From the earliest
+records of the English law, no freeman could be detained in prison,
+except upon a criminal charge, or conviction, or for a civil debt. In
+the former case it was always in his power to demand of the Court of
+King's Bench a writ of <i>habeas corpus ad subjiciendum</i>, directed to
+the person detaining him in custody, by which he was enjoined to bring
+up the body of the prisoner with the warrant of commitment, that the
+court might judge of its sufficiency, and remand the party, admit him
+to bail, or discharge him, according to the nature of the charge. This
+writ issued of right, and could not be refused by the court. It was
+not to bestow an immunity from arbitrary imprisonment&mdash;which is
+abundantly provided for in <i>Magna Charta</i> (if, indeed, it is not more
+ancient)&mdash;that the statute of Charles II. was enacted, but to cut off
+the abuses by which the Government's lust of power, and the servile
+subtlety of the Crown lawyers, had impaired so fundamental a
+privilege" (3 Hallam's "Const. Hist.," 19).</p>
+
+<p>While the value set upon this writ in England has been so great that
+the removal of the abuses which embarrassed its employment has been
+looked upon as almost a new grant of liberty to the subject, it is not
+to be wondered at that the continuance of the writ thus made effective
+should have been the object of the most jealous care. Accordingly, no
+power <span class="pagenum"><a id="page152" name="page152"></a>(p. 152)</span> in England short of that of Parliament can suspend or
+authorize the suspension of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>. I quote again
+from Blackstone (1 Bl. Com. 136): "But the happiness of our
+Constitution is that it is not left to the executive power to
+determine when the danger of the State is so great as to render this
+measure expedient. It is the Parliament only, or legislative power,
+that, whenever it sees proper, can authorize the Crown, by suspending
+the <i>habeas corpus</i> for a short and limited time, to imprison
+suspected persons without giving any reason for so doing." If the
+President of the United States may suspend the writ, then the
+Constitution of the United States has conferred upon him more regal
+and absolute power over the liberty of the citizen than the people of
+England have thought it safe to entrust to the Crown&mdash;a power which
+the Queen of England cannot exercise at this day, and which could not
+have been lawfully exercised by the sovereign even in the reign of
+Charles I.</p>
+
+<p>But I am not left to form my judgment upon this great question from
+analogies between the English Government and our own, or the
+commentaries of English jurists, or the decisions of English courts,
+although upon this subject they are entitled to the highest respect,
+and are justly regarded and received as authoritative by our courts of
+justice. To guide me to a right conclusion, I have the Commentaries on
+the Constitution of the United States of the late Mr. Justice Story,
+not only one of the most eminent jurists of the age, but for a long
+time one of the brightest ornaments of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, and also the clear and authoritative decision of that court
+itself, given more than half a century since, and conclusively
+establishing the principles I have above stated.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page153" name="page153"></a>(p. 153)</span> Mr. Justice Story, speaking in his Commentaries of the
+<i>habeas corpus</i> clause in the Constitution, says: "It is obvious that
+cases of a peculiar emergency may arise which may justify, nay, even
+require, the temporary suspension of any right to the writ. But as it
+has frequently happened in foreign countries, and even in England,
+that the writ has, upon various pretexts and occasions, been
+suspended, whereby persons apprehended upon suspicion have suffered a
+long imprisonment, sometimes from design, and sometimes because they
+were forgotten, the right to suspend it is expressly confined to cases
+of rebellion or invasion, where the public safety may require it. A
+very just and wholesome restraint, which cuts down at a blow a
+fruitful means of oppression, capable of being abused in bad times to
+the worst of purposes. Hitherto no suspension of the writ has ever
+been authorized by Congress since the establishment of the
+Constitution. It would seem, as the power is given to Congress to
+suspend the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> in cases of rebellion or invasion,
+that the right to judge whether the exigency had arisen must
+exclusively belong to that body" (3 Story's Com. on the Constitution,
+Section 1836).</p>
+
+<p>And Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the Supreme
+Court in the case of <i>ex parte</i> Bollman and Swartwout, uses this
+decisive language in 4 Cranch 95: "It may be worthy of remark that
+this Act (speaking of the one under which I am proceeding) was passed
+by the first Congress of the United States, sitting under a
+Constitution which had declared 'that the privilege of the writ of
+<i>habeas corpus</i> should not be suspended unless when, in cases of
+rebellion or invasion, the public safety might require it.' Acting
+under the immediate influence of this injunction, they must have felt
+with peculiar force the obligation of providing <span class="pagenum"><a id="page154" name="page154"></a>(p. 154)</span> efficient
+means by which this great constitutional privilege should receive life
+and activity; for if the means be not in existence, the privilege
+itself would be lost, although no law for its suspension should be
+enacted. Under the impression of this obligation, they give to all the
+courts the power of awarding writs of <i>habeas corpus</i>."</p>
+
+<p>And again, on page 101: "If at any time the public safety should
+require the suspension of the powers vested by this Act in the courts
+of the United States, it is for the Legislature to say so. That
+question depends on political considerations, on which the Legislature
+is to decide. Until the legislative will be expressed, this court can
+only see its duty, and must obey the laws."</p>
+
+<p>I can add nothing to these clear and emphatic words of my great
+predecessor. But the documents before me show that the military
+authority in this case has gone far beyond the mere suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>. It has, by force of arms,
+thrust aside the judicial authorities and officers to whom the
+Constitution has confided the power and duty of interpreting and
+administering the laws, and substituted a military government in its
+place, to be administered and executed by military officers. For, at
+the time these proceedings were had against John Merryman, the
+district judge of Maryland, the commissioner appointed under the Act
+of Congress, the district attorney and the marshal, all resided in the
+city of Baltimore, a few miles only from the home of the prisoner. Up
+to that time there had never been the slightest resistance or
+obstruction to the process of any court or judicial officer of the
+United States in Maryland, except by the military authority. And if a
+military officer, or any other person, had reason to believe that the
+prisoner had committed any offense against the laws <span class="pagenum"><a id="page155" name="page155"></a>(p. 155)</span> of the
+United States, it was his duty to give information of the fact, and
+the evidence to support it, to the district attorney; it would then
+have become the duty of that officer to bring the matter before the
+district judge or commissioner, and if there was sufficient legal
+evidence to justify his arrest, the judge or commissioner would have
+issued his warrant to the marshal to arrest him, and upon the hearing
+of the case would have held him to bail, or committed him for trial,
+according to the character of the offense as it appeared in the
+testimony, or would have discharged him immediately, if there was not
+sufficient evidence to support the accusation. There was no danger of
+any obstruction or resistance to the action of the civil authorities,
+and therefore no reason whatever for the interposition of the
+military. Yet, under these circumstances, a military officer stationed
+in Pennsylvania, without giving any information to the district
+attorney, and without any application to the judicial authorities,
+assumes to himself the judicial power in the District of Maryland;
+undertakes to decide what constitutes the crime of treason or
+rebellion; what evidence (if, indeed, he required any) is sufficient
+to support the accusation and justify the commitment; and commits the
+party without a hearing, even before himself, to close custody in a
+strongly garrisoned fort, to be there held, it would seem, during the
+pleasure of those who committed him.</p>
+
+<p>The Constitution provides, as I have before said, that "no person
+shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of
+law." It declares that "the right of the people to be secure in their
+persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and
+seizures shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue, but upon
+probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page156" name="page156"></a>(p. 156)</span> describing the place to be searched, and the persons or
+things to be seized." It provides that the party accused shall be
+entitled to a speedy trial in a court of justice.</p>
+
+<p>These great and fundamental laws, which Congress itself could not
+suspend, have been disregarded and suspended, like the writ of <i>habeas
+corpus</i>, by a military order, supported by force of arms. Such is the
+case now before me, and I can only say that if the authority which the
+Constitution has confided to the judiciary department and judicial
+officers may thus upon any pretext or under any circumstances be
+usurped by the military power at its discretion, the people of the
+United States are no longer living under a government of laws, but
+every citizen holds life, liberty and property at the will and
+pleasure of the army officer in whose military district he may happen
+to be found.</p>
+
+<p>In such a case my duty was too plain to be mistaken. I have exercised
+all the power which the Constitution and laws confer upon me, but that
+power has been resisted by a force too strong for me to overcome. It
+is possible that the officer who has incurred this grave
+responsibility may have misunderstood his instructions and exceeded
+the authority intended to be given him. I shall therefore order all
+the proceedings in this case, with my opinion, to be filed and
+recorded in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of
+Maryland, and direct the clerk to transmit a copy, under seal, to the
+President of the United States. It will then remain for that high
+officer, in fulfilment of his constitutional obligation, to "take care
+that the laws be faithfully executed," to determine what measures he
+will take to cause the civil process of the United States to be
+respected and enforced.</P>
+
+<p class="signat"><span class="smcap">R. B. Taney</span>,<br>
+ <i>Chief Justice of the Supreme Court<br>
+ of the United States</i>.</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page157" name="page157"></a>(p. 157)</span> APPENDIX IV.</h2>
+
+<p>On the 12th of July, 1861, I sent a message to the First and Second
+Branches of the City Council referring to the events of the 19th of
+April and those which followed. The first paragraph and the concluding
+paragraphs of this document are here inserted:</p>
+
+<div class="letter">
+<p class="center smcap">"The Mayor's Message.</p>
+
+<p class="smcap">"To the Honorable the Members of the
+ First and Second Branches of the City Council.</p>
+
+ <p>"<i>Gentlemen</i>:&mdash;A great object of the reform movement was to
+ separate municipal affairs entirely from national politics, and
+ in accordance with this principle I have heretofore, in all my
+ communications to the city council, carefully refrained from any
+ allusion to national affairs. I shall not now depart from this
+ rule further than is rendered absolutely necessary by the
+ unprecedented condition of things at present existing in this
+ city....</p>
+
+ <p>"After the board of police had been superseded, and its members
+ arrested by the order of General Banks, I proposed, in order to
+ relieve the serious complication which had arisen, to proceed, as
+ the only member left free to act, to exercise the power of the
+ board as far as an individual member could do so. Marshal Kane,
+ while he objected to the propriety of this course, was prepared
+ to place his resignation in my hands whenever I should request
+ it, and the majority of the board interposed no objection to my
+ pursuing such course as I <span class="pagenum"><a id="page158" name="page158"></a>(p. 158)</span> might deem it right and
+ proper to adopt in view of the existing circumstances, and upon
+ my own responsibility, until the board should be enabled to
+ resume the exercise of its functions.</p>
+
+ <p>"If this arrangement could have been effected, it would have
+ continued in the exercise of their duties the police force which
+ is lawfully enrolled, and which has won the confidence and
+ applause of all good citizens by its fidelity and impartiality at
+ all times and under all circumstances. But the arrangement was
+ not satisfactory to the Federal authorities.</p>
+
+ <p>"As the men of the police force, through no fault of theirs, are
+ now prevented from discharging their duty, their pay constitutes
+ a legal claim on the city from which, in my opinion, it cannot be
+ relieved.</p>
+
+ <p>"The force which has been enrolled is in direct violation of the
+ law of the State, and no money can be appropriated by the city
+ for its support without incurring the heavy penalties provided by
+ the Act of Assembly.</p>
+
+ <p>"Officers in the Fire Alarm and Police Telegraph Department who
+ are appointed by the mayor and city council, and not by the board
+ of police, have been discharged and others have been substituted
+ in their place.</p>
+
+ <p>"I mention these facts with profound sorrow, and with no purpose
+ whatever of increasing the difficulties unfortunately existing in
+ this city, but because it is your right to be acquainted with the
+ true condition of affairs, and because I cannot help entertaining
+ the hope that redress will yet be afforded by the authorities of
+ the United States upon a proper representation made by you. I am
+ entirely satisfied that the suspicion entertained of any
+ meditated hostility on the part of the city authorities against
+ the General Government is wholly unfounded, and with the best
+ means of knowledge <span class="pagenum"><a id="page159" name="page159"></a>(p. 159)</span> express the confident belief and
+ conviction that there is no organization of any kind among the
+ people for such a purpose. I have no doubt that the officers of
+ the United States have acted on information which they deemed
+ reliable, obtained from our own citizens, some of whom may be
+ deluded by their fears, while others are actuated by baser
+ motives; but suspicions thus derived can, in my judgment, form no
+ sufficient justification for what I deem to be grave and alarming
+ violations of the rights of individual citizens of the city of
+ Baltimore and of the State of Maryland.</p>
+
+<p>"Very respectfully,</p>
+<p class="signat">"<span class="smcap">Geo. Wm. Brown</span>, <i>Mayor</i>."</p>
+</div>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page160" name="page160"></a>(p. 160)</span> APPENDIX V.</h2>
+
+<p>As a part of the history of the times, it may not be inappropriate to
+reproduce an account, taken from the Baltimore American of December 5,
+1860, of the reception of the Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut,
+in the city of Baltimore. At this time it still seemed to most men of
+moderate views that the impending troubles might be averted through
+concessions and compromise. In the tone of the two speeches, both of
+which were, of course, meant to be friendly and conciliatory, there is
+a difference to be noted which was, I think, characteristic of the
+attitude of the two sections; in the one speech some prominence is
+given to the Constitution and constitutional rights; in the other,
+loyalty to the Union is the theme enforced:</p>
+
+<p>"The Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut, under the command of
+Major Horace Goodwin, yesterday afternoon reached here, at four
+o'clock, by the Philadelphia train, <i>en route</i> for a visit to the tomb
+of Washington. A detachment of the Eagle Artillery gave them a
+national salute.</p>
+
+<p>"The Battalion Baltimore City Guards, consisting of four companies,
+under the command of Major Joseph P. Warner, were drawn up on
+Broadway, and after passing in salute, the column moved by way of
+Broadway and Baltimore and Calvert streets to the old Universalist
+church-building.</p>
+
+<p>"As soon as the military entered the edifice and were seated, the
+galleries were thrown open to the public, and in a few minutes they
+were crowded to overflowing.</p>
+
+<p>"Captain Parks introduced Major Goodwin to Mayor Brown, who was in
+turn introduced to the commissioned <span class="pagenum"><a id="page161" name="page161"></a>(p. 161)</span> officers of the Phalanx.
+Major Goodwin then turned to his command and said: 'Gentlemen of the
+Phalanx, I have the honor of introducing you to the Mayor of the city
+of Baltimore.' Mayor Brown arose, and after bowing to the Battalion,
+addressed them as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Mayor Brown's Speech.</span></p>
+
+<p>"'<i>Mr. Commander and Gentlemen</i>:&mdash;In the name and on behalf of the
+people of Baltimore, I extend to the Putnam Phalanx a sincere and
+hearty welcome to the hospitalities of our city. The citizens of
+Baltimore are always glad to receive visits from the citizen-soldiers
+of sister States, because they come as friends, and more than
+friends&mdash;as the defenders of a common country.</p>
+
+<p>"'These sister States, as we love to call them, live somewhat far
+apart, and gradually become more and more separated by distance, just
+as sisters will be as the children marry and one by one leave the
+parent homestead.</p>
+
+<p>"'But, gentlemen, far or near, on the Connecticut or Potomac, on the
+Gulf of Mexico or the great lakes, on the Atlantic or Pacific, they
+are sisters still, united by blood and affection, and the holy tie
+should never be severed. (Applause.)</p>
+
+<p>"'Let me carry the figure a step further, and add what I know will
+meet with a response from the Putnam Phalanx, with whose history and
+high character I am somewhat acquainted&mdash;that a sisterhood of States,
+like separate families of sisters living in the same neighborhood, can
+never dwell together in peace unless each is permitted to manage her
+own domestic affairs in her own way (applause); not only without
+active interference from the rest, but even without much fault-finding
+or advice, however well intended it may be.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page162" name="page162"></a>(p. 162)</span> "'Maryland has sometimes been called the Heart State, because
+she lies very close to the great heart of the Union; and she might
+also be called the Heart State because her heart beats with true and
+warm love for the Union. (Loud applause.) Nor, as I trust, does
+Connecticut fall short of her in this respect. And when the questions
+now before the country come to be fairly understood, and the people
+look into them with their own eyes, and take matters into their own
+hands, I believe that we shall see a sight of which politicians, North
+and South, little dream. (Applause.) We shall see whether there is a
+love for the Union or not.</p>
+
+<p>"'But there are great national questions agitating the land which must
+now be finally settled. One is, Will the States of the North keep on
+their statute-books laws which violate a right of the States of the
+South, guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States? No
+individuals, no families, no States, can live in peace together when
+any right of a part is persistently and deliberately violated by the
+rest. Another question is, What shall be done with the national
+territory? Shall it belong exclusively to the North or the South, or
+shall it be shared by both, as it was gained by the blood and treasure
+of both? Are there not wisdom and patriotism enough in the land to
+settle these questions?</p>
+
+<p>"'Gentlemen, your presence here to-day proves that you are animated by
+a higher and larger sentiment than that of State pride&mdash;the sentiment
+of American nationality. The most sacred spot in America is the tomb
+of Washington, and to that shrine you are about to make a pilgrimage.
+You come from a State celebrated above all others for the most
+extensive diffusion of the great blessing of education; which has a
+colonial and Revolutionary history abounding in honorable <span class="pagenum"><a id="page163" name="page163"></a>(p. 163)</span>
+memorials; which has heretofore done her full share in founding the
+institutions of this country&mdash;the land of Washington&mdash;and which can
+now do as much as any other in preserving that land one and undivided,
+as it was left by the Father of his Country. I will not permit myself
+to doubt that your State and our State, that Connecticut and Maryland,
+will both be on the same side, as they have often been in times past,
+and that they will both respect and obey and uphold the sacred
+Constitution of the country.' (Shouts of applause.)</p>
+
+<p>"As soon as the Mayor concluded, Major Goodwin arose; but it was some
+time before he could be heard, such was the tremendous applause with
+which he was greeted. The Major is nearly ninety years of age, and is
+one of the most venerable-looking men in the country. Dressed in the
+old Revolutionary uniform, a <i>fac-simile</i> of that worn by General
+Putnam, and with his locks silvered with age, we may say that his
+appearance electrified the multitude, and shout after shout shook the
+very building. Major Goodwin expressed himself as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"'Mr. Mayor and gentlemen of the Baltimore City Guards, permit me to
+introduce to you our Judge Advocate, Captain Stuart.'</p>
+
+<p>"Captain Stuart arose and spoke as follows:</p>
+
+<p class="center smcap">"Speech of Captain Stuart.</p>
+
+<p>"'Your Honor, Mayor Brown: For your kind words of welcome, and for
+your patriotic sentiments in favor of the Union, the Putnam Phalanx
+returns you its most cordial thanks. I can assure you, sir, that when
+you spoke in such eloquent terms of the value and importance of a
+united country, you but echoed the sentiments of the whole of our
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page164" name="page164"></a>(p. 164)</span> organization; and let me say, it is with great pleasure,
+upon a journey, as we are, to the tomb of the illustrious Washington;
+that we pause for a while within a city so famed for its intelligence,
+its industry, its general opulence and its courtesy, as is this your
+own beautiful Baltimore.</p>
+
+<p>"'We opine, nay, we know from what you have yourself, in such fitting
+terms, just expressed, that you heartily appreciate the purpose which
+lies at the foundation of our organization, that purpose being the
+lofty one of commemorating, by our military attire and discipline, the
+imposing foundation-period of the American Republic, of attracting our
+own patriotic feeling, and that of all who may honor us with their
+observation, to the exalted virtues of those heroic men who laid the
+foundations of our present national prosperity and glory&mdash;men of whom
+your city and State furnished, as it pleasantly happens, a large and
+most honorable share.</p>
+
+<p>"'We come, sir, from that portion of the United States in which the
+momentous struggle for American freedom took its rise, and where the
+blood of its earliest martyrs was shed; from the region where odious
+writs of assistance, infamous Courts of Admiralty, intolerable
+taxation, immolated charters of government and prohibited commerce
+were once fast paving the way for the slavery of our institutions;
+from the region of a happy and God-fearing people&mdash;from the region,
+sir, of Lexington and Concord and Bunker Hill and Croton Heights, of
+ravaged New London and fired Fairfield and Norwalk and devastated
+Danbury and sacked New Haven. And we come, Mr. Mayor, to a city and
+State, we are proudly aware, which to all these trials and perils of
+assaulted New England, and to the trials and perils of our whole
+common country, during "the times that tried men's souls," gave ever
+the meed of its heartfelt sympathy, and the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page165" name="page165"></a>(p. 165)</span> unstinted
+tribute of its patriotic blood and treasure; which, with a full and
+clear comprehension of all the great principles of American freedom,
+and a devotion to those principles that was ever ardent and exalted,
+signalized themselves by their wisdom in council and their prowess on
+the field.</p>
+
+<p>"'When the devoted metropolis of New England began to feel the awful
+scourge of the Writ Bill, Maryland it was that then contributed most
+liberal supplies for its suffering people, and with these supplies
+those cheering, ever-to-be-remembered, talismanic words: "The Supreme
+Director of all events will terminate this severe trial of your
+patriotism in the happy confirmation of American freedom."</p>
+
+<p>"'When this same metropolis soon after became the seat of war,
+Maryland it was that at once sent to the camp around Boston her own
+companies of "dauntless riflemen," under her brave Michael Cresap and
+the gallant Price, to mingle in the defense of New England firesides
+and New England homes. She saw and felt, and bravely uttered at the
+time, the fact that in the then existing state of public affairs there
+was no alternative left for her, or for the country at large, but
+"base submission or manly resistance"; and, Mr. Mayor, at the
+memorable battle of Long Island she made this manly resistance, for
+there she poured out the life-blood of no less than two hundred and
+fifty-nine of her gallant sons, who fought in her own Smallwood's
+immortal regiment; and elsewhere, from the St. Lawrence to the banks
+of the Savannah, through Pennsylvania, Virginia and both the
+Carolinas&mdash;devoted the best blood within her borders, and the flower
+of her soldiery, to the battlefields of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"'Sir, we of this Phalanx recall these and other Revolutionary
+memories belonging to your city and State with pride and satisfaction.
+They unite Connecticut and Maryland in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page166" name="page166"></a>(p. 166)</span> strong and pleasant
+bonds. And we are highly gratified to be here in the midst of them,
+and to receive at your hands so grateful a welcome as that which you
+have extended.</p>
+
+<p>"'Be assured, Mr. Mayor, that in the sentiments of devotion to our
+common country which you so eloquently express, this Phalanx
+sympathizes heart and soul. You may plant the flag of the Union
+anywhere and we shall warm to it. And now, renewedly thanking you for
+the present manifestation of courtesy, we shall leave to enjoy the
+hospitality which awaits us in pleasant quarters at our hotel.'</p>
+
+<p>"Captain Stuart was frequently interrupted by applause."</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page167" name="page167"></a>(p. 167)</span> APPENDIX VI.</h2>
+
+<p>On the 19th of April, 1880, a portion of the members of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Regiment again visited Baltimore, and an account of its
+reception, taken from the Baltimore Sun and the Baltimore <i>American</i>,
+seems to be a fitting close to this paper:</p>
+
+<p>"Thirty-nine members of the Association of Survivors of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Union Regiment came to Baltimore yesterday afternoon, to
+celebrate the nineteenth anniversary of their march through Baltimore,
+April 19, 1861, which gave rise to the riot of that day. The visitors
+were met, on landing from the cars at President-street Depot, by
+Wilson, Dushane and Harry Howard Posts, Grand Army of the Republic, in
+full uniform, with band and drum corps. The line was up Broadway to
+Baltimore street, to Barnum's Hotel. A file of policemen, with
+Marshals Gray and Frey, kept the street open for the parade. The
+streets were crowded with people. The Massachusetts men wore citizen's
+dress and badges."</p>
+
+<p>Wilson Post No. 1, of the Grand Army of the Republic, received the
+visitors in their hall, Rialto Building, at two o'clock. Commander
+Dukehart, of Wilson Post, welcomed the guests in a brief speech, and
+then introduced Comrade Crowley, of the old Sixth, who said:</p>
+
+<p>"'Nineteen years ago I was but a boy. A few days before the 19th of
+April, the militia of Middlesex County were summoned for the defense
+of the National Capital. We left workshops, desk and family, to come
+to the defense of the capital. We thought we were coming to a picnic;
+that the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page168" name="page168"></a>(p. 168)</span> people of South Carolina were a little off their
+balance, and would be all right on sober second thought. A few miles
+out from Baltimore the Quartermaster gave us each ten rounds of
+ammunition. We had been singing songs. The Colonel told us he expected
+trouble in Baltimore, and impressed on each man not to fire until he
+was compelled to. The singing ceased, and we then thought we had
+serious business before us, and that others besides South Carolina had
+lost their balance. When we reached the Baltimore Depot some of the
+cars had gone ahead, and four companies&mdash;young men&mdash;were in the cars
+unconscious of what was going on outside. We thought the people of
+Baltimore and Maryland were of the same Government, and if not they
+ought to be. (Cheers and applause.) That they had the same interest in
+the Government, the best ever devised; that Maryland at least was
+loyal. A man knocked on the car-door and told us they were tearing up
+the track. Our Captain said, "Men, file out!" The order was given and
+we marched out. The Captain said, "March as close as you possibly can.
+Fire on no man unless compelled." We marched through railroad iron,
+bricks and other missiles. We proved ourselves brave soldiers&mdash;proved
+that we could wait, at least, for the word of command. We were pelted
+in Baltimore nineteen years ago. We lost some of our comrades, and
+others were disabled for life. But we went to Washington. We don't
+claim to be the saviors of the capital; we take no great credit for
+what we did; but we did the best we could, and the result is shown.
+The success of our march through Baltimore to-day is as indelibly
+fixed and will ever be as fresh as that of nineteen years ago, and our
+reception will remain in our hearts and minds as long as life lasts.
+My father had six sons, and five were at the front at the same
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page169" name="page169"></a>(p. 169)</span> time. I had learned to think that if Maryland, South
+Carolina or Virginia was to declare independence the Government would
+be broken up, and that we would have no country, no home, no flag. We
+were not fighting for Massachusetts, for Maryland or for Virginia, but
+for our country&mdash;the United States (cheers and applause)&mdash;remembering
+the declaration of the great statesman, "Liberty and Union, now and
+forever, one and inseparable." This country went through four years of
+carnage and blood. Few families, North or South, but have mourning at
+their firesides; but it was not in vain, for it has established the
+fact that we are one people, and are an all-powerful people.
+(Prolonged cheers.) Our reception to-day has convinced us that the war
+has ended, and that there are Union men in Maryland as in
+Massachusetts; that we are brothers, and will be so to the end of
+time; that this is one great country; and that the people are marching
+on in amity and power, second to none on the face of the globe.'
+(Cheers.)</p>
+
+<p>"In the evening there was a banquet at the Eutaw House, and Judge Geo.
+William Brown, who was Mayor of Baltimore in 1861, presided. Nearly
+two hundred persons were at table. After the dinner was over, Judge
+Brown said:</p>
+
+<p>"'This is the 19th of April, a day memorable in the annals of this
+city, and in the annals of the country. It is filled in my mind with
+the most painful recollections of my life, and I doubt not that many
+who are here present share with me those feelings. I shall make but
+brief allusions to the events of that day. The city authorities of
+Baltimore of that time have mostly passed away, and I believe I am the
+only one here present to-night. In justice to the living and the dead
+I have to say that the authorities of Baltimore faithfully endeavored
+to do their duty. It is not necessary for me, perhaps, to say so in
+this presence. (Applause.) <span class="pagenum"><a id="page170" name="page170"></a>(p. 170)</span> It was not their fault that the
+Massachusetts Sixth Regiment met a bloody reception in the streets of
+Baltimore. The visit of that regiment on both occasions has a great
+and important significance. What did it mean in 1861? It meant civil
+war; that the irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward predicted had
+broken out at last, and that, as Mr. Lincoln said, a house divided
+against itself cannot stand. A great question then presented itself to
+the country. When war virtually began in Baltimore, by bloodshed on
+both sides, it meant that the question must be settled by force
+whether or not the house should stand. It took four years of war,
+waged with indomitable perseverance, to decide it, because the
+combatants on both sides were sustained by deep and honest
+convictions. It is not surprising, looking back coolly and calmly on
+the feelings of that day, that they found vent as they did. I am not
+here to excuse or to apologize, but to acknowledge facts. That was the
+significance of the first visit of the Massachusetts Sixth Regiment,
+in response to the call of the President of the United States. After
+the war there was peace. But enforced peace is not sufficient in a
+family of States any more than in a household. There must be among
+brothers respect, confidence, mutual help and forbearance, and, above
+everything, justice and right. After nineteen years the visit of
+survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts is, I hope, significant of more
+than peace. It is, I hope, significant of the fact that there is a
+true bond of union between the North and the South (applause), and
+that we are a family of States, all equal, all friends; and if it be,
+there is no one in the country who can more fervently thank God than
+myself that the old house still stands.' (Applause.)</p>
+
+<p>"Judge Brown offered as a toast: 'The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts:
+Baltimore extends to her fraternal greeting.'"</p>
+
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page171" name="page171"></a>(p. 171)</span> INDEX.</h2>
+
+<div class="index">
+<p class="indent2">A</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Acton,</span> regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Allen, E. J.,</span> dispatches addressed to,
+<a href="#page131">131</a>.<br>
+
+<span class="indent_1"><i>American, The</i>,</span> on the Baltimore riot of 1861,
+<a href="#page65">65</a>;<br>
+ account of the Putnam Phalanx in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>-167;<br>
+ on the reception of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page167">167</a>-170.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Andrew, Gov. J. A.,</span> correspondence with Mayor Brown,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>,
+<a href="#page55">55</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Arkansas,</span> secession of,
+<a href="#page33">33</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">B</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Baltimore,</span> unjust prejudice against,
+<a href="#page13">13</a>,
+<a href="#page19">19</a>;<br>
+ supposed conspiracy in,
+<a href="#page14">14</a>,
+<a href="#page15">15</a>,
+<a href="#page120">120</a>;<br>
+ slaveholders in,
+<a href="#page30">30</a>;<br>
+ Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>-53,
+<a href="#page167">167</a>-170;<br>
+ excitement on 20th April,
+<a href="#page60">60</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>,
+<a href="#page64">64</a>;<br>
+ defense of,
+<a href="#page63">63</a>;<br>
+ apprehension of bloodshed in,
+<a href="#page75">75</a>;<br>
+ armed neutrality,
+<a href="#page77">77</a>;<br>
+ Gen. Butler's entrance into,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>;<br>
+ Gen. Dix's headquarters in,
+<a href="#page100">100</a>,
+<a href="#page101">101</a>;<br>
+ Mayor's message to City Council,
+<a href="#page157">157</a>-159;<br>
+ reception of Putnam Phalanx in,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>-166.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Banks, Gen. N. P.,</span> in command,
+<a href="#page97">97</a>;<br>
+ arrests police commissioners of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page98">98</a>,
+<a href="#page99">99</a>;<br>
+ Secretary Cameron's letter to,
+<a href="#page102">102</a>;<br>
+ General McClellan's letter to,
+<a href="#page102">102</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Bartol, Judge,</span> imprisonment of,
+<a href="#page94">94</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Belger, Major,</span> comes to Baltimore,
+<a href="#page73">73</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Bell,</span> Presidential vote for,
+<a href="#page25">25</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Black, Judge,</span> on martial law,
+<a href="#page93">93</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Blackstone</span> on the right of imprisonment,
+<a href="#page147">147</a>,
+<a href="#page149">149</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Bond's, Judge,</span> errand to Lincoln,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Boston,</span> slave-traffic in,
+<a href="#page20">20</a>;<br>
+ regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Brand, Rev. William F.,</span> efforts for emancipation,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Breckinridge,</span> Presidential vote for,
+<a href="#page25">25</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Brown, Geo. Wm.,</span> meets the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page48">48</a>,
+<a href="#page49">49</a>;<br>
+ Captain Dike on,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>;<br>
+ correspondence with Gov. Andrew,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>,
+<a href="#page55">55</a>;<br>
+ speech to the excited public,
+<a href="#page56">56</a>;<br>
+ writes to President Lincoln about passage of troops through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>,
+<a href="#page62">62</a>;<br>
+ interview with President Lincoln,
+<a href="#page71">71</a>-75;<br>
+ General Butler's letter to,
+<a href="#page83">83</a>,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>;<br>
+ petitions Congress to restore peace to city,
+<a href="#page99">99</a>;<br>
+ arrest of,
+<a href="#page102">102</a>,
+<a href="#page103">103</a>,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>;<br>
+ correspondence with General Dix,
+<a href="#page104">104</a>-108;<br>
+ parole offered to,
+<a href="#page110">110</a>,
+<a href="#page111">111</a>;<br>
+ anti-slavery principles of,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>;<br>
+ opposed to secession,
+<a href="#page115">115</a>;<br>
+ on the tendencies of the age,
+<a href="#page117">117</a>,
+<a href="#page118">118</a>;<br>
+ message to City Council,
+<a href="#page157">157</a>-159;<br>
+ speech to the Putnam Phalanx,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>-163;<br>
+ speech to the survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment,
+<a href="#page169">169</a>,
+<a href="#page170">170</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Brown, John,</span> reverence for in the North,
+<a href="#page21">21</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Brune, Frederick W.,</span> efforts for emancipation,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Brune, John C.,</span> message to President Lincoln,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>;<br>
+ accompanies Mayor to Washington,
+<a href="#page71">71</a>;<br>
+ elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Bush River Bridge</span> partially burned to prevent ingress of troops,
+<a href="#page58">58</a>,
+<a href="#page59">59</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Butler, Gen.,</span> and the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>;<br>
+ at the Relay House,
+<a href="#page83">83</a>;<br>
+ rumor of an attack on his camp,
+<a href="#page83">83</a>,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>;<br>
+ enters Baltimore,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>;<br>
+ arrests Ross Winans,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Byrne, Wm.,</span> denounces the North,
+<a href="#page38">38</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">C</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Cadwallader, General,</span> and the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page88">88</a>,
+<a href="#page140">140</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Cameron, Simon,</span> advice to Governor Hicks to restrain Maryland,
+<a href="#page40">40</a>;<br>
+ on the obstruction of Northern Central bridge,
+<a href="#page73">73</a>;<br>
+ letter to Gen. Banks,
+<a href="#page102">102</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Carmichael, Judge,</span> assaulted and imprisoned,
+<a href="#page93">93</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Carr, W. C. N.,</span> speaks at States Rights meeting,
+<a href="#page38">38</a>,
+<a href="#page39">39</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Cheston, G.,</span> efforts for emancipation,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Christison, Wenlock,</span> a Quaker, owns slaves,
+<a href="#page21">21</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Clark, John,</span> advances money for defense of city,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Crawford, William,</span> Kane's letter to,
+<a href="#page40">40</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Crowley, Comrade,</span> of the Massachusetts Sixth, speech in Baltimore, 1880,
+<a href="#page167">167</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Curtis, Benj. R.,</span> Life of, quotation about Judge Taney,
+<a href="#page91">91</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Cutter, B. L.,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">D</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Davis, Jefferson,</span> elected President of the Confederacy,
+<a href="#page32">32</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Davis, John W.,</span> police commissioner of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>,
+<a href="#page49">49</a>;<br>
+ errand to Fort McHenry,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>,
+<a href="#page67">67</a>,
+<a href="#page68">68</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Davis, Judge,</span> doubts the rumors of conspiracy,
+<a href="#page132">132</a>,
+<a href="#page133">133</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Davis, Robert W.,</span> killed,
+<a href="#page52">52</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">De Tocqueville,</span> on public opinion in America,
+<a href="#page117">117</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dike, Capt. J. H.,</span> company attacked in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page46">46</a>;<br>
+ testifies as to the conduct of Baltimore civil authority during the riot,
+<a href="#page53">53</a>,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dimick, Col. J.,</span> releases prisoners from Fort Warren,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>;<br>
+ kind treatment of prisoners,
+<a href="#page111">111</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dix, General,</span> headquarters in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page101">101</a>;<br>
+ correspondence with Mayor Brown,
+<a href="#page104">104</a>-108.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dix, Miss,</span> relates a Confederate plot,
+<a href="#page13">13</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dobbin, Geo. W.,</span> errand to Lincoln,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>;<br>
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington,
+<a href="#page71">71</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Douglas, S. A.,</span> Senatorial campaign,
+<a href="#page22">22</a>;<br>
+ Presidential vote for,
+<a href="#page25">25</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Dred Scott Case,</span>
+<a href="#page138">138</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">E</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Evans, H. D.,</span> his code for Liberia,
+<a href="#page31">31</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">F</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Felton, C. C.,</span> on the "Baltimore Plot,"
+<a href="#page18">18</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Felton, Samuel M.,</span> on the supposed conspiracy,
+<a href="#page13">13</a>-18,
+<a href="#page129">129</a>-133;<br>
+ advises Massachusetts Sixth to load their guns,
+<a href="#page43">43</a>;<br>
+ engages spies,
+<a href="#page120">120</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Ferrandini, Captain,</span> suspected of conspiracy to assassinate President Lincoln,
+<a href="#page122">122</a>-129.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Follansbee, Capt.,</span> company attacked in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page46">46</a>,
+<a href="#page49">49</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Fort McHenry,</span> apprehended attack on,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>,
+<a href="#page69">69</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Fort Sumter,</span> bombardment of,
+<a href="#page32">32</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Franciscus,</span> in the car with Lincoln,
+<a href="#page133">133</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">G</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Garrett's, John W.,</span> dispatch to Mayor Brown concerning advance of troops to Cockeysville,
+<a href="#page73">73</a>,
+<a href="#page74">74</a>,
+<a href="#page75">75</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Gatchell, Wm. H.,</span> police commissioner of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Giles, Judge,</span> issues writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> to Major Morris,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Gill, George M.,</span> meets the Massachusetts Sixth,
+<a href="#page48">48</a>;<br>
+ counsel for John Merryman,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Goodwin, Major Horace,</span> commands Putnam Phalanx,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>;<br>
+ his appearance,
+<a href="#page163">163</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Greeley, Horace,</span> on the conduct of the Baltimore authorities,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>,
+<a href="#page77">77</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Groton,</span> regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Gunpowder River Bridge</span> partially burned,
+<a href="#page58">58</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">H</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1"><i>Habeas corpus</i> case,</span>
+<a href="#page87">87</a>,
+<a href="#page139">139</a>-156.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hall, Thomas W.,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hallam's</span> Constitutional History, extract from,
+<a href="#page151">151</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Halleck, Gen.,</span> in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page101">101</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Harris, J. Morrison,</span> errand to the Capital,
+<a href="#page63">63</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Harrison, Wm. G., </span>elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page80">80</a>;<br>
+ released from arrest,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hart, Capt.,</span> company attacked in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page46">46</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Herndon, Wm. H.,</span> comments on Lincoln's senatorial campaign speech,
+<a href="#page23">23</a>;<br>
+ reports of plot furnished to,
+<a href="#page122">122</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hicks, T. H.,</span> Governor of Maryland,
+<a href="#page34">34</a>;<br>
+ proclamation of,
+<a href="#page40">40</a>;<br>
+ speech before excited public,
+<a href="#page56">56</a>;<br>
+ writes to Lincoln not to pass troops through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>;<br>
+ suggests mediation between North and South by Lord Lyons,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>;<br>
+ convenes General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>;<br>
+ letter to E. H. Webster,
+<a href="#page128">128</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hilliard,</span> suspected of conspiracy,
+<a href="#page122">122</a>,
+<a href="#page123">123</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hinks, Chas. D.,</span> police commissioner of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>;<br>
+ released from arrest,
+<a href="#page99">99</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hopkins, Johns,</span> advances money for city defense,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Howard, Charles,</span> police commissioner of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>;<br>
+ apprehends attack on Fort McHenry,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>,
+<a href="#page67">67</a>;<br>
+ report on the state of city,
+<a href="#page80">80</a>,
+<a href="#page81">81</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Howard, F. K.,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Huger, General,</span> made Colonel of 53d Regiment,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hull, Rob't,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Hyde, Sir Nicholas,</span> on the writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page150">150</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">J</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Jefferson, Thomas,</span> and writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page141">141</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Johnson, Capt. B. T.,</span> arrives in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page64">64</a>;<br>
+ hasty dispatch from Marshal Kane,
+<a href="#page69">69</a>,
+<a href="#page70">70</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Jones, Col. Edmund F.,</span> passage through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page43">43</a>;<br>
+ on the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page46">46</a>,
+<a href="#page47">47</a>,
+<a href="#page48">48</a>,
+<a href="#page51">51</a>;<br>
+ letter to Marshal Kane,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Judd, N. B.,</span> with Lincoln in Philadelphia,
+<a href="#page16">16</a>;<br>
+ hears of conspiracy in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page128">128</a>-133.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">K</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Kane, Marshal George P.,</span> investigates supposed plot,
+<a href="#page15">15</a>;<br>
+ head of Baltimore police,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>;<br>
+ letter to Crawford,
+<a href="#page40">40</a>;<br>
+ keeps order at Camden Station,
+<a href="#page48">48</a>;<br>
+ attempts to quell Baltimore mob,
+<a href="#page51">51</a>,
+<a href="#page53">53</a>;<br>
+ Col. Jones's gratitude to,
+<a href="#page54">54</a>;<br>
+ hasty dispatch to Johnson,
+<a href="#page69">69</a>,
+<a href="#page70">70</a>;<br>
+ after the war elected Sheriff and subsequently Mayor,
+<a href="#page70">70</a>;<br>
+ arrest of,
+<a href="#page97">97</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Keim, Gen.,</span> arrests John Merryman,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>,
+<a href="#page140">140</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Kenly, John R.,</span> supersedes Marshal Kane,
+<a href="#page97">97</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Kennedy, Anthony,</span> errand to the Capital,
+<a href="#page63">63</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Kennedy, John P.,</span> on the attitude of Border States,
+<a href="#page31">31</a>,
+<a href="#page32">32</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Kentucky,</span> temporary neutrality of,
+<a href="#page34">34</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Keys, John S.,</span> letter from Mayor Brown to,
+<a href="#page110">110</a>,
+<a href="#page111">111</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Kinney, Mr.,</span> receives Lincoln in Philadelphia,
+<a href="#page134">134</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">L</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Lamon, Colonel W. H.,</span> on Lincoln's midnight ride,
+<a href="#page19">19</a>,
+<a href="#page120">120</a>-137;<br>
+ on Lincoln-Douglas campaign,
+<a href="#page22">22</a>;<br>
+ ride with Lincoln,
+<a href="#page133">133</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Latrobe, John H. B.,</span> President of Maryland Colonization Society,
+<a href="#page31">31</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lawrence, Massachusetts,</span> regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lee, Colonel,</span> on Gen. Cadwallader's errand to Judge Taney,
+<a href="#page88">88</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lewis, Mr.,</span> in the car with Lincoln,
+<a href="#page133">133</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lincoln, President,</span> alleged conspiracy against, in Maryland,
+<a href="#page11">11</a>-15,
+<a href="#page121">121</a>-137;<br>
+ midnight ride to Washington,
+<a href="#page17">17</a>,
+<a href="#page19">19</a>,
+<a href="#page120">120</a>;<br>
+ Senatorial campaign with Douglas,
+<a href="#page22">22</a>;<br>
+ differs from Seward,
+<a href="#page24">24</a>;<br>
+ election to Presidency,
+<a href="#page25">25</a>;<br>
+ calls out the militia,
+<a href="#page32">32</a>;<br>
+ letter to Gov. Hicks,
+<a href="#page62">62</a>;<br>
+ Mayor Brown writes to, concerning passage of troops through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page57">57</a>,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>;<br>
+ Mayor Brown's interview with,
+<a href="#page71">71</a>-75.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lowell, Massachusetts,</span> regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Luckett,</span> suspected of conspiracy,
+<a href="#page122">122</a>-127.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Lyons, Lord,</span> suggested as mediator between North and South,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>;<br>
+ Secretary Seward's boast of his authority to,
+<a href="#page91">91</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">M</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Macgill, Dr. Charles,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Marshall, Chief Justice,</span> on <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page153">153</a>,
+<a href="#page154">154</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Maryland,</span> rumors of conspiracy in,
+<a href="#page11">11</a>,
+<a href="#page12">12</a>,
+<a href="#page13">13</a>;<br>
+ slavery in,
+<a href="#page20">20</a>,
+<a href="#page30">30</a>;<br>
+ Lincoln's call for militia, how received in,
+<a href="#page33">33</a>;<br>
+ excitement,
+<a href="#page40">40</a>,
+<a href="#page41">41</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Mason, James M.,</span> sent from Virginia to negotiate with Maryland,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Massachusetts,</span> Minute Men,
+<a href="#page11">11</a>;<br>
+ slavery in,
+<a href="#page20">20</a>;<br>
+ Eighth Regiment,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>;<br>
+ Sixth Regiment,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>,
+<a href="#page167">167</a>-170.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">May, Henry, M. C.,</span> arrest of,
+<a href="#page103">103</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">McClellan, General,</span> letter to General Banks,
+<a href="#page102">102</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">McComas, Sergeant,</span> removes obstruction from railway track in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page49">49</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">McHenry, Ramsay,</span> efforts for emancipation,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Merryman, John,</span> arrest of,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>,
+<a href="#page88">88</a>,
+<a href="#page154">154</a>;<br>
+ charges against unfounded,
+<a href="#page90">90</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Morfit, H. M.,</span> elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Morris, Major,</span> refuses to obey writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">N</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Negro.</span> <i>See</i> <a href="#slavery">Slavery</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Newport,</span> slave-traffic in,
+<a href="#page20">20</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Nicolay, George,</span> on Lincoln's midnight ride,
+<a href="#page132">132</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">North Carolina,</span> secession of,
+<a href="#page33">33</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">O</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">O'Donnell, Columbus,</span> advances money for city defense,
+<a href="#page61">61</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">P</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Parker, Edward P.,</span> General Butler's aide-de-camp,
+<a href="#page83">83</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Patapsco Dragoons,</span> arrival in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page64">64</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Pemberton, Major,</span> leads U. S. Artillery through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page86">86</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Pennsylvania</span> troops in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page44">44</a>,
+<a href="#page53">53</a>;<br>
+ at Cockeysville,
+<a href="#page75">75</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Phillips, Wendell,</span> on States Rights,
+<a href="#page26">26</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Pickering, Captain,</span> company opposed in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page46">46</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Pikesville,</span> arsenal taken possession of,
+<a href="#page65">65</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Pitts, Charles H.,</span> elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page80">80</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Putnam Phalanx</span> of Hartford in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>-166.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Putnam's Record</span> of the Rebellion, quotation from,
+<a href="#page38">38</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">R</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Revolution,</span> right of,
+<a href="#page26">26</a>-29.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Robinson, Dr. Alex. C.,</span> Chairman of States Rights Convention,
+<a href="#page38">38</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Robinson, General John C.,</span> on Baltimore in 1861,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>,
+<a href="#page69">69</a>,
+<a href="#page81">81</a>,
+<a href="#page82">82</a>,
+<a href="#page83">83</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">S</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Sanford,</span> plans Lincoln's midnight ride,
+<a href="#page131">131</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Sangston, L.,</span> elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page80">80</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Scharf's History</span> of Maryland quoted,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>,
+<a href="#page37">37</a>,
+<a href="#page78">78</a>,
+<a href="#page103">103</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Scott, General,</span> on the passage of troops through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page62">62</a>,
+<a href="#page72">72</a>,
+<a href="#page75">75</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Scott, T. Parkin,</span> sympathizes with the South,
+<a href="#page38">38</a>,
+<a href="#page39">39</a>;<br>
+ elected Judge after the war,
+<a href="#page39">39</a>;<br>
+ elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Seward, Secretary,</span> position before Presidential Convention,
+<a href="#page24">24</a>;<br>
+ boasts of his authority,
+<a href="#page91">91</a>;<br>
+ sends news of supposed conspiracy to Lincoln,
+<a href="#page130">130</a>,
+<a href="#page134">134</a>.<br>
+
+<p><a id="slavery" name="slavery"></a>
+ <span class="indent_1">Slavery,</span> compromises of Constitution in regard to,
+<a href="#page20">20</a>-22;<br>
+ Geo. Wm. Brown opposed to,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>;<br>
+ some good effects of,
+<a href="#page114">114</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Small, Colonel,</span> leads Pennsylvania regiment,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">South Carolina,</span> secession of,
+<a href="#page31">31</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Steuart, Dr. Richard S.,</span> efforts for emancipation,
+<a href="#page113">113</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Story, Justice,</span> on <i>habeas corpus</i>,
+<a href="#page152">152</a>,
+<a href="#page153">153</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Stuart, Captain,</span> speech in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page163">163</a>-166.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Sumner, Colonel,</span> offers to accompany President Lincoln to Washington,
+<a href="#page132">132</a>,
+<a href="#page133">133</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1"><i>Sun, The</i>,</span> on the offer of service by colored people,
+<a href="#page65">65</a>,
+<a href="#page66">66</a>;<br>
+ on the suffering of Pennsylvania troops in Baltimore County,
+<a href="#page76">76</a>;<br>
+ Reception of 6th Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page167">167</a>-170.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">T</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Taney, Chief Justice,</span> on negro rights,
+<a href="#page21">21</a>,
+<a href="#page138">138</a>;<br>
+ <i>habeas corpus</i> case <i>ex parte</i> John Merryman,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>-93,
+<a href="#page139">139</a>-156.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Tennessee,</span> secession of,
+<a href="#page33">33</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Thomas, Dr. J. Hanson,</span> elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Trimble, Colonel I. R.,</span> defense of Baltimore,
+<a href="#page63">63</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Trist, N. P.,</span> news of conspiracy communicated to,
+<a href="#page14">14</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Turner, Capt.,</span> suspected of conspiracy,
+<a href="#page124">124</a>-126.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">U</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Union Convention called,</span>
+<a href="#page92">92</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">V</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Virginia,</span> secession of,
+<a href="#page33">33</a>;<br>
+ sends Mason to negotiate with Maryland,
+<a href="#page84">84</a>.</p>
+
+<p class="p2 indent2">W</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_1">Wallis, S. Teackle,</span> legal adviser to Baltimore police commission,
+<a href="#page35">35</a>;<br>
+ speech to the excited public,
+<a href="#page56">56</a>;<br>
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington,
+<a href="#page71">71</a>;<br>
+ elected to the General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Warfield,</span> Henry M., elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>;<br>
+ release from arrest,
+<a href="#page108">108</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Warner, Major J. P.,</span> commands Baltimore City Guards,
+<a href="#page160">160</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Washburne, Mr.,</span> meets President Lincoln at Washington Depot,
+<a href="#page136">136</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Watson, Major,</span> company attacked in Baltimore,
+<a href="#page45">45</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Webster, E. H.,</span> Gov. Hicks's letter to,
+<a href="#page128">128</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Whitefield,</span> the Calvinist, owns slaves,
+<a href="#page21">21</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Williams, George H.,</span> counsel for John Merryman,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Winans, Ross,</span> denounces passage of troops through Baltimore,
+<a href="#page37">37</a>;<br>
+ elected to General Assembly,
+<a href="#page79">79</a>;<br>
+ arrested by Gen. Butler's order,
+<a href="#page87">87</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Winder, Wm. H.,</span> release from arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Wood, Fernando,</span> tries to make New York a free city,
+<a href="#page31">31</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Wool, General,</span> checks arbitrary arrest,
+<a href="#page109">109</a>.<br>
+
+ <span class="indent_1">Worcester,</span> regiment mustered in,
+<a href="#page42">42</a>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="advert">
+<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page177" name="page177"></a>(p. 177)</span> Johns Hopkins University Studies<br>
+<span class="smaller">IN</span><br>
+Historical and Political Science.</h2>
+
+<p class="center">HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr5">
+
+<p class="center"><b>PROSPECTUS OF FIFTH SERIES.&mdash;1887.</b></p>
+
+<p>The Studies in Municipal Government will be continued. The Fifth
+Series will also embrace Studies in the History of American Political
+Economy and of American Co-operation. The following papers are ready
+or in preparation:</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>I-II. City Government of Philadelphia.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward P. Allinson</span>, A.
