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+Project Gutenberg's Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by Frederick Engels
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific
+
+Author: Frederick Engels
+
+Translator: Edward Aveling
+
+Release Date: March 24, 2012 [EBook #39257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM: UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
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+       *       *       *       *       *
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+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                                       |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has     |
+    | been preserved.                                           |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For     |
+    | a complete list, please see the end of this document.     |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+                                             25 CENTS
+
+
+                           SOCIALISM
+
+                    UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+                     _By Frederick Engels_
+
+                    [Illustration: _Labor_]
+
+                   CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+
+                     _Publishers CHICAGO_
+
+
+
+
+PRINTED IN U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+  SOCIALISM
+
+  UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+
+  BY
+
+  FREDERICK ENGELS
+
+
+  _TRANSLATED BY EDWARD AVELING_
+  _D.Sc., Fellow of University College, London_
+
+
+  WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY THE AUTHOR
+
+
+  CHICAGO
+  CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+PUBLISHER'S NOTE
+
+
+Socialism, Utopian and Scientific needs no preface. It ranks with the
+Communist Manifesto as one of the indispensable books for any one
+desiring to understand the modern socialist movement. It has been
+translated into every language where capitalism prevails, and its
+circulation is more rapid than ever before.
+
+In 1900, when our publishing house had just begun the circulation of
+socialist books, we brought out the first American reprint of the
+authorized translation of this work. The many editions required by the
+growing demand have worn out the plates, and we are now reprinting it
+in more attractive form.
+
+It will be observed that the author in his introduction says that from
+1883 to 1892, 20,000 copies of the book were sold in Germany. Our own
+sales of the book in America from 1900 to 1908 were not less than
+30,000.
+
+Last year we published the first English version of the larger work to
+which the author refers in the opening page of his introduction. The
+translation is by Austin Lewis, and bears the title "Landmarks of
+Scientific Socialism" (cloth, $1.00). It includes the greater portion
+of the original work, omitting what is presented here, and also some
+of the personalities due to the heat of controversy.
+
+Frederick Engels is second only to Karl Marx among socialist writers,
+and his influence in the United States is only beginning.
+
+                                                      C.H.K.
+
+  June, 1908.
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The present little book is, originally, a part of a larger whole.
+About 1875, Dr. E. Dühring, _privatdocent_ at Berlin University,
+suddenly and rather clamorously announced his conversion to Socialism,
+and presented the German public not only with an elaborate Socialist
+theory, but also with a complete practical plan for the reorganization
+of society. As a matter of course, he fell foul of his predecessors;
+above all, he honored Marx by pouring out upon him the full vials of
+his wrath.
+
+This took place about the time when the two sections of the Socialist
+party in Germany--Eisenachers and Lassallians--had just effected their
+fusion, and thus obtained not only an immense increase of strength,
+but, what was more, the faculty of employing the whole of this
+strength against the common enemy. The Socialist party in Germany was
+fast becoming a power. But to make it a power, the first condition was
+that the newly-conquered unity should not be imperiled. And Dr.
+Dühring openly proceeded to form around himself a sect, the nucleus
+of a future separate party. It thus became necessary to take up the
+gauntlet thrown down to us, and to fight out the struggle whether we
+liked it or not.
+
+This, however, though it might not be an over difficult, was evidently
+a long-winded, business. As is well known, we Germans are of a
+terribly ponderous _Gründlichkeit_, radical profundity or profound
+radicality, whatever you may like to call it. Whenever anyone of us
+expounds what he considers a new doctrine, he has first to elaborate
+it into an all-comprising system. He has to prove that both the first
+principles of logic and the fundamental laws of the universe had
+existed from all eternity for no other purpose than to ultimately lead
+to this newly-discovered, crowning theory. And Dr. Dühring, in this
+respect, was quite up to the national mark. Nothing less than a
+complete "System of Philosophy," mental, moral, natural, and
+historical; a complete "System of Political Economy and Socialism";
+and, finally, a "Critical History of Political Economy"--three big
+volumes in octavo, heavy extrinsically and intrinsically, three
+army-corps of arguments mobilized against all previous philosophers
+and economists in general, and against Marx in particular--in fact, an
+attempt at a complete "revolution in science"--these were what I
+should have to tackle. I had to treat of all and every possible
+subject, from the concepts of time and space to Bimetallism; from the
+eternity of matter and motion to the perishable nature of moral
+ideas; from Darwin's natural selection to the education of youth in a
+future society. Anyhow, the systematic comprehensiveness of my
+opponent gave me the opportunity of developing, in opposition to him,
+and in a more connected form than had previously been done, the views
+held by Marx and myself on this great variety of subjects. And that
+was the principal reason which made me undertake this otherwise
+ungrateful task.