+ M. (Haverford), and <span class="smcap">Boies Penrose</span>, A. B. (Harvard). January and
+ February, 1887. <i>Price 50 cents.</i> 72 pp.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>III. City Government of Boston.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">James M. Bugbee</span>. March, 1887.
+ <i>Price 25 cents.</i> 60 pp.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of Baltimore.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">John C. Rose</span>, B. L. (University
+ of Maryland, School of Law). <i>In preparation.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of Chicago.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">F. H. Hodder</span>, Ph. M. (University
+ of Mich.) Instructor in History, Cornell University.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of San Francisco.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Bernard Moses</span>, Ph. D.,
+ Professor of History and Politics, University of California.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of St. Louis.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Marshall S. Snow</span>, A. M.
+ (Harvard), Professor of History, Washington University.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of New Orleans.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Hon. W. W. Howe</span>.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>City Government of New York.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Simon Sterne</span> and <span class="smcap">J. F. Jameson</span>,
+ Ph. D., Associate in History, J. H. U.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>The Influence of the War of 1812 upon the Consolidation of the
+ American Union.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Nicholas Murray Butler</span>, Ph. D. and Fellow of
+ Columbia College.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>The History of American Political Economy.</b></span> Studies by <span class="smcap">R. T. Ely</span>,
+ <span class="smcap">Woodrow Wilson</span>, and <span class="smcap">D. R. Dewey</span>.</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>The History of American Co-operation.</b></span> Studies by <span class="smcap">E. W. Bemis</span>, <span class="smcap">D.
+ R. Randall</span>, <span class="smcap">A. G. Warner</span>, <i>et al.</i></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="p2 center"><b>FOURTH SERIES.&mdash;Municipal Government and Land Tenure.&mdash;1886.</b></p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>I. Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Irving
+ Elting</span>, A. B. (Harvard). January, 1886; pp. 68. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>II-III. Town Government in Rhode Island.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">William E. Foster</span>, A.
+ M. (Brown University).&mdash;<b>The Narragansett Planters.</b> By <span class="smcap">Edward
+ Channing</span>, Ph. D. and Instructor in History (Harvard University).
+ February and March, 1886; pp. 60. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IV. Pennsylvania Boroughs.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">William P. Holcomb</span>, Ph. D. (J. H.
+ U.), Professor of History and Political Science, Swarthmore
+ College, April, 1886; pp. 51. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>V. Introduction to the Constitutional and Political History of
+ the Individual States.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">J. F. Jameson</span>, Ph. D. and Associate in
+ History, J. H. U. May, 1886; pp. 29. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VI. The Puritan Colony at Annapolis, Maryland.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Daniel R.
+ Randall</span>, A. B. (St. John's College). June, 1886; pp. 47. <i>Price
+ 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VII-VIII-IX. History of the Land Question in the United States.</b></span>
+ By <span class="smcap">Shosuke Sato</span>, B. S. (Sapporo), Ph. D. and Fellow by Courtesy,
+ J. H. U. July-September, 1886; pp. 181. <i>Price $1.00.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>X. The Town and City Government of New Haven.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Charles H.
+ Levermore</span>, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), Instructor in History, University
+ of California. October, 1886; pp. 103. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XI-XII. The Land System of the New England Colonies.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Melville
+ Egleston</span>, A. M. (Williams College). November and December, 1886.
+ <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="p2 center"><b>THIRD SERIES.&mdash;Maryland, Virginia, and Washington.&mdash;1885.</b></p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>I. Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to the United States.</b></span>
+ With minor papers on George Washington's Interest in Western
+ Lands, the Potomac Company, and a National University. By <span class="smcap">Herbert
+ B. Adams</span>, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). January, 1885; pp. 102. <i>Price 75
+ cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>II-III. Virginia Local Institutions:&mdash;The Land System; Hundred;
+ Parish; County; Town.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward Ingle</span>, A. B. (J. H. U.). February
+ and March, 1885; pp. 127. <i>Price 75 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IV. Recent American Socialism.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Richard T. Ely</span>, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), Associate in Political Economy, J. H. U. April,
+ 1885; pp. 74. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>V-VI-VII. Maryland Local Institutions:&mdash;The Land System; Hundred;
+ County; Town.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Lewis W. Wilhelm</span>, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), Fellow by
+ Courtesy, J. H. U. May, June, and July, 1885; pp. 130. <i>Price
+ $1.00.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VIII. The Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of
+ New Jersey.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Austin Scott</span>, Ph. D. (Leipzig), formerly Associate
+ and Lecturer, J. H. U.; Professor of History, Political Economy,
+ and Constitutional Law, Rutgers College. August, 1885; pp. 26.
+ <i>Price 25 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IX-X. American Constitutions; The Relations of the Three
+ Departments as Adjusted by a Century.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Horace Davis</span>, A. B.
+ (Harvard). San Francisco, California. September and October,
+ 1885; pp. 70. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XI-XII. The City of Washington.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">John Addison Porter</span>, A. B.
+ (Yale). November and December, 1885; pp. 56. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="p2 center"><b>SECOND SERIES.&mdash;Institutions and Economics.&mdash;1884.</b></p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>I-II. Methods of Historical Study.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Herbert B. Adams</span>, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg). January and February, 1884; pp. 137.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>III. The Past and the Present of Political Economy.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Richard T.
+ Ely</span>, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). March, 1884; pp. 64.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IV. Samuel Adams, The Man of the Town Meeting.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">James K.
+ Hosmer</span>, A. M. (Harvard), Professor of English and German
+ Literature, Washington University, St. Louis. April, 1884; pp.
+ 60. <i>Price 35 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>V-VI. Taxation in the United States.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Henry Carter Adams</span>, Ph.
+ D. (J. H. U.), Professor of Political Economy, University of
+ Michigan. May and June, 1884; pp. 79.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VII. Institutional Beginnings in a Western State.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Jesse Macy</span>,
+ A. B. (Iowa College); Professor of Historical and Political
+ Science, Iowa College. July, 1884; pp. 38. <i>Price 25 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VIII-IX. Indian Money as a Factor In New England Civilization.</b></span> By
+ <span class="smcap">William B. Weeden</span>, A. M. (Brown Univ.). August and September,
+ 1884; pp. 51. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>X. Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North
+ America.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward Channing</span>, Ph.D. (Harvard); Instructor in
+ History, Harvard College. October, 1884; pp. 57.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XI. Rudimentary Society among Boys.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">John Johnson</span>, A B. (J. H.
+ U.); Instructor in History and English, McDonogh Institute,
+ Baltimore Co., Md. November, 1884; pp. 56. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XII. Land Laws of Mining Districts.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Charles Howard Shinn</span>, A.
+ B. (J. H. U.), Editor of the <i>Overland Monthly</i>. December, 1884;
+ pp. 69. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="p2 center"><b>FIRST SERIES.&mdash;Local Institutions.&mdash;1883.</b></p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>I. An Introduction to American Institutional History.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward
+ A. Freeman</span>, D. C. L., LL. D., Regius Professor of Modern History,
+ University of Oxford. With an Account of Mr. Freeman's Visit to
+ Baltimore, by the Editor.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns.</b></span> Read before the
+ Harvard Historical Society, May 9, 1881. By <span class="smcap">H. B. Adams</span>, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), 1876. With Notes on Co-operation in University
+ Work.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>III. Local Government in Illinois.</b></span> First published in the
+ <i>Fortnightly Review</i> By <span class="smcap">Albert Shaw</span>, A. B. (Iowa College),
+ 1879&mdash;<b>Local Government in Pennsylvania.</b> Read before the
+ Pennsylvania Historical Society, May 1, 1882 By <span class="smcap">E. R. L. Gould</span>,
+ A. B. (Victoria University, Canada), 1882. <i>Price 30 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IV. Saxon Tithingmen in America.</b></span> Read before the American
+ Antiquarian Society, October 21, 1881. By <span class="smcap">H. B. Adams</span>. 2d
+ Edition. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>V. Local Government in Michigan and the Northwest.</b></span> Read before
+ the Social Science Association, at Saratoga, September 7, 1882.
+ By <span class="smcap">E. W. Bemis</span> A. B. (Amherst College), 1880. <i>Price 25 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VI. Parish Institutions of Maryland.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward Ingle</span>, A. B. (Johns
+ Hopkins University), 1882. <i>Price 40 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VII. Old Maryland Manors.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">John Johnson</span>, A. B. (Johns Hopkins
+ University), 1881. <i>Price 30 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>VIII. Norman Constables in America.</b></span> Read before the New England
+ Historical &amp; Genealogical Society, February 1, 1882. By <span class="smcap">H. B.
+ Adams</span>. 2d Edition. <i>Price 50 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>IX-X. Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem.</b></span> From the
+ Historical Collection of the Essex Institute. By <span class="smcap">H. B. Adams</span>.*</li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XI. The Genesis of a New England State (Connecticut).</b></span> By
+ <span class="smcap">Alexander Johnston</span>, A. M. (Rutgers College), 1870; Professor of
+ Political Economics and Jurisprudence at Princeton College.
+ <i>Price 30 cents.</i></li>
+
+<li><span class="indent_2"><b>XII. Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina.</b></span> Read
+ before the Historical Society of South Carolina, December 15,
+ 1882. By <span class="smcap">B. J. Ramage</span>.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p>The first annual series of monthly monographs devoted to History,
+Politics, and Economics was begun in 1882-1883. Four volumes have thus
+far appeared.</p>
+
+<p>The separate volumes bound in cloth will be sold as follows:</p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>VOLUME I.&mdash;Local Institutions. 479 pp. $4.00.</li>
+<li>VOLUME II.&mdash;Institutions and Economics. 629 pp. $4.00.</li>
+<li>VOLUME III.&mdash;Maryland, Virginia, and Washington. 595 pp. $4.00.</li>
+<li>VOLUME IV.&mdash;Municipal Government and Land Tenure. 610 pp. $3.50.</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p class="center"><i>The set of four volumes will be sold together for $12.50 net.</i></p>
+
+<ul class="none">
+<li>VOLUME V.&mdash;Municipal Government and Economics. (1887.)</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p><i>This volume will be furnished in monthly parts upon receipt of
+ subscription price, $3; or the bound volume will be sent at the
+ end of the year 1887 for $3.50.</i></p>
+
+<hr class="hr5">
+
+<p class="center">EXTRA VOLUMES OF STUDIES.</p>
+
+<p>In connection with the regular annual series of Studies, a series of
+Extra Volumes is proposed. It is intended to print them in a style
+uniform with the regular Studies, but to publish each volume by
+itself, in numbered sequence and in a cloth binding uniform with the
+First, Second, Third, and Fourth Series. The volumes will vary in size
+from 200 to 500 pages, with corresponding prices. Subscriptions to the
+Annual Series of Studies will not necessitate subscriptions to the
+Extra Volumes, although they will be offered to regular subscribers at
+reduced rates.</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_2"><b>EXTRA VOLUME I.&mdash;The Republic of New Haven: A History of
+ Municipal Evolution.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Charles H. Livermore</span>, Ph. D., Baltimore.</p>
+
+<p>This volume, now ready, comprises 350 pages octavo, with various
+ diagrams and an index. It is sold, bound in cloth, at $2.00.</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_2"><b>EXTRA VOLUME II.&mdash;Philadelphia, 1681-1887. A History of Municipal
+ Development.</b></span> By <span class="smcap">Edward P. Allinson</span>, A. M. (Haverford), and <span class="smcap">Boies
+ Penrose</span>, A. B. (Harvard).</p>
+
+<p>The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo. It will be
+ sold, bound in cloth, at $3.00; in law-sheep, at $3.50.</p>
+
+<p><span class="indent_2"><b>EXTRA VOLUME III.&mdash;Baltimore and the Nineteenth of April, 1861.</b></span>
+ By <span class="smcap">George William Brown</span>, Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of
+ Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861. Price $1.00.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr5">
+
+<p>All communications relating to subscriptions, exchanges, etc., should
+be addressed to the <span class="smcap">Publication Agency of the Johns Hopkins
+University, Baltimore, Maryland</span>.</p>
+
+<p>The following table of contents will serve to indicate the scope and
+character of the topics treated in Mr. Levermore's History of New
+Haven:</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER I. <span class="smcap">The Genesis of New Haven.</span> &mdash; Davenport and Eaton. &mdash;
+ Formation of a State. &mdash; Town-Meetings. &mdash; Fundamental Agreement.
+ &mdash; Davenport's Policy. &mdash; Theophilus Eaton.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER II. <span class="smcap">The Evolution of Town Government.</span> &mdash; Social Order. &mdash;
+ Town Courts. &mdash; The Quarters. &mdash; Military Organization. &mdash; The
+ Watch. &mdash; The Marshal. &mdash; The Town Drummer. &mdash; Minor Offices. &mdash;
+ Roads. &mdash; Fences. &mdash; Cattle. &mdash; Supervisors. &mdash; Doctor. &mdash;
+ School-Teacher. &mdash; Viewers and Brewers. &mdash; The Townsmen. &mdash;
+ Currency and Taxation.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER III. <span class="smcap">The Land Question.</span> &mdash; Official Control over
+ Alienations and Dwellings. &mdash; Divisions of the Outland. &mdash; New
+ Haven a Village Community. &mdash; Evolution of Subordinate Townships.
+ &mdash; The Delaware Company.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER IV. <span class="smcap">The Union with Connecticut. The Birth of Newark.</span> &mdash; A
+ New Party within the Colony. &mdash; Terms of Admission of Strangers.
+ &mdash; Increasing Importance of Townsmen. &mdash; The Village Question. &mdash;
+ New Haven and the Restored Stuart. &mdash; Hegira to New Jersey.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER V. <span class="smcap">The Work of the Courts in Judicature and Legislation.</span>
+ &mdash; Drunkenness. &mdash; Sabbath-breaking. &mdash; Spiritual
+ Discouragements. &mdash; Quakers and Witches. &mdash; Lewdness. &mdash; Methods
+ of Civil Procedure. &mdash; Legislation concerning Trade and Prices.
+ &mdash; Arbitration. &mdash; Magisterial Interest in Trade. &mdash; Revival of
+ the Common Law and English Usage.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER VI. <span class="smcap">New Haven a Connecticut Town, 1664-1700.</span> &mdash; Changes
+ in Constitution. &mdash; Hopkins Grammar School. &mdash; Minister's Tax. &mdash;
+ Tithingmen. &mdash; Justice of the Peace. &mdash; Divisions of Land. &mdash;
+ Indian Reservations. &mdash; The Village Controversy. &mdash; Public
+ Benevolence. &mdash; Indian Wars. &mdash; Villages again. &mdash; Tyranny of
+ Andros. &mdash; Local Enactments. &mdash; Intemperance. &mdash; Funeral Customs.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER VII. <span class="smcap">New Haven a Connecticut Town, 1700-1784.</span> &mdash; The
+ Quarrel with East Haven. &mdash; Yale College. &mdash; The Walpolean
+ Lethargy. &mdash; Sale of the Town's Poor. &mdash; First Post-Office. &mdash;
+ First Oyster Laws. &mdash; Sketch of the Town's Commerce. &mdash; The
+ Approach of the Revolution. &mdash; New Haven during the War. &mdash;
+ Committees. &mdash; Articles of Confederation. &mdash; Treatment of Tories.
+ &mdash; Final Division of the Township. &mdash; The Church the Germ of the
+ Town.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER VIII. <span class="smcap">The Dual Government. Town and City.</span> 1784-1886. &mdash;
+ Town-Born <i>vs.</i> Interloper. &mdash; First Phases of City Politics. &mdash;
+ First Charter. &mdash; Description of the City. &mdash; Municipal
+ Improvements. &mdash; Fire Department. &mdash; Adornment of the Green. &mdash;
+ Public Letters to the Presidents and Others. &mdash; Downfall of
+ Federalism. &mdash; Slavery and Abolition. &mdash; Municipal Growth. &mdash;
+ Sects. &mdash; Administrative Changes. &mdash; Windfall from Washington. &mdash;
+ Liquor Traffic. &mdash; Light in the Streets. &mdash; High School. &mdash; Era
+ of Railways. &mdash; Needs of the Poor. &mdash; The City Meeting. &mdash;
+ Charter of 1857. &mdash; Town Officers. &mdash; City Improvement. &mdash; Police
+ and Fire Departments. &mdash; In the Civil War. &mdash; Recent Charters. &mdash;
+ Conservative Influences in the Community.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER IX. <span class="smcap">The Present Municipal Administration.</span> &mdash; School
+ District. &mdash; Town Government. &mdash; Town-Meeting. &mdash; Consolidation.
+ &mdash; City Government. &mdash; City Judiciary. &mdash; City Executive. &mdash; City
+ Legislature. &mdash; Legislative Control over the Commissions. &mdash;
+ Conduct of Commissions. &mdash; Executive Organization. &mdash;
+ Administrative Courts. &mdash; Frequent Elections. &mdash; Board of
+ Councilmen. &mdash; Choice of Aldermen.</p>
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="1" summary="Appendix.">
+<tr>
+<td>Appendix</td>
+<td>A.&mdash;Mr. Pierson's Elegy.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center">"</td>
+<td>B.&mdash;The Town of Naugatuck.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center">"</td>
+<td>C.&mdash;Dr. Manasseh Cutler's Diary.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="center">"</td>
+<td>D.&mdash;A Town Court of Elections. New Haven, A. D. 1656.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The volume now ready comprises 350 pages octavo, with various diagrams
+and an index. It will be sold, neatly bound in cloth, at $2.00.
+Subscribers to the <span class="smcap">Studies</span> can obtain at reduced rates this new
+volume.</p>
+
+<h2>PHILADELPHIA<br>
+<span class="smaller">1681-1887:</span><br>
+A History of Municipal Development.</h2>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br>
+EDWARD P. ALLINSON, A. M., AND BOIES PENROSE, A. B., OF THE
+PHILADELPHIA BAR.</p>
+
+<p>While several general histories of Philadelphia have been written,
+there is no history of that city as a municipal corporation. Such a
+work is now offered, based upon the Acts of Assembly, the City
+Ordinances, the State Reports, and many other authorities. Numerous
+manuscripts in the Pennsylvania Historical Society, in Public
+Libraries, and in the Departments at Philadelphia and Harrisburg have
+also been consulted, and important facts found therein are now for the
+first time published.</p>
+
+<p>The development of the government of Philadelphia affords a peculiarly
+interesting study, and is full of instruction to the student of
+municipal questions. The first charter granted by the original
+proprietor, William Penn, created a close, self-elected corporation,
+consisting of the "Mayor, Recorder and Common Council," holding office
+for life. Such corporations survived in England from medieval times to
+the passage of the Reform Act of 1835. The corporation of Philadelphia
+possessed practically no power of taxation, and few and extremely
+limited powers of any kind. As a rapidly growing city required greater
+municipal powers, the legislature instead of increasing the powers of
+the corporation which, being self-elected, was held in distrust by
+the citizens, established from time to time various independent
+boards, commissions, and trusts for the control of taxation, streets,
+poor, etc. These boards were subsequently transformed into the city
+departments as they exist to-day. The State and municipal legislation,
+extending over two centuries, is extremely varied and frequently
+experimental. It affords instruction illustrative of almost every form
+of municipal expedient and constitution.</p>
+
+<p>The development of the city government of Philadelphia has been
+carefully traced through many changes in the powers and duties of the
+mayor, in the election and powers of the subordinate executive
+officers, in the position and relation of the various departments, in
+the legislative and executive powers of councils, in the frequently
+shifting distribution of executive power between the mayor and
+councils, and in the procedure of councils. <i>In 1885 an Act of
+Assembly was passed providing for a new government for Philadelphia
+which embodies the latest ideas upon municipal questions.</i></p>
+
+<p>The history of the government of the city thus begins with the
+medieval charter of most contracted character, and ends with <i>the
+liberal provisions of the Reform Act of 1885</i>. It furnishes
+illustrations of almost every phase of municipal development. The
+story cannot fail to interest all those who believe that the question
+of better government for our great cities is one of critical
+importance, and who are aware of the fact that this question is
+already receiving widespread attention. The subject had become so
+serious in 1876 that Governor Hartranft, in his message of that year,
+called the attention of the Legislature to it in the following
+succinct and forcible statement: "<i>There is no political problem that
+at the present moment occasions so much just alarm and is obtaining
+more anxious thought than the government of cities.</i>"</p>
+
+<p>The consideration of the subject naturally resolves itself into five
+sharply-defined periods, to each of which a chapter has been devoted,
+as indicated by the following summary, which, while not exhaustive,
+will suggest the general scope.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER I. <span class="smcap">First Period, 1681-1701.</span> &mdash; Founding of the city. &mdash;
+ Functions of the Provincial Council. &mdash; Slight but certain
+ evidence of some organized city government prior to Penn's
+ Charter.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER II. <span class="smcap">Second Period, 1701-1789.</span> &mdash; Penn's authority. &mdash;
+ Charter of 1701. &mdash; Attributes of the Proprietary Charter; its
+ medieval character. &mdash; Integral parts of the corporation. &mdash;
+ Arbitrary nature and limited powers. &mdash; Acts of Legislature
+ creating independent commissions. &mdash; Miscellaneous acts and
+ ordinances. &mdash; The Revolution. &mdash; Abrogation of Charter. &mdash;
+ Legislative government. &mdash; Summary.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER III. <span class="smcap">Third Period, 1789-1854.</span> &mdash; Character of Second
+ Charter. &mdash; Causes leading to its passage. &mdash; A modern municipal
+ corporation. &mdash; Supplements. &mdash; Departments. &mdash; Concentration of
+ authority. &mdash; Councils. &mdash; Bicameral system adopted. &mdash; Officers,
+ how appointed or elected. &mdash; Diminishing powers of the mayor. &mdash;
+ Introduction of standing committees. &mdash; Finance. &mdash; Debt. &mdash;
+ Revenue. &mdash; Review of the period.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER IV. <span class="smcap">Fourth Period, 1854-1887.</span> &mdash; Act of consolidation. &mdash;
+ Causes leading to its passage. &mdash; Features of New Charter. &mdash;
+ Supplements. &mdash; Extent of territory covered by consolidation. &mdash;
+ Character of outlying districts. &mdash; New Constitution. &mdash; Relation
+ of city and county. &mdash; Summary of changes effected. &mdash;
+ Twenty-five <i>quasi</i>-independent departments established. &mdash;
+ Encroachment of legislative upon executive powers. &mdash; Resulting
+ Citizens' Reform movement. &mdash; Committee of one hundred. &mdash;
+ Contracts. &mdash; Debt. &mdash; Delusive methods of finance. &mdash; Reform
+ movement in councils. &mdash; Causes leading to the passage of the
+ Bullit Bill. &mdash; Review of the period.</p>
+
+<p>CHAPTER V. <span class="smcap">Fifth Period.</span> &mdash; Text of the Act of 1885. &mdash; History
+ of the passage of the Bullit Bill. &mdash; Changes by it effected in
+ the organic law. &mdash; Conclusions.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr5">
+
+<h3>PRICE.</h3>
+
+<p>The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo, and will be sold,
+bound in cloth, at $3; in law-sheep at $3.50; and at reduced rates to
+regular subscribers to the "Studies."</p>
+
+<p>Orders and subscriptions should be addressed to <span class="smcap">The Publication,
+Agency of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland</span>.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h2>Notes</h2>
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a id="footnote1" name="footnote1"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag1">1</a></b>: At Fort Sumter, it is true, one week earlier, the first
+collision of arms had taken place; but strangely, that bombardment was
+unattended with loss of life. And it did not necessarily mean war
+between North and South: accommodation still seemed possible.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote2" name="footnote2"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag2">2</a></b>: The Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 526; and see Appendix <a href="#app1">I</a>.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote3" name="footnote3"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag3">3</a></b>: Judge Taney's utterance on this subject has been
+frequently and grossly misrepresented. In Appendix II. will be found
+what he really did say.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote4" name="footnote4"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag4">4</a></b>: Lamon's Life of Lincoln, p. 808.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote5" name="footnote5"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag5">5</a></b>: John P. Kennedy, of Baltimore, the well-known author, who
+had been member of Congress and Secretary of the Navy, published early
+in 1861 a pamphlet entitled "The Border States, Their Power and Duty
+in the Present Disordered Condition of the Country." His idea was that
+if concert of action could be had between the Border States and
+concurring States of the South which had not seceded, stipulations
+might be obtained from the Free States, with the aid of Congress, and,
+if necessary, an amendment of the Constitution, which would protect
+the rights of the South; but if this failed, that the Border States
+and their allies of the South would then be forced to consider the
+Union impracticable and to organize a separate confederacy of the
+Border States, with the association of such of the Southern and Free
+States as might be willing to accede to the proposed conditions. He
+hoped that the Union would thus be "reconstructed by the healthy
+action of the Border States." The necessary result, however, would
+have been that in the meantime three confederacies would have been in
+existence. And yet Mr. Kennedy had always been a Union man, and when
+the war broke out was its consistent advocate.</p>
+
+<p>These proposals, from such different sources as Fernando Wood and John
+P. Kennedy, tend to show the uncertainty and bewilderment which had
+taken possession of the minds of men, and in which few did not share
+to a greater or less degree.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote6" name="footnote6"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag6">6</a></b>: The culmination of this period of misrule was at the
+election in November, 1859, when the fraud and violence were so
+flagrant that the Legislature of the State unseated the whole
+Baltimore delegation&mdash;ten members. The city being thus without
+representation, it became necessary, when a special session of the
+Legislature was called in April, 1861, that a new delegation from
+Baltimore should be chosen. It was this same Legislature (elected in
+1859), which took away from the mayor of the city the control of its
+police, and entrusted that force to a board of police commissioners.
+This change, a most fortunate one for the city at that crisis,
+resulted in the immediate establishment of good order, and made
+possible the reform movement of the next autumn.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote7" name="footnote7"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag7">7</a></b>: Hanson's Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, p. 14.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote8" name="footnote8"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag8">8</a></b>: According to some of the published accounts <i>seven</i> cars
+got through, which would have been one to each company, but I believe
+that the number of the cars and of the companies did not correspond.
+Probably the larger companies were divided.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote9" name="footnote9"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag9">9</a></b>: For participation in placing this obstruction, a wealthy
+merchant of long experience, usually a very peaceful man, was
+afterward indicted for treason by the Grand Jury of the Circuit Court
+of the United States in Baltimore, but his trial was not pressed.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote10" name="footnote10"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag10">10</a></b>: The accounts in some of our newspapers describe serious
+fighting at a point beyond this, but I am satisfied they are
+incorrect.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote11" name="footnote11"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag11">11</a></b>: Testimony of witnesses at the coroner's inquest.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote12" name="footnote12"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag12">12</a></b>: Baltimore <i>American</i>, April 22.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote13" name="footnote13"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag13">13</a></b>: Winans's steam gun, a recently invented, and, it was
+supposed, very formidable engine, was much talked about at this time.
+It was not very long afterwards seized and confiscated by the military
+authorities.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote14" name="footnote14"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag14">14</a></b>: 4 Wallace Sup. Court R. 2.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote15" name="footnote15"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag15">15</a></b>: See also the "Chronicles of Baltimore" by the same
+author.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote16" name="footnote16"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag16">16</a></b>: Legal Tender Case, Vol. 110 U. S. Reports, p. 421.</p>
+
+<p><a id="footnote17" name="footnote17"></a>
+<b><a href="#footnotetag17">17</a></b>: Mr. Ferrandini, now in advanced years, still lives in
+Baltimore, and declares the charge of conspiracy to be wholly absurd
+and fictitious, and those who know him will, I think, believe that he
+is an unlikely person to be engaged in such a plot.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April,
+1861, by George William Brown
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861, by
+George William Brown
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April, 1861
+ A Study of the War
+
+Author: George William Brown
+
+Release Date: April 2, 2012 [EBook #39346]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Edwards, Christine P. Travers and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This file was produced from images generously made
+available by The Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: MAP SHOWING ROUTE OF RAIL ROAD THROUGH BALTIMORE FROM
+PRESIDENT ST. STATION TO CAMDEN ST. STATION.]
+
+
+
+
+ BALTIMORE
+
+ AND
+
+ THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861
+
+ A Study of the War
+
+
+ By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN
+
+ _Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of
+ Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861_
+
+
+ BALTIMORE
+ N. MURRAY, PUBLICATION AGENT,
+ JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
+ 1887
+
+ COPYRIGHT, 1887, BY N. MURRAY.
+ ISAAC FRIEDENWALD, PRINTER,
+ BALTIMORE.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+ Page
+CHAPTER I.
+
+ 1. INTRODUCTION, 9
+
+ 2. THE FIRST BLOOD SHED IN THE WAR, 10
+
+ 3. THE SUPPOSED PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE INCOMING PRESIDENT, 11
+
+ 4. THE MIDNIGHT RIDE TO WASHINGTON, 17
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+ 1. THE COMPROMISES OF THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY, 20
+
+ 2. A DIVIDED HOUSE, 23
+
+ 3. THE BROKEN COMPACT, 25
+
+ 4. THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION, 27
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+ 1. MARYLAND'S DESIRE FOR PEACE, 30
+
+ 2. EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN, 31
+
+ 3. HIS PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR TROOPS, 32
+
+ 4. THE CITY AUTHORITIES AND POLICE OF BALTIMORE, 34
+
+ 5. INCREASING EXCITEMENT IN BALTIMORE, 39
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ 1. THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE, 42
+
+ 2. THE FIGHT, 47
+
+ 3. THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON, 52
+
+ 4. CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO THE KILLED AND WOUNDED, 54
+
+ 5. PUBLIC MEETING, 56
+
+ 6. TELEGRAM TO THE PRESIDENT, 57
+
+ 7. NO REPLY, 58
+
+ 8. BURNING OF BRIDGES, 59
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+ 1. APRIL 20th--INCREASING EXCITEMENT, 60
+
+ 2. APPROPRIATION OF $500,000 FOR DEFENSE OF THE CITY, 60
+
+ 3. CORRESPONDENCE WITH PRESIDENT AND GOVERNOR, 61
+
+ 4. MEN ENROLLED, 63
+
+ 5. APPREHENDED ATTACK ON FORT McHENRY, 66
+
+ 6. MARSHAL KANE, 69
+
+ 7. INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT, CABINET, AND GENERAL SCOTT, 71
+
+ 8. GENERAL BUTLER, WITH THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS, PROCEEDS
+ TO ANNAPOLIS AND WASHINGTON, 76
+
+ 9. BALTIMORE IN A STATE OF ARMED NEUTRALITY, 77
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+ 1. SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 79
+
+ 2. REPORT OF THE BOARD OF POLICE, 80
+
+ 3. SUPPRESSION OF THE FLAGS, 82
+
+ 4. ON THE 5th OF MAY GENERAL BUTLER TAKES POSITION SIX MILES
+ FROM BALTIMORE, 83
+
+ 5. ON THE 13th OF MAY HE ENTERS BALTIMORE AND FORTIFIES FEDERAL
+ HILL, 84
+
+ 6. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WILL TAKE NO STEPS TOWARD SECESSION, 85
+
+ 7. MANY YOUNG MEN JOIN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDERACY, 85
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+ 1. CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY AND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, 87
+
+ 2. A UNION CONVENTION, 92
+
+ 3. CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT, 93
+
+ 4. INCIDENTS OF THE WAR, 95
+
+ 5. THE WOMEN IN THE WAR, 95
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ 1. GENERAL BANKS IN COMMAND, 97
+
+ 2. MARSHAL KANE ARRESTED, 97
+
+ 3. POLICE COMMISSIONERS SUPERSEDED, 97
+
+ 4. RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 98
+
+ 5. POLICE COMMISSIONERS ARRESTED, 98
+
+ 6. RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 100
+
+ 7. GENERAL DIX IN COMMAND, 100
+
+ 8. ARREST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, THE MAYOR,
+ AND OTHERS, 102
+
+ 9. RELEASE OF PRISONERS, 108
+
+ 10. COLONEL DIMICK, 111
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.--A PERSONAL CHAPTER. 113
+
+
+APPENDIX I.
+
+ ACCOUNT OF THE ALLEGED CONSPIRACY TO ASSASSINATE ABRAHAM
+ LINCOLN ON HIS JOURNEY TO BALTIMORE, FROM THE "LIFE OF
+ ABRAHAM LINCOLN," BY WARD H. LAMON, pp. 511-526, 120
+
+
+APPENDIX II.
+
+ EXTRACT FROM THE OPINION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
+ STATES, DELIVERED BY CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY, IN THE CASE OF
+ DRED SCOTT VS. SANFORD (19 HOW. 407), 138
+
+
+APPENDIX III.
+
+ THE HABEAS CORPUS CASE.--OPINION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE
+ UNITED STATES (_Ex Parte_ JOHN MERRYMAN), 139
+
+
+APPENDIX IV.
+
+ MESSAGE OF THE 12th OF JULY, 1861, TO THE FIRST AND SECOND
+ BRANCHES OF THE CITY COUNCIL, REFERRING TO THE EVENTS OF
+ THE 19th OF APRIL AND THOSE WHICH FOLLOWED.--THE FIRST
+ PARAGRAPH AND THE CONCLUDING PARAGRAPHS OF THIS DOCUMENT, 157
+
+
+APPENDIX V.
+
+ AS A PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE TIMES, REPRODUCTION FROM THE
+ BALTIMORE "AMERICAN" OF DECEMBER 5, 1860, OF THE RECEPTION
+ OF THE PUTNAM PHALANX, OF HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT, IN
+ THE CITY OF BALTIMORE, 160
+
+
+APPENDIX VI.
+
+ VISIT OF A PORTION OF THE MEMBERS OF THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS
+ REGIMENT TO BALTIMORE ON THE 19th OF APRIL, 1880, AND AN
+ ACCOUNT OF ITS RECEPTION, FROM THE BALTIMORE "SUN" AND
+ THE BALTIMORE "AMERICAN," 167
+
+
+ INDEX, 171
+
+
+
+
+BALTIMORE AND THE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1861.
+
+_A STUDY OF THE WAR._
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+ INTRODUCTION. -- THE FIRST BLOOD SHED IN THE WAR. -- THE SUPPOSED
+ PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE INCOMING PRESIDENT. -- THE MIDNIGHT RIDE
+ TO WASHINGTON.
+
+
+I have often been solicited by persons of widely opposite political
+opinions to write an account of the events which occurred in Baltimore
+on the 19th of April, 1861, about which much that is exaggerated and
+sensational has been circulated; but, for different reasons, I have
+delayed complying with the request until this time.
+
+These events were not isolated facts, but were the natural result of
+causes which had roots deep in the past, and they were followed by
+serious and important consequences. The narrative, to be complete,
+must give some account of both cause and consequence, and to do this
+briefly and with a proper regard to historical proportion is no easy
+task.
+
+Moreover, it is not pleasant to disturb the ashes of a great
+conflagration, which, although they have grown cold on the surface,
+cover embers still capable of emitting both smoke and heat; and
+especially is it not pleasant when the disturber of the ashes was
+himself an actor in the scenes which he is asked to describe.
+
+But more than twenty-five years have passed, and with them have passed
+away most of the generation then living; and, as one of the rapidly
+diminishing survivors, I am admonished by the lengthening shadows that
+anything I may have to say should be said speedily. The nation has
+learned many lessons of wisdom from its civil war, and not the least
+among them is that every truthful contribution to its annals or to its
+teachings is not without some value.
+
+I have accordingly undertaken the task, but not without reluctance,
+because it necessarily revives recollections of the most trying and
+painful experiences of my life--experiences which for a long time I
+have not unwillingly permitted to fade in the dim distance.
+
+There was another 19th of April--that of Lexington in 1775--which has
+become memorable in history for a battle between the Minute Men of
+Massachusetts and a column of British troops, in which the first blood
+was shed in the war of the Revolution. It was the heroic beginning of
+that contest.
+
+The fight which occurred in the streets of Baltimore on the 19th of
+April, 1861, between the 6th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers and
+a mob of citizens, was also memorable, because then was shed the first
+blood in a conflict between the North and the South; then a step was
+taken which made compromise or retreat almost impossible; then
+passions on both sides were aroused which could not be controlled.[1]
+In each case the outbreak was an explosion of conflicting forces long
+suppressed, but certain, sooner or later, to occur. Here the
+coincidence ends. The Minute Men of Massachusetts were so called
+because they were prepared to rise on a minute's notice. They had
+anticipated and had prepared for the strife. The attack by the mob in
+Baltimore was a sudden uprising of popular fury. The events themselves
+were magnified as the tidings flashed over the whole country, and the
+consequences were immediate. The North became wild with astonishment
+and rage, and the South rose to fever-heat from the conviction that
+Maryland was about to fall into line as the advance guard of the
+Southern Confederacy.
+
+[Footnote 1: At Fort Sumter, it is true, one week earlier, the first
+collision of arms had taken place; but strangely, that bombardment was
+unattended with loss of life. And it did not necessarily mean war
+between North and South: accommodation still seemed possible.]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+In February, 1861, when Mr. Lincoln was on his way to Washington to
+prepare for his inauguration as President of the United States, an
+unfortunate incident occurred which had a sinister influence on the
+State of Maryland, and especially on the city of Baltimore. Some
+superserviceable persons, carried away, honestly no doubt, by their
+own frightened imaginations, and perhaps in part stimulated by the
+temptation of getting up a sensation of the first class, succeeded in
+persuading Mr. Lincoln that a formidable conspiracy existed to
+assassinate him on his way through Maryland.