+
+My reply was first published in a series of articles in the Leipzig
+"Vorwärts," the chief organ of the Socialist party, and later on as a
+book: "Herrn Eugen Dühring's Umwälzung der Wissenschaft" (Mr. E.
+Dühring's "Revolution in Science"), a second edition of which appeared
+in Zürich, 1886.
+
+At the request of my friend, Paul Lafargue, now representative of
+Lille in the French Chamber of Deputies, I arranged three chapters of
+this book as a pamphlet, which he translated and published in 1880,
+under the title: "_Socialisme utopique et Socialisme scientifique_."
+From this French text a Polish and a Spanish edition were prepared. In
+1883, our German friends brought out the pamphlet in the original
+language. Italian, Russian, Danish, Dutch, and Roumanian translations,
+based upon the German text, have since been published. Thus, with the
+present English edition, this little book circulates in ten
+languages. I am not aware that any other Socialist work, not even our
+"Communist Manifesto" of 1848 or Marx's "Capital," has been so often
+translated. In Germany it has had four editions of about 20,000 copies
+in all.
+
+The economic terms used in this work, as far as they are new, agree
+with those used in the English edition of Marx's "Capital." We call
+"production of commodities" that economic phase where articles are
+produced not only for the use of the producers, but also for purposes
+of exchange; that is, as _commodities_, not as use-values. This phase
+extends from the first beginnings of production for exchange down to
+our present time; it attains its full development under capitalist
+production only, that is, under conditions where the capitalist, the
+owner of the means of production, employs, for wages, laborers, people
+deprived of all means of production except their own labor-power, and
+pockets the excess of the selling price of the products over his
+outlay. We divide the history of industrial production since the
+Middle Ages into three periods: (1) handicraft, small master craftsmen
+with a few journeymen and apprentices, where each laborer produces the
+complete article; (2) manufacture, where greater numbers of workmen,
+grouped in one large establishment, produce the complete article on
+the principle of division of labor, each workman performing only one
+partial operation, so that the product is complete only after having
+passed successively through the hands of all; (3) modern industry,
+where the product is produced by machinery driven by power, and where
+the work of the laborer is limited to superintending and correcting
+the performances of the mechanical agent.
+
+I am perfectly aware that the contents of this work will meet with
+objection from a considerable portion of the British public. But if we
+Continentals had taken the slightest notice of the prejudices of
+British "respectability," we should be even worse off than we are.
+This book defends what we call "historical materialism," and the word
+materialism grates upon the ears of the immense majority of British
+readers. "Agnosticism" might be tolerated, but materialism is utterly
+inadmissible.
+
+And yet the original home of all modern materialism, from the
+seventeenth century onwards, is England.
+
+"Materialism is the natural-born son of Great Britain. Already the
+British schoolman, Duns Scotus, asked, 'whether it was impossible for
+matter to think?'
+
+"In order to effect this miracle, he took refuge in God's omnipotence,
+_i.e._, he made theology preach materialism. Moreover, he was a
+nominalist. Nominalism, the first form of materialism, is chiefly
+found among the English schoolmen.
+
+"The real progenitor of English materialism is Bacon. To him natural
+philosophy is the only true philosophy, and physics based upon the
+experience of the senses is the chiefest part of natural philosophy.
+Anaxagoras and his homoiomeriæ, Democritus and his atoms, he often
+quotes as his authorities. According to him the senses are infallible
+and the source of all knowledge. All science is based on experience,
+and consists in subjecting the data furnished by the senses to a
+rational method of investigation. Induction, analysis, comparison,
+observation, experiment, are the principal forms of such a rational
+method. Among the qualities inherent in matter, motion is the first
+and foremost, not only in the form of mechanical and mathematical
+motion, but chiefly in the form of an impulse, a vital spirit, a
+tension--or a 'qual,' to use a term of Jacob Böhme's[A]--of matter.