+
+It was announced publicly that he was to come from Philadelphia, not
+by the usual route through Wilmington, but by a circuitous journey
+through Harrisburg, and thence by the Northern Central Railroad to
+Baltimore. Misled by this statement, I, as Mayor of the city,
+accompanied by the Police Commissioners and supported by a strong
+force of police, was at the Calvert-street station on Saturday
+morning, February 23d, at half-past eleven o'clock, the appointed time
+of arrival, ready to receive with due respect the incoming President.
+An open carriage was in waiting, in which I was to have the honor of
+escorting Mr. Lincoln through the city to the Washington station, and
+of sharing in any danger which he might encounter. It is hardly
+necessary to say that I apprehended none. When the train came it
+appeared, to my great astonishment, that Mrs. Lincoln and her three
+sons had arrived safely and without hindrance or molestation of any
+kind, but that Mr. Lincoln could not be found. It was then announced
+that he had passed through the city _incognito_ in the night train by
+the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and had reached
+Washington in safety at the usual hour in the morning. For this signal
+deliverance from an imaginary peril, those who devised the ingenious
+plan of escape were of course devoutly thankful, and they accordingly
+took to themselves no little amount of credit for its success.
+
+If Mr. Lincoln had arrived in Baltimore at the time expected, and had
+spoken a few words to the people who had gathered to hear him,
+expressing the kind feelings which were in his heart with the simple
+eloquence of which he was so great a master, he could not have failed
+to make a very different impression from that which was produced not
+only by the want of confidence and respect manifested towards the city
+of Baltimore by the plan pursued, but still more by the manner in
+which it was carried out. On such an occasion as this even trifles are
+of importance, and this incident was not a trifle. The emotional part
+of human nature is its strongest side and soonest leads to action. It
+was so with the people of Baltimore. Fearful accounts of the
+conspiracy flew all over the country, creating a hostile feeling
+against the city, from which it soon afterwards suffered. A single
+specimen of the news thus spread will suffice. A dispatch from
+Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to the New York _Times_, dated February
+23d, 8 A. M., says: "Abraham Lincoln, the President-elect of the
+United States, is safe in the capital of the nation." Then, after
+describing the dreadful nature of the conspiracy, it adds: "The list
+of the names of the conspirators presented a most astonishing array of
+persons high in Southern confidence, and some whose fame is not
+confined to this country alone."
+
+Of course, the list of names was never furnished, and all the men in
+buckram vanished in air. This is all the notice which this matter
+would require except for the extraordinary narrative contributed by
+Mr. Samuel M. Felton, at that time President of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad Company, to the volume entitled "A
+History of Massachusetts in the Civil War," published in 1868.
+
+Early in 1861, Mr. Felton had made, as he supposed, a remarkable
+discovery of "a deep-laid conspiracy to capture Washington and break
+up the Government."
+
+Soon afterwards Miss Dix, the philanthropist, opportunely came to his
+office on a Saturday afternoon, stating that she had an important
+communication to make to him personally, and then, with closed doors
+and for more than an hour, she poured into his ears a thrilling tale,
+to which he attentively listened. "The sum of all was (I quote the
+language of Mr. Felton) that there was then an extensive and organized
+conspiracy throughout the South to seize upon Washington, with its
+archives and records, and then declare the Southern conspirators _de
+facto_ the Government of the United States. The whole was to be a
+_coup d'etat_. At the same time they were to cut off all modes of
+communication between Washington and the North, East or West, and thus
+prevent the transportation of troops to wrest the capital from the
+hands of the insurgents. Mr. Lincoln's inauguration was thus to be
+prevented, or his life was to fall a sacrifice to the attempt at
+inauguration. In fact, troops were then drilling on the line of our
+own road, and the Washington and Annapolis line and other lines."
+
+It was clear that the knowledge of a treasonable conspiracy of such
+vast proportions, which had already begun its operations, ought not to
+be confined solely to the keeping of Mr. Felton and Miss Dix. Mr. N.
+P. Trist, an officer of the road, was accordingly admitted into the
+secret, and was dispatched in haste to Washington, to lay all the
+facts before General Scott, the Commander-in-Chief. The General,
+however, would give no assurances except that he would do all he could
+to bring sufficient troops to Washington to make it secure. Matters
+stood in this unsatisfactory condition for some time, until a new
+rumor reached the ears of Mr. Felton.
+
+A gentleman from Baltimore, he says, came out to Back River Bridge,
+about five miles east of the city, and told the bridgekeeper that he
+had information which had come to his knowledge, of vital importance
+to the road, which he wished communicated to Mr. Felton. The nature of
+this communication was that a party was then organized in Baltimore to
+burn the bridges in case Mr. Lincoln came over the road, or in case an
+attempt was made to carry troops for the defense of Washington. The
+party at that time had combustible materials prepared to pour over the
+bridges, and were to disguise themselves as negroes and be at the
+bridge just before the train in which Mr. Lincoln travelled had
+arrived. The bridge was then to be burned, the train attacked, and Mr.
+Lincoln to be put out of the way. The man appeared several times,
+always, it seems, to the bridgekeeper, and he always communicated new
+information about the conspirators, but he would never give his name
+nor place of abode, and both still remain a mystery. Mr. Felton
+himself then went to Washington, where he succeeded in obtaining from
+a prominent gentleman from Baltimore whom he there saw, the judicious
+advice to apply to Marshal Kane, the Chief of Police in Baltimore,
+with the assurance that he was a perfectly reliable person. Marshal
+Kane was accordingly seen, but he scouted the idea that there was any
+such thing on foot as a conspiracy to burn the bridges and cut off
+Washington, and said he had thoroughly investigated the whole matter,
+and there was not the slightest foundation for such rumors. Mr. Felton
+was not satisfied, but he would have nothing more to do with Marshal
+Kane. He next sent for a celebrated detective in the West, whose name
+is not given, and through this chief and his subordinates every nook
+and corner of the road and its vicinity was explored. They reported
+that they had joined the societies of the conspirators in Baltimore
+and got into their secrets, and that the secret working of secession
+and treason was laid bare, with all its midnight plottings and daily
+consultations. The conspiracy being thus proved to Mr. Felton's
+satisfaction, he at once organized and armed a force of two hundred
+men and scattered them along the line of the railroad between the
+Susquehanna and Baltimore, principally at the bridges. But, strange to
+say, all that was accomplished by this formidable body was an enormous
+job of whitewashing.
+
+The narrative proceeds: "These men were drilled secretly and regularly
+by drill-masters, and were apparently employed in whitewashing the
+bridges, patting on some six or seven coats of whitewash saturated
+with salt and alum, to make the outside of the bridges as nearly
+fireproof as possible. This whitewashing, so extensive in its
+application, became (continues Mr. Felton) the nine days' wonder of
+the neighborhood." And well it might. After the lapse of twenty-five
+years the wonder over this feat of strategy can hardly yet have ceased
+in that rural and peaceful neighborhood. But, unfortunately for Mr.
+Felton's peace of mind, the programme of Mr. Lincoln's journey was
+suddenly changed. He had selected a different route. He had decided to
+go to Harrisburg from Philadelphia, and thence by day to Baltimore,
+over another and a rival road, known as the Northern Central. Then the
+chief detective discovered that the attention of the conspirators was
+suddenly turned to the Northern Central road. The mysterious unknown
+gentleman from Baltimore appeared again on the scene and confirmed
+this statement. He gave warning that Mr. Lincoln was to be waylaid and
+his life sacrificed on that road, on which no whitewash had been used,
+and where there were no armed men to protect him.
+
+Mr. Felton hurried to Philadelphia, and there, in a hotel, joined his
+chief detective, who was registered under a feigned name. Mr. Lincoln,
+cheered by a dense crowd, was, at that moment, passing through the
+streets of Philadelphia. A sub-detective was sent to bring Mr. Judd,
+Mr. Lincoln's intimate friend, to the hotel to hold a consultation.
+Mr. Judd was in the procession with Mr. Lincoln, but the emergency
+admitted no delay. The eagerness of the sub-detective was so great
+that he was three times arrested and carried out of the crowd by the
+police before he could reach Mr. Judd. The fourth attempt succeeded,
+and Mr. Judd was at last brought to the hotel, where he met both Mr.
+Felton and the chief detective. The narrative then proceeds in the
+words of Mr. Felton: "We lost no time in making known to him (Mr.
+Judd) all the facts which had come to our knowledge in reference to
+the conspiracy, and I most earnestly advised sleeping-car. Mr. Judd
+fully entered into the plan, and said he would urge Mr. Lincoln to
+adopt it. On his communicating with Mr. Lincoln, after the services of
+the evening were over, he answered that he had engaged to go to
+Harrisburg and speak the next day, and that he would not break his
+engagement, even in the face of such peril, but that after he had
+fulfilled his engagement he would follow such advice as we might give
+him in reference to his journey to Washington." Mr. Lincoln
+accordingly went to Harrisburg the next day and made an address. After
+that the arrangements for the journey were shrouded in the profoundest
+mystery. It was given out that he was to go to Governor Curtin's house
+for the night, but he was, instead, conducted to a point about two
+miles out of Harrisburg, where an extra car and engine waited to take
+him to Philadelphia. The telegraph lines east, west, north and south
+from Harrisburg were cut, so that no message as to his movements could
+be sent off in any direction. But all this caused a detention, and the
+night train from Philadelphia to Baltimore had to be held back until
+the arrival of Mr. Lincoln at the former place. If, however, the delay
+proved to be considerable, when Mr. Lincoln reached Baltimore the
+connecting train to Washington might leave without him. But Mr. Felton
+was equal to the occasion. He devised a plan which was communicated to
+only three or four on the road. A messenger was sent to Baltimore by
+an earlier train to say to the officials of the Washington road that a
+very important package must be delivered in Washington early in the
+morning, and to request them to wait for the night train from
+Philadelphia. To give color to this statement, a package of old
+railroad reports, done up with great care, and with a large seal
+attached, marked by Mr. Felton's own hand, "Very Important," was sent
+in the train which carried Mr. Lincoln on his famous night ride from
+Philadelphia through Maryland and Baltimore to the city of
+Washington. The only remarkable incident of the journey was the
+mysterious behavior of the few officials who were entrusted with the
+portentous secret.
+
+I do not know how others may be affected by this narrative, but I
+confess even now to a feeling of indignation that Mr. Lincoln, who was
+no coward, but proved himself on many an occasion to be a brave man,
+was thus prevented from carrying out his original intention of
+journeying to Baltimore in the light of day, in company with his wife
+and children, relying as he always did on the honor and manhood of the
+American people. It is true we have, to our sorrow, learned by the
+manner of his death, as well as by the fate of still another
+President, that no one occupying so high a place can be absolutely
+safe, even in this country, from the danger of assassination, but it
+is still true that as a rule the best way to meet such danger is
+boldly to defy it.
+
+Mr. C. C. Felton, son of Mr. Samuel M. Felton, in an article entitled
+"The Baltimore Plot," published in December, 1885, in the _Harvard
+Monthly_, has attempted to revive this absurd story. He repeats the
+account of whitewashing the bridges, and of the astonishment created
+among the good people of the neighborhood. He has faith in "the
+unknown Baltimorean" who visited the bridgekeeper, but would never
+give his name, and in the spies employed, who, he tells us, were "the
+well-known detective Pinkerton and eight assistants," and he leaves
+his readers to infer that Mr. Lincoln's life was saved by the
+extraordinary vigilance which had been exercised and the ingenious
+plan which had been devised by his worthy father, but alas!--
+
+ "The earth hath bubbles as the water has,"
+
+and this was of them.
+
+Colonel Lamon, a close friend of President Lincoln, and the only
+person who accompanied him on his night ride to Washington, has
+written his biography, a very careful and conscientious work, which
+unfortunately was left unfinished, and he of course had the strongest
+reasons for carefully examining the subject. After a full examination
+of all the documents, Colonel Lamon pronounces the conspiracy to be a
+mere fiction, and adds in confirmation the mature opinion of Mr.
+Lincoln himself.
+
+Colonel Lamon says:[2] "Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the
+midnight ride. His friends reproached him, his enemies taunted him. He
+was convinced that he had committed a grave mistake in yielding to the
+solicitations of a professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed.
+He saw that he had fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the
+shame and mortification natural to a brave man under such
+circumstances. But he was not disposed to take all the responsibility
+to himself, and frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and
+assisted him to demean himself at the very moment in all his life when
+his behavior should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure."
+
+As Colonel Lamon's biography, a work of absorbing interest, is now out
+of print, and as his account of the ride and of the results of the
+investigation of the conspiracy is too long to be inserted here, it is
+added in an Appendix.
+
+The account above given has its appropriateness here, for the midnight
+ride through Baltimore, and the charge that its citizens were plotting
+the President's assassination, helped to feed the flame of excitement
+which, in the stirring events of that time, was already burning too
+high all over the land, and especially in a border city with divided
+sympathies.
+
+[Footnote 2: The Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 526; and see Appendix I.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+ THE COMPROMISES OF THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. -- A
+ DIVIDED HOUSE. -- THE BROKEN COMPACT. -- THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION.
+
+
+For a period the broad provisions of the Constitution of the United
+States, as expounded by the wise and broad decisions of the Supreme
+Court, had proved to be equal to every emergency. The thirteen feeble
+colonies had grown to be a great Republic, and no external obstacle
+threatened its majestic progress; foreign wars had been waged and vast
+territories had been annexed, but every strain on the Constitution
+only served to make it stronger. Yet there was a canker in a vital
+part which nothing could heal, which from day to day became more
+malignant, and which those who looked beneath the surface could
+perceive was surely leading, and at no distant day, to dissolution or
+war, or perhaps to both. The canker was the existence of negro
+slavery.
+
+In colonial days, kings, lords spiritual and temporal, and commons,
+all united in favoring the slave trade. In Massachusetts the Puritan
+minister might be seen on the Sabbath going to meeting in family
+procession, with his negro slave bringing up the rear. Boston was
+largely engaged in building ships and manufacturing rum, and a portion
+of the ships and much of the rum were sent to Africa, the rum to buy
+slaves, and the ships to bring them to a market in America. Newport
+was more largely, and until a more recent time, engaged in the same
+traffic.
+
+In Maryland, even the Friends were sometimes owners of slaves; and it
+is charged, and apparently with reason, that Wenlock Christison, the
+Quaker preacher, after being driven from Massachusetts by persecution
+and coming to Maryland by way of Barbadoes, sent or brought in with
+him a number of slaves, who cultivated his plantation until his death.
+In Georgia, the Calvinist Whitefield blessed God for his negro
+plantation, which was generously given to him to establish his
+"Bethesda" as a refuge for orphan children.
+
+In the Dred Scott case, Chief Justice Taney truly described the
+opinion, which he deplored, prevailing at the time of the adoption of
+the Constitution, as being that the colored man had no rights which
+the white man was bound to respect.[3]
+
+[Footnote 3: Judge Taney's utterance on this subject has been
+frequently and grossly misrepresented. In Appendix II. will be found
+what he really did say.]
+
+The Constitution had endeavored to settle the question of slavery by a
+compromise. As the difficulty in regard to it arose far more from
+political than moral grounds, so in the settlement the former were
+almost exclusively considered. It was, however, the best that could be
+made at that time. It is certain that without such a compromise the
+Constitution would not have been adopted. The existence of slavery in
+a State was left in the discretion of the State itself. If a slave
+escaped to another State, he was to be returned to his master. Laws
+were passed by Congress to carry out this provision, and the Supreme
+Court decided that they were constitutional.
+
+For a long time the best people at the North stood firmly by the
+compromise. It was a national compact, and must be respected. But
+ideas, and especially moral ideas, cannot be forever fettered by a
+compact, no matter how solemn may be its sanctions. The change of
+opinion at the North was first slow, then rapid, and then so powerful
+as to overwhelm all opposition. John Brown, who was executed for
+raising a negro insurrection in Virginia, in which men were wounded
+and killed, was reverenced by many at the North as a hero, a martyr
+and a saint. It had long been a fixed fact that no fugitive slave
+could by process of law be returned from the North into slavery. With
+the advent to power of the Republican party--a party based on
+opposition to slavery--another breach in the outworks of the
+Constitution, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, had been made.
+Sooner or later the same hands would capture the citadel. Sooner or
+later it was plain that slavery was doomed.
+
+In the memorable Senatorial campaign in Illinois between Stephen A.
+Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, the latter, in his speech before the
+Republican State Convention at Springfield, June 17, 1858, struck the
+keynote of his party by the bold declaration on the subject of slavery
+which he then made and never recalled.
+
+This utterance was the more remarkable because on the previous day the
+convention had passed unanimously a resolution declaring that Mr.
+Lincoln was their first and only choice for United States Senator, to
+fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr.
+Douglas's term of office, but the convention had done nothing which
+called for the advanced ground on which Mr. Lincoln planted himself in
+that speech. It was carefully prepared.
+
+The narrative of Colonel Lamon in his biography of Lincoln is
+intensely interesting and dramatic.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: Lamon's Life of Lincoln, p. 808.]
+
+About a dozen gentlemen, he says, were called to meet in the library
+of the State House. After seating them at the round table, Mr. Lincoln
+read his entire speech, dwelling slowly on that part which speaks of a
+divided house, so that every man fully understood it. After he had
+finished, he asked for the opinion of his friends. All but William H.
+Herndon, the law partner of Mr. Lincoln, declared that the whole
+speech was too far in advance of the times, and they especially
+condemned that part which referred to a divided house. Mr. Herndon sat
+still while they were giving their respective opinions; then he sprang
+to his feet and said: "Lincoln, deliver it just as it reads. If it is
+in advance of the times, let us--you and I, if no one else--lift the
+people to the level of this speech now, higher hereafter. The speech
+is true, wise and politic, and will succeed now, or in the future.
+Nay, it will aid you, if it will not make you President of the United
+States."...
+
+"Mr. Lincoln sat still a short moment, rose from his chair, walked
+backward and forward in the hall, stopped and said: 'Friends, I have
+thought about this matter a great deal, have weighed the question well
+from all corners, and am thoroughly convinced the time has come when
+it should be uttered; and if it must be that I must go down because of
+this speech, then let me go down linked to truth--die in the advocacy
+of what is right and just. This nation cannot live on injustice. A
+house divided against itself cannot stand, I say again and again.'"
+
+The opening paragraph of the speech is as follows: "If we could first
+know where we are and whither we are tending, we could then better
+judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far on into the fifth
+year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident
+promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of
+that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but is constantly
+augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have
+been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand.
+I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and
+half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect
+the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It
+will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of
+slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the
+public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of
+ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it
+shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North
+as well as South."
+
+The blast of the trumpet gave no uncertain sound. The far-seeing
+suggestion of Mr. Herndon came true to the letter. I believe this
+speech made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States.
+
+But the founders of the Constitution of the United States had built a
+house which was divided against itself from the beginning. They had
+framed a union of States which was part free and part slave, and that
+union was intended to last forever. Here was an irreconcilable
+conflict between the Constitution and the future President of the
+United States.
+
+When the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago in May, 1860, in
+the heat of the contest, which soon became narrowed down to a choice
+between Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, the latter dispatched a friend to
+Chicago with a message in writing, which was handed either to Judge
+Davis or Judge Logan, both members of the convention, which runs as
+follows: "Lincoln agrees with Seward in his irrepressible-conflict
+idea, and in negro equality; but he is opposed to Seward's higher
+law." But there was no substantial difference between the position of
+the two: Lincoln's "divided house" and Seward's "higher law" placed
+them really in the same attitude.
+
+The seventh resolution in the Chicago platform condemned what it
+described as the "new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force,
+carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United
+States." This resolution was a direct repudiation by a National
+Convention of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott
+case.
+
+On the 6th of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of
+the United States. Of the actual votes cast there was a majority
+against him of 930,170. Next came Mr. Douglas, who lost the support of
+the Southern Democrats by his advocacy of the doctrine of "squatter
+sovereignty," as it was called, which was in effect, although not in
+form, as hostile to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred
+Scott case as the seventh resolution of the Chicago Convention itself.
+Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, the candidate of the Southern
+Democracy, fell very far, and Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, the candidate of
+the Union party, as it was called, a short-lived successor of the old
+Whig party, fell still farther in the rear of the two Northern
+candidates.
+
+The great crisis had come at last. The Abolition party had become a
+portion of the victorious Republican party. The South, politically,
+was overwhelmed. Separated now from its only ally, the Northern
+Democracy, it stood at last alone.
+
+It matters not that Mr. Lincoln, after his election, in sincerity of
+heart held out the olive branch to the nation, and that during his
+term of office the South, so far as his influence could avail, would
+have been comparatively safe from direct aggressions. Mr. Lincoln was
+not known then as he is known now, and, moreover, his term of office
+would be but four years.
+
+What course, then, was left to the South if it was determined to
+maintain its rights under the Constitution? What but the right of
+self-defense?
+
+The house of every man is his castle, and he may defend it to the
+death against all aggressors. When a hostile hand is raised to strike
+a blow, he who is assaulted need not wait until the blow falls, but on
+the instant may protect himself as best he can. These are the rights
+of self-defense known, approved and acted on by all freemen. And where
+constitutional rights of a people are in jeopardy, a kindred right of
+self-defense belongs to them. Although revolutionary in its character,
+it is not the less a right.
+
+Wendell Phillips, abolitionist as he was, in a speech made at New
+Bedford on the 9th of April, 1861, three days before the bombardment
+of Fort Sumter, fully recognized this right. He said: "Here are a
+series of States girding the Gulf, who think that their peculiar
+institutions require that they should have a separate government. They
+have a right to decide that question without appealing to you or me. A
+large body of the people, sufficient to make a nation, have come to
+the conclusion that they will have a government of a certain form. Who
+denies them the right? Standing with the principles of '76 behind us,
+who can deny them the right? What is a matter of a few millions of
+dollars or a few forts? It is a mere drop in the bucket of the great
+national question. It is theirs just as much as ours. I maintain, on
+the principles of '76, that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier
+in Fort Sumter."
+
+And such was the honest belief of the people who united in
+establishing the Southern Confederacy.
+
+Wendell Phillips was not wrong in declaring the principles of '76 to
+be kindred to those of '61. The men of '76 did not fight to get rid of
+the petty tax of three pence a pound on tea, which was the only tax
+left to quarrel about. They were determined to pay no taxes, large or
+small, then or thereafter. Whether the tax was lawful or not was a
+doubtful question, about which there was a wide difference of opinion,
+but they did not care for that. Nothing would satisfy them but the
+relinquishment of any claim of right to tax the colonies, and this
+they could not obtain. They maintained that their rights were
+violated. They were, moreover, embittered by a long series of disputes
+with the mother country, and they wanted to be independent and to have
+a country of their own. They thought they were strong enough to
+maintain that position.
+
+Neither were the Southern men of '61 fighting for money. And they too
+were deeply embittered, not against a mother country, but against a
+brother country. The Northern people had published invectives of the
+most exasperating character broadcast against the South in their
+speeches, sermons, newspapers and books. The abolitionists had
+proceeded from words to deeds and were unwearied in tampering with the
+slaves and carrying them off. The Southern people, on their part, were
+not less violent in denunciation of the North. The slavery question
+had divided the political parties throughout the nation, and on this
+question the South was practically a unit. They could get no security
+that the provisions of the Constitution would be kept either in letter
+or in spirit, and this they demanded as their right.
+
+The Southern men thought that they also were strong enough to wage
+successfully a defensive war. Like the men of '76, they in great part
+were of British stock; they lived in a thinly settled country, led
+simple lives, were accustomed to the use of arms, and knew how to
+protect themselves. Such men make good soldiers, and when their armies
+were enrolled the ranks were filled with men of all classes, the rich
+as well as the poor, the educated as well as the ignorant.
+
+It is a mistake to suppose that they were inveigled into secession by
+ambitious leaders. On the contrary, it is probable that they were not
+as much under the influence of leaders as the men of '76, and that
+there were fewer disaffected among them. At times the scales trembled
+in the balance. There are always mistakes in war. It is an easy and
+ungrateful task to point them out afterward. We can now see that grave
+errors, both financial and military, were made, and that opportunities
+were thrown away. How far these went to settle the contest, we can
+never certainly know, but it does not need great boldness to assert
+that the belief which the Southern people entertained that they were
+strong enough to defend themselves, was not unreasonable.
+
+The determination of the South to maintain slavery was undoubtedly the
+main cause of secession, but another deep and underlying cause was the
+firm belief of the Southern people in the doctrine of States' rights,
+and their jealousy of any attack upon those rights. Devotion to their
+State first of all, a conviction that paramount obligation--in case of
+any conflict of allegiance--was due not to the Union but to the State,
+had been part of the political creed of very many in the South ever
+since the adoption of the Constitution. An ignoble love of slavery was
+not the general and impelling motive. The slaveholders, who were
+largely in the minority, acted as a privileged class always does act.
+They were determined to maintain their privileges at all hazards. But
+they, as well as the great mass of the people who had no personal
+interest in slavery, fought the battles of the war with the passionate
+earnestness of men who believed with an undoubting conviction that
+they were the defenders not only of home rule and of their firesides,
+but also of their constitutional rights.
+
+And behind the money question, the constitutional question and the
+moral question, there was still another of the gravest import. Was it
+possible for two races nearly equal in number, but widely different in
+character and civilization, to live together in a republic in peace
+and equality of rights without mingling in blood? The answer of the
+Southern man was, "It is not possible."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+ MARYLAND'S DESIRE FOR PEACE. -- EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED THE
+ ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. -- HIS PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR
+ TROOPS. -- THE CITY AUTHORITIES AND POLICE OF BALTIMORE. --
+ INCREASING EXCITEMENT IN BALTIMORE.
+
+
+I now come to consider the condition of affairs in Maryland. As yet
+the Republican party had obtained a very slight foothold. Only 2,294
+votes had in the whole State been cast for Mr. Lincoln. Her sympathies
+were divided between the North and the South, with a decided
+preponderance on the Southern side. For many years her conscience had
+been neither dead nor asleep on the subject of slavery. Families had
+impoverished themselves to free their slaves. In 1860 there were
+83,942 free colored people in Maryland and 87,189 slaves, the white
+population being 515,918. Thus there were nearly as many free as
+slaves of the colored race. Emancipation, in spite of harsh laws
+passed to discountenance it, had rapidly gone on. In the northern part
+of the State and in the city of Baltimore there were but few
+slaveholders, and the slavery was hardly more than nominal. The
+patriarchal institution, as it has been derisively called, had a real
+existence in many a household. Not a few excellent people have I known
+and respected who were born and bred in slavery and had been freed by
+their masters. In 1831 the State incorporated the Maryland
+Colonization Society, which founded on the west coast of Africa a
+successful republican colony of colored people, now known as the State
+of Maryland in Liberia, and for twenty-six years, and until the war
+broke out, the State contributed $10,000 a year to its support. This
+amount was increased by the contributions of individuals. The board,
+of which Mr. John H. B. Latrobe was for many years president, was
+composed of our best citizens. A code of laws for the government of
+the colony was prepared by the excellent and learned lawyer, Hugh
+Davey Evans.
+
+While there was on the part of a large portion of the people a
+deep-rooted and growing dislike to slavery, agitation on the subject
+had not commenced. It was in fact suppressed by reason of the violence
+of Northern abolitionists with whom the friends of emancipation were
+not able to unite.
+
+It is not surprising that Maryland was in no mood for war, but that
+her voice was for compromise and peace--compromise and peace at any
+price consistent with honor.
+
+The period immediately following the election of Mr. Lincoln in
+November, 1860, was throughout the country one of intense agitation
+and of important events. A large party at the North preferred
+compromise to war, even at the cost of dissolution of the Union. If
+dissolution began, no one could tell where it would stop. South
+Carolina seceded on the 17th of December, 1860. Georgia and the five
+Gulf States soon followed. On the 6th of January, 1861, Fernando Wood,
+mayor of the city of New York, sent a message to the common council
+advising that New York should secede and become a free city.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: John P. Kennedy, of Baltimore, the well-known author, who
+had been member of Congress and Secretary of the Navy, published early
+in 1861 a pamphlet entitled "The Border States, Their Power and Duty
+in the Present Disordered Condition of the Country." His idea was that
+if concert of action could be had between the Border States and
+concurring States of the South which had not seceded, stipulations
+might be obtained from the Free States, with the aid of Congress, and,
+if necessary, an amendment of the Constitution, which would protect
+the rights of the South; but if this failed, that the Border States
+and their allies of the South would then be forced to consider the
+Union impracticable and to organize a separate confederacy of the
+Border States, with the association of such of the Southern and Free
+States as might be willing to accede to the proposed conditions. He
+hoped that the Union would thus be "reconstructed by the healthy
+action of the Border States." The necessary result, however, would
+have been that in the meantime three confederacies would have been in
+existence. And yet Mr. Kennedy had always been a Union man, and when
+the war broke out was its consistent advocate.
+
+These proposals, from such different sources as Fernando Wood and John
+P. Kennedy, tend to show the uncertainty and bewilderment which had
+taken possession of the minds of men, and in which few did not share
+to a greater or less degree.]
+
+On February the 9th, Jefferson Davis was elected President of the
+Southern Confederacy, a Confederacy to which other States would
+perhaps soon be added. But the Border States were as yet debatable
+ground; they might be retained by conciliation and compromise or
+alienated by hostile measures, whether directed against them or
+against the seceded States. In Virginia a convention had been called
+to consider the momentous question of union or secession, and an
+overwhelming majority of the delegates chosen were in favor of
+remaining in the Union. Other States were watching Virginia's course,
+in order to decide whether to stay in the Union or go out of it with
+her.
+
+On the 12th and 13th of April occurred the memorable bombardment and
+surrender of Fort Sumter. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln
+issued his celebrated proclamation calling out seventy-five thousand
+militia, and appealing "to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and
+aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity and existence of
+our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to
+redress wrongs already long enough endured." What these wrongs were
+is not stated. "The first service assigned to the forces hereby called
+forth," said the proclamation, "will probably be to re-possess the
+forts, places and property which have been seized from the Union." On
+the same day there was issued from the War Department a request
+addressed to the Governors of the different States, announcing what
+the quota of each State would be, and that the troops were to serve
+for three months unless sooner discharged. Maryland's quota was four
+regiments.
+
+The proclamation was received with exultation at the North--many
+dissentient voices being silenced in the general acclaim--with
+defiance at the South, and in Maryland with mingled feelings in which
+astonishment, dismay and disapprobation were predominant. On all sides
+it was agreed that the result must be war, or a dissolution of the
+Union, and I may safely say that a large majority of our people then
+preferred the latter.
+
+An immediate effect of the proclamation was to intensify the feeling
+of hostility in the wavering States, and to drive four of them into
+secession. Virginia acted promptly. On April 17th her convention
+passed an ordinance of secession--subject to ratification by a vote of
+the people--and Virginia became the head and front of the Confederacy.
+North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas soon followed her lead.
+Meanwhile, and before the formal acts of secession, the Governors of
+Virginia, North Carolina and Tennessee sent prompt and defiant answers
+to the requisition, emphatically refusing to furnish troops, as did
+also the Governors of Kentucky and Missouri.
+
+The position of Maryland was most critical. This State was especially
+important, because the capital of the nation lay within her borders,
+and all the roads from the North leading to it passed through her
+territory. After the President's proclamation was issued, no doubt a
+large majority of her people sympathized with the South; but even had
+that sentiment been far more preponderating, there was an underlying
+feeling that by a sort of geographical necessity her lot was cast with
+the North, that the larger and stronger half of the nation would not
+allow its capital to be quietly disintegrated away by her secession.
+Delaware and Maryland were the only Border States which did not
+attempt to secede. Kentucky at first took the impossible stand of an
+armed neutrality. When this failed, a portion of her people passed an
+ordinance of secession, and a portion of the people of Missouri passed
+a similar ordinance.
+
+It is now proper to give some explanation of the condition of affairs
+in Baltimore, at that time a city of 215,000 inhabitants.
+
+Thomas Holliday Hicks, who had been elected by the American, or
+Know-Nothing party, three years before, was the Governor of the State.
+The city authorities, consisting of the mayor and city council, had
+been elected in October, 1860, a few weeks before the Presidential
+election, not as representatives of any of the national parties, but
+as the candidates of an independent reform party, and in opposition to
+the Know-Nothing party. This party, which then received its quietus,
+had been in power for some years, and had maintained itself by methods
+which made its rule little better than a reign of terror.[6] No one
+acquainted with the history of that period can doubt that the reform
+was greatly needed. A large number of the best men of the American
+party united in the movement, and with their aid it became
+triumphantly successful, carrying every ward in the city. The city
+council was composed of men of unusually high character. "Taken as a
+whole" (Scharf's "History of Maryland," Vol. III., p. 284), "a better
+ticket has seldom, if ever, been brought out. In the selection of
+candidates all party tests were discarded, and all thought of
+rewarding partisan services repudiated." Four police commissioners,
+appointed by the Legislature--Charles Howard, William H. Gatchell,
+Charles D. Hinks and John W. Davis--men of marked ability and worth,
+had, with the mayor, who was _ex officio_ a member of the board, the
+appointment and control of the police force. Mr. S. Teackle Wallis was
+the legal adviser of the board. The entire police force consisted of
+398 men, and had been raised to a high degree of discipline and
+efficiency under the command of Marshal Kane. They were armed with
+revolvers.
+
+[Footnote 6: The culmination of this period of misrule was at the
+election in November, 1859, when the fraud and violence were so
+flagrant that the Legislature of the State unseated the whole
+Baltimore delegation--ten members. The city being thus without
+representation, it became necessary, when a special session of the
+Legislature was called in April, 1861, that a new delegation from
+Baltimore should be chosen. It was this same Legislature (elected in
+1859), which took away from the mayor of the city the control of its
+police, and entrusted that force to a board of police commissioners.
+This change, a most fortunate one for the city at that crisis,
+resulted in the immediate establishment of good order, and made
+possible the reform movement of the next autumn.]
+
+Immediately after the call of the President for troops, including four
+regiments from Maryland, a marked division among the people manifested
+itself. Two large and excited crowds, eager for news, and nearly
+touching each other, stood from morning until late at night before two
+newspaper offices on Baltimore street which advocated contrary views
+and opinions. Strife was in the air. It was difficult for the police
+to keep the peace. Business was almost suspended. Was there indeed to
+be war between the sections, or could it yet, by some unlooked-for
+interposition, be averted? Would the Border States interfere and
+demand peace? There was a deep and pervading impression of impending
+evil. And now an immediate fear was as to the effect on the citizens
+of the passage of Northern troops through the city. Should they be
+permitted to cross the soil of Maryland, to make war on sister States
+of the South, allied to her by so many ties of affection, as well as
+of kindred institutions? On the other hand, when the capital of the
+nation was in danger, should not the kindest greeting and welcome be
+extended to those who were first to come to the rescue? Widely
+different were the answers given to these questions. The Palmetto flag
+had several times been raised by some audacious hands in street and
+harbor, but it was soon torn down. The National flag and the flag of
+the State, with its black and orange, the colors of Lord Baltimore,
+waved unmolested, but not side by side, for they had become symbols of
+different ideas, although the difference was, as yet, not clearly
+defined.
+
+On the 17th of April, the state of affairs became so serious that I,
+as mayor, issued a proclamation earnestly invoking all good citizens
+to refrain from every act which could lead to outbreak or violence of
+any kind; to refrain from harshness of speech, and to render in all
+cases prompt and efficient aid, as by law they were required to do, to
+the public authorities, whose constant efforts would be exerted to
+maintain unbroken the peace and order of the city, and to administer
+the laws with fidelity and impartiality. I cannot flatter myself that
+this appeal produced much effect. The excitement was too great for any
+words to allay it.
+
+On the 18th of April, notice was received from Harrisburg that two
+companies of United States artillery, commanded by Major Pemberton,
+and also four companies of militia, would arrive by the Northern
+Central Railroad at Bolton Station, in the northern part of the city,
+at two o'clock in the afternoon. The militia had neither arms nor
+uniforms.
+
+Before the troops arrived at the station, where I was waiting to
+receive them, I was suddenly called away by a message from Governor
+Hicks stating that he desired to see me on business of urgent
+importance, and this prevented my having personal knowledge of what
+immediately afterward occurred. The facts, however, are that a large
+crowd assembled at the station and followed the soldiers in their
+march to the Washington station with abuse and threats. The regulars
+were not molested, but the wrath of the mob was directed against the
+militia, and an attack would certainly have been made but for the
+vigilance and determination of the police, under the command of
+Marshal Kane.
+
+"These proceedings," says Mr. Scharf, in the third volume of his
+"History of Maryland," page 401, "were an earnest of what might be
+expected on the arrival of other troops, the excitement growing in
+intensity with every hour. Numerous outbreaks occurred in the
+neighborhood of the newspaper offices during the day, and in the
+evening a meeting of the States Rights Convention was held in Taylor's
+building, on Fayette street near Calvert, where, it is alleged, very
+strong ground was taken against the passage of any more troops through
+Baltimore, and armed resistance to it threatened. On motion of Mr.
+Ross Winans, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
+
+ "_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this convention the
+ prosecution of the design announced by the President in his late
+ proclamation, of recapturing the forts in the seceded States,
+ will inevitably lead to a sanguinary war, the dissolution of the
+ Union, and the irreconcilable estrangement of the people of the
+ South from the people of the North.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That we protest in the name of the people of
+ Maryland against the garrisoning of Southern forts by militia
+ drawn from the free States; or the quartering of militia from the
+ free States in any of the towns or places of the slaveholding
+ States.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this convention the massing
+ of large bodies of militia, exclusively from the free States, in
+ the District of Columbia, is uncalled for by any public danger or
+ exigency, is a standing menace to the State of Maryland, and an
+ insult to her loyalty and good faith, and will, if persisted in,
+ alienate her people from a government which thus attempts to
+ overawe them by the presence of armed men and treats them with
+ contempt and distrust.
+
+ "_Resolved_, That the time has arrived when it becomes all good
+ citizens to unite in a common effort to obliterate all party
+ lines which have heretofore unhappily divided us, and to present
+ an unbroken front in the preservation and defense of our
+ interests, our homes and our firesides, to avert the horrors of
+ civil war, and to repel, if need be, any invader who may come to
+ establish a military despotism over us.
+
+ "A. C. ROBINSON, _Chairman_."
+ "G. HARLAN WILLIAMS,
+ "ALBERT RITCHIE,
+ "_Secretaries_."
+
+The names of the members who composed this convention are not given,
+but the mover of the resolutions and the officers of the meeting were
+men well known and respected in this community.
+
+The bold and threatening character of the resolutions did not tend to
+calm the public mind. They did not, however, advocate an attack on the
+troops.
+
+In Putnam's "Record of the Rebellion," Volume I, page 29, the
+following statement is made of a meeting which was held on the morning
+of the 18th of April: "An excited secession meeting was held at
+Baltimore, Maryland. T. Parkin Scott occupied the chair, and speeches
+denunciatory of the Administration and the North were made by Wilson
+C. N. Carr, William Byrne [improperly spelled Burns], President of the
+National Volunteer Association, and others."
+
+An account of the meeting is before me, written by Mr. Carr, lately
+deceased, a gentleman entirely trustworthy. He did not know, he says,
+of the existence of such an association, but on his way down town
+having seen the notice of a town meeting to be held at Taylor's Hall,
+to take into consideration the state of affairs, he went to the
+meeting. Mr. Scott was in the chair and was speaking. He was not
+making an excited speech, but, on the contrary, was urging the
+audience to do nothing rashly, but to be moderate and not to interfere
+with any troops that might attempt to pass through the city. As soon
+as he had finished, Mr. Carr was urged to go up to the platform and
+reply to Mr. Scott. I now give Mr. Carr's words. "I went up," he says,
+"but had no intention of saying anything in opposition to what Mr.
+Scott had advised the people to do. I was not there as an advocate of
+secession, but was anxious to see some way opened for reconciliation
+between the North and South. I did not make an excited speech nor did
+I denounce the Administration. I saw that I was disappointing the
+crowd. Some expressed their disapprobation pretty plainly and I cut my
+speech short. As soon as I finished speaking the meeting adjourned."
+
+After the war was over, Mr. Scott was elected Chief Judge of the
+Supreme Bench of Baltimore City. He was a strong sympathizer with the
+South, and had the courage of his convictions, but he had been also an
+opponent of slavery, and I have it from his own lips that years before
+the war, on a Fourth of July, he had persuaded his mother to liberate
+all her slaves, although she depended largely on their services for
+her support. And yet he lived and died a poor man.
+
+On the 16th of April, Marshal Kane addressed a letter to William
+Crawford, the Baltimore agent of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and
+Baltimore Railroad Company, in the following terms:
+
+ "_Dear Sir_:--Is it true as stated that an attempt will be made
+ to pass the volunteers from New York intended to war upon the
+ South over your road to-day? It is important that we have
+ explicit understanding on the subject.
+
+ Your friend,
+ GEORGE P. KANE."
+
+This letter was not submitted to me, nor to the board of police. If it
+had been, it would have been couched in very different language. Mr.
+Crawford forwarded it to the President of the road, who, on the same
+day, sent it to Simon Cameron, the Secretary of War.
+
+Mr. Cameron, on April 18th, wrote to Governor Hicks, giving him notice
+that there were unlawful combinations of citizens of Maryland to
+impede the transit of United States troops across Maryland on their
+way to the defense of the capital, and that the President thought it
+his duty to make it known to the Governor, so that all loyal and
+patriotic citizens might be warned in time, and that he might be
+prepared to take immediate and effective measures against it.
+
+On the afternoon of the 18th, Governor Hicks arrived in town. He had
+prepared a proclamation as Governor of the State, and wished me to
+issue another as mayor of the city, which I agreed to do. In it he
+said, among other things, that the unfortunate state of affairs now
+existing in the country had greatly excited the people of Maryland;
+that the emergency was great, and that the consequences of a rash step
+would be fearful. He therefore counselled the people in all
+earnestness to withhold their hands from whatever might tend to
+precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to receive us.
+All powers vested in the Governor of the State would be strenuously
+exerted to preserve peace and maintain inviolate the honor and
+integrity of Maryland. He assured the people that no troops would be
+sent from Maryland, unless it might be for the defense of the national
+capital. He concluded by saying that the people of this State would
+in a short time have the opportunity afforded them, in a special
+election for members of Congress, to express their devotion to the
+Union, or their desire to see it broken up.
+
+This proclamation is of importance in several respects. It shows the
+great excitement of the people and the imminent danger of domestic
+strife. It shows, moreover, that even the Governor of the State had
+then little idea of the course which he himself was soon about to
+pursue. If this was the case with the Governor, it could not have been
+different with thousands of the people. Very soon he became a thorough
+and uncompromising upholder of the war.
+
+In my proclamation I concurred with the Governor in his determination
+to preserve the peace and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity
+of Maryland, and added that I could not withhold my expression of
+satisfaction at his resolution that no troops should be sent from
+Maryland to the soil of any other State.
+
+Simultaneously with the passage of the first Northern regiments on
+their way to Washington, came the news that Virginia had seceded. Two
+days were crowded with stirring news--a proclamation from the
+President of the Southern Confederacy offering to issue commissions or
+letters of marque to privateers, President Lincoln's proclamation
+declaring a blockade of Southern ports, the Norfolk Navy Yard
+abandoned, Harper's Ferry evacuated and the arsenal in the hands of
+Virginia troops. These events, so exciting in themselves, and coming
+together with the passage of the first troops, greatly increased the
+danger of an explosion.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+ THE SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT IN BALTIMORE. -- THE FIGHT. --
+ THE DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON. -- CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO THE
+ KILLED AND WOUNDED. -- PUBLIC MEETING. -- TELEGRAM TO THE
+ PRESIDENT. -- NO REPLY. -- BURNING OF BRIDGES.
+
+
+The Sixth Massachusetts Regiment had the honor of being the first to
+march in obedience to the call of the President, completely equipped
+and organized. It had a full band and regimental staff. Mustered at
+Lowell on the morning of the 16th, the day after the proclamation was
+issued, four companies from Lowell presented themselves, and to these
+were added two from Lawrence, one from Groton, one from Acton, and one
+from Worcester; and when the regiment reached Boston, at one o'clock,
+an additional company was added from that city and another from
+Stoneham, making eleven in all--about seven hundred men.[7] It was
+addressed by the Governor of the State in front of the State House. In
+the city and along the line of the railroad, on the 17th, everywhere,
+ovations attended them. In the march down Broadway, in New York, on
+the 18th, the wildest enthusiasm inspired all classes. Similar scenes
+occurred in the progress through New Jersey and through the city of
+Philadelphia. At midnight on the 18th, reports reached Philadelphia
+that the passage of the regiment through Baltimore would be disputed.
+
+[Footnote 7: Hanson's Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, p. 14.]
+
+An unarmed and un-uniformed Pennsylvania regiment, under Colonel
+Small, was added to the train, either in Philadelphia or when the
+train reached the Susquehanna--it has been stated both ways, and I am
+not sure which account is correct--and the two regiments made the
+force about seventeen hundred men.
+
+The proper course for the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railroad Company was to have given immediate notice to the mayor or
+board of police of the number of the troops, and the time when they
+were expected to arrive in the city, so that preparation might have
+been made to receive them, but no such notice was given. On the
+contrary, it was purposely withheld, and no information could be
+obtained from the office of the company, although the marshal of
+police repeatedly telegraphed to Philadelphia to learn when the troops
+were to be expected. No news was received until from a half hour to an
+hour of the time at which they were to arrive. Whatever was the reason
+that no notice of the approach of the troops was given, it was not
+because they had no apprehensions of trouble. Mr. Felton, the
+president of the railroad company, says that _before_ the troops left
+Philadelphia he called the colonel and principal officers into his
+office, and told them of the dangers they would probably encounter,
+and advised that each soldier should load his musket before leaving
+and be ready for any emergency. Colonel Jones's official report, which
+is dated, "Capitol, Washington, April 22, 1861," says, "_After_
+leaving Philadelphia, I received intimation that the passage through
+the city of Baltimore would be resisted. I caused ammunition to be
+distributed and arms loaded, and went personally through the cars, and
+issued the following order--viz.:
+
+"'The regiment will march through Baltimore in columns of sections,
+arms at will. You will undoubtedly be insulted, abused, and perhaps
+assaulted, to which you must pay no attention whatever, but march
+with your faces square to the front, and pay no attention to the mob,
+even if they throw stones, bricks, or other missiles; but if you are
+fired upon, and any of you are hit, your officers will order you to
+fire. Do not fire into any promiscuous crowds, but select any man whom
+you may see aiming at you, and be sure you drop him.'"
+
+If due notice had been given, and if this order had been carried out,
+the danger of a serious disturbance would have been greatly
+diminished. The plainest dictates of prudence required the
+Massachusetts and Pennsylvania regiments to march through the city in
+a body. The Massachusetts regiment was armed with muskets, and could
+have defended itself, and would also have had aid from the police; and
+although the Pennsylvania troops were unarmed, they would have been
+protected by the police just as troops from the same State had been
+protected on the day before. The mayor and police commissioners would
+have been present, adding the sanction and authority of their official
+positions. But the plan adopted laid the troops open to be attacked in
+detail when they were least able to defend themselves and were out of
+the reach of assistance from the police. This plan was that when the
+train reached the President-street or Philadelphia station, in the
+southeastern part of Baltimore, each car should, according to custom,
+be detached from the engine and be drawn through the city by four
+horses for the distance of more than a mile to the Camden-street or
+Washington station, in the southwestern part of the city. Some one had
+blundered.
+
+The train of thirty-five cars arrived at President-street Station at
+about eleven o'clock. The course which the troops had to take was
+first northerly on President street, four squares to Pratt street, a
+crowded thoroughfare leading along the heads of the docks, then along
+Pratt street west for nearly a mile to Howard street, and then south,
+on Howard street, one square to the Camden-street station.
+
+Drawn by horses across the city at a rapid pace, about nine[8] cars,
+containing seven companies of the Massachusetts Sixth, reached the
+Camden-street station, the first carloads being assailed only with
+jeers and hisses; but the last car, containing Company "K" and Major
+Watson, was delayed on its passage--according to one account was
+thrown off the track by obstructions, and had to be replaced with the
+help of a passing team; paving-stones and other missiles were thrown,
+the windows were broken, and some of the soldiers were struck. Colonel
+Jones was in one of the cars which passed through. Near Gay street, it
+happened that a number of laborers were at work repaving Pratt street,
+and had taken up the cobble-stones for the purpose of relaying them.
+As the troops kept passing, the crowd of bystanders grew larger, the
+excitement and--among many--the feeling of indignation grew more
+intense; each new aggressive act was the signal and example for
+further aggression. A cart coming by with a load of sand, the track
+was blocked by dumping the cartload upon it--I have been told that
+this was the act of some merchants and clerks of the neighborhood--and
+then, as a more effectual means of obstruction, some anchors lying
+near the head of the Gay-street dock were dragged up to and placed
+across the track.[9]
+
+[Footnote 8: According to some of the published accounts _seven_ cars
+got through, which would have been one to each company, but I believe
+that the number of the cars and of the companies did not correspond.
+Probably the larger companies were divided.]
+
+[Footnote 9: For participation in placing this obstruction, a wealthy
+merchant of long experience, usually a very peaceful man, was
+afterward indicted for treason by the Grand Jury of the Circuit Court
+of the United States in Baltimore, but his trial was not pressed.]
+
+The next car being stopped by these obstructions, the driver attached
+the horses to the rear end of the car and drove it back, with the
+soldiers, to the President-street station, the rest of the cars also,
+of course, having to turn back, or--if any of them had not yet
+started--to remain where they were at the depot. In the cars thus
+stopped and turned back there were four companies, "C," "D," "I" and
+"L," under Captains Follansbee, Hart, Pickering and Dike; also the
+band, which, I believe, did not leave the depot, and which remained
+there with the unarmed Pennsylvania regiment. These four companies, in
+all about 220 men, formed on President street, in the midst of a dense
+and angry crowd, which threatened and pressed upon the troops,
+uttering cheers for Jefferson Davis and the Southern Confederacy, and
+groans for Lincoln and the North, with much abusive language. As the
+soldiers advanced along President street, the commotion increased; one
+of the band of rioters appeared bearing a Confederate flag, and it was
+carried a considerable distance before it was torn from its staff by
+citizens. Stones were thrown in great numbers, and at the corner of
+Fawn street two of the soldiers were knocked down by stones and
+seriously injured. In crossing Pratt-street bridge, the troops had to
+pick their way over joists and scantling, which by this time had been
+placed on the bridge to obstruct their passage.
+
+Colonel Jones's official report, from which I have already quoted,
+thus describes what happened after the four companies left the cars.
+As Colonel Jones was not present during the march, but obtained the
+particulars from others, it is not surprising that his account
+contains errors. These will be pointed out and corrected later:
+
+"They proceeded to march in accordance with orders, and had proceeded
+but a short distance before they were furiously attacked by a shower
+of missiles, which came faster as they advanced. They increased their
+step to double-quick, which seemed to infuriate the mob, as it
+evidently impressed the mob with the idea that the soldiers dared not
+fire or had no ammunition, and pistol-shots were numerously fired into
+the ranks, and one soldier fell dead. The order "Fire!" was given, and
+it was executed; in consequence several of the mob fell, and the
+soldiers again advanced hastily. The mayor of Baltimore placed himself
+at the head of the column beside Captain Follansbee, and proceeded
+with them a short distance, assuring him that he would protect them,
+and begging him not to let the men fire. But the mayor's patience was
+soon exhausted, and he seized a musket from the hands of one of the
+men, and killed a man therewith; and a policeman, who was in advance
+of the column, also shot a man with a revolver. They at last reached
+the cars, and they started immediately for Washington. On going
+through the train I found there were about one hundred and thirty
+missing, including the band and field music. Our baggage was seized,
+and we have not as yet been able to recover any of it. I have found it
+very difficult to get reliable information in regard to the killed and
+wounded, but believe there were only three killed.
+
+"As the men went into the cars" [meaning the men who had marched
+through the city to Camden Station], "I caused the blinds to the cars
+to be closed, and took every precaution to prevent any shadow of
+offense to the people of Baltimore, but still the stones flew thick
+and fast into the train, and it was with the utmost difficulty that I
+could prevent the troops from leaving the cars and revenging the death
+of their comrades. After a volley of stones, some one of the soldiers
+fired and killed a Mr. Davis, who, I ascertained by reliable
+witnesses, threw a stone into the car." This is incorrectly stated, as
+will hereafter appear.
+
+It is proper that I should now go back and take up the narration from
+my own point of view.
+
+On the morning of the 19th of April I was at my law office in Saint
+Paul street after ten o'clock, when three members of the city council
+came to me with a message from Marshal Kane, informing me that he had
+just received intelligence that troops were about to arrive--I did not
+learn how many--and that he apprehended a disturbance, and requesting
+me to go to the Camden-street station. I immediately hastened to the
+office of the board of police, and found that they had received a
+similar notice. The Counsellor of the City, Mr. George M. Gill, and
+myself then drove rapidly in a carriage to the Camden-street station.
+The police commissioners followed, and, on reaching the station, we
+found Marshal Kane on the ground and the police coming in in squads. A
+large and angry crowd had assembled, but were restrained by the police
+from committing any serious breach of the peace.
+
+After considerable delay seven of the eleven companies of the
+Massachusetts regiment arrived at the station, as already mentioned,
+and I saw that the windows of the last car were badly broken. No one
+to whom I applied could inform me whether more troops were expected or
+not. At this time an alarm was given that the mob was about to tear up
+the rails in advance of the train on the Washington road, and Marshal
+Kane ordered some of his men to go out the road as far as necessary to
+protect the track. Soon afterward, and when I was about to leave the
+Camden-street station, supposing all danger to be over, news was
+brought to Police Commissioner Davis and myself, who were standing
+together, that some troops had been left behind, and that the mob was
+tearing up the track on Pratt street, so as to obstruct the progress
+of the cars, which were coming to the Camden-street station. Mr. Davis
+immediately ran to summon the marshal, who was at the station with a
+body of police, to be sent to the point of danger, while I hastened
+alone in the same direction. On arriving at about Smith's Wharf, foot
+of Gay street, I found that anchors had been placed on the track, and
+that Sergeant McComas and four policemen who were with him were not
+allowed by a group of rioters to remove the obstruction. I at once
+ordered the anchors to be removed, and my authority was not resisted.
+I hurried on, and, approaching Pratt-street bridge, I saw a battalion,
+which proved to be four companies of the Massachusetts regiment which
+had crossed the bridge, coming towards me in double-quick time.
+
+They were firing wildly, sometimes backward, over their shoulders. So
+rapid was the march that they could not stop to take aim. The mob,
+which was not very large, as it seemed to me, was pursuing with shouts
+and stones, and, I think, an occasional pistol-shot. The uproar was
+furious. I ran at once to the head of the column, some persons in the
+crowd shouting, "Here comes the mayor." I shook hands with the officer
+in command, Captain Follansbee, saying as I did so, "I am the mayor of
+Baltimore." The captain greeted me cordially. I at once objected to
+the double-quick, which was immediately stopped. I placed myself by
+his side, and marched with him. He said, "We have been attacked
+without provocation," or words to that effect. I replied, "You must
+defend yourselves." I expected that he would face his men to the rear,
+and, after giving warning, would fire if necessary. But I said no
+more, for I immediately felt that, as mayor of the city, it was not my
+province to volunteer such advice. Once before in my life I had taken
+part in opposing a formidable riot, and had learned by experience
+that the safest and most humane manner of quelling a mob is to meet it
+at the beginning with armed resistance.
+
+The column continued its march. There was neither concert of action
+nor organization among the rioters. They were armed only with such
+stones or missiles as they could pick up, and a few pistols. My
+presence for a short time had some effect, but very soon the attack
+was renewed with greater violence. The mob grew bolder. Stones flew
+thick and fast. Rioters rushed at the soldiers and attempted to snatch
+their muskets, and at least on two occasions succeeded. With one of
+these muskets a soldier was killed. Men fell on both sides. A young
+lawyer, then and now known as a quiet citizen, seized a flag of one of
+the companies and nearly tore it from its staff. He was shot through
+the thigh, and was carried home apparently a dying man, but he
+survived to enter the army of the Confederacy, where he rose to the
+rank of captain, and he afterward returned to Baltimore, where he
+still lives. The soldiers fired at will. There was no firing by
+platoons, and I heard no order given to fire. I remember that at the
+corner of South street several citizens standing in a group fell,
+either killed or wounded. It was impossible for the troops to
+discriminate between the rioters and the by-standers, but the latter
+seemed to suffer most, because, as the main attack was from the mob
+pursuing the soldiers from the rear, they, in their march, could not
+easily face backward to fire, but could shoot at those whom they
+passed on the street. Near the corner of Light street a soldier was
+severely wounded, who afterward died, and a boy on a vessel lying in
+the dock was killed, and about the same place three soldiers at the
+head of the column leveled their muskets and fired into a group
+standing on the sidewalk, who, as far as I could see, were taking no
+active part. The shots took effect, but I cannot say how many fell. I
+cried out, waving my umbrella to emphasize my words, "For God's sake
+don't shoot!" but it was too late. The statement that I begged Captain
+Follansbee not to let the men fire is incorrect, although on this
+occasion I did say, "Don't shoot." It then seemed to me that I was in
+the wrong place, for my presence did not avail to protect either the
+soldiers or the citizens, and I stepped out from the column. Just at
+this moment a boy ran forward and handed to me a discharged musket
+which had fallen from one of the soldiers. I took it from him and
+hastened into the nearest shop, asking the person in charge to keep it
+safely, and returned immediately to the street. This boy was far from
+being alone in his sympathy for the troops, but their friends were
+powerless, except to care for the wounded and remove the dead. The
+statement in Colonel Jones's report that I seized a musket and killed
+one of the rioters is entirely incorrect. The smoking musket seen in
+my hands was no doubt the foundation for it. There is no foundation
+for the other statement that one of the police shot a man with a
+revolver. At the moment when I returned to the street, Marshal Kane,
+with about fifty policemen (as I then supposed, but I have since
+ascertained that in fact there were not so many), came at a run from
+the direction of the Camden-street station, and throwing themselves in
+the rear of the troops, they formed a line in front of the mob, and
+with drawn revolvers kept it back. This was between Light and Charles
+streets. Marshal Kane's voice shouted, "Keep back, men, or I shoot!"
+This movement, which I saw myself, was gallantly executed, and was
+perfectly successful. The mob recoiled like water from a rock. One of
+the leading rioters, then a young man, now a peaceful merchant, tried,
+as he has himself told me, to pass the line, but the marshal seized
+him and vowed he would shoot if the attempt was made. This nearly
+ended the fight, and the column passed on under the protection of the
+police, without serious molestation, to Camden Station.[10] I had
+accompanied the troops for more than a third of a mile, and regarded
+the danger as now over. At Camden-street Station there was rioting and
+confusion. Commissioner Davis assisted in placing the soldiers in the
+cars for Washington. Some muskets were pointed out of the windows by
+the soldiers. To this he earnestly objected, as likely to bring on a
+renewal of the fight, and he advised the blinds to be closed. The
+muskets were then withdrawn and the blinds closed, by military order,
+as stated by Colonel Jones.
+
+[Footnote 10: The accounts in some of our newspapers describe serious
+fighting at a point beyond this, but I am satisfied they are
+incorrect.]
+
+At last, about a quarter before one o'clock, the train, consisting of
+thirteen cars filled with troops, moved out of Camden Station amid the
+hisses and groans of the multitude, and passed safely on to
+Washington. At the outskirts of the city, half a mile or more beyond
+the station, occurred the unfortunate incident of the killing of
+Robert W. Davis. This gentleman, a well-known dry-goods merchant, was
+standing on a vacant lot near the track with two friends, and as the
+train went by they raised a cheer for Jefferson Davis and the South,
+when he was immediately shot dead by one of the soldiers from a
+car-window, several firing at once. There were no rioters near them,
+and they did not know that the troops had been attacked on their march
+through the city. There was no "volley of stones" thrown just before
+Mr. Davis was killed, nor did he or his friends throw any.[11] This
+was the last of the casualties of the day, and was by far the most
+serious and unfortunate in its consequences, for it was not
+unnaturally made the most of to inflame the minds of the people
+against the Northern troops. Had it not been for this incident, there
+would perhaps have been among many of our people a keener sense of
+blame attaching to themselves as the aggressors. Four of the
+Massachusetts regiment were killed and thirty-six wounded. Twelve
+citizens were killed, including Mr. Davis. The number of wounded among
+the latter has never been ascertained. As the fighting was at close
+quarters, the small number of casualties shows that it was not so
+severe as has generally been supposed.
+
+[Footnote 11: Testimony of witnesses at the coroner's inquest.]
+
+But peace even for the day had not come. The unarmed Pennsylvanians
+and the band of the Massachusetts regiment were still at the
+President-street station, where a mob had assembled, and the police at
+that point were not sufficient to protect them. Stones were thrown,
+and some few of the Pennsylvania troops were hurt, not seriously, I
+believe. A good many of them were, not unnaturally, seized with a
+panic, and scattered through the city in different directions. Marshal
+Kane again appeared on the scene with an adequate force, and an
+arrangement was made with the railroad company by which the troops
+were sent back in the direction of Philadelphia. During the afternoon
+and night a number of stragglers sought the aid of the police and were
+cared for at one of the station-houses.
+
+The following card of Captain Dike, who commanded Company "C" of the
+Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, appeared in the Boston _Courier_:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 25, 1861_.
+
+ "It is but an act of justice that induces me to say to my friends
+ who may feel any interest, and to the community generally, that
+ in the affair which occurred in this city on Friday, the 19th
+ instant, the mayor and city authorities should be exonerated from
+ blame or censure, as they did all in their power, as far as my
+ knowledge extends, to quell the riot, and Mayor Brown attested
+ the sincerity of his desire to preserve the peace, and pass our
+ regiment safely through the city, by marching at the head of its
+ column, and remaining there at the risk of his life. Candor could
+ not permit me to say less, and a desire to place the conduct of
+ the authorities here on the occasion in a right position, as well
+ as to allay feelings, urges me to this sheer act of justice.
+
+ JOHN H. DIKE,
+ "_Captain Company 'C,' Seventh Regiment,
+ attached to Sixth Regiment Massachusetts V. M._"
+
+In a letter to Marshal Kane, Colonel Jones wrote as follows:
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS SIXTH REGIMENT M. V. M.
+
+ "WASHINGTON, D. C., _April 28, 1861_.
+
+ "_Marshal Kane, Baltimore, Maryland._
+
+ "Please deliver the bodies of the deceased soldiers belonging to
+ my regiment to Murrill S. Wright, Esq., who is authorized to
+ receive them, and take charge of them through to Boston, and
+ thereby add one more to the many favors for which, in connection
+ with this matter, I am, with my command, much indebted to you.
+ Many, many thanks for the Christian conduct of the authorities of
+ Baltimore in this truly unfortunate affair.
+
+ "I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,
+
+ "EDWARD F. JONES,
+ "_Colonel Sixth Regiment M. V. M._"
+
+The following correspondence with the Governor of Massachusetts seems
+to be entitled to a place in this paper. Gov. Andrew's first telegram
+cannot be found. The second, which was sent by me in reply, is as
+follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To the Honorable John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts._
+
+ "_Sir_:--No one deplores the sad events of yesterday in this city
+ more deeply than myself, but they were inevitable. Our people
+ viewed the passage of armed troops to another State through the
+ streets as an invasion of our soil, and could not be restrained.
+ The authorities exerted themselves to the best of their ability,
+ but with only partial success. Governor Hicks was present, and
+ concurs in all my views as to the proceedings now necessary for
+ our protection. When are these scenes to cease? Are we to have a
+ war of sections? God forbid! The bodies of the Massachusetts
+ soldiers could not be sent out to Boston, as you requested, all
+ communication between this city and Philadelphia by railroad and
+ with Boston by steamer having ceased, but they have been placed
+ in cemented coffins, and will be placed with proper funeral
+ ceremonies in the mausoleum of Greenmount Cemetery, where they
+ shall be retained until further directions are received from you.
+ The wounded are tenderly cared for. I appreciate your offer, but
+ Baltimore will claim it as her right to pay all expenses
+ incurred."
+
+ "Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+
+ "_Mayor of Baltimore._"
+
+To this the following reply was returned by the Governor:
+
+ "_To His Honor George W. Brown, Mayor of Baltimore._
+
+ "_Dear Sir_:--I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and
+ our dead, and trust that at the earliest moment the remains of
+ our fallen will return to us. I am overwhelmed with surprise that
+ a peaceful march of American citizens over the highway to the
+ defense of our common capital should be deemed aggressive to
+ Baltimoreans. Through New York the march was triumphal.
+
+ JOHN A. ANDREW,
+
+ "_Governor of Massachusetts._"
+
+This correspondence carries the narrative beyond the nineteenth of
+April, and I now return to the remaining events of that day.
+
+After the news spread through the city of the fight in the streets,
+and especially of the killing of Mr. Davis, the excitement became
+intense. It was manifest that no more troops, while the excitement
+lasted, could pass through without a bloody conflict. All citizens, no
+matter what were their political opinions, appeared to agree in
+this--the strongest friends of the Union as well as its foes. However
+such a conflict might terminate, the result would be disastrous. In
+each case it might bring down the vengeance of the North upon the
+city. If the mob succeeded, it would probably precipitate the city,
+and perhaps the State, into a temporary secession. Such an event all
+who had not lost their reason deprecated. The immediate and pressing
+necessity was that no more troops should arrive.
+
+Governor Hicks called out the military for the preservation of the
+peace and the protection of the city.
+
+An immense public meeting assembled in Monument Square. Governor
+Hicks, the mayor, Mr. S. Teackle Wallis, and others, addressed it.
+
+In my speech I insisted on the maintenance of peace and order in the
+city. I denied that the right of a State to secede from the Union was
+granted by the Constitution. This was received with groans and shouts
+of disapproval by a part of the crowd, but I maintained my ground. I
+deprecated war on the seceding States, and strongly expressed the
+opinion that the South could not be conquered. I approved of Governor
+Hicks's determination to send no troops from Maryland to invade the
+South. I further endeavored to calm the people by informing them of
+the efforts made by Governor Hicks and myself to prevent the passage
+of more troops through the city.
+
+Governor Hicks said: "I coincide in the sentiment of your worthy
+mayor. After three conferences we have agreed, and I bow in submission
+to the people. I am a Marylander; I love my State and I love the
+Union, but I will suffer my right arm to be torn from my body before I
+will raise it to strike a sister State."
+
+A dispatch had previously been sent by Governor Hicks and myself to
+the President of the United States as follows: "A collision between
+the citizens and the Northern troops has taken place in Baltimore, and
+the excitement is fearful. Send no troops here. We will endeavor to
+prevent all bloodshed. A public meeting of citizens has been called,
+and the troops of the State have been called out to preserve the
+peace. They will be enough."
+
+Immediately afterward, Messrs. H. Lennox Bond, a Republican, then
+Judge of the Criminal Court of Baltimore, and now Judge of the Circuit
+Court of the United States; George W. Dobbin, an eminent lawyer, and
+John C. Brune, President of the Board of Trade, went to Washington at
+my request, bearing the following letter to the President:
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, BALTIMORE, _April 19, 1861_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--This will be presented to you by the Hon. H. Lennox
+ Bond, and George W. Dobbin, and John C. Brune, Esqs., who will
+ proceed to Washington by an express train at my request, in order
+ to explain fully the fearful condition of affairs in this city.
+ The people are exasperated to the highest degree by the passage
+ of troops, and the citizens are universally decided in the
+ opinion that no more should be ordered to come. The authorities
+ of the city did their best to-day to protect both strangers and
+ citizens and to prevent a collision, but in vain, and, but for
+ their great efforts, a fearful slaughter would have occurred.
+ Under these circumstances it is my solemn duty to inform you that
+ it is not possible for more soldiers to pass through Baltimore
+ unless they fight their way at every step. I therefore hope and
+ trust and most earnestly request that no more troops be permitted
+ or ordered by the Government to pass through the city. If they
+ should attempt it, the responsibility for the blood shed will not
+ rest upon me.
+
+ "With great respect, your obedient servant,
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_.
+
+ "_To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President United States._"
+
+To this Governor Hicks added: "I have been in Baltimore City since
+Tuesday evening last, and cooeperated with Mayor G. W. Brown in his
+untiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and suppress the
+fearful outbreak as indicated above, and I fully concur in all that is
+said by him in the above communication."
+
+No reply came from Washington. The city authorities were left to act
+on their own responsibility. Late at night reports came of troops
+being on their way both from Harrisburg and Philadelphia. It was
+impossible that they could pass through the city without fighting and
+bloodshed. In this emergency, the board of police, including the
+mayor, immediately assembled for consultation, and came to the
+conclusion that it was necessary to burn or disable the bridges on
+both railroads so far as was required to prevent the ingress of
+troops. This was accordingly done at once, some of the police and a
+detachment of the Maryland Guard being sent out to do the work.
+Governor Hicks was first consulted and urged to give his consent, for
+we desired that he should share with us the responsibility of taking
+this grave step. This consent he distinctly gave in my presence and in
+the presence of several others, and although there was an attempt
+afterward to deny the fact that he so consented, there can be no doubt
+whatever about the matter. He was in my house at the time, where, on
+my invitation, he had taken refuge, thinking that he was in some
+personal danger at the hotel where he was staying. Early the next
+morning the Governor returned to Annapolis, and after this the city
+authorities had to bear alone the responsibilities which the anomalous
+state of things in Baltimore had brought upon them.
+
+On the Philadelphia Railroad the detachment sent out by special train
+for the purpose of burning the bridges went as far as the Bush River,
+and the long bridge there, and the still longer one over the wide
+estuary of the Gunpowder, a few miles nearer Baltimore, were
+partially burned. It is an interesting fact that just as this party
+arrived at the Bush River bridge, a volunteer party of five gentlemen
+from Baltimore reached the same place on the same errand. They had
+ridden on horseback by night to the river, and had then gone by boat
+to the bridge for the purpose of burning it, and in fact they stayed
+at the bridge and continued the work of burning until the afternoon.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+ APRIL 20th, INCREASING EXCITEMENT. -- APPROPRIATION OF $500,000
+ FOR DEFENSE OF THE CITY. -- CORRESPONDENCE WITH PRESIDENT AND
+ GOVERNOR. -- MEN ENROLLED. -- APPREHENDED ATTACK ON FORT McHENRY.
+ -- MARSHAL KANE. -- INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT, CABINET AND GENERAL
+ SCOTT. -- GENERAL BUTLER, WITH THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS, PROCEEDS
+ TO ANNAPOLIS AND WASHINGTON. -- BALTIMORE IN A STATE OF ARMED
+ NEUTRALITY.
+
+
+On Saturday morning, the 20th, the excitement and alarm had greatly
+increased. Up to this time no answer had been received from
+Washington. The silence became unbearable. Were more troops to be
+forced through the city at any cost? If so, how were they to come, by
+land or water? Were the guns of Fort McHenry to be turned upon the
+inhabitants? Was Baltimore to be compelled at once to determine
+whether she would side with the North or with the South? Or was she
+temporarily to isolate herself and wait until the frenzy had in some
+measure spent its force and reason had begun to resume its sway? In
+any case it was plain that the authorities must have the power placed
+in their hands of controlling any outbreak which might occur. This was
+the general opinion. Union men and disunion men appeared on the
+streets with arms in their hands. A time like that predicted in
+Scripture seemed to have come, when he who had no sword would sell his
+garment to buy one.
+
+About ten A. M. the city council assembled and immediately
+appropriated $500,000, to be expended under my direction as mayor,
+for the purpose of putting the city in a complete state of defense
+against any description of danger arising or which might arise out of
+the present crisis. The banks of the city promptly held a meeting, and
+a few hours afterward a committee appointed by them, consisting of
+three bank presidents, Johns Hopkins, John Clark and Columbus
+O'Donnell, all wealthy Union men, placed the whole sum in advance at
+my disposal. Mr. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume 3, page
+416, says, in a footnote, that this action of the city authorities was
+endorsed by the editors of the _Sun_, _American_, _Exchange_, _German
+Correspondent_, _Clipper_, _South_, etc. Other considerable sums were
+contributed by individuals and firms without respect to party.
+
+On the same morning I received a dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin
+and Brune, the committee who had gone to Washington, which said: "We
+have seen the President and General Scott. We have from the former a
+letter to the mayor and Governor declaring that no troops shall be
+brought to Baltimore, if, in a military point of view and without
+interruption from opposition, they can be marched around Baltimore."
+
+As the Governor had left Baltimore for Annapolis early in the morning,
+I telegraphed him as follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To Governor Hicks._
+
+ "Letter from President and General Scott. No troops to pass
+ through Baltimore if as a military force they can march around. I
+ will answer that every effort will be made to prevent parties
+ leaving the city to molest them, but cannot guarantee against
+ acts of individuals not organized. Do you approve?
+
+ GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+This telegram was based on that from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune.
+The letter referred to had not been received when my telegram to
+Governor Hicks was dispatched. I was mistaken in supposing that
+General Scott had signed the letter as well as the President.
+
+President Lincoln's letter was as follows:
+
+ "WASHINGTON, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown._
+
+ "_Gentlemen_:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune is
+ received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to
+ keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed.
+ For the future troops _must_ be brought here, but I make no point
+ of bringing them _through_ Baltimore.
+
+ "Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave
+ details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning, in
+ presence of these gentlemen, 'March them _around_ Baltimore, and
+ not through it.'
+
+ "I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will
+ consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object
+ to it.
+
+ "By this, a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops
+ will be avoided unless they go out of their way to seek it. I
+ hope you will exert your influence to prevent this.
+
+ "Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently
+ with the maintenance of government.
+
+ "Your obedient servant,
+
+ A. LINCOLN."
+
+Governor Hicks replied as follows to my telegram:
+
+ "ANNAPOLIS, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To the Mayor of Baltimore._
+
+ "Your dispatch received. I hoped they would send no more troops
+ through Maryland, but as we have no right to demand that, I am
+ glad no more are to be sent through Baltimore. I know you will do
+ all in your power to preserve the peace.
+
+ THOS. H. HICKS."
+
+I then telegraphed to the President as follows:
+
+ "BALTIMORE, MARYLAND, _April 20, 1861_.
+
+ "_To President Lincoln._
+
+ "Every effort will be made to prevent parties leaving the city to
+ molest troops marching to Washington. Baltimore seeks only to
+ protect herself. Governor Hicks has gone to Annapolis, but I have
+ telegraphed to him.
+
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of Baltimore_."
+
+After the receipt of the dispatch from Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune,
+another committee was sent to Washington, consisting of Messrs.
+Anthony Kennedy, Senator of the United States, and J. Morrison Harris,
+member of the House of Representatives, both Union men, who sent a
+dispatch to me saying that they "had seen the President, Secretaries
+of State, Treasury and War, and also General Scott. The result is the
+transmission of orders that will stop the passage of troops through or
+around the city."
+
+Preparations for the defense of the city were nevertheless continued.
+With this object I issued a notice in which I said: "All citizens
+having arms suitable for the defense of the city, and which they are
+willing to contribute for the purpose, are requested to deposit them
+at the office of the marshal of police."
+
+The board of police enrolled temporarily a considerable number of men
+and placed them under the command of Colonel Isaac R. Trimble. He
+informs me that the number amounted to more than fifteen thousand,
+about three-fourths armed with muskets, shotguns and pistols.
+
+This gentleman was afterward a Major-General in the Confederate Army,
+where he distinguished himself. He lost a leg at Gettysburg.
+
+By this means not only was the inadequate number of the police
+supplemented, but many who would otherwise have been the disturbers of
+the peace became its defenders. And, indeed, not a few of the men
+enrolled, who thought and hoped that their enrollment meant war, were
+disappointed to find that the prevention of war was the object of the
+city authorities, and afterwards found their way into the Confederacy.
+
+For some days it looked very much as if Baltimore had taken her stand
+decisively with the South; at all events, the outward expressions of
+Southern feeling were very emphatic, and the Union sentiment
+temporarily disappeared.
+
+Early on the morning of Saturday, the 20th, a large Confederate flag
+floated from the headquarters of a States Rights club on Fayette
+street near Calvert, and on the afternoon of the same day the Minute
+Men, a Union club, whose headquarters were on Baltimore street, gave a
+most significant indication of the strength of the wave of feeling
+which swept over our people by hauling down the National colors and
+running up in their stead the State flag of Maryland, amid the cheers
+of the crowd.[12] Everywhere on the streets men and boys were wearing
+badges which displayed miniature Confederate flags, and were cheering
+the Southern cause. Military companies began to arrive from the
+counties. On Saturday, first came a company of seventy men from
+Frederick, under Captain Bradley T. Johnson, afterward General in the
+Southern Army, and next two cavalry companies from Baltimore County,
+and one from Anne Arundel County. These last, the Patapsco Dragoons,
+some thirty men, a sturdy-looking body of yeomanry, rode straight to
+the City Hall and drew up, expecting to be received with a speech of
+welcome from the mayor. I made them a very brief address, and informed
+them that dispatches received from Washington had postponed the
+necessity for their services, whereupon they started homeward amid
+cheers, their bugler striking up "Dixie," which was the first time I
+heard that tune. A few days after, they came into Baltimore again. On
+Sunday came in the Howard County Dragoons, and by steamboat that
+morning two companies from Talbot County, and soon it was reported
+that from Harford, Cecil, Carroll and Prince George's, companies were
+on their way. All the city companies of uniformed militia were, of
+course, under arms. Three batteries of light artillery were in the
+streets, among them the light field-pieces belonging to the military
+school at Catonsville, but these the reverend rector of the school, a
+strong Union man, had thoughtfully spiked.
+
+[Footnote 12: Baltimore _American_, April 22.]
+
+The United States arsenal at Pikesville, at the time unoccupied, was
+taken possession of by some Baltimore County troops.
+
+From the local columns of the _American_ of the 22d, a paper which was
+strongly on the Union side, I take the following paragraph:
+
+"WAR SPIRIT ON SATURDAY.
+
+"The war spirit raged throughout the city and among all classes during
+Saturday with an ardor which seemed to gather fresh force each
+hour.... All were united in a determination to resist at every hazard
+the passage of troops through Baltimore.... Armed men were marching
+through the streets, and the military were moving about in every
+direction, and it is evident that Baltimore is to be the battlefield
+of the Southern revolution."
+
+And from the _American_ of Tuesday, 23d:
+
+"At the works of the Messrs. Winans their entire force is engaged in
+the making of pikes, and in casting balls of every description for
+cannon, the steam gun,[13] rifles, muskets, etc., which they are
+turning out very rapidly."
+
+[Footnote 13: Winans's steam gun, a recently invented, and, it was
+supposed, very formidable engine, was much talked about at this time.
+It was not very long afterwards seized and confiscated by the military
+authorities.]
+
+And a very significant paragraph from the _Sun_ of the same day:
+
+"Yesterday morning between 300 and 400 of our most respectable colored
+residents made a tender of their services to the city authorities.
+The mayor thanked them for their offer, and informed them that their
+services will be called for if they can be made in any way available."
+
+Officers from Maryland in the United States Army were sending in their
+resignations. Colonel (afterward General) Huger, of South Carolina,
+who had recently resigned, and was in Baltimore at the time, was made
+Colonel of the Fifty-third Regiment, composed of the Independent Greys
+and the six companies of the Maryland Guard.
+
+On Monday morning, the 22d, I issued an order directing that all the
+drinking-saloons should be closed that day, and the order was
+enforced.
+
+On Saturday, April 20th, Captain John C. Robinson, now Major-General,
+then in command at Fort McHenry, which stands at the entrance of the
+harbor, wrote to Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General of the United
+States Army, that he would probably be attacked that night, but he
+believed he could hold the fort.
+
+In the September number, for the year 1885, of _American History_
+there is an article written by General Robinson, entitled "Baltimore
+in 1861," in which he speaks of the apprehended attack on the fort,
+and of the conduct of the Baltimore authorities.
+
+He says that about nine o'clock on the evening of the 20th, Police
+Commissioner Davis called at the fort, bringing a letter, dated eight
+o'clock P. M. of the same evening, from Charles Howard, the president
+of the board, which he quotes at length, and which states that, from
+rumors that had reached the board, they were apprehensive that the
+commander of the fort might be annoyed by lawless and disorderly
+characters approaching the walls of the fort, and they proposed to
+send a guard of perhaps two hundred men to station themselves on
+Whetstone Point, of course beyond the outer limits of the fort, with
+orders to arrest and hand over to the civil authorities any
+evil-disposed and disorderly persons who might approach the fort. The
+letter further stated that this duty would have been confided to the
+police force, but their services were so imperatively required
+elsewhere that it would be impossible to detail a sufficient number,
+and this duty had therefore been entrusted to a detachment of the
+regular organized militia of the State, then called out pursuant to
+law, and actually in the service of the State. It was added that the
+commanding officer of the detachment would be ordered to communicate
+with Captain Robinson. The letter closed with repeating the assurance
+verbally given to Captain Robinson in the morning that no disturbance
+at or near the post should be made with the sanction of any of the
+constituted authorities of the city of Baltimore; but, on the
+contrary, all their powers should be exerted to prevent anything of
+the kind by any parties. A postscript stated that there might perhaps
+be a troop of volunteer cavalry with the detachment.
+
+General Robinson continues:
+
+ "I did not question the good faith of Mr. Howard, but
+ Commissioner Davis verbally stated that they proposed to send the
+ Maryland Guards to help protect the fort. Having made the
+ acquaintance of some of the officers of that organization, and
+ heard them freely express their opinions, I declined the offered
+ support, and then the following conversation occurred:
+
+ "_Commandant._ I am aware, sir, that we are to be attacked
+ to-night. I received notice of it before sundown. If you will go
+ outside with me you will see we are prepared for it. You will
+ find the guns loaded, and men standing by them. As for the
+ Maryland Guards, they cannot come here. I am acquainted with some
+ of those gentlemen, and know what their sentiments are.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis._ Why, Captain, we are anxious to avoid a
+ collision.
+
+ "_Commandant._ So am I, sir. If you wish to avoid a collision,
+ place your city military anywhere between the city and that
+ chapel on the road, but if they come this side of it, I shall
+ fire on them.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis._ Would you fire into the city of Baltimore?
+
+ "_Commandant._ I should be sorry to do it, sir, but if it becomes
+ necessary in order to hold this fort, I shall not hesitate for
+ one moment.
+
+ "_Commissioner Davis_ (excitedly). I assure you, Captain
+ Robinson, if there is a woman or child killed in that city, there
+ will not be one of you left alive here, sir.
+
+ "_Commandant._ Very well, sir, I will take the chances. Now, I
+ assure you, Mr. Davis, if your Baltimore mob comes down here
+ to-night, you will not have another mob in Baltimore for ten
+ years to come, sir."
+
+Mr. Davis is a well-known and respected citizen of Baltimore, who has
+filled various important public offices with credit, and at present
+holds a high position in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company.
+According to his recollection, the interview was more courteous and
+less dramatic than would be supposed from the account given by General
+Robinson. Mr. Davis says that the people of Baltimore were acquainted
+with the defenseless condition of the fort, and that in the excited
+state of the public mind this fact probably led to the apprehension
+and consequent rumor that an attempt would be made to capture it. The
+police authorities believed, and, as it turned out, correctly, that
+the rumor was without foundation; yet, to avoid the danger of any
+disturbance whatever, the precautions were taken which are described
+in the letter of Mr. Howard, and Mr. Davis went in person to deliver
+it to Captain Robinson.
+
+His interview was not, however, confined to Captain Robinson, but
+included also other officers of the fort, and Mr. Davis was hospitably
+received. A conversation ensued in regard to the threatened attack,
+and, with one exception, was conducted without asperity. A junior
+officer threatened, in case of an attack, to direct the fire of a
+cannon on the Washington Monument, which stands in the heart of the
+city, and to this threat Mr. Davis replied with heat, "If you do
+that, and if a woman or child is killed, there will be nothing left of
+you but your brass buttons to tell who you were."
+
+The commandant insisted that the military sent by the board should not
+approach the fort nearer than the Roman Catholic chapel, a demand to
+which Mr. Davis readily assented, as that situation commanded the only
+approach from the city to the fort. In the midst of the conversation
+the long roll was sounded, and the whole garrison rushed to arms. For
+a long time, and until the alarm was over, Mr. Davis was left alone.
+
+General Robinson was mistaken in his conjecture, "when it seemed to
+him that for hours of the night mounted men from the country were
+crossing the bridges of the Patapsco." There was but one bridge over
+the Patapsco, known as the Long Bridge, from which any sound of
+passing horsemen or vehicles of any description could possibly have
+been heard at the fort. The sounds which did reach the fort from the
+Long Bridge during the hours of the night were probably the market
+wagons of Anne Arundel County passing to and from the city on their
+usual errand, and the one or two companies from that county, which
+came to Baltimore during the period of disturbance, no doubt rode in
+over the Long Bridge by daylight.
+
+General Robinson, after describing in his paper the riot of the 19th
+of April and the unfortunate event of the killing of Mr. Davis, adds:
+"It is impossible to describe the intense excitement that now
+prevailed. Only those who saw and felt it can understand or conceive
+any adequate idea of its extent"; and in this connection he mentions
+the fact that Marshal Kane, chief of the police force, on the evening
+of the 19th of April, telegraphed to Bradley T. Johnson, at
+Frederick, as follows: "Streets red with Maryland blood; send
+expresses over the mountains of Maryland and Virginia for the riflemen
+to come without delay. Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow. We
+will fight them and whip them, or die."
+
+The sending of this dispatch was indeed a startling event, creating a
+new complication and embarrassing in the highest degree to the city
+authorities. The marshal of police, who had gallantly and successfully
+protected the national troops on the 18th and 19th, was so carried
+away by the frenzy of the hour that he had thus on his own
+responsibility summoned volunteers from Virginia and Maryland to
+contest the passage of national troops through the city. Different
+views were taken by members of the board of police. It was considered,
+on the one hand, that the services of Colonel Kane were, in that
+crisis, indispensable, because no one could control as he could the
+secession element of the city, which was then in the ascendant and
+might get control of the city, and, on the other, that his usefulness
+had ceased, because not only had the gravest offense been given to the
+Union sentiment of the city by this dispatch, but the authorities in
+Washington, while he was at the head of the police, could no longer
+have any confidence in the police, or perhaps in the board itself. The
+former consideration prevailed.
+
+It is due to Marshal Kane to say that subsequently, and while he
+remained in office, he performed his duty to the satisfaction of the
+Board. Some years after the war was over he was elected sheriff, and
+still later mayor of the city, and in both capacities he enjoyed the
+respect and regard of the community.
+
+It may with propriety be added that the conservative position and
+action of the police board were so unsatisfactory to many of the more
+heated Southern partisans, that a scheme was at one time seriously
+entertained by them to suppress the board, and transfer the control of
+the police force to other hands. Happily for all parties, better
+counsels prevailed.
+
+On Sunday, the 21st of April, with three prominent citizens of
+Baltimore, I went to Washington, and we there had an interview with
+the President and Cabinet and General Scott. This interview was of so
+much importance, that a statement of what occurred was prepared on the
+same day and was immediately published. It is here given at length:
+
+ BALTIMORE, _April 21_.
+
+ Mayor Brown received a dispatch from the President of the United
+ States at three o'clock A. M. (this morning), directed to himself
+ and Governor Hicks, requesting them to go to Washington by
+ special train, in order to consult with Mr. Lincoln for the
+ preservation of the peace of Maryland. The mayor replied that
+ Governor Hicks was not in the city, and inquired if he should go
+ alone. Receiving an answer by telegraph in the affirmative, his
+ Honor, accompanied by George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T.
+ Wallis, Esqs., whom he had summoned to attend him, proceeded at
+ once to the station. After a series of delays they were enabled
+ to procure a special train about half-past seven o'clock, in
+ which they arrived at Washington about ten.
+
+ They repaired at once to the President's house, where they were
+ admitted to an immediate interview, to which the Cabinet and
+ General Scott were summoned. A long conversation and discussion
+ ensued. The President, upon his part, recognized the good faith
+ of the city and State authorities, and insisted upon his own. He
+ admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore, and his
+ desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences of a collision
+ with the people. He urged, on the other hand, the absolute,
+ irresistible necessity of having a transit through the State for
+ such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the
+ Federal capital. The protection of Washington, he asserted with
+ great earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops
+ there, and he protested that none of the troops brought through
+ Maryland were intended for any purposes hostile to the State, or
+ aggressive as against the Southern States. Being now unable to
+ bring them up the Potomac in security, the President must either
+ bring them through Maryland or abandon the capital.
+
+ He called on General Scott for his opinion, which the General
+ gave at length, to the effect that troops might be brought
+ through Maryland without going through Baltimore, by either
+ carrying them from Perryville to Annapolis, and thence by rail to
+ Washington, or by bringing them to the Relay House on the
+ Northern Central Railroad [about seven miles north of the city],
+ and marching them to the Relay House on the Washington Railroad
+ [about seven miles south-west of the city], and thence by rail to
+ the capital. If the people would permit them to go by either of
+ these routes uninterruptedly, the necessity of their passing
+ through Baltimore would be avoided. If the people would not
+ permit them a transit thus remote from the city, they must select
+ their own best route, and, if need be, fight their own way
+ through Baltimore--a result which the General earnestly
+ deprecated.