+
+"In Bacon, its first creator, materialism still occludes within itself
+the germs of a many-sided development. On the one hand, matter,
+surrounded by a sensuous, poetic glamour, seems to attract man's whole
+entity by winning smiles. On the other, the aphoristically formulated
+doctrine pullulates with inconsistencies imported from theology.
+
+"In its further evolution, materialism becomes one-sided. Hobbes is
+the man who systematizes Baconian materialism. Knowledge based upon
+the senses loses its poetic blossom, it passes into the abstract
+experience of the mathematician; geometry is proclaimed as the queen
+of sciences. Materialism takes to misanthropy. If it is to overcome
+its opponent, misanthropic, fleshless spiritualism, and that on the
+latter's own ground, materialism has to chastise its own flesh and
+turn ascetic. Thus, from a sensual, it passes into an intellectual,
+entity; but thus, too, it evolves all the consistency, regardless of
+consequences, characteristic of the intellect.
+
+"Hobbes, as Bacon's continuator, argues thus: if all human knowledge
+is furnished by the senses, then our concepts and ideas are but the
+phantoms, divested of their sensual forms, of the real world.
+Philosophy can but give names to these phantoms. One name may be
+applied to more than one of them. There may even be names of names. It
+would imply a contradiction if, on the one hand, we maintained that
+all ideas had their origin in the world of sensation, and, on the
+other, that a word was more than a word; that besides the beings known
+to us by our senses, beings which are one and all individuals, there
+existed also beings of a general, not individual, nature. An unbodily
+substance is the same absurdity as an unbodily body. Body, being,
+substance, are but different terms for the same reality. _It is
+impossible to separate thought from matter that thinks._ This matter
+is the substratum of all changes going on in the world. The word
+infinite is meaningless, unless it states that our mind is capable of
+performing an endless process of addition. Only material things being
+perceptible to us, we cannot know anything about the existence of God.
+My own existence alone is certain. Every human passion is a mechanical
+movement which has a beginning and an end. The objects of impulse are
+what we call good. Man is subject to the same laws as nature. Power
+and freedom are identical.
+
+"Hobbes had systematized Bacon, without, however, furnishing a proof
+for Bacon's fundamental principle, the origin of all human knowledge
+from the world of sensation. It was Locke who, in his Essay on the
+Human Understanding, supplied this proof.
+
+"Hobbes had shattered the theistic prejudices of Baconian materialism;
+Collins, Dodwall, Coward, Hartley, Priestley similarly shattered the
+last theological bars that still hemmed-in Locke's sensationalism. At
+all events, for practical materialists, Theism is but an easy-going
+way of getting rid of religion."[B]
+
+Thus Karl Marx wrote about the British origin of modern materialism.
+If Englishmen nowadays do not exactly relish the compliment he paid
+their ancestors, more's the pity. It is none the less undeniable that
+Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke are the fathers of that brilliant school of
+French materialists which made the eighteenth century, in spite of all
+battles on land and sea won over Frenchmen by Germans and Englishmen,
+a pre-eminently French century, even before that crowning French
+Revolution, the results of which we outsiders, in England as well as
+in Germany, are still trying to acclimatize.
+
+There is no denying it. About the middle of this century, what struck
+every cultivated foreigner who set up his residence in England, was,
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. We, at that time, were all
+materialists, or, at least, very advanced freethinkers, and to us it
+appeared inconceivable that almost all educated people in England
+should believe in all sorts of impossible miracles, and that even
+geologists like Buckland and Mantell should contort the facts of their
+science so as not to clash too much with the myths of the book of
+Genesis; while, in order to find people who dared to use their own
+intellectual faculties with regard to religious matters, you had to go
+amongst the uneducated, the "great unwashed," as they were then
+called, the working people, especially the Owenite Socialists.
+
+But England has been "civilized" since then. The exhibition of 1851
+sounded the knell of English insular exclusiveness. England became
+gradually internationalized, in diet, in manners, in ideas; so much so
+that I begin to wish that some English manners and customs had made as
+much headway on the Continent as other continental habits have made
+here. Anyhow, the introduction and spread of salad-oil (before 1851
+known only to the aristocracy) has been accompanied by a fatal spread
+of continental scepticism in matters religious, and it has come to
+this, that agnosticism, though not yet considered "the thing" quite as
+much as the Church of England, is yet very nearly on a par, as far as
+respectability goes, with Baptism, and decidedly ranks above the
+Salvation Army. And I cannot help believing that under these
+circumstances it will be consoling to many who sincerely regret and
+condemn this progress of infidelity, to learn that these "new-fangled
+notions" are not of foreign origin, are not "made in Germany," like so
+many other articles of daily use, but are undoubtedly Old English, and
+that their British originators two hundred years ago went a good deal
+further than their descendants now dare to venture.