+
+ The President expressed his hearty concurrence in the desire to
+ avoid a collision, and said that no more troops should be ordered
+ through Baltimore if they were permitted to go uninterrupted by
+ either of the other routes suggested. In this disposition the
+ Secretary of War expressed his participation.
+
+ Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would
+ use all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving
+ Baltimore to attack the troops in passing at a distance; but he
+ urged, at the same time, the impossibility of their being able to
+ promise anything more than their best efforts in that direction.
+ The excitement was great, he told the President, the people of
+ all classes were fully aroused, and it was impossible for any one
+ to answer for the consequences of the presence of Northern troops
+ anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President also that
+ the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their
+ own population, and that he could give no promises for the people
+ elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The
+ President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the
+ Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best
+ efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction.
+
+ The interview terminated with the distinct assurance on the part
+ of the President that no more troops would be sent through
+ Baltimore, unless obstructed in their transit in other
+ directions, and with the understanding that the city authorities
+ should do their best to restrain their own people.
+
+ The Mayor and his companions availed themselves of the
+ President's full discussion of the day to urge upon him
+ respectfully, but in the most earnest manner, a course of policy
+ which would give peace to the country, and especially the
+ withdrawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops
+ through any part of Maryland.
+
+ On returning to the cars, and when just about to leave, about 2
+ P. M., the Mayor received a dispatch from Mr. Garrett (the
+ President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad) announcing the
+ approach of troops to Cockeysville [about fourteen miles from
+ Baltimore on the Northern Central Railroad], and the excitement
+ consequent upon it in the city. Mr. Brown and his companions
+ returned at once to the President and asked an immediate
+ audience, which was promptly given. The Mayor exhibited Mr.
+ Garrett's dispatch, which gave the President great surprise. He
+ immediately summoned the Secretary of War and General Scott, who
+ soon appeared with other members of the Cabinet. The dispatch was
+ submitted. The President at once, in the most decided way, urged
+ the recall of the troops, saying he had no idea they would be
+ there. Lest there should be the slightest suspicion of bad faith
+ on his part in summoning the Mayor to Washington and allowing
+ troops to march on the city during his absence, he desired that
+ the troops should, if it were practicable, be sent back at once
+ to York or Harrisburg. General Scott adopted the President's
+ views warmly, and an order was accordingly prepared by the
+ Lieutenant-General to that effect, and forwarded by Major Belger,
+ of the Army, who also accompanied the Mayor to this city. The
+ troops at Cockeysville, the Mayor was assured, were not brought
+ there for transit through the city, but were intended to be
+ marched to the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
+ They will proceed to Harrisburg, from there to Philadelphia, and
+ thence by the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal or by Perryville, as
+ Major-General Patterson may direct.
+
+ This statement is made by the authority of the Mayor and Messrs.
+ George W. Dobbin, John C. Brune and S. T. Wallis, who accompanied
+ Mr. Brown, and who concurred with him in all particulars in the
+ course adopted by him in the two interviews with Mr. Lincoln.
+
+ GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_.
+
+This statement was written by Mr. Wallis, at the request of his
+associates, on the train, and was given to the public immediately on
+their return to the city.
+
+In the course of the first conversation Mr. Simon Cameron called my
+attention to the fact that an iron bridge on the Northern Central
+Railway, which, he remarked, belonged to the city of Baltimore, had
+been disabled by a skilled person so as to inflict little injury on
+the bridge, and he desired to know by what authority this had been
+done. Up to this time nothing had been said about the disabling of the
+bridges. In reply I addressed myself to the President, and said, with
+much earnestness, that the disabling of this bridge, and of the other
+bridges, had been done by authority, as the reader has already been
+told, and that it was a measure of protection on a sudden emergency,
+designed to prevent bloodshed in the city of Baltimore, and not an act
+of hostility towards the General Government; that the people of
+Maryland had always been deeply attached to the Union, which had been
+shown on all occasions, but that they, including the citizens of
+Baltimore, regarded the proclamation calling for 75,000 troops as an
+act of war on the South, and a violation of its constitutional rights,
+and that it was not surprising that a high-spirited people, holding
+such opinions, should resent the passage of Northern troops through
+their city for such a purpose.
+
+Mr. Lincoln was greatly moved, and, springing up from his chair,
+walked backward and forward through the apartment. He said, with great
+feeling, "Mr. Brown, I am not a learned man! I am not a learned man!"
+that his proclamation had not been correctly understood; that he had
+no intention of bringing on war, but that his purpose was to defend
+the capital, which was in danger of being bombarded from the heights
+across the Potomac.
+
+I am giving here only a part of a frank and full conversation, in
+which others present participated.
+
+The telegram of Mr. Garrett to me referred to in the preceding
+statement is in the following words: "Three thousand Northern troops
+are reported to be at Cockeysville. Intense excitement prevails.
+Churches have been dismissed and the people are arming in mass. To
+prevent terrific bloodshed, the result of your interview and
+arrangement is awaited."
+
+To this the following reply to Mr. Garrett was made by me: "Your
+telegram received on our return from an interview with the President,
+Cabinet and General Scott. Be calm and do nothing until you hear from
+me again. I return to see the President at once and will telegraph
+again. Wallis, Brune and Dobbin are with me."
+
+Accordingly, after the second interview, the following dispatch was
+sent by me to Mr. Garrett: "We have again seen the President, General
+Scott, Secretary of War and other members of the Cabinet, and the
+troops are ordered to return forthwith to Harrisburg. A messenger goes
+with us from General Scott. We return immediately."
+
+Mr. Garrett's telegram was not exaggerated. It was a fearful day in
+Baltimore. Women and children, and men, too, were wild with
+excitement. A certainty of a fight in the streets if Northern troops
+should enter was the pressing danger. Those who were arming in hot
+haste to resist the passage of Northern troops little recked of the
+fearful risk to which they were exposing themselves and all they held
+dear. It was well for the city and State that the President had
+decided as he did. When the President gave his deliberate decision
+that the troops should pass around Baltimore and not through it,
+General Scott, stern soldier as he sometimes was, said with emotion,
+"Mr. President, I thank you for this, and God will bless you for it."
+
+From the depth of our hearts my colleagues and myself thanked both the
+General and the President.
+
+The troops on the line of the Northern Central Railway--some 2400 men,
+about half of them armed--did not receive their orders to return to
+Pennsylvania until after several days. As they had expected to make
+the journey to Washington by rail, they were naturally not well
+equipped or supplied for camp life. I take the following from the
+_Sun_ of April 23d: "By order of Marshal Kane, several wagon-loads of
+bread and meat were sent to the camp of the Pennsylvania troops, it
+being understood that a number were sick and suffering for proper food
+and nourishment.... One of the Pennsylvanians died on Sunday and was
+buried within the encampment. Two more died yesterday and a number of
+others were on the sick list. The troops were deficient in food,
+having nothing but crackers to feed upon."
+
+The Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, under command of General Butler,
+was the next which passed through Maryland. It reached Perryville, on
+the Susquehanna, by rail on the 20th, and there embarked on the
+steamboat _Maryland_, arriving at Annapolis early on the morning of
+the 21st. Governor Hicks addressed the General a note advising that he
+should not land his men, on account of the great excitement there, and
+stated that he had telegraphed to that effect to the Secretary of War.
+
+The Governor also wrote to the President, advising him to order
+elsewhere the troops then off Annapolis, and to send no more through
+Maryland, and added the surprising suggestion that Lord Lyons, the
+British Minister, be requested to act as mediator between the
+contending parties of the country.
+
+The troops, however, were landed without opposition. The railway from
+Annapolis leading to the Washington road had, in some places, been
+torn up, but it was promptly repaired by the soldiers, and by the 25th
+an unobstructed route was opened through Annapolis to Washington.
+
+Horace Greeley, in his book called "The American Conflict," denounces
+with characteristic vehemence and severity of language the proceedings
+of the city authorities. He scouts "the demands" of the Mayor and his
+associates, whom he designates as "Messrs. Brown & Co." He insists
+that practically on the morning of the 20th of April Maryland was a
+member of the Southern Confederacy, and that her Governor spoke and
+acted the bidding of a cabal of the ablest and most envenomed
+traitors.
+
+It is true that the city then, and for days afterwards, was in an
+anomalous condition, which may be best described as one of "armed
+neutrality"; but it is not true that in any sense it was, on the 20th
+of April, or at any other time, a member of the Southern Confederacy.
+On the contrary, while many, especially among the young and reckless,
+were doing their utmost to place it in that position, regardless of
+consequences, and would, if they could, have forced the hands of the
+city authorities, it was their conduct which prevented such a
+catastrophe. Temporizing and delay were necessary. As soon as passions
+had time to cool, a strong reaction set in and the people rapidly
+divided into two parties--one on the side of the North, and the other
+on the side of the South; but whatever might be their personal or
+political sympathies, it was clear to all who had not lost their
+reason that Maryland, which lay open from the North by both land and
+sea, would be kept in the Union for the sake of the national capital,
+even if it required the united power of the nation to accomplish the
+object. The telegraph wires on the lines leading to the North had been
+cut, and for some days the city was without regular telegraphic
+connection. For a longer time the mails were interrupted and travel
+was stopped. The buoys in the harbor were temporarily removed. The
+business interests of the city of course suffered under these
+interruptions, and would be paralyzed if such isolation were to
+continue, and the merchants soon began to demand that the channels of
+trade should be reopened to the north and east.
+
+The immediate duty of the city authorities was to keep the peace and
+protect the city, and, without going into details or discussing the
+conduct of individuals, I shall leave others to speak of the manner in
+which it was performed.
+
+Colonel Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, p. 415, sums
+up the matter as follows: "In such a period of intense excitement,
+many foolish and unnecessary acts were undoubtedly done by persons in
+the employment of the city, as well as by private individuals, but it
+is undoubtedly true that the Mayor and board of police commissioners
+were inflexibly determined to resist all attempts to force the city
+into secession or into acts of hostility to the Federal Government,
+and that they successfully accomplished their purpose. If they had
+been otherwise disposed, they could easily have effected their
+object."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+ SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. -- REPORT OF THE BOARD OF
+ POLICE. -- SUPPRESSION OF THE FLAGS. -- ON THE 5th OF MAY,
+ GENERAL BUTLER TAKES POSITION SEVEN MILES FROM BALTIMORE. -- ON
+ THE 13TH OF MAY, HE ENTERS BALTIMORE AND FORTIFIES FEDERAL HILL.
+ -- THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY WILL TAKE NO STEPS TOWARDS SECESSION. --
+ MANY YOUNG MEN JOIN THE ARMY OF THE CONFEDERACY.
+
+
+On the 22d of April, Governor Hicks convened the General Assembly of
+the State, to meet in special session at Annapolis on the 26th, to
+deliberate and consider of the condition of the State, and to take
+such measures as in their wisdom they might deem fit to maintain peace
+and order and security within its limits.
+
+On the 24th of April, "in consequence of the extraordinary state of
+affairs," Governor Hicks changed the meeting of the Assembly to
+Frederick. The candidates for the House of Delegates for the city of
+Baltimore, who had been returned as elected to the General Assembly in
+1859, had been refused their seats, as previously stated, and a new
+election in the city had therefore become necessary to fill the
+vacancy.
+
+A special election for that purpose was accordingly held in the city
+on the 24th instant. Only a States Rights ticket was presented, for
+which nine thousand two hundred and forty-four votes were cast. The
+candidates elected were: John C. Brune, Ross Winans, Henry M.
+Warfield, J. Hanson Thomas, T. Parkin Scott, H. M. Morfit, S. Teackle
+Wallis, Charles H. Pitts, William G. Harrison and Lawrence Sangston,
+well-known and respected citizens, and the majority of them nominated
+because of their known conservatism and declared opposition to violent
+measures.
+
+This General Assembly, which contained men of unusual weight and force
+of character, will ever remain memorable in Maryland for the courage
+and ability with which it maintained the constitutional rights of the
+State.
+
+On the 3d of May, the board of police made a report of its proceedings
+to the Legislature of the State, signed by Charles Howard, President.
+After speaking of the disabling of the railroads, it concludes as
+follows:
+
+ "The absolute necessity of the measures thus determined upon by
+ the Governor, Mayor and Police Board, is fully illustrated by the
+ fact that early on Sunday morning reliable information reached
+ the city of the presence of a large body of Pennsylvania troops,
+ amounting to about twenty-four hundred men, who had reached
+ Ashland, near Cockeysville, by the way of the Northern Central
+ Railroad, and was stopped in their progress towards Baltimore by
+ the partial destruction of the Ashland bridge. Every intelligent
+ citizen at all acquainted with the state of feeling then
+ existing, must be satisfied that if these troops had attempted to
+ march through the city, an immense loss of life would have ensued
+ in the conflict which would necessarily have taken place. The
+ bitter feelings already engendered would have been intensely
+ increased by such a conflict; all attempts at conciliation would
+ have been vain, and terrible destruction would have been the
+ consequence, if, as is certain, other bodies of troops had
+ insisted on forcing their way through the city.
+
+ "The tone of the whole Northern press and the mass of the
+ population was violent in the extreme. Incursions upon our city
+ were daily threatened, not only by troops in the service of the
+ Federal Government, but by the vilest and most reckless
+ desperadoes, acting independently, and, as they threatened, in
+ despite of the Government, backed by well-known influential
+ citizens, and sworn to the commission of all kinds of excesses.
+ In short, every possible effort was made to alarm this community.
+ In this condition of things the Board felt it to be their solemn
+ duty to continue the organization which had already been
+ commenced, for the purpose of assuring the people of Baltimore
+ that no effort would be spared to protect all within its borders,
+ to the extent of their ability. All the means employed were
+ devoted to this end, and with no view of producing a collision
+ with the General Government, which the Board were particularly
+ anxious to avoid, and an arrangement was happily effected by the
+ Mayor with the General Government that no troops should be passed
+ through the city. As an evidence of the determination of the
+ Board to prevent such collision, a sufficient guard was sent in
+ the neighborhood of Fort McHenry several nights to arrest all
+ parties who might be engaged in a threatened attack upon it, and
+ a steam-tug was employed, properly manned, to prevent any hostile
+ demonstration upon the receiving-ship _Alleghany_, lying at
+ anchor in the harbor, of all which the United States officers in
+ command were duly notified.
+
+ "Property of various descriptions belonging to the Government and
+ individuals was taken possession of by the police force with a
+ view to its security. The best care has been taken of it. Every
+ effort has been made to discover the rightful owners, and a
+ portion of it has already been forwarded to order. Arrangements
+ have been made with the Government agents satisfactory to them
+ for the portion belonging to it, and the balance is held subject
+ to the order of its owners.
+
+ "Amidst all the excitement and confusion which has since
+ prevailed, the Board take great pleasure in stating that the good
+ order and peace of the city have been preserved to an
+ extraordinary degree. Indeed, to judge from the accounts given by
+ the press of other cities of what has been the state of things in
+ their own communities, Baltimore, during the whole of the past
+ week and up to this date, will compare favorably, as to the
+ protection which persons and property have enjoyed, with any
+ other large city in the United States."
+
+Much has been said in regard to the suppression of the national flag
+in Baltimore during the disturbances, and it is proper that the facts
+should here be stated.
+
+General Robinson, in his description of the occurrences which took
+place after the 19th of April, says that meetings were held under the
+flag of the State of Maryland, at which the speeches were inflammatory
+secession harangues, and that the national flag disappeared, and no
+man dared to display it. Whether or not this statement exactly
+represents the condition of things, it at least approximates it, and
+on the 26th of April, an order was issued by the board of police
+reciting that the peace of the city was likely to be disturbed by the
+display of various flags, and directing that no flag of any
+description should be raised or carried through the streets. On April
+29th, the city council passed an ordinance, signed by the Mayor,
+authorizing him, when in his opinion the peace of the city required
+it, to prohibit by proclamation for a limited period, to be designated
+by him, the public display of all flags or banners in the city of
+Baltimore, except on buildings or vessels occupied or employed by the
+Government of the United States. On the same day I, in pursuance of
+the ordinance, issued a proclamation prohibiting the display of flags
+for thirty days, with the exception stated in the ordinance, and on
+the 10th of May, when I was satisfied that all danger was over, I
+issued a proclamation removing the prohibition. The only violation of
+the order which came under my notice during the period of suppression
+was on the part of a military company which had the Maryland flag
+flying at its headquarters, on Lexington street near the City Hall. On
+my directing this flag to be taken down, the request was at once
+complied with.
+
+General Robinson says that "the first demonstration of returning
+loyalty was on the 28th day of April, when a sailing vessel came down
+the river crowded with men, and covered from stem to stern with
+national flags. She sailed past the fort, cheered and saluted our
+flag, which was dipped in return, after which she returned to the
+city." He then adds: "The tide had turned. Union men avowed
+themselves, the stars and stripes were again unfurled, and order was
+restored. Although after this time arrests were made of persons
+conspicuous for disloyalty, the return to reason was almost as sudden
+as the outbreak of rebellion. The railroads were repaired, trains ran
+regularly, and troops poured into Washington without hindrance or
+opposition of any sort. Thousands of men volunteered for the Union
+Army. Four regiments of Maryland troops afterwards served with me, and
+constituted the Third Brigade of my division. They fought gallantly
+the battles of the Union, and no braver soldiers ever marched under
+the flag."
+
+The tide indeed soon turned, but not quite so rapidly as this
+statement seems to indicate. On the 5th of May, General Butler, with
+two regiments and a battery of artillery, came from Washington and
+took possession of the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+at the junction of the Washington branch, about seven miles from
+Baltimore, and fortified the position. One of his first proceedings
+was highly characteristic. He issued a special order declaring that he
+had found well-authenticated evidence that one of his soldiers had
+"been poisoned by means of strychnine administered in the food brought
+into the camp," and he warned the people of Maryland that he could
+"put an agent, with a word, into every household armed with this
+terrible weapon." This statement sent a thrill of horror through the
+North, and the accompanying threat of course excited the indignation
+and disgust of our people. The case was carefully examined by the city
+physician, and it turned out that the man had an ordinary attack of
+cholera morbus, the consequence of imprudent diet and camp life, but
+the General never thought proper to correct the slander.
+
+On the evening of the 11th of May, General Butler being then at
+Annapolis, I received a note from Edward G. Parker, his aide-de-camp,
+stating that he had received intimations from many sources that an
+attack by the Baltimore roughs was intended that night; that these
+rumors had been confirmed by a gentleman from Baltimore, who gave his
+name and residence; that the attack would be made by more than a
+thousand men, every one sworn to kill a man; that they were coming in
+wagons, on horses and on foot, and that a considerable force from the
+west, probably the Point of Rocks in Maryland, was also expected, and
+I was requested to guard every avenue from the city, so as to prevent
+the Baltimore rioters from leaving town.
+
+Out of respect to the source from which the application came, I
+immediately sent for the marshal of police, and requested him to throw
+out bodies of his men so as to guard every avenue leading to the Relay
+House. No enemy, however, appeared. The threatened attack proved to be
+merely a groundless alarm, as I knew from the beginning it was.
+
+On the night of the 13th of May, when the city was as peaceful as it
+is to-day, General Butler, in the midst of a thunderstorm of unusual
+violence, entered Baltimore and took possession of Federal Hill, which
+overlooks the harbor and commands the city, and which he immediately
+proceeded to fortify. There was nobody to oppose him, and nobody
+thought of doing so; but, for this exploit, which he regarded as the
+capture of Baltimore, he was made a Major-General. He immediately
+issued a proclamation, as if he were in a conquered city subject to
+military law.
+
+Meantime, on the 26th of April, the General Assembly of the State had
+met at Frederick. "As soon as the General Assembly met" (Scharf's
+History of Maryland, Vol. III, p. 444), "the Hon. James M. Mason,
+formerly United States Senator from Virginia, waited on it as
+commissioner from that State, authorized to negotiate a treaty of
+alliance offensive and defensive with Maryland on her behalf." This
+proposition met with no acceptance. On the 27th, the Senate, by a
+unanimous vote, issued an address for the purpose of allaying the
+apprehensions of the people, declaring that it had no constitutional
+authority to take any action leading to secession, and on the next day
+the House of Delegates, by a vote of 53 to 12, made a similar
+declaration. Early in May, the General Assembly, by a vote in the
+House of 43 to 12, and in the Senate of 11 to 3, passed a series of
+resolutions proclaiming its position in the existing crisis.
+
+The resolutions protested against the war as unjust and
+unconstitutional, and announced a determination to take no part in its
+prosecution. They expressed a desire for the immediate recognition of
+the Confederate States; and while they protested against the military
+occupation of the State, and the arbitrary restrictions and
+illegalities with which it was attended, they called on all good
+citizens to abstain from violent and unlawful interference with the
+troops, and patiently and peacefully to leave to time and reason the
+ultimate and certain re-establishment and vindication of the right;
+and they declared it to be at that time inexpedient to call a
+Sovereign Convention of the State, or to take any measures for the
+immediate organization or arming of the militia.
+
+After it became plain that no movement would be made towards
+secession, a large number of young men, including not a few of the
+flower of the State, and representing largely the more wealthy and
+prominent families, escaped across the border and entered the ranks of
+the Confederacy. The number has been estimated at as many as twenty
+thousand, but this, perhaps, is too large a figure, and there are no
+means of ascertaining the truth. The muster-rolls have perished with
+the Confederacy. The great body of those who sympathized with the
+South had no disposition to take arms against the Union so long as
+Maryland remained a member of it. This was subsequently proved by
+their failure to enlist in the Southern armies on the different
+occasions in 1862, 1863 and 1864 when they crossed the Potomac and
+transferred the seat of war to Maryland and Pennsylvania, under the
+command twice of General Lee and once of General Early.
+
+The first of these campaigns ended in the bloody battle of Antietam.
+The Maryland men, as a tribute to their good conduct, were placed at
+the head of the army, and crossed the river with enthusiasm, the band
+playing and the soldiers singing "My Maryland." Great was their
+disappointment that the recruits did not even suffice to fill the gaps
+in their shattered ranks.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+ CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY AND THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. -- A UNION
+ CONVENTION. -- CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT. --
+ INCIDENTS OF THE WAR. -- THE WOMEN IN THE WAR.
+
+
+The suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_, by order of the
+President, without the sanction of an Act of Congress, which had not
+then been given, was one of the memorable events of the war.
+
+On the 4th of May, 1861, Judge Giles, of the United States District
+Court of Maryland, issued a writ of _habeas corpus_ to Major Morris,
+then in command of Fort McHenry, to discharge a soldier who was under
+age. Major Morris refused to obey the writ.
+
+On the 14th of May the General Assembly adjourned, and Mr. Ross
+Winans, of Baltimore, a member of the House of Delegates, while
+returning to his home, was arrested by General Butler on a charge of
+high treason. He was conveyed to Annapolis, and subsequently to Fort
+McHenry, and was soon afterwards released.
+
+A case of the highest importance next followed. On the 25th of May,
+Mr. John Merryman, of Baltimore County, was arrested by order of
+General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and confined in Fort McHenry. The next
+day (Sunday, May 26th) his counsel, Messrs. George M. Gill and George
+H. Williams, presented a petition for the writ of _habeas corpus_ to
+Chief Justice Taney, who issued the writ immediately, directed to
+General Cadwallader, then in command in Maryland, ordering him to
+produce the body of Merryman in court on the following day (Monday,
+May 27th). On that day Colonel Lee, his aide-de-camp, came into court
+with a letter from General Cadwallader, directed to the Chief Justice,
+stating that Mr. Merryman had been arrested on charges of high
+treason, and that he (the General) was authorized by the President of
+the United States in such cases to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_
+for the public safety. Judge Taney asked Colonel Lee if he had brought
+with him the body of John Merryman. Colonel Lee replied that he had no
+instructions except to deliver the letter.
+
+ _Chief Justice._--The commanding officer, then, declines to obey
+ the writ?
+
+ _Colonel Lee._--After making that communication my duty is ended,
+ and I have no further power (rising and retiring).
+
+ _Chief Justice._--The Court orders an attachment to issue against
+ George Cadwallader for disobedience to the high writ of the
+ Court, returnable at twelve o'clock to-morrow.
+
+The order was accordingly issued as directed.
+
+A startling issue was thus presented. The venerable Chief Justice had
+come from Washington to Baltimore for the purpose of issuing a writ of
+_habeas corpus_, and the President had thereupon authorized the
+commander of the fort to hold the prisoner and disregard the writ.
+
+A more important occasion could hardly have occurred. Where did the
+President of the United States acquire such a power? Was it true that
+a citizen held his liberty subject to the arbitrary will of any man?
+In what part of the Constitution could such a power be found? Why had
+it never been discovered before? What precedent existed for such an
+act?
+
+Judge Taney was greatly venerated in Baltimore, where he had formerly
+lived. The case created a profound sensation.
+
+On the next morning the Chief Justice, leaning on the arm of his
+grandson, walked slowly through the crowd which had gathered in front
+of the court-house, and the crowd silently and with lifted hats opened
+the way for him to pass.
+
+Roger B. Taney was one of the most self-controlled and courageous of
+judges. He took his seat with his usual quiet dignity. He called the
+case of John Merryman and asked the marshal for his return to the writ
+of attachment. The return stated that he had gone to Fort McHenry for
+the purpose of serving the writ on General Cadwallader; that he had
+sent in his name at the outer gate; that the messenger had returned
+with the reply that there was no answer to send; that he was not
+permitted to enter the gate, and, therefore, could not serve the writ,
+as he was commanded to do.
+
+The Chief Justice then read from his manuscript as follows:
+
+ I ordered the attachment of yesterday because upon the face of
+ the return the detention of the prisoner was unlawful upon two
+ grounds:
+
+ 1st. The President, under the Constitution and laws of the United
+ States, cannot suspend the privilege of the writ of _habeas
+ corpus_, nor authorize any military officer to do so.
+
+ 2d. A military officer has no right to arrest and detain a person
+ not subject to the rules and articles of war, for an offense
+ against the laws of the United States, except in aid of the
+ judicial authority and subject to its control; and if the party
+ is arrested by the military, it is the duty of the officer to
+ deliver him over immediately to the civil authority, to be dealt
+ with according to law.
+
+ I forbore yesterday to state the provisions of the Constitution
+ of the United States which make these principles the fundamental
+ law of the Union, because an oral statement might be
+ misunderstood in some portions of it, and I shall therefore put
+ my opinion in writing, and file it in the office of the clerk of
+ this court, in the course of this week.
+
+The Chief Justice then orally remarked:
+
+ In relation to the present return, it is proper to say that of
+ course the marshal has legally the power to summon the _posse
+ comitatus_ to seize and bring into court the party named in the
+ attachment; but it is apparent he will be resisted in the
+ discharge of that duty by a force notoriously superior to the
+ _posse_, and, this being the case, such a proceeding can result
+ in no good, and is useless. I will not, therefore, require the
+ marshal to perform this duty. If, however, General Cadwallader
+ were before me, I should impose on him the punishment which it is
+ my province to inflict--that of fine and imprisonment. I shall
+ merely say, to-day, that I shall reduce to writing the reasons
+ under which I have acted, and which have led me to the
+ conclusions expressed in my opinion, and shall direct the clerk
+ to forward them with these proceedings to the President, so that
+ he may discharge his constitutional duty "to take care that the
+ laws are faithfully executed."
+
+It is due to my readers that they should have an opportunity of
+reading this opinion, and it is accordingly inserted in an Appendix.
+
+After the court had adjourned, I went up to the bench and thanked
+Judge Taney for thus upholding, in its integrity, the writ of _habeas
+corpus_. He replied, "Mr. Brown, I am an old man, a very old man" (he
+had completed his eighty-fourth year), "but perhaps I was preserved
+for this occasion." I replied, "Sir, I thank God that you were."
+
+He then told me that he knew that his own imprisonment had been a
+matter of consultation, but that the danger had passed, and he warned
+me, from information he had received, that my time would come.
+
+The charges against Merryman were discovered to be unfounded and he
+was soon discharged by military authority.
+
+The nation is now tired of war, and rests in the enjoyment of a
+harmony which has not been equalled since the days of James Monroe.
+When Judge Taney rendered this decision the Constitution was only
+seventy-two years old--twelve years younger than himself. It is now
+less than one hundred years old--a short period in a nation's
+life--and yet during that period there have been serious
+commotions--two foreign wars and a civil war. In the future, as in the
+past, offenses will come, and hostile parties and factions will arise,
+and the men who wield power will, if they dare, shut up in fort or
+prison, without reach of relief, those whom they regard as dangerous
+enemies. When that period arrives, then will those who wisely love
+their country thank the great Chief Justice, as I did, for his
+unflinching defense of _habeas corpus_, the supreme writ of right, and
+the corner-stone of personal liberty among all English-speaking
+people.
+
+In the Life of Benjamin R. Curtis, Vol. I, p. 240, his biographer
+says, speaking of Chief Justice Taney, with reference to the case of
+Merryman, "If he had never done anything else that was high, heroic
+and important, his noble vindication of the writ of _habeas corpus_
+and the dignity and authority of his office against a rash minister of
+State, who, in the pride of a fancied executive power, came near to
+the commission of a great crime, will command the admiration and
+gratitude of every lover of constitutional liberty so long as our
+institutions shall endure." The crime referred to was the intended
+imprisonment of the Chief Justice.
+
+Although this crime was not committed, a criminal precedent had been
+set and was ruthlessly followed. "My lord," said Mr. Seward to Lord
+Lyons, "I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the imprisonment
+of a citizen of Ohio; I can touch a bell again and order the
+imprisonment of a citizen of New York; and no power on earth, except
+that of the President, can release them. Can the Queen of England do
+so much?" When such a power is wielded by any man, or set of men,
+nothing is left to protect the liberty of the citizen.
+
+On the 24th of May, a Union Convention, consisting of fourteen
+counties of the State, including the city of Baltimore, and leaving
+eight unrepresented, met in the city. The counties not represented
+were Washington, Montgomery, Prince George, Charles, St. Mary's,
+Dorchester, Somerset, and Worcester. The number of members does not
+appear to have been large, but it included the names of gentlemen well
+known and highly respected. The Convention adopted Resolutions which
+declared, among other things, that the revolution on the part of
+eleven States was without excuse or palliation, and that the redress
+of actual or supposed wrongs in connection with the slavery question
+formed no part of their views or purposes; that the people of this
+State were unalterably determined to defend the Government of the
+United States, and would support the Government in all legal and
+constitutional measures which might be necessary to resist the
+revolutionists; that the intimations made by the majority of the
+Legislature at its late session--that the people were humiliated or
+subjugated by the action of the Government--were gratuitous insults to
+that people; that the dignity of the State of Maryland, involved in a
+precise, persistent and effective recognition of all her rights,
+privileges and immunities under the Constitution of the United States,
+will be vindicated at all times and under all circumstances by those
+of her sons who are sincere in their fealty to her and the Government
+of the Union of which she is part, and to popular constitutional
+liberty; that while they concurred with the present Executive of the
+United States that the unity and integrity of the National Union must
+be preserved, their view of the nature and true principles of the
+Constitution, of the powers which it confers, and of the duties which
+it enjoins, and the rights which it secures, as it relates to and
+affects the question of slavery in many of the essential bearings, is
+directly opposed to the views of the Executive; that they are fixed in
+their conviction, amongst others, that a just comprehension of the
+true principles of the Constitution forbid utterly the formation of
+political parties on the foundation of the slavery question, and that
+the Union men will oppose to the utmost of their ability all attempts
+of the Federal Executive to commingle in any manner its peculiar views
+on the slavery question with that of maintaining the just powers of
+the Government.
+
+These resolutions are important as showing the stand taken by a large
+portion of the Union party of the State in regard to any interference,
+as the result of the war or otherwise, by the General Government with
+the provisions of the Constitution with regard to slavery.
+
+After the writ of _habeas corpus_ had been thus suspended, martial
+law, as a consequence, rapidly became all-powerful, and it continued
+in force during the war. That law is by Judge Black, in his argument
+before the Supreme Court in the case of _ex parte_ Milligan,[14] shown
+to be simply the rule of irresponsible force. Law becomes helpless
+before it. _Inter arma silent leges._
+
+[Footnote 14: 4 Wallace Sup. Court R. 2.]
+
+On May 25, 1862, Judge Carmichael, an honored magistrate, while
+sitting in his court in Easton, was, by the provost marshal and his
+deputies, assisted by a body of military sent from Baltimore, beaten,
+and dragged bleeding from the bench, and then imprisoned, because he
+had on a previous occasion delivered a charge to the grand jury
+directing them to inquire into certain illegal acts and to indict the
+offenders. His imprisonment in Forts McHenry, Lafayette, and Delaware,
+lasted more than six months. On December 4, 1862, he was
+unconditionally released, no trial having been granted him, nor any
+charges made against him. On June 28, 1862, Judge Bartol, of the Court
+of Appeals of Maryland, was arrested and confined in Fort McHenry. He
+was released after a few days, without any charge being preferred
+against him, or any explanation given.
+
+Spies and informers abounded. A rigid supervision was established.
+Disloyalty, so called, of any kind was a punishable offense. Rebel
+colors, the red and white, were prohibited. They were not allowed to
+appear in shop-windows or on children's garments, or anywhere that
+might offend the Union sentiment. If a newspaper promulgated disloyal
+sentiments, the paper was suppressed and the editor imprisoned. If a
+clergyman was disloyal in prayer or sermon, or if he failed to utter a
+prescribed prayer, he was liable to be treated in the same manner, and
+was sometimes so treated. A learned and eloquent Lutheran clergyman
+came to me for advice because he had been summoned before the provost
+marshal for saying that a nation which incurred a heavy debt in the
+prosecution of war laid violent hands on the harvests of the future;
+but his offense was condoned, because it appeared that he had referred
+to the "Thirty Years' War" and had made no direct reference to the
+debt of the United States, and perhaps for a better reason--that he
+had strong Republican friends among his congregation.
+
+If horses and fodder, fences and timber, or houses and land, were
+taken for the use of the Army, the owner was not entitled to
+compensation unless he could prove that he was a loyal man; and the
+proof was required to be furnished through some well-known loyal
+person, who, of course, was usually paid for his services. Very soon
+no one was allowed to vote unless he was a loyal man, and soldiers at
+the polls assisted in settling the question of loyalty.
+
+Nearly all who approved of the war regarded these things as an
+inevitable military necessity; but those who disapproved deeply
+resented them as unwarrantable violations of sacred constitutional
+rights. The consequence was that friendships were dissolved, the ties
+of blood severed, and an invisible but well-understood line divided
+the people. The bitterness and even the common mention of these acts
+have long since ceased, but the tradition survives and still continues
+to be a factor, silent, but not without influence, in the politics of
+the State.
+
+History repeats itself. There were deeds done on both sides which
+bring to mind the wars of England and Scotland and the border strife
+between those countries. There were flittings to and fro, and
+adventures and hairbreadth escapes innumerable. Soldiers returned to
+visit their homes at the risk of their necks. Contraband of every
+description, and letters and newspapers, found their way across the
+border. The military lines were long and tortuous, and vulnerable
+points were not hard to find, and trusty carriers were ready to go
+anywhere for the love of adventure or the love of gain.
+
+The women were as deeply interested as the men, and were less
+apprehensive of personal consequences. In different parts of the city,
+not excepting its stateliest square, where stands the marble column
+from which the father of his country looked down, sadly as it were, on
+a divided people, there might have been found, by the initiated,
+groups of women who, with swift and skillful fingers, were fashioning
+and making garments strangely various in shape and kind--some for
+Northern prisons where captives were confined, some for destitute
+homes beyond the Southern border, in which only women and children
+were left, and some for Southern camps where ragged soldiers were
+waiting to be clad. The work was carried on not without its risks;
+but little cared the workers for that. Perhaps the sensation of danger
+itself, and a spirit of resistance to an authority which they refused
+to recognize, gave zest to their toil; nor did they always think it
+necessary to inform the good man of the house in which they were
+assembled either of their presence or of what was going on beneath his
+roof.
+
+The women who stood by the cause of the Union were not compelled to
+hide their charitable deeds from the light of day. No need for them to
+feed and clothe the soldiers of the Union, whose wants were amply
+supplied by a bountiful Government; but with untiring zeal they
+visited the military hospitals on missions of mercy, and when the
+bloody fields of Antietam and Gettysburg were fought, both they and
+their Southern sisters hastened, though not with a common purpose, to
+the aid of the wounded and dying, the victims of civil strife and
+children of a common country.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+ GENERAL BANKS IN COMMAND. -- MARSHAL KANE ARRESTED. -- POLICE
+ COMMISSIONERS SUPERSEDED. -- RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE GENERAL
+ ASSEMBLY. -- POLICE COMMISSIONERS ARRESTED. -- MEMORIAL ADDRESSED
+ BY THE MAYOR AND CITY COUNCIL TO CONGRESS. -- GENERAL DIX IN
+ COMMAND. -- ARREST OF MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, THE MAYOR
+ AND OTHERS. -- RELEASE OF PRISONERS. -- COLONEL DIMICK.
+
+
+On the 10th of June, 1861, Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks, of
+Massachusetts, was appointed in the place of General Cadwallader to
+the command of the Department of Annapolis, with headquarters at
+Baltimore. On the 27th of June, General Banks arrested Marshal Kane
+and confined him in Fort McHenry. He then issued a proclamation
+announcing that he had superseded Marshal Kane and the commissioners
+of police, and that he had appointed Colonel John R. Kenly, of the
+First Regiment of Maryland Volunteers, provost marshal, with the aid
+and assistance of the subordinate officers of the police department.
+
+The police commissioners, including the mayor, offered no resistance,
+but adopted and published a resolution declaring that, in the opinion
+of the board, the forcible suspension of their functions suspended at
+the same time the active operation of the police law and put the
+officers and men off duty for the present, leaving them subject,
+however, to the rules and regulations of the service as to their
+personal conduct and deportment, and to the orders which the board
+might see fit thereafter to issue, when the present illegal
+suspension of their functions should be removed.
+
+The Legislature of Maryland, at its adjourned session on the 22d of
+June, passed a series of resolutions declaring that the
+unconstitutional and arbitrary proceedings of the Federal Executive
+had not been confined to the violation of the personal rights and
+liberties of the citizens of Maryland, but had been so extended that
+the property of no man was safe, the sanctity of no dwelling was
+respected, and that the sacredness of private correspondence no longer
+existed; that the Senate and House of Delegates of Maryland felt it
+due to her dignity and independence that history should not record the
+overthrow of public freedom for an instant within her borders, without
+recording likewise the indignant expression of her resentment and
+remonstrance, and they accordingly protested against the oppressive
+and tyrannical assertion and exercise of military jurisdiction within
+the limits of Maryland over the persons and property of her citizens
+by the Government of the United States, and solemnly declared the same
+to be subversive of the most sacred guarantees of the Constitution,
+and in flagrant violation of the fundamental and most cherished
+principles of American free government.
+
+On the first of July, the police commissioners were arrested and
+imprisoned by order of General Banks, on the ground, as he alleged in
+a proclamation, that the commissioners had refused to obey his
+decrees, or to recognize his appointees, and that they continued to
+hold the police force for some purpose not known to the Government.
+
+General Banks does not say what authority he had to make decrees, or
+what the decrees were which the commissioners had refused to obey; and
+as on the 27th of June he had imprisoned the marshal of police, and
+had put a provost marshal in his place, retaining only the subordinate
+officers of the police department, and had appointed instead of the
+men another body of police, all under the control of the provost
+marshal; and as the commissioners had no right to discharge the police
+force established by a law of the State, and were left with no duties
+in relation to the police which they could perform, it is very plain
+that, whatever motive General Banks may have had for the arrest and
+imprisonment of the commissioners, it is not stated in his
+proclamation.
+
+One of the commissioners, Charles D. Hinks, was soon released in
+consequence of failing health.
+
+On the day of the arrest of the police commissioners the city was
+occupied by troops, who in large detachments, infantry and artillery,
+took up positions in Monument Square, Exchange Place, at Camden-street
+Station and other points, and they mounted guard and bivouacked in the
+streets for more than a week.
+
+On July 18th, the police commissioners presented to Congress a
+memorial in which they protested very vigorously against their
+unlawful arrest and imprisonment.
+
+On the 23d day of July, 1861, the mayor and city council of Baltimore
+addressed a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the
+United States, in which, after describing the condition of affairs in
+Baltimore, they respectfully, yet most earnestly, demanded, as matter
+of right, that their city might be governed according to the
+Constitution and laws of the United States and of the State of
+Maryland, that the citizens might be secure in their persons, houses,
+papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures; that
+they should not be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
+process of law; that the military should render obedience to the
+civil authority; that the municipal laws should be respected, the
+officers released from imprisonment and restored to the lawful
+exercise of their functions, and that the police government
+established by law should be no longer impeded by armed force to the
+injury of peace and order. It is perhaps needless to add that the
+memorial met with no favor.
+
+On the 7th of August, 1861, the Legislature of the State, in a series
+of resolutions, denounced these proceedings in all their parts,
+pronouncing them, so far as they affected individuals, a gross and
+unconstitutional abuse of power which nothing could palliate or
+excuse, and, in their bearing upon the authority and constitutional
+powers and privileges of the State herself, a revolutionary subversion
+of the Federal compact.
+
+The Legislature then adjourned, to meet on the 17th of September.
+
+On the 24th of July, 1861, General Dix had been placed in command of
+the Department, with his headquarters in Baltimore. On that day he
+wrote from Fort McHenry to the Assistant Adjutant-General for
+re-enforcement of the troops under his command. He said that there
+ought to be ten thousand men at Baltimore and Annapolis, and that he
+could not venture to respond for the quietude of the Department with a
+smaller number. At Fort McHenry, as told by his biographer, he
+exhibited to some ladies of secession proclivities an immense
+columbiad, and informed them that it was pointed to Monument Square,
+and if there was an uprising that this piece would be the first he
+would fire. But the guns of Fort McHenry were not sufficient. He built
+on the east of the city a very strong work, which he called Fort
+Marshall, and he strengthened the earthwork on Federal Hill, in the
+southern part, so that the city lay under the guns of three powerful
+forts, with several smaller ones. Not satisfied with this, on the 15th
+of September, 1862, General Dix, after he had been transferred to
+another department, wrote to Major-General Halleck, then
+Commander-in-Chief, advising that the ground on which the earthwork on
+Federal Hill had been erected should be purchased at a cost of one
+hundred thousand dollars, and that it should be permanently fortified
+at an additional expense of $250,000. He was of opinion that although
+the great body of the people were, as he described them, eminently
+distinguished for their moral virtues, Baltimore had always contained
+a mass of inflammable material, which would ignite on the slightest
+provocation. He added that "Fort Federal Hill completely commanded the
+city, and is capable, from its proximity to the principal business
+quarters, of assailing any one without injury to the others. The hill
+seems to have been placed there by Nature as a site for a permanent
+citadel, and I beg to suggest whether a neglect to appropriate it to
+its obvious design would not be an unpardonable dereliction of duty."
+
+These views were perhaps extreme even for a major-general commanding
+in Baltimore, especially as by this time the disorderly element which
+infests all cities had gone over to the stronger side, and was engaged
+in the pious work of persecuting rebels. General Halleck, even after
+this solemn warning, left Federal Hill to the protection of its
+earthwork.
+
+The opinion which General Dix had of Baltimore extended, though in a
+less degree, to a large portion of the State, and was shared, in part
+at least, not only by the other military commanders, but by the
+Government at Washington.
+
+On the 11th of September, 1861, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War,
+wrote the following letter to Major-General Banks, who was at this
+time in command of a division in Maryland:
+
+ "WAR DEPARTMENT, _September 11, 1861_.
+
+ "_General._--The passage of any act of secession by the
+ Legislature of Maryland must be prevented. If necessary, all or
+ any part of the members must be arrested. Exercise your own
+ judgment as to the time and manner, but do the work effectively."
+
+On the 12th of September, Major-General McClellan, Commander-in-Chief
+of the Army of the Potomac, wrote a confidential letter to General
+Banks reciting that "after full consultation with the President,
+Secretary of State, War, etc., it has been decided to effect the
+operation proposed for the 17th." The 17th was the day fixed for the
+meeting of the General Assembly, and the operation to be performed was
+the arrest of some thirty members of that body, and other persons
+besides. Arrangements had been made to have a Government steamer at
+Annapolis to receive the prisoners and convey them to their
+destination. The plan was to be arranged with General Dix and Governor
+Seward, and the letter closes with leaving this exceedingly important
+affair to the tact and discretion of General Banks, and impressing on
+him the absolute necessity of secrecy and success.
+
+Accordingly, a number of the most prominent members of the
+Legislature, myself, as mayor of Baltimore, and editors of newspapers,
+and other citizens, were arrested at midnight. I was arrested at my
+country home, near the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
+by four policemen and a guard of soldiers. The soldiers were placed in
+both front and rear of the house, while the police rapped violently on
+the front door. I had gone to bed, but was still awake, for I had some
+apprehension of danger. I immediately arose, and opening my bed-room
+window, asked the intruders what they wanted. They replied that they
+wanted Mayor Brown. I asked who wanted him, and they answered, the
+Government of the United States. I then inquired for their warrant,
+but they had none. After a short time spent in preparation I took
+leave of my wife and children, and closely guarded, walked down the
+high hill on which the house stands to the foot, where a carriage was
+waiting for me. The soldiers went no farther, but I was driven in
+charge of the police seven miles to Baltimore and through the city to
+Fort McHenry, where to my surprise I found myself a fellow-prisoner in
+a company of friends and well-known citizens. We were imprisoned for
+one night in Fort McHenry, next in Fort Monroe for about two weeks,
+next in Fort Lafayette for about six weeks, and finally in Fort
+Warren. Henry May, member of Congress from Baltimore, was arrested at
+the same time, but was soon released.
+
+Col. Scharf, in his "History of Maryland," Volume III, says: "It was
+originally intended that they (the prisoners) should be confined in
+the fort at the Dry Tortugas, but as there was no fit steamer in
+Hampton Roads to make the voyage, the programme was changed."[15]
+
+[Footnote 15: See also the "Chronicles of Baltimore" by the same
+author.]
+
+The apprehension that the Legislature intended to pass an act of
+secession, as intimated by Secretary Cameron, was, in view of the
+position in which the State was placed, and the whole condition of
+affairs, so absurd that it is difficult to believe that he seriously
+entertained it. The blow was no doubt, however, intended to strike
+with terror the opponents of the war, and was one of the effective
+means resorted to by the Government to obtain, as it soon did, entire
+control of the State.
+
+As the events of the 19th of April had occurred nearly five months
+previously, and I was endeavoring to perform my duties as mayor, in
+obedience to law, without giving offense to either the civil or
+military authorities of the Government, the only apparent reason for
+my arrest grew out of a difficulty in regard to the payment of the
+police appointed by General Banks. In July a law had been passed by
+Congress appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of
+such payment, but it was plain that a similar expenditure would not
+long be tolerated by Congress. In this emergency an intimation came to
+me indirectly from Secretary Seward, through a common acquaintance,
+that I was expected to pay the Government police out of the funds
+appropriated by law for the city police. I replied that any such
+payment would be illegal and was not within my power.
+
+Soon afterwards I received the following letter from General Dix,
+which I insert, together with the correspondence which followed:
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA,
+ "BALTIMORE, MD., _September 8, 1861_.
+
+ "TO HON. GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of the City of Baltimore_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Reasons of state, which I deem imperative, demand that
+ the payment of compensation to the members of the old city
+ police, who were, by a resolution of the Board of Police
+ Commissioners, dated the 27th of Jane last, declared 'off duty,'
+ and whose places were filled in pursuance of an order of
+ Major-General Banks of the same date, should cease. I therefore
+ direct, by virtue of the authority vested in me as commanding
+ officer of the military forces of the United States in Baltimore
+ and its vicinity, that no further payment be made to them.
+
+ "Independently of all other considerations, the continued
+ compensation of a body of men who have been suspended in their
+ functions by the order of the Government, is calculated to bring
+ its authority into disrespect; and the extraction from the
+ citizens of Baltimore by taxation, in a time of general
+ depression and embarrassment, of a sum amounting to several
+ hundred thousand dollars a year for the payment of nominal
+ officials who render it no service, cannot fail by creating
+ widespread dissatisfaction to disturb the quietude of the city,
+ which I am most anxious to preserve.
+
+ "I feel assured that the payment would have been voluntarily
+ discontinued by yourself, as a violation of the principle on
+ which all compensation is bestowed--as a remuneration for an
+ equivalent service actually performed--had you not considered
+ yourself bound by existing laws to make it.
+
+ "This order will relieve you from the embarrassment, and I do not
+ doubt that it will be complied with.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "JOHN A. DIX,
+ "_Major-General Commanding_."
+
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, CITY HALL,
+ "BALTIMORE, _September 5, 1861_.
+
+ "Major-General JOHN A. DIX, _Baltimore, Md._
+
+ "_Sir_:--I was not in town yesterday, and did not receive until
+ this morning your letter of the 3d inst. ordering that no further
+ payment be made to the members of the city police.
+
+ "The payments have been made heretofore in pursuance of the laws
+ of the State, under the advice of the City Counsellor, by the
+ Register, the Comptroller and myself.
+
+ "Without entering into a discussion of the considerations which
+ you have deemed sufficient to justify this proceeding, I feel it
+ to be my duty to enter my protest against this interference, by
+ military authority, with the exercise of powers lawfully
+ committed by the State of Maryland to the officers of the city
+ corporation; but it is nevertheless not the intention of the city
+ authorities to offer resistance to the order which you have
+ issued, and I shall therefore give public notice to the officers
+ and men of the city police that no further payments may be
+ expected by them.
+
+ "There is an arrearage of pay of two weeks due to the force, and
+ the men have by the law and rules of the board been prevented
+ from engaging in any other business or occupation. Most of them
+ have families, who are entirely dependent for support on the pay
+ received.
+
+ "I do not understand your order as meaning to prohibit the
+ payment of this arrearage, and shall therefore proceed to make
+ it, unless prevented by your further order.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+ "_Mayor of Baltimore_."
+
+
+ "HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA,
+ "BALTIMORE, MD., _September 9, 1861_.
+
+ "HON. GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor of the City of Baltimore_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Your letter of the 5th inst. was duly received. I
+ cannot, without acquiescing in the violation of a principle,
+ assent to the payment of an arrearage to the members of the old
+ city police, as suggested in the closing paragraph of your
+ letter.
+
+ "It was the intention of my letter to prohibit any payment to
+ them subsequently to the day on which it was written.
+
+ "You will please, therefore, to consider this as the 'further
+ order' referred to by you.
+
+ "I am, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "JOHN A. DIX,
+ "_Major-General Commanding_."
+
+
+ "MAYOR'S OFFICE, CITY HALL,
+ "BALTIMORE, _September 11, 1861_.
+
+ "Major-General JOHN A. DIX, Baltimore.
+
+ "_Sir_:--I did not come to town yesterday until the afternoon,
+ and then ascertained that my letters had been sent out to my
+ country residence, where, on my return last evening, I found
+ yours of the 9th, in reply to mine of the 5th instant, awaiting
+ me. It had been left at the mayor's office yesterday morning.
+
+ "Before leaving the mayor's office, about three o'clock P. M. on
+ the 9th instant, and not having received any reply from you, I
+ had signed a check for the payment of arrears due the police, and
+ the money was on the same day drawn out of the bank and handed
+ over to the proper officers, and nearly the entire amount was by
+ them paid to the police force before the receipt of your letter.
+
+ "The suggestion in your letter as to the 'violation of a
+ principle' requires me to add that I recognize in the action of
+ the Government of the United States in the matter in question
+ nothing but the assertion of superior force.
+
+ "Out of regard to the great interests committed to my charge as
+ chief magistrate of the city, I have yielded to that force, and
+ do not feel it necessary to enter into any discussion of the
+ principles upon which the Government sees fit to exercise it.
+
+ "Very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN,
+ "_Mayor_."
+
+The reasons which General Dix assigned for prohibiting me from paying
+the arrearages due the police present a curious combination. First,
+there were reasons of State; next, the respect due to the Government;
+third, his concern for the taxpayers of Baltimore; fourth, the danger
+to the quiet of the city which he apprehended might arise from the
+payment; and, finally, there was a principle which he must protect
+from violation, but what that principle was he did not state.
+
+A striking commentary on these reasons was furnished on the 11th of
+December, 1863, by a decision of the Court of Appeals of Maryland in
+the case of the Mayor, etc., of Baltimore _vs._ Charles Howard and
+others, reported in 20th Maryland Rep., p. 335. The question was
+whether the interference by the Government of the United States with
+the Board of Police and police force established by law in the city of
+Baltimore was without authority of law and did in any manner affect or
+impair the rights or invalidate the acts of the board. The court held
+that, though the board was displaced by a force to which they yielded
+and could not resist, their power and rights under their organization
+were still preserved, and that they were amenable for any dereliction
+of official duty, except in so far as they were excused by
+uncontrollable events. And the court decided that Mr. Hinks, one of
+the police commissioners, whose case was alone before the court, was
+entitled to his salary, which had accrued after the board was so
+displaced.
+
+Subsequently, after the close of the war, the Legislature of the State
+passed an act for the payment of all arrearages due to the men of the
+police subsequent to their displacement by the Government of the
+United States and until their discharge by the Government of the
+State.
+
+It will be perceived that General Dix delayed replying to my letter of
+the 5th of September until the 9th; that his reply was not left at the
+mayor's office until the tenth, and that in the meantime, on the
+afternoon of the 9th, after waiting for his reply for four days, I
+paid the arrears due the police, as I had good reason to suppose he
+intended I should.
+
+A friend of mine, a lawyer of Baltimore, and a pronounced Union man,
+has, since then, informed me that General Dix showed him my letter of
+the 5th before my arrest; that my friend asked him whether he had
+replied to it, and the General replied he had not. My friend answered
+that he thought a reply was due to me. From all this it does not seem
+uncharitable to believe that the purpose of General Dix was to put me
+in the false position of appearing to disobey his order and thus to
+furnish an excuse for my imprisonment. This lasted until the 27th of
+November, 1862, a short time after my term of office had expired, when
+there was a sudden and unexpected release of all the State prisoners
+in Fort Warren, where we were then confined.
+
+On the 26th of November, 1862, Colonel Justin Dimick, commanding at
+Fort Warren, received the following telegraphic order from the
+Adjutant-General's Office, Washington: "The Secretary of War directs
+that you release all the Maryland State prisoners, also any other
+State prisoners that may be in your custody, and report to this
+office."
+
+In pursuance of this order, Colonel Dimick on the following day
+released from Fort Warren the following State prisoners, without
+imposing any condition upon them whatever: Severn Teackle Wallis,
+Henry M. Warfield, William G. Harrison, T. Parkin Scott, ex-members of
+the Maryland Legislature from Baltimore; George William Brown,
+ex-Mayor of Baltimore; Charles Howard and William H. Gatchell,
+ex-Police Commissioners; George P. Kane, ex-Marshal of Police; Frank
+Key Howard, one of the editors of the Baltimore _Exchange_; Thomas W.
+Hall, editor of the Baltimore _South_; Robert Hull, merchant, of
+Baltimore; Dr. Charles Macgill, of Hagerstown; William H. Winder, of
+Philadelphia; and B. L. Cutter, of Massachusetts.
+
+General Wool, then in command in Baltimore, issued an order declaring
+that thereafter no person should be arrested within the limits of the
+Department except by his order, and in all such cases the charges
+against the accused party were to be sworn to before a justice of the
+peace.
+
+As it was intimated that these gentlemen had entered into some
+engagement as the condition of their release, Mr. Wallis, while in New
+York on his return home, took occasion to address a letter on the
+subject to the editor of the New York _World_, in which he said: "No
+condition whatever was sought to be imposed, and none would have been
+accepted, as the Secretary of War well knew. Speaking of my
+fellow-prisoners from Maryland, I have a right to say that they
+maintained to the last the principle which they asserted from the
+first--namely, that, if charged with crime, they were entitled to be
+charged, held and tried in due form of law and not otherwise; and
+that, in the absence of lawful accusation and process, it was their
+right to be discharged without terms or conditions of any sort, and
+they would submit to none."
+
+Many of our fellow-prisoners were from necessity not able to take this
+stand. There were no charges against them, but there were imperative
+duties which required their presence at home, and when the Government
+at Washington adopted the policy of offering liberty to those who
+would consent to take an oath of allegiance prepared for the occasion,
+they had been compelled to accept it.
+
+Before this, in December, 1861, the Government at Washington, on
+application of friends, had granted me a parole for thirty days, that
+I might attend to some important private business, and for that time I
+stayed with kind relatives, under the terms of the parole, in Boston.
+
+The following correspondence, which then took place, will show the
+position which I maintained:
+
+ "BOSTON, _January 4, 1862_.
+
+ "MARSHAL KEYS, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--I called twice to see you during this week, and in your
+ absence had an understanding with your deputy that I was to
+ surrender myself to you this morning, on the expiration of my
+ parole, in time to be conveyed to Fort Warren, and I have
+ accordingly done so.
+
+ "As you have not received any instructions from Washington in
+ regard to the course to be pursued with me, I shall consider
+ myself in your custody until you have had ample time to write to
+ Washington and obtain a reply.
+
+ "I desire it, however, to be expressly understood that no further
+ extension of my parole is asked for, or would be accepted at this
+ time.
+
+ "It is my right and my wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the
+ performance of my official and private duties.
+
+ Respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+
+ "DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
+ "WASHINGTON, _January 6, 1862_.
+
+ "JOHN S. KEYS, Esq., U. S. Marshal, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--Your letter of the 4th inst., relative to George W.
+ Brown, has been received.
+
+ "In reply, I have to inform you that, if he desires it, you may
+ extend his parole to the period of thirty days. If not, you will
+ please recommit him to Fort Warren and report to this Department.
+
+ "I am, sir, very respectfully,
+ "Your obedient servant,
+ "F. W. SEWARD,
+ "_Acting Secretary of State_."
+
+
+ "BOSTON, _January 10, 1862_.
+
+ "MARSHAL KEYS, _Boston_.
+
+ "_Sir_:--In my note to you of the 4th inst. I stated that I did
+ not desire a renewal of my parole, but that it was my right and
+ wish to return to Baltimore, to resume the performance of my
+ private and official duties.
+
+ "My note was, in substance, as you informed me, forwarded to Hon.
+ W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, in a letter from you to him.
+
+ "In reply to your communication, F. W. Seward, Acting Secretary
+ of State, wrote to you under date of the 6th inst. that 'you may
+ extend the parole of George W. Brown if he desires it, but if
+ not, you are directed to recommit him to Fort Warren.'
+
+ "It was hardly necessary to give me the option of an extension of
+ parole which I had previously declined, but the offer renders it
+ proper for me to say that the parole was applied for by my
+ friends, to enable me to attend to important private business,
+ affecting the interests of others as well as myself; that the
+ necessities growing out of this particular matter of business no
+ longer exist, and that I cannot consistently with my ideas of
+ propriety, by accepting a renewal of the parole, place myself in
+ the position of seeming to acquiesce in a prolonged and illegal
+ banishment from my home and duties.
+
+ Respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN."
+
+On the 11th of January, 1862, I returned to Fort Warren, and on the
+14th an offer was made to renew and extend my parole to ninety days
+upon condition that I would not pass south of Hudson River. This offer
+I declined. My term of office expired on the 12th of November, 1862,
+and soon afterwards I was released, as I have just stated.
+
+It is not my purpose to enter into an account of the trials and
+hardships of prison-life in the crowded forts in which we were
+successively confined under strict and sometimes very harsh military
+rule, but it is due to the memory of the commander at Fort Warren,
+Colonel Justin Dimick, that I should leave on record the warm feelings
+of respect and friendship with which he was regarded by the prisoners
+who knew him best, for the unvarying kindness and humanity with which
+he performed the difficult and painful duties of his office. As far as
+he was permitted to do so, he promoted the comfort and convenience of
+all, and after the war was over and he had been advanced to the rank
+of General, he came to Baltimore as the honored guest of one of his
+former prisoners, and while there received the warm and hearty
+greeting of others of his prisoners who still survived.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+A PERSONAL CHAPTER.
+
+
+I have now completed my task; but perhaps it will be expected that I
+should clearly define my own position. I have no objection to do so.
+
+Both from feeling and on principle I had always been opposed to
+slavery--the result in part of the teaching and example of my parents,
+and confirmed by my own reading and observation. In early manhood I
+became prominent in defending the rights of the free colored people of
+Maryland. In the year 1846 I was associated with a small number of
+persons, of whom the Rev. William F. Brand, author of the "Life of
+Bishop Whittingham," and myself, are the only survivors. The other
+members of the association were Dr. Richard S. Steuart, for many years
+President of the Maryland Hospital for the Insane, and himself a
+slaveholder; Galloway Cheston, a merchant and afterwards President of
+the Board of Trustees of the Johns Hopkins University; Frederick W.
+Brune, my brother-in-law and law-partner; and Ramsay McHenry, planter.
+We were preparing to initiate a movement tending to a gradual
+emancipation within the State, but the growing hostility between the
+North and the South rendered the plan wholly impracticable, and it was
+abandoned.
+
+My opinions, however, did not lead me into sympathy with the abolition
+party. I knew that slavery had existed almost everywhere in the world,
+and still existed in some places, and that, whatever might be its
+character elsewhere, it was not in the Southern States "the sum of all
+villainy." On the contrary, it had assisted materially in the
+development of the race. Nowhere else, I believe, had negro slaves
+been so well treated, on the whole, and had advanced so far in
+civilization. They had learned the necessity, as well as the habit, of
+labor; the importance--to some extent at least--of thrift; the
+essential distinctions between right and wrong, and the inevitable
+difference to the individual between right-doing and wrong-doing; the
+duty of obedience to law; and--not least--some conception, dim though
+it might be, of the inspiring teachings of the Christian religion.
+They had learned also to cherish a feeling of respect and good will
+towards the best portion of the white race, to whom they looked up,
+and whom they imitated.
+
+I refused to enlist in a crusade against slavery, not only on
+constitutional grounds, but for other reasons. If the slaves were
+freed and clothed with the right of suffrage, they would be incapable
+of using it properly. If the suffrage were withheld, they would be
+subjected to the oppression of the white race without the protection
+afforded by their masters. Thus I could see no prospect of maintaining
+harmony without a disastrous change in our form of government such as
+prevailed after the war, in what is called the period of
+reconstruction. If there were entire equality, and an intermingling of
+the two races, it would not, as it seemed to me, be for the benefit of
+either. I knew how strong are race prejudices, especially when
+stimulated by competition and interest; how cruelly the foreigners, as
+they were called, had been treated by the people in California, and
+the Indians by our people everywhere; and how, in my own city,
+citizens were for years ruthlessly deprived by the Know-Nothing party
+of the right of suffrage, some because they were of foreign birth,
+and some because they were Catholics. The problem of slavery was to me
+a Gordian knot which I knew not how to untie, and which I dared not
+attempt to cut with the sword. Such a severance involved the horrors
+of civil war, with the wickedness and demoralization which were sure
+to follow.
+
+I was deeply attached to the Union from a feeling imbibed in early
+childhood and constantly strengthened by knowledge and personal
+experience. I did not believe in secession as a constitutional right,
+and in Maryland there was no sufficient ground for revolution. It was
+clearly for her interest to remain in the Union and to free her
+slaves. An attempt to secede or to revolt would have been an act of
+folly which I deprecated, although I did believe that she, in common
+with the rest of the South, had constitutional rights in regard to
+slavery which the North was not willing to respect.
+
+It was my opinion that the Confederacy would prove to be a rope of
+sand. I thought that the seceding States should have been allowed to
+depart in peace, as General Scott advised, and I believed that
+afterwards the necessities of the situation and their own interest
+would induce them to return, severally, perhaps, to the old Union, but
+with slavery peacefully abolished; for, in the nature of things, I
+knew that slavery could not last forever.
+
+Whether or not my opinions were sound and my hopes well founded, is
+now a matter of little importance, even to myself, but they were at
+least sincere and were not concealed.
+
+There can be no true union in a Republic unless the parts are held
+together by a feeling of common interest, and also of mutual respect.
+
+That there is a common interest no reasonable person can doubt; but
+this is not sufficient; and, happily, there is a solid basis for
+mutual respect also.
+
+I have already stated the grounds on which, from their point of view,
+the Southern people were justified in their revolt, and even in the
+midst of the war I recognized what the South is gradually coming to
+recognize--that the grounds on which the Northern people waged
+war--love of the Union and hatred of slavery--were also entitled to
+respect.
+
+I believe that the results achieved--namely, the preservation of the
+Union and the abolition of slavery--are worth all they have cost.
+
+And yet I feel that I am living in a different land from that in which
+I was born, and under a different Constitution, and that new perils
+have arisen sufficient to cause great anxiety. Some of these are the
+consequences of the war, and some are due to other causes. But every
+generation must encounter its own trials, and should extract benefit
+from them if it can. The grave problems growing out of emancipation
+seem to have found a solution in an improving education of the whole
+people. Perhaps education is the true means of escape from the other
+perils to which I have alluded.
+
+Let me state them as they appear to me to exist.
+
+Vast fortunes, which astonish the world, have suddenly been acquired,
+very many by methods of more than doubtful honesty, while the fortunes
+themselves are so used as to benefit neither the possessors nor the
+country.
+
+Republican simplicity has ceased to be a reality, except where it
+exists as a survival in rural districts, and is hardly now mentioned
+even as a phrase. It has been superseded by republican luxury and
+ostentation. The mass of the people, who cannot afford to indulge in
+either, are sorely tempted to covet both.
+
+The individual man does not rely, as he formerly did, on his own
+strength and manhood. Organization for a common purpose is resorted to
+wherever organization is possible. Combinations of capital or of
+labor, ruled by a few individuals, bestride the land with immense
+power both for good and evil. In these combinations the individual
+counts for little, and is but little concerned about his own moral
+responsibility.
+
+When De Tocqueville, in 1838, wrote his remarkable book on Democracy
+in America, he expressed his surprise to observe how every public
+question was submitted to the decision of the people, and that, when
+the people had decided, the question was settled. Now politicians care
+little about the opinions of the people, because the people care
+little about opinions. Bosses have come into existence to ply their
+vile trade of office-brokerage. Rings are formed in which the bosses
+are masters and the voters their henchmen. Formerly decent people
+could not be bought either with money or offices. Political parties
+have always some honest foundation, but rings are factions like those
+of Rome in her decline, having no foundation but public plunder.
+
+Communism, socialism, and labor strikes have taken the place of
+slavery agitation. Many people have come to believe that this is a
+paternal Government from which they have a right to ask for favors,
+and not a Republic in which all are equal. Hence States, cities,
+corporations, individuals, and especially certain favored classes,
+have no scruple in getting money somehow or other, directly or
+indirectly, out of the purse of the Nation, as if the Nation had
+either purse or property which does not belong to the people, for the
+benefit of the whole people, without favor or partiality towards any.
+
+In many ways there is a dangerous tendency towards the centralization
+of power in the National Government, with little opposition on the
+part of the people.
+
+Paper money is held by the Supreme Court to be a lawful substitute for
+gold and silver coin, partly on the ground that this is the
+prerogative of European governments.[16] This is strange
+constitutional doctrine to those who were brought up in the school of
+Marshall, Story, and Chancellor Kent.
+
+[Footnote 16: Legal Tender Case, Vol. 110 U. S. Reports, p. 421.]
+
+The administration of cities has grown more and more extravagant and
+corrupt, thus leading to the creation of immense debts which oppress
+the people and threaten to become unmanageable.
+
+The national Congress, instead of faithfully administering its trust,
+has become reckless and wasteful of the public money.
+
+But, notwithstanding all this, I rejoice to believe that there is a
+reserve of power in the American people which has never yet failed to
+redress great wrongs when they have come to be fully recognized and
+understood.
+
+A striking instance of this is to be found in the temperance movement,
+which, extreme as it may be in some respects, shows that the
+conscience of the entire country is aroused on a subject of vast
+difficulty and importance.
+
+And other auspicious signs exist, the chief of which I think are that
+a new zeal is manifested in the cause of education; that people of all
+creeds come together as they never did before to help in good works;
+that an independent press, bent on enlightening, not deceiving, the
+people, is making itself heard and respected; and that younger men,
+who represent the best hopes and aspirations of the time, are pressing
+forward to take the place of the politicians of a different school,
+who represent chiefly their own selfish interests, or else a period of
+hate and discord which has passed away forever.
+
+These considerations give me hope and confidence in the country as it
+exists to-day.
+
+Baltimore is the place of my birth, of my home, and of my affections.
+No one could be bound to his native city by ties stronger than mine.
+Perhaps, in view of the incidents of the past, as detailed in this
+volume, I may be permitted to express to the good people of Baltimore
+my sincere and profound gratitude for the generous and unsolicited
+confidence which, on different occasions, they have reposed in me, and
+for their good will and kind feeling, which have never been withdrawn
+during the years, now not a few, which I have spent in their service.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I.
+
+
+The following account of the alleged conspiracy to assassinate Abraham
+Lincoln on his journey to Baltimore is taken from the "Life of Abraham
+Lincoln," by Ward H. Lamon, pp. 511-526:
+
+"Whilst Mr. Lincoln, in the midst of his suite and attendants, was
+being borne in triumph through the streets of Philadelphia, and a
+countless multitude of people were shouting themselves hoarse, and
+jostling and crushing each other around his carriage-wheels, Mr.
+Felton, the President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
+Railway, was engaged with a private detective discussing the details
+of an alleged conspiracy to murder him at Baltimore. Some months
+before, Mr. Felton, apprehending danger to the bridges along his line,
+had taken this man into his pay and sent him to Baltimore to spy out
+and report any plot that might be found for their destruction. Taking
+with him a couple of other men and a woman, the detective went about
+his business with the zeal which necessarily marks his peculiar
+profession. He set up as a stock-broker, under an assumed name, opened
+an office, and became a vehement secessionist. His agents were
+instructed to act with the duplicity which such men generally use; to
+be rabid on the subject of 'Southern Rights'; to suggest all manner of
+crimes in vindication of them; and if, by these arts, corresponding
+sentiments should be elicited from their victims, the 'job' might be
+considered as prospering. Of course they readily found out what
+everybody else knew--that Maryland was in a state of great alarm; that
+her people were forming military associations, and that Governor Hicks
+was doing his utmost to furnish them with arms, on condition that the
+arms, in case of need, should be turned against the Federal
+Government. Whether they detected any plan to burn bridges or not, the
+chief detective does not relate; but it appears that he soon deserted
+that inquiry and got, or pretended to get, upon a scent that promised
+a heavier reward. Being intensely ambitious to shine in the
+professional way, and something of a politician besides, it struck him
+that it would be a particularly fine thing to discover a dreadful plot
+to assassinate the President-elect, and he discovered it accordingly.
+It was easy to get that far; to furnish tangible proofs of an
+imaginary conspiracy was a more difficult matter. But Baltimore was
+seething with political excitement; numerous strangers from the far
+South crowded its hotels and boarding-houses; great numbers of
+mechanics and laborers out of employment encumbered its streets; and
+everywhere politicians, merchants, mechanics, laborers and loafers
+were engaged in heated discussions about the anticipated war, and the
+probability of Northern troops being marched through Maryland to
+slaughter and pillage beyond the Potomac. It would seem like an easy
+thing to beguile a few individuals of this angry and excited multitude
+into the expression of some criminal desire; and the opportunity was
+not wholly lost, although the limited success of the detective under
+such favorable circumstances is absolutely wonderful. He put his
+'shadows' upon several persons whom it suited his pleasure to suspect,
+and the 'shadows' pursued their work with the keen zest and the cool
+treachery of their kind. They reported daily to their chief in
+writing, as he reported in turn to his employer. These documents are
+neither edifying nor useful: they prove nothing but the baseness of
+the vocation which gave them existence. They were furnished to Mr.
+Herndon in full, under the impression that partisan feeling had
+extinguished in him the love of truth and the obligations of candor,
+as it had in many writers who preceded him on the same subject-matter.
+They have been carefully and thoroughly read, analyzed, examined and
+compared, with an earnest and conscientious desire to discover the
+truth, if, perchance, any trace of truth might be in them. The process
+of investigation began with a strong bias in favor of the conclusion
+at which the detective had arrived. For ten years the author
+implicitly believed in the reality of the atrocious plot which these
+spies were supposed to have detected and thwarted; and for ten years
+he had pleased himself with the reflection that he also had done
+something to defeat the bloody purpose of the assassins. It was a
+conviction which could scarcely have been overthrown by evidence less
+powerful than the detective's weak and contradictory account of his
+own case. In that account there is literally nothing to sustain the
+accusation, and much to rebut it. It is perfectly manifest that there
+was no conspiracy--no conspiracy of a hundred, of fifty, of twenty, of
+three--no definite purpose in the heart of even one man to murder Mr.
+Lincoln at Baltimore.
+
+"The reports are all in the form of personal narratives, and for the
+most relate when the spies went to bed, when they rose, where they
+ate, what saloons and brothels they visited, and what blackguards they
+met and 'drinked' with. One of them shadowed a loud-mouthed drinking
+fellow named Luckett, and another, a poor scapegrace and braggart
+named Hilliard. These wretches 'drinked' and talked a great deal, hung
+about bars, haunted disreputable houses, were constantly half drunk,
+and easily excited to use big and threatening words by the faithless
+protestations and cunning management of the spies. Thus Hilliard was
+made to say that he thought a man who should act the part of Brutus in
+these times would deserve well of his country; and Luckett was induced
+to declare that he knew a man who would kill Lincoln. At length the
+great arch-conspirator--the Brutus, the Orsini of the New World, to
+whom Luckett and Hilliard, the 'national volunteers,' and all such,
+were as mere puppets--condescended to reveal himself in the most
+obliging and confiding manner. He made no mystery of his cruel and
+desperate scheme. He did not guard it as a dangerous secret, or choose
+his confidants with the circumspection which political criminals, and
+especially assassins, have generally thought proper to observe. Very
+many persons knew what he was about, and levied on their friends for
+small sums--five, ten and twenty dollars--to further the Captain's
+plan. Even Luckett was deep enough in the awful plot to raise money
+for it; and when he took one of the spies to a public bar-room and
+introduced him to the 'Captain,' the latter sat down and talked it all
+over without the slightest reserve. When was there ever before such a
+loud-mouthed conspirator, such a trustful and innocent assassin! His
+name was Ferrandini, his occupation that of a barber, his place of
+business beneath Barnum's Hotel, where the sign of the bloodthirsty
+villain still invites the unsuspecting public to come in for a shave.
+
+"'Mr. Luckett,' so the spy relates, 'said that he was not going home
+this evening; and if I would meet him at Barr's saloon, on South
+street, he would introduce me to Ferrandini. This was unexpected to
+me; but I determined to take the chances, and agreed to meet Mr.
+Luckett at the place named at 7 P. M. Mr. Luckett left about 2.30 P.
+M., and I went to dinner.
+
+"'I was at the office in the afternoon in hopes that Mr. Felton might
+call, but he did not; and at 6.15 P. M. I went to supper. After supper
+I went to Barr's saloon, and found Mr. Luckett and several other
+gentlemen there. He asked me to drink, and introduced me to Captain
+Ferrandini and Captain Turner. He eulogized me very highly as a
+neighbor of his, and told Ferrandini that I was the gentleman who had
+given the twenty-five dollars he (Luckett) had given to Ferrandini.
+
+"'The conversation at once got into politics; and Ferrandini, who is a
+fine-looking, intelligent-appearing person, became very excited. He
+shows the Italian in, I think, a very marked degree; and, although
+excited, yet was cooler than what I had believed was the general
+characteristic of Italians. He has lived South for many years, and is
+thoroughly imbued with the idea that the South must rule; that they
+(Southerners) have been outraged in their rights by the election of
+Lincoln, and freely justified resorting to any means to prevent
+Lincoln from taking his seat; and, as he spoke, his eyes fairly glared
+and glistened, and his whole frame quivered; but he was fully
+conscious of all he was doing. He is a man well calculated for
+controlling and directing the ardent-minded; he is an enthusiast, and
+believes that, to use his own words, "murder of any kind is
+justifiable and right to save the rights of the Southern people." In
+all his views he was ably seconded by Captain Turner.
+
+"'Captain Turner is an American; but although very much of a
+gentleman, and possessing warm Southern feelings, he is not by any
+means so dangerous a man as Ferrandini, as his ability for exciting
+others is less powerful; but that he is a bold and proud man there is
+no doubt, as also that he is entirely under the control of Ferrandini.
+In fact, he could not be otherwise, for even I myself felt the
+influence of this man's strange power; and, wrong though I knew him to
+be, I felt strangely unable to keep my mind balanced against him.
+
+"'Ferrandini said, "Never, never, shall Lincoln be President!" His
+life (Ferrandini's) was of no consequence; he was willing to give it
+up for Lincoln's; he would sell it for that abolitionist's; and as
+Orsini had given his life for Italy, so was he (Ferrandini) ready to
+die for his country and the rights of the South; and said Ferrandini,
+turning to Captain Turner, "We shall all die together: we shall show
+the North that we fear them not. Every man, Captain," said he, "will
+on that day prove himself a hero. The first shot fired, the main
+traitor (Lincoln) dead, and all Maryland will be with us, and the
+South shall be free; and the North must then be ours. Mr. Hutchins,"
+said Ferrandini, "if I alone must do it, I shall: Lincoln shall die in
+this city."
+
+"'Whilst we were thus talking, we (Mr. Luckett, Turner, Ferrandini and
+myself) were alone in one corner of the bar-room, and, while talking,
+two strangers had got pretty near us. Mr. Luckett called Ferrandini's
+attention to this, and intimated that they were listening; and we went
+up to the bar, drinked again at my expense, and again retired to
+another part of the room, at Ferrandini's request, to see if the
+strangers would again follow us. Whether by accident or design, they
+again got near us; but of course we were not talking of any matter of
+consequence. Ferrandini said he suspected they were spies, and
+suggested that he had to attend a secret meeting, and was apprehensive
+that the two strangers might follow him; and, at Mr. Luckett's
+request, I remained with him (Luckett) to watch the movements of the
+strangers. I assured Ferrandini that if they would attempt to follow
+him, we would whip them.
+
+"'Ferrandini and Turner left to attend the meeting, and, anxious as I
+was to follow them myself, I was obliged to remain with Mr. Luckett to
+watch the strangers, which we did for about fifteen minutes, when Mr.
+Luckett said that he should go to a friend's to stay over night, and I
+left for my hotel, arriving there at about 9 P. M., and soon retired.'
+
+"It is in a secret communication between hireling spies and paid
+informers that these ferocious sentiments are attributed to the poor
+knight of the soap-pot. No disinterested person would believe the
+story upon such evidence; and it will appear hereafter that even the
+detective felt that it was too weak to mention among his strong
+points, at that decisive moment when he revealed all he knew to the
+President and his friends. It is probably a mere fiction. If it had
+had any foundation in fact, we are inclined to believe that the
+sprightly and eloquent barber would have dangled at a rope's end long
+since. He would hardly have been left to shave and plot in peace,
+while the members of the Legislature, the Police Marshal, and numerous
+private gentlemen, were locked up in Federal prisons. When Mr. Lincoln
+was actually slain, four years later, and the cupidity of the
+detectives was excited by enormous rewards, Ferrandini was totally
+unmolested. But even if Ferrandini really said all that is here
+imputed to him, he did no more than many others around him were doing
+at the same time. He drank and talked, and made swelling speeches; but
+he never took, nor seriously thought of taking, the first step toward
+the frightful tragedy he is said to have contemplated.
+
+"The detectives are cautious not to include in the supposed plot to
+murder any person of eminence, power, or influence. Their game is all
+of the smaller sort, and, as they conceived, easily taken--witless
+vagabonds like Hilliard and Luckett, and a barber, whose calling
+indicates his character and associations.[17] They had no fault to
+find with the Governor of the State; he was rather a lively trimmer,
+to be sure, and very anxious to turn up at last on the winning side;
+but it was manifestly impossible that one in such an exalted station
+could meditate murder. Yet, if they had pushed their inquiries with an
+honest desire to get at the truth, they might have found much stronger
+evidence against the Governor than that which they pretend to have
+found against the barber. In the Governor's case the evidence is
+documentary, written, authentic--over his own hand, clear and
+conclusive as pen and ink could make it. As early as the previous
+November, Governor Hicks had written the following letter; and,
+notwithstanding its treasonable and murderous import, the writer
+became conspicuously loyal before spring, and lived to reap splendid
+rewards and high honors, under the auspices of the Federal Government,
+as the most patriotic and devoted Union man in Maryland. The person to
+whom the letter was addressed was equally fortunate; and, instead of
+drawing out his comrades in the field to 'kill Lincoln and his men,'
+he was sent to Congress by power exerted from Washington at a time
+when the administration selected the representatives of Maryland, and
+performed all his duties right loyally and acceptably. Shall one be
+taken and another left? Shall Hicks go to the Senate and Webster to
+Congress, while the poor barber is held to the silly words which he
+is alleged to have sputtered out between drinks in a low groggery,
+under the blandishments and encouragements of an eager spy, itching
+for his reward?
+
+[Footnote 17: Mr. Ferrandini, now in advanced years, still lives in
+Baltimore, and declares the charge of conspiracy to be wholly absurd
+and fictitious, and those who know him will, I think, believe that he
+is an unlikely person to be engaged in such a plot.]
+
+ "'STATE OF MARYLAND,
+ "'EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
+ "'ANNAPOLIS, _November 9, 1860_.
+ "'Hon. E. H. WEBSTER.
+
+ "'_My Dear Sir_:--I have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of
+ your favor introducing a very clever gentleman to my acquaintance
+ (though a Demo'). I regret to say that we have, at this time, no
+ arms on hand to distribute, but assure you at the earliest
+ possible moment your company shall have arms; they have complied
+ with all required on their part. We have some delay, in
+ consequence of contracts with Georgia and Alabama ahead of us. We
+ expect at an early day an additional supply, and of first
+ received your people shall be furnished. Will they be good men to
+ send out to kill Lincoln and his men? If not, suppose the arms
+ would be better sent South.
+
+ "'How does late election sit with you? 'Tis too bad. Harford
+ nothing to reproach herself for.
+
+ "'Your obedient servant,
+ "'THOS. H. HICKS.'
+
+"With the Presidential party was Hon. Norman B. Judd; he was supposed
+to exercise unbounded influence over the new President; and with him,
+therefore, the detective opened communications. At various places
+along the route Mr. Judd was given vague hints of the impending
+danger, accompanied by the usual assurances of the skill and activity
+of the patriots who were perilling their lives in a rebel city to save
+that of the Chief Magistrate. When he reached New York, he was met by
+the woman who had originally gone with the other spies to Baltimore.
+She had urgent messages from her chief--messages that disturbed Mr.
+Judd exceedingly. The detective was anxious to meet Mr. Judd and the
+President, and a meeting was accordingly arranged to take place at
+Philadelphia.
+
+"Mr. Lincoln reached Philadelphia on the afternoon of the 21st. The
+detective had arrived in the morning, and improved the interval to
+impress and enlist Mr. Felton. In the evening he got Mr. Judd and Mr.
+Felton into his room at the St. Louis Hotel, and told them all he had
+learned. He dwelt at large on the fierce temper of the Baltimore
+secessionists; on the loose talk he had heard about 'fireballs or
+hand-grenades'; on a 'privateer' said to be moored somewhere in the
+bay; on the organization called National Volunteers; on the fact that,
+eavesdropping at Barnum's Hotel, he had overheard Marshal Kane
+intimate that he would not supply a police force on some undefined
+occasion, but what the occasion was he did not know. He made much of
+his miserable victim, Hilliard, whom he held up as a perfect type of
+the class from which danger was to be apprehended; but concerning
+"Captain" Ferrandini and his threats, he said, according to his own
+account, not a single word. He had opened his case, his whole case,
+and stated it as strongly as he could. Mr. Judd was very much
+startled, and was sure that it would be extremely imprudent for Mr.
+Lincoln to pass through Baltimore in open daylight, according to the
+published programme. But he thought the detective ought to see the
+President himself; and, as it was wearing toward nine o'clock, there
+was no time to lose. It was agreed that the part taken by the
+detective and Mr. Felton should be kept secret from every one but the
+President. Mr. Sanford, President of the American Telegraph Company,
+had also been co-operating in the business, and the same stipulation
+was made with regard to him.
+
+"Mr. Judd went to his own room at the Continental, and the detective
+followed. The crowd in the hotel was very dense, and it took some time
+to get a message to Mr. Lincoln. But it finally reached him, and he
+responded in person. Mr. Judd introduced the detective, and the latter
+told his story over again, with a single variation: this time he
+mentioned the name of Ferrandini along with Hilliard's, but gave no
+more prominence to one than to the other.
+
+"Mr. Judd and the detective wanted Lincoln to leave for Washington
+that night. This he flatly refused to do. He had engagements with the
+people, he said, to raise a flag over Independence Hall in the
+morning, and to exhibit himself at Harrisburg in the afternoon, and
+these engagements he would not break in any event. But he would raise
+the flag, go to Harrisburg, 'get away quietly' in the evening, and
+permit himself to be carried to Washington in the way they thought
+best. Even this, however, he conceded with great reluctance. He
+condescended to cross-examine the detective on some parts of his
+narrative, but at no time did he seem in the least degree alarmed. He
+was earnestly requested not to communicate the change of plan to any
+member of his party except Mr. Judd, nor permit even a suspicion of it
+to cross the mind of another. To this he replied that he would be
+compelled to tell Mrs. Lincoln, 'and he thought it likely that she
+would insist upon W. H. Lamon going with him; but, aside from that, no
+one should know.'
+
+"In the meantime, Mr. Seward had also discovered the conspiracy. He
+dispatched his son to Philadelphia to warn the President-elect of the
+terrible plot into whose meshes he was about to run. Mr. Lincoln
+turned him over to Judd, and Judd told him they already knew all about
+it. He went away with just enough information to enable his father to
+anticipate the exact moment of Mr. Lincoln's surreptitious arrival in
+Washington.
+
+"Early on the morning of the 22d, Mr. Lincoln raised the flag over
+Independence Hall, and departed for Harrisburg. On the way Mr. Judd
+'gave him a full and precise detail of the arrangements that had been
+made' the previous night. After the conference with the detective, Mr.
+Sanford, Colonel Scott, Mr. Felton, railroad and telegraph officials,
+had been sent for, and came to Mr. Judd's room. They occupied nearly
+the whole of the night in perfecting the plan. It was finally
+understood that about six o'clock the next evening Mr. Lincoln should
+slip away from the Jones Hotel, at Harrisburg, in company with a
+single member of his party. A special car and engine would be provided
+for him on the track outside the depot. All other trains on the road
+would be 'side-tracked' until this one had passed. Mr. Sanford would
+forward skilled 'telegraph-climbers,' and see that all the wires
+leading out of Harrisburg were cut at six o'clock, and kept down until
+it was known that Mr. Lincoln had reached Washington in safety. The
+detective would meet Mr. Lincoln at the West Philadelphia Depot with a
+carriage, and conduct him by a circuitous route to the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Depot. Berths for four would be pre-engaged
+in the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight train for
+Baltimore. This train Mr. Felton would cause to be detained until the
+conductor should receive a package, containing important 'Government
+dispatches,' addressed to 'E. J. Allen, Willard's Hotel, Washington.'
+This package was made up of old newspapers, carefully wrapped and
+sealed, and delivered to the detective to be used as soon as Mr.
+Lincoln was lodged in the car. Mr. Lincoln approved of the plan, and
+signified his readiness to acquiesce. Then Mr. Judd, forgetting the
+secrecy which the spy had so impressively enjoined, told Mr. Lincoln
+that the step he was about to take was one of such transcendent
+importance that he thought 'it should be communicated to the other
+gentlemen of the party.' Mr. Lincoln said, 'You can do as you like
+about that.' Mr. Judd now changed his seat; and Mr. Nicolay, whose
+suspicions seem to have been aroused by this mysterious conference,
+sat down beside him and said: 'Judd, there is something _up_. What is
+it, if it is proper that I should know?' 'George,' answered Judd,
+'there is no necessity for your knowing it. One man can keep a matter
+better than two.'
+
+"Arrived at Harrisburg, and the public ceremonies and speechmaking
+over, Mr. Lincoln retired to a private parlor in the Jones House, and
+Mr. Judd summoned to meet him Judge Davis, Colonel Lamon, Colonel
+Sumner, Major Hunter and Captain Pope. The three latter were officers
+of the regular army, and had joined the party after it had left
+Springfield. Judd began the conference by stating the alleged fact of
+the Baltimore conspiracy, how it was detected, and how it was proposed
+to thwart it by a midnight expedition to Washington by way of
+Philadelphia. It was a great surprise to most of those assembled.