+
+What, indeed, is agnosticism, but, to use an expressive Lancashire
+term, "shamefaced" materialism? The agnostic's conception of Nature is
+materialistic throughout. The entire natural world is governed by law,
+and absolutely excludes the intervention of action from without. But,
+he adds, we have no means either of ascertaining or of disproving the
+existence of some Supreme Being beyond the known universe. Now, this
+might hold good at the time when Laplace, to Napoleon's question, why
+in the great astronomer's _Mécanique céleste_ the Creator was not even
+mentioned, proudly replied: _Je n'avais pas besoin de cette
+hypothèse_. But nowadays, in our evolutionary conception of the
+universe, there is absolutely no room for either a Creator or a Ruler;
+and to talk of a Supreme Being shut out from the whole existing world,
+implies a contradiction in terms, and, as it seems to me, a gratuitous
+insult to the feelings of religious people.
+
+Again, our agnostic admits that all our knowledge is based upon the
+information imparted to us by our senses. But, he adds, how do we know
+that our senses give us correct representations of the objects we
+perceive through them? And he proceeds to inform us that, whenever he
+speaks of objects or their qualities, he does in reality not mean
+these objects and qualities, of which he cannot know anything for
+certain, but merely the impressions which they have produced on his
+senses. Now, this line of reasoning seems undoubtedly hard to beat by
+mere argumentation. But before there was argumentation, there was
+action. _Im Anfang war die That._ And human action had solved the
+difficulty long before human ingenuity invented it. The proof of the
+pudding is in the eating. From the moment we turn to our own use
+these objects, according to the qualities we perceive in them, we put
+to an infallible test the correctness or otherwise of our
+sense-perceptions. If these perceptions have been wrong, then our
+estimate of the use to which an object can be turned must also be
+wrong, and our attempt must fail. But if we succeed in accomplishing
+our aim, if we find that the object does agree with our idea of it,
+and does answer the purpose we intended it for, then that is positive
+proof that our perceptions of it and of its qualities, _so far_, agree
+with reality outside ourselves. And whenever we find ourselves face to
+face with a failure, then we generally are not long in making out the
+cause that made us fail; we find that the perception upon which we
+acted was either incomplete and superficial, or combined with the
+results of other perceptions in a way not warranted by them--what we
+call defective reasoning. So long as we take care to train and to use
+our senses properly, and to keep our action within the limits
+prescribed by perceptions properly made and properly used, so long we
+shall find that the result of our action proves the conformity of our
+perceptions with the objective nature of the things perceived. Not in
+one single instance, so far, have we been led to the conclusion that
+our sense-perceptions, scientifically controlled, induce in our minds
+ideas respecting the outer world that are, by their very nature, at
+variance with reality, or that there is an inherent incompatibility
+between the outer world and our sense-perceptions of it.
+
+But then come the Neo-Kantian agnostics and say: We may correctly
+perceive the qualities of a thing, but we cannot by any sensible or
+mental process grasp the thing in itself. This "thing in itself" is
+beyond our ken. To this Hegel, long since, has replied: If you know
+all the qualities of a thing, you know the thing itself; nothing
+remains but the fact that the said thing exists without us; and when
+your senses have taught you that fact, you have grasped the last
+remnant of the thing in itself, Kant's celebrated unknowable _Ding an
+sich_. To which it may be added, that in Kant's time our knowledge of
+natural objects was indeed so fragmentary that he might well suspect,
+behind the little we knew about each of them, a mysterious "thing in
+itself." But one after another these ungraspable things have been
+grasped, analyzed, and, what is more, _reproduced_ by the giant
+progress of science; and what we can produce, we certainly cannot
+consider as unknowable. To the chemistry of the first half of this
+century organic substances were such mysterious objects; now, we learn
+to build them up one after another from their chemical elements
+without the aid of organic processes. Modern chemists declare that as
+soon as the chemical constitution of no matter what body is known, it
+can be built up from its elements. We are still far from knowing the
+constitution of the highest organic substances, the albuminous bodies;
+but there is no reason why we should not, if only after centuries,
+arrive at that knowledge and, armed with it, produce artificial
+albumen. But if we arrive at that, we shall at the same time have
+produced organic life, for life, from its lowest to its highest forms,
+is but the normal mode of existence of albuminous bodies.