+Colonel Sumner was the first to break silence. 'That proceeding,' said
+he, 'will be a damned piece of cowardice.' Mr. Judd considered this a
+'pointed hit,' but replied that 'that view of the case had already
+been presented to Mr. Lincoln.' Then there was a general interchange
+of opinions, which Sumner interrupted by saying, 'I'll get a squad of
+cavalry, sir, and _cut_ our way to Washington, sir!' 'Probably before
+that day comes,' said Mr. Judd, 'the inauguration-day will have
+passed. It is important that Mr. Lincoln should be in Washington that
+day.' Thus far Judge Davis had expressed no opinion, but 'had put
+various questions to test the truthfulness of the story.' He now
+turned to Mr. Lincoln and said, 'You personally heard the detective's
+story. You have heard this discussion. What is your judgment in the
+matter?' 'I have listened,' answered Mr. Lincoln, 'to this discussion
+with interest. I see no reason, no good reason, to change the
+programme, and I am for carrying it out as arranged by Judd.' There
+was no longer any dissent as to the plan itself; but one question
+still remained to be disposed of. Who should accompany the President
+on his perilous ride? Mr. Judd again took the lead, declaring that he
+and Mr. Lincoln had previously determined that but one man ought to
+go, and that Colonel Lamon had been selected as the proper person. To
+this Sumner violently demurred. '_I_ have undertaken,' he exclaimed,
+'to see Mr. Lincoln to Washington.'
+
+"Mr. Lincoln was hastily dining when a close carriage was brought to
+the side door of the hotel. He was called, hurried to his room,
+changed his coat and hat, and passed rapidly through the hall and out
+of the door. As he was stepping into the carriage, it became manifest
+that Sumner was determined to get in also. 'Hurry with him,' whispered
+Judd to Lamon, and at the same time, placing his hand on Sumner's
+shoulder, said aloud, 'One moment, Colonel!' Sumner turned around, and
+in that moment the carriage drove rapidly away. 'A madder man,' says
+Mr. Judd, 'you never saw.'
+
+"Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon got on board the car without discovery
+or mishap. Besides themselves, there was no one in or about the car
+but Mr. Lewis, General Superintendent of the Pennsylvania Central
+Railroad, and Mr. Franciscus, superintendent of the division over
+which they were about to pass. As Mr. Lincoln's dress on this occasion
+has been much discussed, it may be as well to state that he wore a
+soft, light felt hat, drawn down over his face when it seemed
+necessary or convenient, and a shawl thrown over his shoulders, and
+pulled up to assist in disguising his features when passing to and
+from the carriage. This was all there was of the 'Scotch cap and
+cloak,' so widely celebrated in the political literature of the day.
+
+"At ten o'clock they reached Philadelphia, and were met by the
+detective and one Mr. Kinney, an under official of the Philadelphia,
+Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad. Lewis and Franciscus bade Mr.
+Lincoln adieu. Mr. Lincoln, Colonel Lamon and the detective seated
+themselves in a carriage which stood in waiting, and Mr. Kinney got
+upon the box with the driver. It was a full hour and a half before the
+Baltimore train was to start, and Mr. Kinney found it necessary 'to
+consume the time by driving northward in search of some imaginary
+person.'
+
+"On the way through Philadelphia, Mr. Lincoln told his companions
+about the message he had received from Mr. Seward. This new discovery
+was infinitely more appalling than the other. Mr. Seward had been
+informed 'that about _fifteen thousand men_ were organized to prevent
+his (Lincoln's) passage through Baltimore, and that arrangements were
+made by these parties to _blow up the railroad track, fire the
+train_,' etc. In view of these unpleasant circumstances, Mr. Seward
+recommended a change of route. Here was a plot big enough to swallow
+up the little one, which we are to regard as the peculiar property of
+Mr. Felton's detective. Hilliard, Ferrandini and Luckett disappear
+among the 'fifteen thousand,' and their maudlin and impotent twaddle
+about the 'abolition tyrant' looks very insignificant beside the
+bloody massacre, conflagration and explosion now foreshadowed.
+
+"As the moment for the departure of the Baltimore train drew near,
+the carriage paused in the dark shadows of the depot building. It was
+not considered prudent to approach the entrance. The spy passed in
+first and was followed by Mr. Lincoln and Colonel Lamon. An agent of
+the former directed them to the sleeping-car, which they entered by
+the rear door. Mr. Kinney ran forward and delivered to the conductor
+the important package prepared for the purpose; and in three minutes
+the train was in motion. The tickets for the whole party had been
+procured beforehand. Their berths were ready, but had only been
+preserved from invasion by the statement that they were retained for a
+sick man and his attendants. The business had been managed very
+adroitly by the female spy, who had accompanied her employer from
+Baltimore to Philadelphia to assist him in this, the most delicate and
+important affair of his life. Mr. Lincoln got into his bed
+immediately, and the curtains were drawn together. When the conductor
+came around, the detective handed him the 'sick man's' ticket, and the
+rest of the party lay down also. None of 'our party appeared to be
+sleepy,' says the detective, 'but we all lay quiet, and nothing of
+importance transpired.'... During the night Mr. Lincoln indulged in a
+joke or two in an undertone; but, with that exception, the two
+sections occupied by them were perfectly silent. The detective said he
+had men stationed at various places along the road to let him know 'if
+all was right,' and he rose and went to the platform occasionally to
+observe their signals, but returned each time with a favorable report.
+
+"At thirty minutes after three the train reached Baltimore. One of the
+spy's assistants came on board and informed him in a whisper that all
+was right. The woman [the female detective] got out of the car. Mr.
+Lincoln lay close in his berth, and in a few moments the car was
+being slowly drawn through the quiet streets of the city toward the
+Washington Depot. There again there was another pause, but no sound
+more alarming than the noise of shifting cars and engines. The
+passengers, tucked away on their narrow shelves, dozed on as
+peacefully as if Mr. Lincoln had never been born....
+
+"In due time the train sped out of the suburbs of Baltimore, and the
+apprehensions of the President and his friends diminished with each
+welcome revolution of the wheels. At six o'clock the dome of the
+Capitol came in sight, and a moment later they rolled into the long,
+unsightly building which forms the Washington Depot. They passed out
+of the car unobstructed, and pushed along with the living stream of
+men and women towards the outer door. One man alone in the great crowd
+seemed to watch Mr. Lincoln with special attention. Standing a little
+on one side, he 'looked very sharp at him,' and, as he passed, seized
+hold of his hand and said in a loud tone of voice, 'Abe, you can't
+play that on me.' The detective and Col. Lamon were instantly alarmed.
+One of them raised his fist to strike the stranger; but Mr. Lincoln
+caught his arm and said, 'Don't strike him! don't strike him! It is
+Washburne. Don't you know him?' Mr. Seward had given to Mr. Washburne
+a hint of the information received through his son, and Mr. Washburne
+knew its value as well as another. For the present the detective
+admonished him to keep quiet, and they passed on together. Taking a
+hack, they drove towards Willard's Hotel. Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Washburne
+and the detective got out into the street and approached the ladies'
+entrance, while Col. Lamon drove on to the main entrance, and sent the
+proprietor to meet his distinguished guest at the side door. A few
+minutes later Mr. Seward arrived, and was introduced to the company
+by Mr. Washburne. He spoke in very strong terms of the great danger
+which Mr. Lincoln had so narrowly escaped, and most heartily applauded
+the wisdom of the 'secret passage.' 'I informed Gov. Seward of the
+nature of the information I had,' says the detective, 'and that I had
+no information of any large organization in Baltimore; but the
+Governor reiterated that he had conclusive evidence of this.'...
+
+"That same day Mr. Lincoln's family and suite passed through Baltimore
+on the special train intended for him. They saw no sign of any
+disposition to burn them alive, or to blow them up with gunpowder, but
+went their way unmolested and very happy.
+
+"Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the midnight ride. His friends
+reproached him; his enemies taunted him. He was convinced that he had
+committed a grave mistake in yielding to the solicitations of a
+professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed. He saw that he had
+fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the shame and
+mortification natural to a brave man under such circumstances. But he
+was not disposed to take all the responsibility to himself, and
+frequently upbraided the writer for having aided and assisted him to
+demean himself at the very moment in all his life when his behavior
+should have exhibited the utmost dignity and composure.
+
+"The news of his surreptitious entry into Washington occasioned much
+and varied comment throughout the country; but important events
+followed it in such rapid succession that its real significance was
+soon lost sight of; enough that Mr. Lincoln was safely at the Capital,
+and in a few days would in all probability assume the power confided
+to his hands."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX II.
+
+ EXTRACT FROM THE OPINION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
+ STATES, DELIVERED BY CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY IN THE CASE OF DRED
+ SCOTT _vs._ SANDFORD, 19 HOW. 407.
+
+
+"It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public opinion in
+relation to that unfortunate race" (the African) "which prevailed in
+the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of the
+Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the United
+States was framed and adopted.
+
+"But the public history of every European nation displays it in a
+manner too plain to be mistaken.
+
+"They had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an
+inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race,
+either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that
+they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that
+the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his
+benefit."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX III.
+
+ THE HABEAS CORPUS CASE EX PARTE JOHN MERRYMAN, CAMPBELL'S
+ REPORTS, P. 246. -- OPINION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED
+ STATES.
+
+
+ _Ex parte_ } Before the Chief Justice of the Supreme
+ JOHN MERRYMAN. } Court of the United States, at Chambers.
+
+The application in this case for a writ of _habeas corpus_ is made to
+me under the fourteenth section of the Judiciary Act of 1789, which
+renders effectual for the citizen the constitutional privilege of the
+writ of _habeas corpus_. That act gives to the courts of the United
+States, as well as to each justice of the Supreme Court and to every
+district judge, power to grant writs of _habeas corpus_ for the
+purpose of an inquiry into the cause of commitment. The petition was
+presented to me at Washington, under the impression that I would order
+the prisoner to be brought before me there; but as he was confined in
+Fort McHenry, in the city of Baltimore, which is in my circuit, I
+resolved to hear it in the latter city, as obedience to the writ under
+such circumstances would not withdraw General Cadwallader, who had him
+in charge, from the limits of his military command.
+
+The petition presents the following case:
+
+The petitioner resides in Maryland, in Baltimore County. While
+peaceably in his own house, with his family, it was, at two o'clock on
+the morning of the 25th of May, 1861, entered by an armed force
+professing to act under military orders. He was then compelled to
+rise from his bed, taken into custody and conveyed to Fort McHenry,
+where he is imprisoned by the commanding officer, without warrant from
+any lawful authority.
+
+The commander of the fort, General George Cadwallader, by whom he is
+detained in confinement, in his return to the writ, does not deny any
+of the facts alleged in the petition. He states that the prisoner was
+arrested by order of General Keim, of Pennsylvania, and conducted as
+aforesaid to Fort McHenry by his order, and placed in his (General
+Cadwallader's) custody, to be there detained by him as a prisoner.
+
+A copy of the warrant or order under which the prisoner was arrested
+was demanded by his counsel and refused. And it is not alleged in the
+return that any specific act, constituting any offense against the
+laws of the United States, has been charged against him upon oath; but
+he appears to have been arrested upon general charges of treason and
+rebellion, without proof, and without giving the names of the
+witnesses, or specifying the acts which, in the judgment of the
+military officer, constituted these crimes. Having the prisoner thus
+in custody upon these vague and unsupported accusations, he refuses to
+obey the writ of _habeas corpus_, upon the ground that he is duly
+authorized by the President to suspend it.
+
+The case, then, is simply this: A military officer, residing in
+Pennsylvania, issues an order to arrest a citizen of Maryland upon
+vague and indefinite charges, without any proof, so far as appears.
+Under this order his house is entered in the night, he is seized as a
+prisoner and conveyed to Fort McHenry, and there kept in close
+confinement. And when a _habeas corpus_ is served on the commanding
+officer, requiring him to produce the prisoner before a justice of the
+Supreme Court, in order that he may examine into the legality of the
+imprisonment, the answer of the officer is that he is authorized by
+the President to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_ at his
+discretion, and, in the exercise of that discretion, suspends it in
+this case, and on that ground refuses obedience to the writ.
+
+As the case comes before me, therefore, I understand that the
+President not only claims the right to suspend the writ of _habeas
+corpus_ himself at his discretion, but to delegate that discretionary
+power to a military officer, and to leave it to him to determine
+whether he will or will not obey judicial process that may be served
+upon him.
+
+No official notice has been given to the courts of justice, or to the
+public, by proclamation or otherwise, that the President claimed this
+power, and had exercised it in the manner stated in the return. And I
+certainly listened to it with some surprise; for I had supposed it to
+be one of those points of constitutional law upon which there was no
+difference of opinion, and that it was admitted on all hands that the
+privilege of the writ could not be suspended except by act of
+Congress.
+
+When the conspiracy of which Aaron Burr was the head became so
+formidable and was so extensively ramified as to justify, in Mr.
+Jefferson's opinion, the suspension of the writ, he claimed on his
+part no power to suspend it, but communicated his opinion to Congress,
+with all the proofs in his possession, in order that Congress might
+exercise its discretion upon the subject, and determine whether the
+public safety required it. And in the debate which took place upon the
+subject, no one suggested that Mr. Jefferson might exercise the power
+himself, if, in his opinion, the public safety demanded it.
+
+Having therefore regarded the question as too plain and too well
+settled to be open to dispute, if the commanding officer had stated
+that upon his own responsibility, and in the exercise of his own
+discretion, he refused obedience to the writ, I should have contented
+myself with referring to the clause in the Constitution, and to the
+construction it received from every jurist and statesman of that day,
+when the case of Burr was before them. But being thus officially
+notified that the privilege of the writ has been suspended under the
+orders and by the authority of the President, and believing, as I do,
+that the President has exercised a power which he does not possess
+under the Constitution, a proper respect for the high office he fills
+requires me to state plainly and fully the grounds of my opinion, in
+order to show that I have not ventured to question the legality of his
+act without a careful and deliberate examination of the whole subject.
+
+The clause of the Constitution which authorizes the suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ is in the ninth section of
+the first article.
+
+This article is devoted to the legislative department of the United
+States, and has not the slightest reference to the Executive
+Department. It begins by providing "that all legislative powers
+therein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States,
+which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives"; and
+after prescribing the manner in which these two branches of the
+legislative department shall be chosen, it proceeds to enumerate
+specifically the legislative powers which it thereby grants, and at
+the conclusion of this specification a clause is inserted giving
+Congress "the power to make all laws which shall be necessary and
+proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
+powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United
+States, or in any department or office thereof."
+
+The power of legislation granted by this latter clause is by its words
+carefully confined to the specific objects before enumerated. But as
+this limitation was unavoidably somewhat indefinite, it was deemed
+necessary to guard more effectually certain great cardinal principles
+essential to the liberty of the citizen, and to the rights and
+equality of the States, by denying to Congress, in express terms, any
+power of legislation over them. It was apprehended, it seems, that
+such legislation might be attempted under the pretext that it was
+necessary and proper to carry into execution the powers granted; and
+it was determined that there should be no room to doubt, where rights
+of such vital importance were concerned, and accordingly this clause
+is immediately followed by an enumeration of certain subjects to which
+the powers of legislation shall not extend. The great importance which
+the framers of the Constitution attached to the privilege of the writ
+of _habeas corpus_ to protect the liberty of the citizen, is proved by
+the fact that its suspension, except in cases of invasion or
+rebellion, is first in the list of prohibited powers--and even in
+these cases the power is denied and its exercise prohibited, unless
+the public safety shall require it. It is true that in the cases
+mentioned, Congress is of necessity the judge of whether the public
+safety does, or does not, require it; and its judgment is conclusive.
+But the introduction of these words is a standing admonition to the
+legislative body of the danger of suspending it, and of the extreme
+caution they should exercise before they give the Government of the
+United States such power over the liberty of a citizen.
+
+It is the second article of the Constitution that provides for the
+organization of the Executive Department, and enumerates the powers
+conferred on it, and prescribes its duties. And if the high power over
+the liberty of the citizen now claimed was intended to be conferred
+on the President, it would undoubtedly be found in plain words in this
+article. But there is not a word in it that can furnish the slightest
+ground to justify the exercise of the power.
+
+The article begins by declaring that the executive power shall be
+vested in a President of the United States of America, to hold his
+office during the term of four years, and then proceeds to prescribe
+the mode of election, and to specify in precise and plain words the
+powers delegated to him, and the duties imposed upon him. The short
+term for which he is elected, and the narrow limits to which his power
+is confined, show the jealousy and apprehensions of future danger
+which the framers of the Constitution felt in relation to that
+department of the Government, and how carefully they withheld from it
+many of the powers belonging to the Executive Branch of the English
+Government which were considered as dangerous to the liberty of the
+subject, and conferred (and that in clear and specific terms) those
+powers only which were deemed essential to secure the successful
+operation of the Government.
+
+He is elected, as I have already said, for the brief term of four
+years, and is made personally responsible by impeachment for
+malfeasance in office. He is from necessity and the nature of his
+duties the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and of the militia
+when called into actual service. But no appropriation for the support
+of the Army can be made by Congress for a longer term than two years,
+so that it is in the power of the succeeding House of Representatives
+to withhold the appropriation for its support, and thus disband it,
+if, in their judgment, the President used or designed to use it for
+improper purposes. And although the militia, when in actual service,
+is under his command, yet the appointment of the officers is reserved
+to the States, as a security against the use of the military power for
+purposes dangerous to the liberties of the people or the rights of the
+States.
+
+So, too, his powers in relation to the civil duties and authority
+necessarily conferred on him are carefully restricted, as well as
+those belonging to his military character. He cannot appoint the
+ordinary officers of Government, nor make a treaty with a foreign
+nation or Indian tribe, without the advice and consent of the Senate,
+and cannot appoint even inferior officers unless he is authorized by
+an Act of Congress to do so. He is not empowered to arrest any one
+charged with an offense against the United States, and whom he may,
+from the evidence before him, believe to be guilty; nor can he
+authorize any officer, civil or military, to exercise this power; for
+the fifth article of the Amendments to the Constitution expressly
+provides that no person "shall be deprived of life, liberty or
+property without due process of law"--that is, judicial process. Even
+if the privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ were suspended by Act
+of Congress, and a party not subject to the rules and articles of war
+were afterwards arrested and imprisoned by regular judicial process,
+he could not be detained in prison or brought to trial before a
+military tribunal; for the article in the Amendments to the
+Constitution immediately following the one above referred to--that is,
+the sixth article--provides that "in all criminal prosecutions the
+accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an
+impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have
+been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained
+by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation;
+to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory
+process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the
+assistance of counsel for his defense."
+
+The only power, therefore, which the President possesses, where the
+"life, liberty, or property" of a private citizen is concerned, is the
+power and duty prescribed in the third section of the second article,
+which requires "that he shall take care that the laws be faithfully
+executed." He is not authorized to execute them himself, or through
+agents or officers, civil or military, appointed by himself, but he is
+to take care that they be faithfully carried into execution as they
+are expounded and adjudged by the co-ordinate branch of the Government
+to which that duty is assigned by the Constitution. It is thus made
+his duty to come in aid of the judicial authority, if it shall be
+resisted by a force too strong to be overcome without the assistance
+of the executive arm. But in exercising this power he acts in
+subordination to judicial authority, assisting it to execute its
+process and enforce its judgments.
+
+With such provisions in the Constitution, expressed in language too
+clear to be misunderstood by any one, I can see no ground whatever for
+supposing that the President, in any emergency or in any state of
+things, can authorize the suspension of the privilege of the writ of
+_habeas corpus_, or the arrest of a citizen, except in aid of the
+judicial power. He certainly does not faithfully execute the laws if
+he takes upon himself legislative power by suspending the writ of
+_habeas corpus_, and the judicial power also, by arresting and
+imprisoning a person without due process of law. Nor can any argument
+be drawn from the nature of sovereignty, or the necessity of
+Government for self-defense in times of tumult and danger. The
+Government of the United States is one of delegated and limited
+powers. It derives its existence and authority altogether from the
+Constitution, and neither of its branches, executive, legislative or
+judicial, can exercise any of the powers of Government beyond those
+specified and granted. For the tenth article of the Amendments to the
+Constitution in express terms provides that "the powers not delegated
+to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
+States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."
+
+Indeed, the security against imprisonment by executive authority,
+provided for in the fifth article of the Amendments to the
+Constitution, which I have before quoted, is nothing more than a copy
+of a like provision in the English Constitution, which had been firmly
+established before the Declaration of Independence.
+
+Blackstone states it in the following words:
+
+"To make imprisonment lawful, it must be either by process of law from
+the courts of judicature or by warrant from some legal officer having
+authority to commit to prison" (1 Bl. Com. 137).
+
+The people of the United Colonies, who had themselves lived under its
+protection while they were British subjects, were well aware of the
+necessity of this safeguard for their personal liberty. And no one can
+believe that, in framing a government intended to guard still more
+efficiently the rights and liberties of the citizen against executive
+encroachments and oppression, they would have conferred on the
+President a power which the history of England had proved to be
+dangerous and oppressive in the hands of the Crown, and which the
+people of England had compelled it to surrender after a long and
+obstinate struggle on the part of the English Executive to usurp and
+retain it.
+
+The right of the subject to the benefit of the writ of _habeas
+corpus_, it must be recollected, was one of the great points in
+controversy during the long struggle in England between arbitrary
+government and free institutions, and must therefore have strongly
+attracted the attention of the statesmen engaged in framing a new,
+and, as they supposed, a freer government than the one which they had
+thrown off by the Revolution. From the earliest history of the common
+law, if a person were imprisoned, no matter by what authority, he had
+a right to the writ of _habeas corpus_ to bring his case before the
+King's Bench; if no specific offense were charged against him in the
+warrant of commitment, he was entitled to be forthwith discharged; and
+if an offense were charged which was bailable in its character, the
+Court was bound to set him at liberty on bail. The most exciting
+contests between the Crown and the people of England from the time of
+_Magna Charta_ were in relation to the privilege of this writ, and
+they continued until the passage of the statute of 31st Charles II,
+commonly known as the Great _Habeas Corpus_ Act. This statute put an
+end to the struggle, and finally and firmly secured the liberty of the
+subject against the usurpation and oppression of the executive branch
+of the Government. It nevertheless conferred no new right upon the
+subject, but only secured a right already existing. For, although the
+right could not justly be denied, there was often no effectual remedy
+against its violation. Until the statute of 13 William III, the judges
+held their offices at the pleasure of the King, and the influence
+which he exercised over timid, time-serving and partisan judges often
+induced them, upon some pretext or other, to refuse to discharge the
+party, although entitled by law to his discharge, or delayed their
+decision from time to time, so as to prolong the imprisonment of
+persons who were obnoxious to the King for their political opinions,
+or had incurred his resentment in any other way.
+
+The great and inestimable value of the _habeas corpus_ act of the 31st
+Charles II. is that it contains provisions which compel courts and
+judges, and all parties concerned, to perform their duties promptly in
+the manner specified in the statute.
+
+A passage in Blackstone's Commentaries, showing the ancient state of
+the law on this subject, and the abuses which were practised through
+the power and influence of the Crown, and a short extract from
+Hallam's "Constitutional History," stating the circumstances which
+gave rise to the passage of this statute, explain briefly, but fully,
+all that is material to this subject.
+
+Blackstone says: "To assert an absolute exemption from imprisonment in
+all cases is inconsistent with every idea of law and political
+society, and, in the end, would destroy all civil liberty by rendering
+its protection impossible.
+
+"But the glory of the English law consists in clearly defining the
+times, the causes and the extent, when, wherefore and to what degree
+the imprisonment of the subject may be lawful. This it is which
+induces the absolute necessity of expressing upon every commitment the
+reason for which it is made, "that the court upon a _habeas corpus_
+may examine into its validity, and, according to the circumstances of
+the case, may discharge, admit to bail, or remand the prisoner.
+
+"And yet, early in the reign of Charles I, the Court of King's Bench,
+relying on some arbitrary precedents (and those, perhaps,
+misunderstood), determined that they would not, upon a _habeas
+corpus_, either bail or deliver a prisoner, though committed without
+any cause assigned, in case he was committed by the special command of
+the King, or by the Lords of the Privy Council. This drew on a
+Parliamentary inquiry and produced the Petition of Right--3 Charles
+I.--which recites this illegal judgment, and enacts that no freeman
+hereafter shall be so imprisoned or detained. But when, in the
+following year, Mr. Selden and others were committed by the Lords of
+the Council, in pursuance of His Majesty's special command, under a
+general charge of 'notable contempts, and stirring up sedition against
+the King and the Government,' the judges delayed for two terms
+(including also the long vacation) to deliver an opinion how far such
+a charge was bailable. And when at length they agreed that it was,
+they, however, annexed a condition of finding sureties for their good
+behavior, which still protracted their imprisonment, the Chief
+Justice, Sir Nicholas Hyde, at the same time declaring that 'if they
+were again remanded for that cause, perhaps the court would not
+afterwards grant a _habeas corpus_, being already made acquainted with
+the cause of the imprisonment.' But this was heard with indignation
+and astonishment by every lawyer present, according to Mr. Selden's
+own account of the matter, whose resentment was not cooled at the
+distance of four-and-twenty years" (3 Bl. Com. 133, 134).
+
+It is worthy of remark that the offenses charged against the prisoner
+in this case, and relied on as a justification for his arrest and
+imprisonment, in their nature and character, and in the loose and
+vague manner in which they are stated, bear a striking resemblance to
+those assigned in the warrant for the arrest of Mr. Selden. And yet,
+even at that day, the warrant was regarded as such a flagrant
+violation of the rights of the subject, that the delay of the
+time-serving judges to set him at liberty upon the _habeas corpus_
+issued in his behalf excited universal indignation of the bar. The
+extract from Hallam's "Constitutional History" is equally impressive
+and equally in point:
+
+"It is a very common mistake, and that not only among foreigners, but
+many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional laws might be
+expected, to suppose that this statute of Charles II. enlarged in a
+great degree our liberties, and forms a sort of epoch in their
+history. But though a very beneficial enactment, and eminently
+remedial in many cases of illegal imprisonment, it introduced no new
+principle, nor conferred any right upon the subject. From the earliest
+records of the English law, no freeman could be detained in prison,
+except upon a criminal charge, or conviction, or for a civil debt. In
+the former case it was always in his power to demand of the Court of
+King's Bench a writ of _habeas corpus ad subjiciendum_, directed to
+the person detaining him in custody, by which he was enjoined to bring
+up the body of the prisoner with the warrant of commitment, that the
+court might judge of its sufficiency, and remand the party, admit him
+to bail, or discharge him, according to the nature of the charge. This
+writ issued of right, and could not be refused by the court. It was
+not to bestow an immunity from arbitrary imprisonment--which is
+abundantly provided for in _Magna Charta_ (if, indeed, it is not more
+ancient)--that the statute of Charles II. was enacted, but to cut off
+the abuses by which the Government's lust of power, and the servile
+subtlety of the Crown lawyers, had impaired so fundamental a
+privilege" (3 Hallam's "Const. Hist.," 19).
+
+While the value set upon this writ in England has been so great that
+the removal of the abuses which embarrassed its employment has been
+looked upon as almost a new grant of liberty to the subject, it is not
+to be wondered at that the continuance of the writ thus made effective
+should have been the object of the most jealous care. Accordingly, no
+power in England short of that of Parliament can suspend or authorize
+the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. I quote again from
+Blackstone (1 Bl. Com. 136): "But the happiness of our Constitution is
+that it is not left to the executive power to determine when the
+danger of the State is so great as to render this measure expedient.
+It is the Parliament only, or legislative power, that, whenever it
+sees proper, can authorize the Crown, by suspending the _habeas
+corpus_ for a short and limited time, to imprison suspected persons
+without giving any reason for so doing." If the President of the
+United States may suspend the writ, then the Constitution of the
+United States has conferred upon him more regal and absolute power
+over the liberty of the citizen than the people of England have
+thought it safe to entrust to the Crown--a power which the Queen of
+England cannot exercise at this day, and which could not have been
+lawfully exercised by the sovereign even in the reign of Charles I.
+
+But I am not left to form my judgment upon this great question from
+analogies between the English Government and our own, or the
+commentaries of English jurists, or the decisions of English courts,
+although upon this subject they are entitled to the highest respect,
+and are justly regarded and received as authoritative by our courts of
+justice. To guide me to a right conclusion, I have the Commentaries on
+the Constitution of the United States of the late Mr. Justice Story,
+not only one of the most eminent jurists of the age, but for a long
+time one of the brightest ornaments of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, and also the clear and authoritative decision of that court
+itself, given more than half a century since, and conclusively
+establishing the principles I have above stated.
+
+Mr. Justice Story, speaking in his Commentaries of the _habeas corpus_
+clause in the Constitution, says: "It is obvious that cases of a
+peculiar emergency may arise which may justify, nay, even require, the
+temporary suspension of any right to the writ. But as it has
+frequently happened in foreign countries, and even in England, that
+the writ has, upon various pretexts and occasions, been suspended,
+whereby persons apprehended upon suspicion have suffered a long
+imprisonment, sometimes from design, and sometimes because they were
+forgotten, the right to suspend it is expressly confined to cases of
+rebellion or invasion, where the public safety may require it. A very
+just and wholesome restraint, which cuts down at a blow a fruitful
+means of oppression, capable of being abused in bad times to the worst
+of purposes. Hitherto no suspension of the writ has ever been
+authorized by Congress since the establishment of the Constitution. It
+would seem, as the power is given to Congress to suspend the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ in cases of rebellion or invasion, that the right to
+judge whether the exigency had arisen must exclusively belong to that
+body" (3 Story's Com. on the Constitution, Section 1836).
+
+And Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the Supreme
+Court in the case of _ex parte_ Bollman and Swartwout, uses this
+decisive language in 4 Cranch 95: "It may be worthy of remark that
+this Act (speaking of the one under which I am proceeding) was passed
+by the first Congress of the United States, sitting under a
+Constitution which had declared 'that the privilege of the writ of
+_habeas corpus_ should not be suspended unless when, in cases of
+rebellion or invasion, the public safety might require it.' Acting
+under the immediate influence of this injunction, they must have felt
+with peculiar force the obligation of providing efficient means by
+which this great constitutional privilege should receive life and
+activity; for if the means be not in existence, the privilege itself
+would be lost, although no law for its suspension should be enacted.
+Under the impression of this obligation, they give to all the courts
+the power of awarding writs of _habeas corpus_."
+
+And again, on page 101: "If at any time the public safety should
+require the suspension of the powers vested by this Act in the courts
+of the United States, it is for the Legislature to say so. That
+question depends on political considerations, on which the Legislature
+is to decide. Until the legislative will be expressed, this court can
+only see its duty, and must obey the laws."
+
+I can add nothing to these clear and emphatic words of my great
+predecessor. But the documents before me show that the military
+authority in this case has gone far beyond the mere suspension of the
+privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_. It has, by force of arms,
+thrust aside the judicial authorities and officers to whom the
+Constitution has confided the power and duty of interpreting and
+administering the laws, and substituted a military government in its
+place, to be administered and executed by military officers. For, at
+the time these proceedings were had against John Merryman, the
+district judge of Maryland, the commissioner appointed under the Act
+of Congress, the district attorney and the marshal, all resided in the
+city of Baltimore, a few miles only from the home of the prisoner. Up
+to that time there had never been the slightest resistance or
+obstruction to the process of any court or judicial officer of the
+United States in Maryland, except by the military authority. And if a
+military officer, or any other person, had reason to believe that the
+prisoner had committed any offense against the laws of the United
+States, it was his duty to give information of the fact, and the
+evidence to support it, to the district attorney; it would then have
+become the duty of that officer to bring the matter before the
+district judge or commissioner, and if there was sufficient legal
+evidence to justify his arrest, the judge or commissioner would have
+issued his warrant to the marshal to arrest him, and upon the hearing
+of the case would have held him to bail, or committed him for trial,
+according to the character of the offense as it appeared in the
+testimony, or would have discharged him immediately, if there was not
+sufficient evidence to support the accusation. There was no danger of
+any obstruction or resistance to the action of the civil authorities,
+and therefore no reason whatever for the interposition of the
+military. Yet, under these circumstances, a military officer stationed
+in Pennsylvania, without giving any information to the district
+attorney, and without any application to the judicial authorities,
+assumes to himself the judicial power in the District of Maryland;
+undertakes to decide what constitutes the crime of treason or
+rebellion; what evidence (if, indeed, he required any) is sufficient
+to support the accusation and justify the commitment; and commits the
+party without a hearing, even before himself, to close custody in a
+strongly garrisoned fort, to be there held, it would seem, during the
+pleasure of those who committed him.
+
+The Constitution provides, as I have before said, that "no person
+shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of
+law." It declares that "the right of the people to be secure in their
+persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and
+seizures shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue, but upon
+probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly
+describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be
+seized." It provides that the party accused shall be entitled to a
+speedy trial in a court of justice.
+
+These great and fundamental laws, which Congress itself could not
+suspend, have been disregarded and suspended, like the writ of _habeas
+corpus_, by a military order, supported by force of arms. Such is the
+case now before me, and I can only say that if the authority which the
+Constitution has confided to the judiciary department and judicial
+officers may thus upon any pretext or under any circumstances be
+usurped by the military power at its discretion, the people of the
+United States are no longer living under a government of laws, but
+every citizen holds life, liberty and property at the will and
+pleasure of the army officer in whose military district he may happen
+to be found.
+
+In such a case my duty was too plain to be mistaken. I have exercised
+all the power which the Constitution and laws confer upon me, but that
+power has been resisted by a force too strong for me to overcome. It
+is possible that the officer who has incurred this grave
+responsibility may have misunderstood his instructions and exceeded
+the authority intended to be given him. I shall therefore order all
+the proceedings in this case, with my opinion, to be filed and
+recorded in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of
+Maryland, and direct the clerk to transmit a copy, under seal, to the
+President of the United States. It will then remain for that high
+officer, in fulfilment of his constitutional obligation, to "take care
+that the laws be faithfully executed," to determine what measures he
+will take to cause the civil process of the United States to be
+respected and enforced.
+
+ R. B. TANEY,
+ _Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
+ of the United States_.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX IV.
+
+
+On the 12th of July, 1861, I sent a message to the First and Second
+Branches of the City Council referring to the events of the 19th of
+April and those which followed. The first paragraph and the concluding
+paragraphs of this document are here inserted:
+
+ "THE MAYOR'S MESSAGE.
+
+ "TO THE HONORABLE THE MEMBERS OF THE
+ FIRST AND SECOND BRANCHES OF THE CITY COUNCIL.
+
+ "_Gentlemen_:--A great object of the reform movement was to
+ separate municipal affairs entirely from national politics, and
+ in accordance with this principle I have heretofore, in all my
+ communications to the city council, carefully refrained from any
+ allusion to national affairs. I shall not now depart from this
+ rule further than is rendered absolutely necessary by the
+ unprecedented condition of things at present existing in this
+ city....
+
+ "After the board of police had been superseded, and its members
+ arrested by the order of General Banks, I proposed, in order to
+ relieve the serious complication which had arisen, to proceed, as
+ the only member left free to act, to exercise the power of the
+ board as far as an individual member could do so. Marshal Kane,
+ while he objected to the propriety of this course, was prepared
+ to place his resignation in my hands whenever I should request
+ it, and the majority of the board interposed no objection to my
+ pursuing such course as I might deem it right and proper to
+ adopt in view of the existing circumstances, and upon my own
+ responsibility, until the board should be enabled to resume the
+ exercise of its functions.
+
+ "If this arrangement could have been effected, it would have
+ continued in the exercise of their duties the police force which
+ is lawfully enrolled, and which has won the confidence and
+ applause of all good citizens by its fidelity and impartiality at
+ all times and under all circumstances. But the arrangement was
+ not satisfactory to the Federal authorities.
+
+ "As the men of the police force, through no fault of theirs, are
+ now prevented from discharging their duty, their pay constitutes
+ a legal claim on the city from which, in my opinion, it cannot be
+ relieved.
+
+ "The force which has been enrolled is in direct violation of the
+ law of the State, and no money can be appropriated by the city
+ for its support without incurring the heavy penalties provided by
+ the Act of Assembly.
+
+ "Officers in the Fire Alarm and Police Telegraph Department who
+ are appointed by the mayor and city council, and not by the board
+ of police, have been discharged and others have been substituted
+ in their place.
+
+ "I mention these facts with profound sorrow, and with no purpose
+ whatever of increasing the difficulties unfortunately existing in
+ this city, but because it is your right to be acquainted with the
+ true condition of affairs, and because I cannot help entertaining
+ the hope that redress will yet be afforded by the authorities of
+ the United States upon a proper representation made by you. I am
+ entirely satisfied that the suspicion entertained of any
+ meditated hostility on the part of the city authorities against
+ the General Government is wholly unfounded, and with the best
+ means of knowledge express the confident belief and conviction
+ that there is no organization of any kind among the people for
+ such a purpose. I have no doubt that the officers of the United
+ States have acted on information which they deemed reliable,
+ obtained from our own citizens, some of whom may be deluded by
+ their fears, while others are actuated by baser motives; but
+ suspicions thus derived can, in my judgment, form no sufficient
+ justification for what I deem to be grave and alarming violations
+ of the rights of individual citizens of the city of Baltimore and
+ of the State of Maryland.
+
+ "Very respectfully,
+ "GEO. WM. BROWN, _Mayor_."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX V.
+
+
+As a part of the history of the times, it may not be inappropriate to
+reproduce an account, taken from the Baltimore American of December 5,
+1860, of the reception of the Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut,
+in the city of Baltimore. At this time it still seemed to most men of
+moderate views that the impending troubles might be averted through
+concessions and compromise. In the tone of the two speeches, both of
+which were, of course, meant to be friendly and conciliatory, there is
+a difference to be noted which was, I think, characteristic of the
+attitude of the two sections; in the one speech some prominence is
+given to the Constitution and constitutional rights; in the other,
+loyalty to the Union is the theme enforced:
+
+"The Putnam Phalanx of Hartford, Connecticut, under the command of
+Major Horace Goodwin, yesterday afternoon reached here, at four
+o'clock, by the Philadelphia train, _en route_ for a visit to the tomb
+of Washington. A detachment of the Eagle Artillery gave them a
+national salute.
+
+"The Battalion Baltimore City Guards, consisting of four companies,
+under the command of Major Joseph P. Warner, were drawn up on
+Broadway, and after passing in salute, the column moved by way of
+Broadway and Baltimore and Calvert streets to the old Universalist
+church-building.
+
+"As soon as the military entered the edifice and were seated, the
+galleries were thrown open to the public, and in a few minutes they
+were crowded to overflowing.
+
+"Captain Parks introduced Major Goodwin to Mayor Brown, who was in
+turn introduced to the commissioned officers of the Phalanx. Major
+Goodwin then turned to his command and said: 'Gentlemen of the
+Phalanx, I have the honor of introducing you to the Mayor of the city
+of Baltimore.' Mayor Brown arose, and after bowing to the Battalion,
+addressed them as follows:
+
+"MAYOR BROWN'S SPEECH.
+
+"'_Mr. Commander and Gentlemen_:--In the name and on behalf of the
+people of Baltimore, I extend to the Putnam Phalanx a sincere and
+hearty welcome to the hospitalities of our city. The citizens of
+Baltimore are always glad to receive visits from the citizen-soldiers
+of sister States, because they come as friends, and more than
+friends--as the defenders of a common country.
+
+"'These sister States, as we love to call them, live somewhat far
+apart, and gradually become more and more separated by distance, just
+as sisters will be as the children marry and one by one leave the
+parent homestead.
+
+"'But, gentlemen, far or near, on the Connecticut or Potomac, on the
+Gulf of Mexico or the great lakes, on the Atlantic or Pacific, they
+are sisters still, united by blood and affection, and the holy tie
+should never be severed. (Applause.)
+
+"'Let me carry the figure a step further, and add what I know will
+meet with a response from the Putnam Phalanx, with whose history and
+high character I am somewhat acquainted--that a sisterhood of States,
+like separate families of sisters living in the same neighborhood, can
+never dwell together in peace unless each is permitted to manage her
+own domestic affairs in her own way (applause); not only without
+active interference from the rest, but even without much fault-finding
+or advice, however well intended it may be.
+
+"'Maryland has sometimes been called the Heart State, because she lies
+very close to the great heart of the Union; and she might also be
+called the Heart State because her heart beats with true and warm love
+for the Union. (Loud applause.) Nor, as I trust, does Connecticut fall
+short of her in this respect. And when the questions now before the
+country come to be fairly understood, and the people look into them
+with their own eyes, and take matters into their own hands, I believe
+that we shall see a sight of which politicians, North and South,
+little dream. (Applause.) We shall see whether there is a love for the
+Union or not.
+
+"'But there are great national questions agitating the land which must
+now be finally settled. One is, Will the States of the North keep on
+their statute-books laws which violate a right of the States of the
+South, guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States? No
+individuals, no families, no States, can live in peace together when
+any right of a part is persistently and deliberately violated by the
+rest. Another question is, What shall be done with the national
+territory? Shall it belong exclusively to the North or the South, or
+shall it be shared by both, as it was gained by the blood and treasure
+of both? Are there not wisdom and patriotism enough in the land to
+settle these questions?
+
+"'Gentlemen, your presence here to-day proves that you are animated by
+a higher and larger sentiment than that of State pride--the sentiment
+of American nationality. The most sacred spot in America is the tomb
+of Washington, and to that shrine you are about to make a pilgrimage.
+You come from a State celebrated above all others for the most
+extensive diffusion of the great blessing of education; which has a
+colonial and Revolutionary history abounding in honorable memorials;
+which has heretofore done her full share in founding the institutions
+of this country--the land of Washington--and which can now do as much
+as any other in preserving that land one and undivided, as it was left
+by the Father of his Country. I will not permit myself to doubt that
+your State and our State, that Connecticut and Maryland, will both be
+on the same side, as they have often been in times past, and that they
+will both respect and obey and uphold the sacred Constitution of the
+country.' (Shouts of applause.)
+
+"As soon as the Mayor concluded, Major Goodwin arose; but it was some
+time before he could be heard, such was the tremendous applause with
+which he was greeted. The Major is nearly ninety years of age, and is
+one of the most venerable-looking men in the country. Dressed in the
+old Revolutionary uniform, a _fac-simile_ of that worn by General
+Putnam, and with his locks silvered with age, we may say that his
+appearance electrified the multitude, and shout after shout shook the
+very building. Major Goodwin expressed himself as follows:
+
+"'Mr. Mayor and gentlemen of the Baltimore City Guards, permit me to
+introduce to you our Judge Advocate, Captain Stuart.'
+
+"Captain Stuart arose and spoke as follows:
+
+"SPEECH OF CAPTAIN STUART.
+
+"'Your Honor, Mayor Brown: For your kind words of welcome, and for
+your patriotic sentiments in favor of the Union, the Putnam Phalanx
+returns you its most cordial thanks. I can assure you, sir, that when
+you spoke in such eloquent terms of the value and importance of a
+united country, you but echoed the sentiments of the whole of our
+organization; and let me say, it is with great pleasure, upon a
+journey, as we are, to the tomb of the illustrious Washington; that we
+pause for a while within a city so famed for its intelligence, its
+industry, its general opulence and its courtesy, as is this your own
+beautiful Baltimore.
+
+"'We opine, nay, we know from what you have yourself, in such fitting
+terms, just expressed, that you heartily appreciate the purpose which
+lies at the foundation of our organization, that purpose being the
+lofty one of commemorating, by our military attire and discipline, the
+imposing foundation-period of the American Republic, of attracting our
+own patriotic feeling, and that of all who may honor us with their
+observation, to the exalted virtues of those heroic men who laid the
+foundations of our present national prosperity and glory--men of whom
+your city and State furnished, as it pleasantly happens, a large and
+most honorable share.
+
+"'We come, sir, from that portion of the United States in which the
+momentous struggle for American freedom took its rise, and where the
+blood of its earliest martyrs was shed; from the region where odious
+writs of assistance, infamous Courts of Admiralty, intolerable
+taxation, immolated charters of government and prohibited commerce
+were once fast paving the way for the slavery of our institutions;
+from the region of a happy and God-fearing people--from the region,
+sir, of Lexington and Concord and Bunker Hill and Croton Heights, of
+ravaged New London and fired Fairfield and Norwalk and devastated
+Danbury and sacked New Haven. And we come, Mr. Mayor, to a city and
+State, we are proudly aware, which to all these trials and perils of
+assaulted New England, and to the trials and perils of our whole
+common country, during "the times that tried men's souls," gave ever
+the meed of its heartfelt sympathy, and the unstinted tribute of its
+patriotic blood and treasure; which, with a full and clear
+comprehension of all the great principles of American freedom, and a
+devotion to those principles that was ever ardent and exalted,
+signalized themselves by their wisdom in council and their prowess on
+the field.
+
+"'When the devoted metropolis of New England began to feel the awful
+scourge of the Writ Bill, Maryland it was that then contributed most
+liberal supplies for its suffering people, and with these supplies
+those cheering, ever-to-be-remembered, talismanic words: "The Supreme
+Director of all events will terminate this severe trial of your
+patriotism in the happy confirmation of American freedom."
+
+"'When this same metropolis soon after became the seat of war,
+Maryland it was that at once sent to the camp around Boston her own
+companies of "dauntless riflemen," under her brave Michael Cresap and
+the gallant Price, to mingle in the defense of New England firesides
+and New England homes. She saw and felt, and bravely uttered at the
+time, the fact that in the then existing state of public affairs there
+was no alternative left for her, or for the country at large, but
+"base submission or manly resistance"; and, Mr. Mayor, at the
+memorable battle of Long Island she made this manly resistance, for
+there she poured out the life-blood of no less than two hundred and
+fifty-nine of her gallant sons, who fought in her own Smallwood's
+immortal regiment; and elsewhere, from the St. Lawrence to the banks
+of the Savannah, through Pennsylvania, Virginia and both the
+Carolinas--devoted the best blood within her borders, and the flower
+of her soldiery, to the battlefields of the Union.
+
+"'Sir, we of this Phalanx recall these and other Revolutionary
+memories belonging to your city and State with pride and satisfaction.
+They unite Connecticut and Maryland in strong and pleasant bonds. And
+we are highly gratified to be here in the midst of them, and to
+receive at your hands so grateful a welcome as that which you have
+extended.
+
+"'Be assured, Mr. Mayor, that in the sentiments of devotion to our
+common country which you so eloquently express, this Phalanx
+sympathizes heart and soul. You may plant the flag of the Union
+anywhere and we shall warm to it. And now, renewedly thanking you for
+the present manifestation of courtesy, we shall leave to enjoy the
+hospitality which awaits us in pleasant quarters at our hotel.'
+
+"Captain Stuart was frequently interrupted by applause."
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX VI.
+
+
+On the 19th of April, 1880, a portion of the members of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Regiment again visited Baltimore, and an account of its
+reception, taken from the Baltimore Sun and the Baltimore _American_,
+seems to be a fitting close to this paper:
+
+"Thirty-nine members of the Association of Survivors of the Sixth
+Massachusetts Union Regiment came to Baltimore yesterday afternoon, to
+celebrate the nineteenth anniversary of their march through Baltimore,
+April 19, 1861, which gave rise to the riot of that day. The visitors
+were met, on landing from the cars at President-street Depot, by
+Wilson, Dushane and Harry Howard Posts, Grand Army of the Republic, in
+full uniform, with band and drum corps. The line was up Broadway to
+Baltimore street, to Barnum's Hotel. A file of policemen, with
+Marshals Gray and Frey, kept the street open for the parade. The
+streets were crowded with people. The Massachusetts men wore citizen's
+dress and badges."
+
+Wilson Post No. 1, of the Grand Army of the Republic, received the
+visitors in their hall, Rialto Building, at two o'clock. Commander
+Dukehart, of Wilson Post, welcomed the guests in a brief speech, and
+then introduced Comrade Crowley, of the old Sixth, who said:
+
+"'Nineteen years ago I was but a boy. A few days before the 19th of
+April, the militia of Middlesex County were summoned for the defense
+of the National Capital. We left workshops, desk and family, to come
+to the defense of the capital. We thought we were coming to a picnic;
+that the people of South Carolina were a little off their balance,
+and would be all right on sober second thought. A few miles out from
+Baltimore the Quartermaster gave us each ten rounds of ammunition. We
+had been singing songs. The Colonel told us he expected trouble in
+Baltimore, and impressed on each man not to fire until he was
+compelled to. The singing ceased, and we then thought we had serious
+business before us, and that others besides South Carolina had lost
+their balance. When we reached the Baltimore Depot some of the cars
+had gone ahead, and four companies--young men--were in the cars
+unconscious of what was going on outside. We thought the people of
+Baltimore and Maryland were of the same Government, and if not they
+ought to be. (Cheers and applause.) That they had the same interest in
+the Government, the best ever devised; that Maryland at least was
+loyal. A man knocked on the car-door and told us they were tearing up
+the track. Our Captain said, "Men, file out!" The order was given and
+we marched out. The Captain said, "March as close as you possibly can.
+Fire on no man unless compelled." We marched through railroad iron,
+bricks and other missiles. We proved ourselves brave soldiers--proved
+that we could wait, at least, for the word of command. We were pelted
+in Baltimore nineteen years ago. We lost some of our comrades, and
+others were disabled for life. But we went to Washington. We don't
+claim to be the saviors of the capital; we take no great credit for
+what we did; but we did the best we could, and the result is shown.
+The success of our march through Baltimore to-day is as indelibly
+fixed and will ever be as fresh as that of nineteen years ago, and our
+reception will remain in our hearts and minds as long as life lasts.
+My father had six sons, and five were at the front at the same time.
+I had learned to think that if Maryland, South Carolina or Virginia
+was to declare independence the Government would be broken up, and
+that we would have no country, no home, no flag. We were not fighting
+for Massachusetts, for Maryland or for Virginia, but for our
+country--the United States (cheers and applause)--remembering the
+declaration of the great statesman, "Liberty and Union, now and
+forever, one and inseparable." This country went through four years of
+carnage and blood. Few families, North or South, but have mourning at
+their firesides; but it was not in vain, for it has established the
+fact that we are one people, and are an all-powerful people.
+(Prolonged cheers.) Our reception to-day has convinced us that the war
+has ended, and that there are Union men in Maryland as in
+Massachusetts; that we are brothers, and will be so to the end of
+time; that this is one great country; and that the people are marching
+on in amity and power, second to none on the face of the globe.'
+(Cheers.)
+
+"In the evening there was a banquet at the Eutaw House, and Judge Geo.
+William Brown, who was Mayor of Baltimore in 1861, presided. Nearly
+two hundred persons were at table. After the dinner was over, Judge
+Brown said:
+
+"'This is the 19th of April, a day memorable in the annals of this
+city, and in the annals of the country. It is filled in my mind with
+the most painful recollections of my life, and I doubt not that many
+who are here present share with me those feelings. I shall make but
+brief allusions to the events of that day. The city authorities of
+Baltimore of that time have mostly passed away, and I believe I am the
+only one here present to-night. In justice to the living and the dead
+I have to say that the authorities of Baltimore faithfully endeavored
+to do their duty. It is not necessary for me, perhaps, to say so in
+this presence. (Applause.) It was not their fault that the
+Massachusetts Sixth Regiment met a bloody reception in the streets of
+Baltimore. The visit of that regiment on both occasions has a great
+and important significance. What did it mean in 1861? It meant civil
+war; that the irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward predicted had
+broken out at last, and that, as Mr. Lincoln said, a house divided
+against itself cannot stand. A great question then presented itself to
+the country. When war virtually began in Baltimore, by bloodshed on
+both sides, it meant that the question must be settled by force
+whether or not the house should stand. It took four years of war,
+waged with indomitable perseverance, to decide it, because the
+combatants on both sides were sustained by deep and honest
+convictions. It is not surprising, looking back coolly and calmly on
+the feelings of that day, that they found vent as they did. I am not
+here to excuse or to apologize, but to acknowledge facts. That was the
+significance of the first visit of the Massachusetts Sixth Regiment,
+in response to the call of the President of the United States. After
+the war there was peace. But enforced peace is not sufficient in a
+family of States any more than in a household. There must be among
+brothers respect, confidence, mutual help and forbearance, and, above
+everything, justice and right. After nineteen years the visit of
+survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts is, I hope, significant of more
+than peace. It is, I hope, significant of the fact that there is a
+true bond of union between the North and the South (applause), and
+that we are a family of States, all equal, all friends; and if it be,
+there is no one in the country who can more fervently thank God than
+myself that the old house still stands.' (Applause.)
+
+"Judge Brown offered as a toast: 'The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts:
+Baltimore extends to her fraternal greeting.'"
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+ A
+
+ Acton, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Allen, E. J., dispatches addressed to, 131.
+
+ _American, The_, on the Baltimore riot of 1861, 65;
+ account of the Putnam Phalanx in Baltimore, 160-167;
+ on the reception of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in
+ Baltimore, 167-170.
+
+ Andrew, Gov. J. A., correspondence with Mayor Brown, 54, 55.
+
+ Arkansas, secession of, 33.
+
+
+ B
+
+ Baltimore, unjust prejudice against, 13, 19;
+ supposed conspiracy in, 14, 15, 120;
+ slaveholders in, 30;
+ Sixth Massachusetts Regiment in, 42-53, 167-170;
+ excitement on 20th April, 60, 61, 64;
+ defense of, 63;
+ apprehension of bloodshed in, 75;
+ armed neutrality, 77;
+ Gen. Butler's entrance into, 84;
+ Gen. Dix's headquarters in, 100, 101;
+ Mayor's message to City Council, 157-159;
+ reception of Putnam Phalanx in, 160-166.
+
+ Banks, Gen. N. P., in command, 97;
+ arrests police commissioners of Baltimore, 98, 99;
+ Secretary Cameron's letter to, 102;
+ General McClellan's letter to, 102.
+
+ Bartol, Judge, imprisonment of, 94.
+
+ Belger, Major, comes to Baltimore, 73.
+
+ Bell, Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Black, Judge, on martial law, 93.
+
+ Blackstone on the right of imprisonment, 147, 149.
+
+ Bond's, Judge, errand to Lincoln, 57, 61.
+
+ Boston, slave-traffic in, 20;
+ regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Brand, Rev. William F., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Breckinridge, Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Brown, Geo. Wm., meets the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore, 48, 49;
+ Captain Dike on, 54;
+ correspondence with Gov. Andrew, 54, 55;
+ speech to the excited public, 56;
+ writes to President Lincoln about passage of troops through
+ Baltimore, 57, 61, 62;
+ interview with President Lincoln, 71-75;
+ General Butler's letter to, 83, 84;
+ petitions Congress to restore peace to city, 99;
+ arrest of, 102, 103, 108;
+ correspondence with General Dix, 104-108;
+ parole offered to, 110, 111;
+ anti-slavery principles of, 113;
+ opposed to secession, 115;
+ on the tendencies of the age, 117, 118;
+ message to City Council, 157-159;
+ speech to the Putnam Phalanx, 160-163;
+ speech to the survivors of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, 169, 170.
+
+ Brown, John, reverence for in the North, 21.
+
+ Brune, Frederick W., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Brune, John C., message to President Lincoln, 57, 61;
+ accompanies Mayor to Washington, 71;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Bush River Bridge partially burned to prevent ingress of troops, 58, 59.
+
+ Butler, Gen., and the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, 76;
+ at the Relay House, 83;
+ rumor of an attack on his camp, 83, 84;
+ enters Baltimore, 84;
+ arrests Ross Winans, 87.
+
+ Byrne, Wm., denounces the North, 38.
+
+
+ C
+
+ Cadwallader, General, and the writ of _habeas corpus_, 88, 140.
+
+ Cameron, Simon, advice to Governor Hicks to restrain Maryland, 40;
+ on the obstruction of Northern Central bridge, 73;
+ letter to Gen. Banks, 102.
+
+ Carmichael, Judge, assaulted and imprisoned, 93.
+
+ Carr, W. C. N., speaks at States Rights meeting, 38, 39.
+
+ Cheston, G., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Christison, Wenlock, a Quaker, owns slaves, 21.
+
+ Clark, John, advances money for defense of city, 61.
+
+ Crawford, William, Kane's letter to, 40.
+
+ Crowley, Comrade, of the Massachusetts Sixth, speech in
+ Baltimore, 1880, 167.
+
+ Curtis, Benj. R., Life of, quotation about Judge Taney, 91.
+
+ Cutter, B. L., release from arrest, 109.
+
+
+ D
+
+ Davis, Jefferson, elected President of the Confederacy, 32.
+
+ Davis, John W., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35, 49;
+ errand to Fort McHenry, 66, 67, 68.
+
+ Davis, Judge, doubts the rumors of conspiracy, 132, 133.
+
+ Davis, Robert W., killed, 52.
+
+ De Tocqueville, on public opinion in America, 117.
+
+ Dike, Capt. J. H., company attacked in Baltimore, 46;
+ testifies as to the conduct of Baltimore civil authority
+ during the riot, 53, 54.
+
+ Dimick, Col. J., releases prisoners from Fort Warren, 108;
+ kind treatment of prisoners, 111.
+
+ Dix, General, headquarters in Baltimore, 101;
+ correspondence with Mayor Brown, 104-108.
+
+ Dix, Miss, relates a Confederate plot, 13.
+
+ Dobbin, Geo. W., errand to Lincoln, 57, 61;
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington, 71.
+
+ Douglas, S. A., Senatorial campaign, 22;
+ Presidential vote for, 25.
+
+ Dred Scott Case, 138.
+
+
+ E
+
+ Evans, H. D., his code for Liberia, 31.
+
+
+ F
+
+ Felton, C. C., on the "Baltimore Plot," 18.
+
+ Felton, Samuel M., on the supposed conspiracy, 13-18, 129-133;
+ advises Massachusetts Sixth to load their guns, 43;
+ engages spies, 120.
+
+ Ferrandini, Captain, suspected of conspiracy to assassinate
+ President Lincoln, 122-129.
+
+ Follansbee, Capt., company attacked in Baltimore, 46, 49.
+
+ Fort McHenry, apprehended attack on, 66, 69.
+
+ Fort Sumter, bombardment of, 32.
+
+ Franciscus, in the car with Lincoln, 133.
+
+
+ G
+
+ Garrett's, John W., dispatch to Mayor Brown concerning advance of
+ troops to Cockeysville, 73, 74, 75.
+
+ Gatchell, Wm. H., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Giles, Judge, issues writ of _habeas corpus_ to Major Morris, 87.
+
+ Gill, George M., meets the Massachusetts Sixth, 48;
+ counsel for John Merryman, 87.
+
+ Goodwin, Major Horace, commands Putnam Phalanx, 160;
+ his appearance, 163.
+
+ Greeley, Horace, on the conduct of the Baltimore authorities, 76, 77.
+
+ Groton, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Gunpowder River Bridge partially burned, 58.
+
+
+ H
+
+ _Habeas corpus_ case, 87, 139-156.
+
+ Hall, Thomas W., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Hallam's Constitutional History, extract from, 151.
+
+ Halleck, Gen., in Baltimore, 101.
+
+ Harris, J. Morrison, errand to the Capital, 63.
+
+ Harrison, Wm. G., elected to General Assembly, 80;
+ released from arrest, 108.
+
+ Hart, Capt., company attacked in Baltimore, 46.
+
+ Herndon, Wm. H., comments on Lincoln's senatorial campaign speech, 23;
+ reports of plot furnished to, 122.
+
+ Hicks, T. H., Governor of Maryland, 34;
+ proclamation of, 40;
+ speech before excited public, 56;
+ writes to Lincoln not to pass troops through Baltimore, 57, 61;
+ suggests mediation between North and South by Lord Lyons, 76;
+ convenes General Assembly, 79;
+ letter to E. H. Webster, 128.
+
+ Hilliard, suspected of conspiracy, 122, 123.
+
+ Hinks, Chas. D., police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ released from arrest, 99.
+
+ Hopkins, Johns, advances money for city defense, 61.
+
+ Howard, Charles, police commissioner of Baltimore, 35;
+ apprehends attack on Fort McHenry, 66, 67;
+ report on the state of city, 80, 81;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Howard, F. K., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Huger, General, made Colonel of 53d Regiment, 66.
+
+ Hull, Rob't, release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Hyde, Sir Nicholas, on the writ of _habeas corpus_, 150.
+
+
+ J
+
+ Jefferson, Thomas, and writ of _habeas corpus_, 141.
+
+ Johnson, Capt. B. T., arrives in Baltimore, 64;
+ hasty dispatch from Marshal Kane, 69, 70.
+
+ Jones, Col. Edmund F., passage through Baltimore, 43;
+ on the Massachusetts Sixth in Baltimore, 46, 47, 48, 51;
+ letter to Marshal Kane, 54.
+
+ Judd, N. B., with Lincoln in Philadelphia, 16;
+ hears of conspiracy in Baltimore, 128-133.
+
+
+ K
+
+ Kane, Marshal George P., investigates supposed plot, 15;
+ head of Baltimore police, 35;
+ letter to Crawford, 40;
+ keeps order at Camden Station, 48;
+ attempts to quell Baltimore mob, 51, 53;
+ Col. Jones's gratitude to, 54;
+ hasty dispatch to Johnson, 69, 70;
+ after the war elected Sheriff and subsequently Mayor, 70;
+ arrest of, 97;
+ release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Keim, Gen., arrests John Merryman, 87, 140.
+
+ Kenly, John R., supersedes Marshal Kane, 97.
+
+ Kennedy, Anthony, errand to the Capital, 63.
+
+ Kennedy, John P., on the attitude of Border States, 31, 32.
+
+ Kentucky, temporary neutrality of, 34.
+
+ Keys, John S., letter from Mayor Brown to, 110, 111.
+
+ Kinney, Mr., receives Lincoln in Philadelphia, 134.
+
+
+ L
+
+ Lamon, Colonel W. H., on Lincoln's midnight ride, 19, 120-137;
+ on Lincoln-Douglas campaign, 22;
+ ride with Lincoln, 133.
+
+ Latrobe, John H. B., President of Maryland Colonization Society, 31.
+
+ Lawrence, Massachusetts, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Lee, Colonel, on Gen. Cadwallader's errand to Judge Taney, 88.
+
+ Lewis, Mr., in the car with Lincoln, 133.
+
+ Lincoln, President, alleged conspiracy against, in
+ Maryland, 11-15, 121-137;
+ midnight ride to Washington, 17, 19, 120;
+ Senatorial campaign with Douglas, 22;
+ differs from Seward, 24;
+ election to Presidency, 25;
+ calls out the militia, 32;
+ letter to Gov. Hicks, 62;
+ Mayor Brown writes to, concerning passage of troops through
+ Baltimore, 57, 61;
+ Mayor Brown's interview with, 71-75.
+
+ Lowell, Massachusetts, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+ Luckett, suspected of conspiracy, 122-127.
+
+ Lyons, Lord, suggested as mediator between North and South, 76;
+ Secretary Seward's boast of his authority to, 91.
+
+
+ M
+
+ Macgill, Dr. Charles, release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Marshall, Chief Justice, on _habeas corpus_, 153, 154.
+
+ Maryland, rumors of conspiracy in, 11, 12, 13;
+ slavery in, 20, 30;
+ Lincoln's call for militia, how received in, 33;
+ excitement, 40, 41.
+
+ Mason, James M., sent from Virginia to negotiate with Maryland, 84.
+
+ Massachusetts, Minute Men, 11;
+ slavery in, 20;
+ Eighth Regiment, 76;
+ Sixth Regiment, 42, 167-170.
+
+ May, Henry, M. C., arrest of, 103.
+
+ McClellan, General, letter to General Banks, 102.
+
+ McComas, Sergeant, removes obstruction from railway track in
+ Baltimore, 49.
+
+ McHenry, Ramsay, efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Merryman, John, arrest of, 87, 88, 154;
+ charges against unfounded, 90.
+
+ Morfit, H. M., elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Morris, Major, refuses to obey writ of _habeas corpus_, 87.
+
+
+ N
+
+ Negro. _See_ Slavery.
+
+ Newport, slave-traffic in, 20.
+
+ Nicolay, George, on Lincoln's midnight ride, 132.
+
+ North Carolina, secession of, 33.
+
+
+ O
+
+ O'Donnell, Columbus, advances money for city defense, 61.
+
+
+ P
+
+ Parker, Edward P., General Butler's aide-de-camp, 83.
+
+ Patapsco Dragoons, arrival in Baltimore, 64.
+
+ Pemberton, Major, leads U. S. Artillery through Baltimore, 86.
+
+ Pennsylvania troops in Baltimore, 44, 53;
+ at Cockeysville, 75.
+
+ Phillips, Wendell, on States Rights, 26.
+
+ Pickering, Captain, company opposed in Baltimore, 46.
+
+ Pikesville, arsenal taken possession of, 65.
+
+ Pitts, Charles H., elected to General Assembly, 80.
+
+ Putnam Phalanx of Hartford in Baltimore, 160-166.
+
+ Putnam's Record of the Rebellion, quotation from, 38.
+
+
+ R
+
+ Revolution, right of, 26-29.
+
+ Robinson, Dr. Alex. C., Chairman of States Rights Convention, 38.
+
+ Robinson, General John C., on Baltimore in 1861, 66, 69, 81, 82, 83.
+
+
+ S
+
+ Sanford, plans Lincoln's midnight ride, 131.
+
+ Sangston, L., elected to General Assembly, 80.
+
+ Scharf's History of Maryland quoted, 35, 37, 78, 103.
+
+ Scott, General, on the passage of troops through Baltimore, 62, 72, 75.
+
+ Scott, T. Parkin, sympathizes with the South, 38, 39;
+ elected Judge after the war, 39;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Seward, Secretary, position before Presidential Convention, 24;
+ boasts of his authority, 91;
+ sends news of supposed conspiracy to Lincoln, 130, 134.
+
+ Slavery, compromises of Constitution in regard to, 20-22;
+ Geo. Wm. Brown opposed to, 113;
+ some good effects of, 114.
+
+ Small, Colonel, leads Pennsylvania regiment, 42.
+
+ South Carolina, secession of, 31.
+
+ Steuart, Dr. Richard S., efforts for emancipation, 113.
+
+ Story, Justice, on _habeas corpus_, 152, 153.
+
+ Stuart, Captain, speech in Baltimore, 163-166.
+
+ Sumner, Colonel, offers to accompany President Lincoln to
+ Washington, 132, 133.
+
+ _Sun, The_, on the offer of service by colored people, 65, 66;
+ on the suffering of Pennsylvania troops in Baltimore County, 76;
+ Reception of 6th Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore, 167-170.
+
+
+ T
+
+ Taney, Chief Justice, on negro rights, 21, 138;
+ _habeas corpus_ case _ex parte_ John Merryman, 87-93, 139-156.
+
+ Tennessee, secession of, 33.
+
+ Thomas, Dr. J. Hanson, elected to General Assembly, 79.
+
+ Trimble, Colonel I. R., defense of Baltimore, 63.
+
+ Trist, N. P., news of conspiracy communicated to, 14.
+
+ Turner, Capt., suspected of conspiracy, 124-126.
+
+
+ U
+
+ Union Convention called, 92.
+
+
+ V
+
+ Virginia, secession of, 33;
+ sends Mason to negotiate with Maryland, 84.
+
+
+ W
+
+ Wallis, S. Teackle, legal adviser to Baltimore police commission, 35;
+ speech to the excited public, 56;
+ accompanies the Mayor to Washington, 71;
+ elected to the General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108, 109.
+
+ Warfield, Henry M., elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ release from arrest, 108.
+
+ Warner, Major J. P., commands Baltimore City Guards, 160.
+
+ Washburne, Mr., meets President Lincoln at Washington Depot, 136.
+
+ Watson, Major, company attacked in Baltimore, 45.
+
+ Webster, E. H., Gov. Hicks's letter to, 128.
+
+ Whitefield, the Calvinist, owns slaves, 21.
+
+ Williams, George H., counsel for John Merryman, 87.
+
+ Winans, Ross, denounces passage of troops through Baltimore, 37;
+ elected to General Assembly, 79;
+ arrested by Gen. Butler's order, 87.
+
+ Winder, Wm. H., release from arrest, 109.
+
+ Wood, Fernando, tries to make New York a free city, 31.
+
+ Wool, General, checks arbitrary arrest, 109.
+
+ Worcester, regiment mustered in, 42.
+
+
+
+
+Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+
+HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor.
+
+
+PROSPECTUS OF FIFTH SERIES.--1887.
+
+The Studies in Municipal Government will be continued. The Fifth
+Series will also embrace Studies in the History of American Political
+Economy and of American Co-operation. The following papers are ready
+or in preparation:
+
+ =I-II. City Government of Philadelphia.= By EDWARD P. ALLINSON,
+ A. M. (Haverford), and BOIES PENROSE, A. B. (Harvard). January
+ and February, 1887. _Price 50 cents._ 72 pp.
+
+ =III. City Government of Boston.= By JAMES M. BUGBEE. March,
+ 1887. _Price 25 cents._ 60 pp.
+
+ =City Government of Baltimore.= By JOHN C. ROSE, B. L.
+ (University of Maryland, School of Law). _In preparation._
+
+ =City Government of Chicago.= By F. H. HODDER, Ph. M. (University
+ of Mich.) Instructor in History, Cornell University.
+
+ =City Government of San Francisco.= By BERNARD MOSES, Ph. D.,
+ Professor of History and Politics, University of California.
+
+ =City Government of St. Louis.= By MARSHALL S. SNOW, A. M.
+ (Harvard), Professor of History, Washington University.
+
+ =City Government of New Orleans.= By HON. W. W. HOWE.
+
+ =City Government of New York.= By SIMON STERNE and J. F. JAMESON,
+ Ph. D., Associate in History, J. H. U.
+
+ =The Influence of the War of 1812 upon the Consolidation of the
+ American Union.= By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. and Fellow of
+ Columbia College.
+
+ =The History of American Political Economy.= Studies by R. T.
+ ELY, WOODROW WILSON, and D. R. DEWEY.
+
+ =The History of American Co-operation.= Studies by E. W. BEMIS,
+ D. R. RANDALL, A. G. WARNER, _et al._
+
+
+FOURTH SERIES.--Municipal Government and Land Tenure.--1886.
+
+ =I. Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River.= By IRVING
+ ELTING, A. B. (Harvard). January, 1886; pp. 68. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =II-III. Town Government in Rhode Island.= By WILLIAM E. FOSTER,
+ A. M. (Brown University).--=The Narragansett Planters.= By EDWARD
+ CHANNING, Ph. D. and Instructor in History (Harvard University).
+ February and March, 1886; pp. 60. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =IV. Pennsylvania Boroughs.= By WILLIAM P. HOLCOMB, Ph. D. (J. H.
+ U.), Professor of History and Political Science, Swarthmore
+ College, April, 1886; pp. 51. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V. Introduction to the Constitutional and Political History of
+ the Individual States.= By J. F. JAMESON, Ph. D. and Associate in
+ History, J. H. U. May, 1886; pp. 29. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =VI. The Puritan Colony at Annapolis, Maryland.= By DANIEL R.
+ RANDALL, A. B. (St. John's College). June, 1886; pp. 47. _Price
+ 50 cents._
+
+ =VII-VIII-IX. History of the Land Question in the United States.=
+ By SHOSUKE SATO, B. S. (Sapporo), Ph. D. and Fellow by Courtesy,
+ J. H. U. July-September, 1886; pp. 181. _Price $1.00._
+
+ =X. The Town and City Government of New Haven.= By CHARLES H.
+ LEVERMORE, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), Instructor in History, University
+ of California. October, 1886; pp. 103. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XI-XII. The Land System of the New England Colonies.= By
+ MELVILLE EGLESTON, A. M. (Williams College). November and
+ December, 1886. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+THIRD SERIES.--Maryland, Virginia, and Washington.--1885.
+
+ =I. Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to the United
+ States.= With minor papers on George Washington's Interest in
+ Western Lands, the Potomac Company, and a National University. By
+ HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). January, 1885; pp. 102.
+ _Price 75 cents._
+
+ =II-III. Virginia Local Institutions:--The Land System; Hundred;
+ Parish; County; Town.= By EDWARD INGLE, A. B. (J. H. U.).
+ February and March, 1885; pp. 127. _Price 75 cents._
+
+ =IV. Recent American Socialism.= By RICHARD T. ELY, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), Associate in Political Economy, J. H. U. April,
+ 1885; pp. 74. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V-VI-VII. Maryland Local Institutions:--The Land System;
+ Hundred; County; Town.= By LEWIS W. WILHELM, Ph. D. (J. H. U.),
+ Fellow by Courtesy, J. H. U. May, June, and July, 1885; pp. 130.
+ _Price $1.00._
+
+ =VIII. The Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of
+ New Jersey.= By AUSTIN SCOTT, Ph. D. (Leipzig), formerly
+ Associate and Lecturer, J. H. U.; Professor of History, Political
+ Economy, and Constitutional Law, Rutgers College. August, 1885;
+ pp. 26. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =IX-X. American Constitutions; The Relations of the Three
+ Departments as Adjusted by a Century.= By HORACE DAVIS, A. B.
+ (Harvard). San Francisco, California. September and October,
+ 1885; pp. 70. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XI-XII. The City of Washington.= By JOHN ADDISON PORTER, A. B.
+ (Yale). November and December, 1885; pp. 56. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+SECOND SERIES.--Institutions and Economics.--1884.
+
+ =I-II. Methods of Historical Study.= By HERBERT B. ADAMS, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg). January and February, 1884; pp. 137.*
+
+ =III. The Past and the Present of Political Economy.= By RICHARD
+ T. ELY, Ph. D. (Heidelberg). March, 1884; pp. 64.*
+
+ =IV. Samuel Adams, The Man of the Town Meeting.= By JAMES K.
+ HOSMER, A. M. (Harvard), Professor of English and German
+ Literature, Washington University, St. Louis. April, 1884; pp.
+ 60. _Price 35 cents._
+
+ =V-VI. Taxation in the United States.= By HENRY CARTER ADAMS, Ph.
+ D. (J. H. U.), Professor of Political Economy, University of
+ Michigan. May and June, 1884; pp. 79.*
+
+ =VII. Institutional Beginnings in a Western State.= By JESSE
+ MACY, A. B. (Iowa College); Professor of Historical and Political
+ Science, Iowa College. July, 1884; pp. 38. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =VIII-IX. Indian Money as a Factor In New England Civilization.=
+ By WILLIAM B. WEEDEN, A. M. (Brown Univ.). August and September,
+ 1884; pp. 51. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =X. Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North
+ America.= By EDWARD CHANNING, Ph.D. (Harvard); Instructor in
+ History, Harvard College. October, 1884; pp. 57.*
+
+ =XI. Rudimentary Society among Boys.= By JOHN JOHNSON, A B. (J.
+ H. U.); Instructor in History and English, McDonogh Institute,
+ Baltimore Co., Md. November, 1884; pp. 56. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =XII. Land Laws of Mining Districts.= By CHARLES HOWARD SHINN, A.
+ B. (J. H. U.), Editor of the _Overland Monthly_. December, 1884;
+ pp. 69. _Price 50 cents._
+
+
+FIRST SERIES.--Local Institutions.--1883.
+
+ =I. An Introduction to American Institutional History.= By EDWARD
+ A. FREEMAN, D. C. L., LL. D., Regius Professor of Modern History,
+ University of Oxford. With an Account of Mr. Freeman's Visit to
+ Baltimore, by the Editor.*
+
+ =II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns.= Read before the
+ Harvard Historical Society, May 9, 1881. By H. B. ADAMS, Ph. D.
+ (Heidelberg), 1876. With Notes on Co-operation in University
+ Work.*
+
+ =III. Local Government in Illinois.= First published in the
+ _Fortnightly Review_ By ALBERT SHAW, A. B. (Iowa College),
+ 1879--=Local Government in Pennsylvania.= Read before the
+ Pennsylvania Historical Society, May 1, 1882 By E. R. L. GOULD,
+ A. B. (Victoria University, Canada), 1882. _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =IV. Saxon Tithingmen in America.= Read before the American
+ Antiquarian Society, October 21, 1881. By H. B. ADAMS. 2d
+ Edition. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =V. Local Government in Michigan and the Northwest.= Read before
+ the Social Science Association, at Saratoga, September 7, 1882.
+ By E. W. BEMIS A. B. (Amherst College), 1880. _Price 25 cents._
+
+ =VI. Parish Institutions of Maryland.= By EDWARD INGLE, A. B.
+ (Johns Hopkins University), 1882. _Price 40 cents._
+
+ =VII. Old Maryland Manors.= By JOHN JOHNSON, A. B. (Johns Hopkins
+ University), 1881. _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =VIII. Norman Constables in America.= Read before the New England
+ Historical & Genealogical Society, February 1, 1882. By H. B.
+ ADAMS. 2d Edition. _Price 50 cents._
+
+ =IX-X. Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem.= From the
+ Historical Collection of the Essex Institute. By H. B. ADAMS.*
+
+ =XI. The Genesis of a New England State (Connecticut).= By
+ ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, A. M. (Rutgers College), 1870; Professor of
+ Political Economics and Jurisprudence at Princeton College.
+ _Price 30 cents._
+
+ =XII. Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina.= Read
+ before the Historical Society of South Carolina, December 15,
+ 1882. By B. J. RAMAGE.
+
+
+The first annual series of monthly monographs devoted to History,
+Politics, and Economics was begun in 1882-1883. Four volumes have thus
+far appeared.
+
+The separate volumes bound in cloth will be sold as follows:
+
+ VOLUME I.--Local Institutions. 479 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME II.--Institutions and Economics. 629 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME III.--Maryland, Virginia, and Washington. 595 pp. $4.00.
+ VOLUME IV.--Municipal Government and Land Tenure. 610 pp. $3.50.
+
+ _The set of four volumes will be sold together for $12.50 net._
+
+ VOLUME V.--Municipal Government and Economics. (1887.)
+
+ _This volume will be furnished in monthly parts upon receipt of
+ subscription price, $3; or the bound volume will be sent at the
+ end of the year 1887 for $3.50._
+
+
+EXTRA VOLUMES OF STUDIES.
+
+In connection with the regular annual series of Studies, a series of
+Extra Volumes is proposed. It is intended to print them in a style
+uniform with the regular Studies, but to publish each volume by
+itself, in numbered sequence and in a cloth binding uniform with the
+First, Second, Third, and Fourth Series. The volumes will vary in size
+from 200 to 500 pages, with corresponding prices. Subscriptions to the
+Annual Series of Studies will not necessitate subscriptions to the
+Extra Volumes, although they will be offered to regular subscribers at
+reduced rates.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME I.--The Republic of New Haven: A History of
+ Municipal Evolution.= By CHARLES H. LIVERMORE, Ph. D., Baltimore.
+
+ This volume, now ready, comprises 350 pages octavo, with various
+ diagrams and an index. It is sold, bound in cloth, at $2.00.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME II.--Philadelphia, 1681-1887. A History of
+ Municipal Development.= By EDWARD P. ALLINSON, A. M. (Haverford),
+ and BOIES PENROSE, A. B. (Harvard).
+
+ The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo. It will be
+ sold, bound in cloth, at $3.00; in law-sheep, at $3.50.
+
+ =EXTRA VOLUME III.--Baltimore and the Nineteenth of April, 1861.=
+ By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of
+ Baltimore, and Mayor of the City in 1861. Price $1.00.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+All communications relating to subscriptions, exchanges, etc., should
+be addressed to the PUBLICATION AGENCY OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS
+UNIVERSITY, BALTIMORE, MARYLAND.
+
+The following table of contents will serve to indicate the scope and
+character of the topics treated in Mr. Levermore's History of New
+Haven:
+
+ CHAPTER I. THE GENESIS OF NEW HAVEN. -- Davenport and Eaton. --
+ Formation of a State. -- Town-Meetings. -- Fundamental Agreement.
+ -- Davenport's Policy. -- Theophilus Eaton.
+
+ CHAPTER II. THE EVOLUTION OF TOWN GOVERNMENT. -- Social Order. --
+ Town Courts. -- The Quarters. -- Military Organization. -- The
+ Watch. -- The Marshal. -- The Town Drummer. -- Minor Offices. --
+ Roads. -- Fences. -- Cattle. -- Supervisors. -- Doctor. --
+ School-Teacher. -- Viewers and Brewers. -- The Townsmen. --
+ Currency and Taxation.
+
+ CHAPTER III. THE LAND QUESTION. -- Official Control over
+ Alienations and Dwellings. -- Divisions of the Outland. -- New
+ Haven a Village Community. -- Evolution of Subordinate Townships.
+ -- The Delaware Company.
+
+ CHAPTER IV. THE UNION WITH CONNECTICUT. THE BIRTH OF NEWARK. -- A
+ New Party within the Colony. -- Terms of Admission of Strangers.
+ -- Increasing Importance of Townsmen. -- The Village Question. --
+ New Haven and the Restored Stuart. -- Hegira to New Jersey.
+
+ CHAPTER V. THE WORK OF THE COURTS IN JUDICATURE AND LEGISLATION.
+ -- Drunkenness. -- Sabbath-breaking. -- Spiritual
+ Discouragements. -- Quakers and Witches. -- Lewdness. -- Methods
+ of Civil Procedure. -- Legislation concerning Trade and Prices.
+ -- Arbitration. -- Magisterial Interest in Trade. -- Revival of
+ the Common Law and English Usage.
+
+ CHAPTER VI. NEW HAVEN A CONNECTICUT TOWN, 1664-1700. -- Changes
+ in Constitution. -- Hopkins Grammar School. -- Minister's Tax. --
+ Tithingmen. -- Justice of the Peace. -- Divisions of Land. --
+ Indian Reservations. -- The Village Controversy. -- Public
+ Benevolence. -- Indian Wars. -- Villages again. -- Tyranny of
+ Andros. -- Local Enactments. -- Intemperance. -- Funeral Customs.
+
+ CHAPTER VII. NEW HAVEN A CONNECTICUT TOWN, 1700-1784. -- The
+ Quarrel with East Haven. -- Yale College. -- The Walpolean
+ Lethargy. -- Sale of the Town's Poor. -- First Post-Office. --
+ First Oyster Laws. -- Sketch of the Town's Commerce. -- The
+ Approach of the Revolution. -- New Haven during the War. --
+ Committees. -- Articles of Confederation. -- Treatment of Tories.
+ -- Final Division of the Township. -- The Church the Germ of the
+ Town.
+
+ CHAPTER VIII. THE DUAL GOVERNMENT. TOWN AND CITY. 1784-1886. --
+ Town-Born _vs._ Interloper. -- First Phases of City Politics. --
+ First Charter. -- Description of the City. -- Municipal
+ Improvements. -- Fire Department. -- Adornment of the Green. --
+ Public Letters to the Presidents and Others. -- Downfall of
+ Federalism. -- Slavery and Abolition. -- Municipal Growth. --
+ Sects. -- Administrative Changes. -- Windfall from Washington. --
+ Liquor Traffic. -- Light in the Streets. -- High School. -- Era
+ of Railways. -- Needs of the Poor. -- The City Meeting. --
+ Charter of 1857. -- Town Officers. -- City Improvement. -- Police
+ and Fire Departments. -- In the Civil War. -- Recent Charters. --
+ Conservative Influences in the Community.
+
+ CHAPTER IX. THE PRESENT MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION. -- School
+ District. -- Town Government. -- Town-Meeting. -- Consolidation.
+ -- City Government. -- City Judiciary. -- City Executive. -- City
+ Legislature. -- Legislative Control over the Commissions. --
+ Conduct of Commissions. -- Executive Organization. --
+ Administrative Courts. -- Frequent Elections. -- Board of
+ Councilmen. -- Choice of Aldermen.
+
+ Appendix A.--Mr. Pierson's Elegy.
+ " B.--The Town of Naugatuck.
+ " C.--Dr. Manasseh Cutler's Diary.
+ " D.--A Town Court of Elections. New Haven, A. D. 1656.
+
+The volume now ready comprises 350 pages octavo, with various diagrams
+and an index. It will be sold, neatly bound in cloth, at $2.00.
+Subscribers to the STUDIES can obtain at reduced rates this new
+volume.
+
+
+
+
+PHILADELPHIA
+
+1681-1887:
+
+A History of Municipal Development.
+
+BY
+
+EDWARD P. ALLINSON, A. M., AND BOIES PENROSE, A. B., OF THE
+PHILADELPHIA BAR.
+
+
+While several general histories of Philadelphia have been written,
+there is no history of that city as a municipal corporation. Such a
+work is now offered, based upon the Acts of Assembly, the City
+Ordinances, the State Reports, and many other authorities. Numerous
+manuscripts in the Pennsylvania Historical Society, in Public
+Libraries, and in the Departments at Philadelphia and Harrisburg have
+also been consulted, and important facts found therein are now for the
+first time published.
+
+The development of the government of Philadelphia affords a peculiarly
+interesting study, and is full of instruction to the student of
+municipal questions. The first charter granted by the original
+proprietor, William Penn, created a close, self-elected corporation,
+consisting of the "Mayor, Recorder and Common Council," holding office
+for life. Such corporations survived in England from medieval times to
+the passage of the Reform Act of 1835. The corporation of Philadelphia
+possessed practically no power of taxation, and few and extremely
+limited powers of any kind. As a rapidly growing city required greater
+municipal powers, the legislature instead of increasing the powers of
+the corporation which, being self-elected, was held in distrust by
+the citizens, established from time to time various independent
+boards, commissions, and trusts for the control of taxation, streets,
+poor, etc. These boards were subsequently transformed into the city
+departments as they exist to-day. The State and municipal legislation,
+extending over two centuries, is extremely varied and frequently
+experimental. It affords instruction illustrative of almost every form
+of municipal expedient and constitution.
+
+The development of the city government of Philadelphia has been
+carefully traced through many changes in the powers and duties of the
+mayor, in the election and powers of the subordinate executive
+officers, in the position and relation of the various departments, in
+the legislative and executive powers of councils, in the frequently
+shifting distribution of executive power between the mayor and
+councils, and in the procedure of councils. _In 1885 an Act of
+Assembly was passed providing for a new government for Philadelphia
+which embodies the latest ideas upon municipal questions._
+
+The history of the government of the city thus begins with the
+medieval charter of most contracted character, and ends with _the
+liberal provisions of the Reform Act of 1885_. It furnishes
+illustrations of almost every phase of municipal development. The
+story cannot fail to interest all those who believe that the question
+of better government for our great cities is one of critical
+importance, and who are aware of the fact that this question is
+already receiving widespread attention. The subject had become so
+serious in 1876 that Governor Hartranft, in his message of that year,
+called the attention of the Legislature to it in the following
+succinct and forcible statement: "_There is no political problem that
+at the present moment occasions so much just alarm and is obtaining
+more anxious thought than the government of cities._"
+
+The consideration of the subject naturally resolves itself into five
+sharply-defined periods, to each of which a chapter has been devoted,
+as indicated by the following summary, which, while not exhaustive,
+will suggest the general scope.
+
+ CHAPTER I. FIRST PERIOD, 1681-1701. -- Founding of the city. --
+ Functions of the Provincial Council. -- Slight but certain
+ evidence of some organized city government prior to Penn's
+ Charter.
+
+ CHAPTER II. SECOND PERIOD, 1701-1789. -- Penn's authority. --
+ Charter of 1701. -- Attributes of the Proprietary Charter; its
+ medieval character. -- Integral parts of the corporation. --
+ Arbitrary nature and limited powers. -- Acts of Legislature
+ creating independent commissions. -- Miscellaneous acts and
+ ordinances. -- The Revolution. -- Abrogation of Charter. --
+ Legislative government. -- Summary.
+
+ CHAPTER III. THIRD PERIOD, 1789-1854. -- Character of Second
+ Charter. -- Causes leading to its passage. -- A modern municipal
+ corporation. -- Supplements. -- Departments. -- Concentration of
+ authority. -- Councils. -- Bicameral system adopted. -- Officers,
+ how appointed or elected. -- Diminishing powers of the mayor. --
+ Introduction of standing committees. -- Finance. -- Debt. --
+ Revenue. -- Review of the period.
+
+ CHAPTER IV. FOURTH PERIOD, 1854-1887. -- Act of consolidation. --
+ Causes leading to its passage. -- Features of New Charter. --
+ Supplements. -- Extent of territory covered by consolidation. --
+ Character of outlying districts. -- New Constitution. -- Relation
+ of city and county. -- Summary of changes effected. --
+ Twenty-five _quasi_-independent departments established. --
+ Encroachment of legislative upon executive powers. -- Resulting
+ Citizens' Reform movement. -- Committee of one hundred. --
+ Contracts. -- Debt. -- Delusive methods of finance. -- Reform
+ movement in councils. -- Causes leading to the passage of the
+ Bullit Bill. -- Review of the period.
+
+ CHAPTER V. FIFTH PERIOD. -- Text of the Act of 1885. -- History
+ of the passage of the Bullit Bill. -- Changes by it effected in
+ the organic law. -- Conclusions.
+
+
+PRICE.
+
+The volume will comprise about 300 pages, octavo, and will be sold,
+bound in cloth, at $3; in law-sheep at $3.50; and at reduced rates to
+regular subscribers to the "Studies."
+
+Orders and subscriptions should be addressed to THE PUBLICATION,
+AGENCY OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, BALTIMORE, MARYLAND.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Baltimore and The Nineteenth of April,
+1861, by George William Brown
+
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