+
+As soon, however, as our agnostic has made these formal mental
+reservations, he talks and acts as the rank materialist he at bottom
+is. He may say that, as far as _we_ know, matter and motion, or as it
+is now called, energy, can neither be created nor destroyed, but that
+we have no proof of their not having been created at some time or
+other. But if you try to use this admission against him in any
+particular case, he will quickly put you out of court. If he admits
+the possibility of spiritualism _in abstracto_, he will have none of
+it _in concreto_. As far as we know and can know, he will tell you
+there is no Creator and no Ruler of the universe; as far as we are
+concerned, matter and energy can neither be created nor annihilated;
+for us, mind is a mode of energy, a function of the brain; all we know
+is that the material world is governed by immutable laws, and so
+forth. Thus, as far as he is a scientific man, as far as he _knows_
+anything, he is a materialist; outside his science, in spheres about
+which he knows nothing, he translates his ignorance into Greek and
+calls it agnosticism.
+
+At all events, one thing seems clear: even if I was an agnostic, it is
+evident that I could not describe the conception of history sketched
+out in this little book, as "historical agnosticism." Religious people
+would laugh at me, agnostics would indignantly ask, was I going to
+make fun of them? And thus I hope even British respectability will not
+be overshocked if I use, in English as well as in so many other
+languages, the term, "historical materialism," to designate that view
+of the course of history, which seeks the ultimate cause and the great
+moving power of all important historic events in the economic
+development of society, in the changes in the modes of production and
+exchange, in the consequent division of society into distinct classes,
+and in the struggles of these classes against one another.
+
+This indulgence will perhaps be accorded to me all the sooner if I
+show that historical materialism may be of advantage even to British
+respectability. I have mentioned the fact, that about forty or fifty
+years ago, any cultivated foreigner settling in England was struck by
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. I am now going to prove that
+the respectable English middle-class of that time was not quite as
+stupid as it looked to the intelligent foreigner. Its religious
+leanings can be explained.
+
+When Europe emerged from the Middle Ages, the rising middle-class of
+the towns constituted its revolutionary element. It had conquered a
+recognized position within mediæval feudal organization, but this
+position, also, had become too narrow for its expansive power. The
+development of the middle-class, the _bourgeoisie_, became
+incompatible with the maintenance of the feudal system; the feudal
+system, therefore, had to fall.
+
+But the great international center of feudalism was the Roman Catholic
+Church. It united the whole of feudalized Western Europe, in spite of
+all internal wars, into one grand political system, opposed as much to
+the schismatic Greeks as to the Mohammedian countries. It surrounded
+feudal institutions with the halo of divine consecration. It had
+organized its own hierarchy on the feudal model, and, lastly, it was
+itself by far the most powerful feudal lord, holding, as it did, fully
+one-third of the soil of the Catholic world. Before profane feudalism
+could be successively attacked in each country and in detail, this,
+its sacred central organization, had to be destroyed.
+
+Moreover, parallel with the rise of the middle-class went on the great
+revival of science; astronomy, mechanics, physics, anatomy,
+physiology, were again cultivated. And the bourgeoisie, for the
+development of its industrial production, required a science which
+ascertained the physical properties of natural objects and the modes
+of action of the forces of Nature. Now up to then science had but been
+the humble handmaid of the Church, had not been allowed to overstep
+the limits set by faith, and for that reason had been no science at
+all. Science rebelled against the Church; the bourgeoisie could not do
+without science, and, therefore, had to join in the rebellion.
+
+The above, though touching but two of the points where the rising
+middle-class was bound to come into collision with the established
+religion, will be sufficient to show, first, that the class most
+directly interested in the struggle against the pretensions of the
+Roman Church was the bourgeoisie; and second, that every struggle
+against feudalism, at that time, had to take on a religious disguise,
+had to be directed against the Church in the first instance. But if
+the universities and the traders of the cities started the cry, it was
+sure to find, and did find, a strong echo in the masses of the country
+people, the peasants, who everywhere had to struggle for their very
+existence with their feudal lords, spiritual and temporal.
+
+The long fight of the bourgeoisie against feudalism culminated in
+three great, decisive battles.
+
+The first was what is called the Protestant Reformation in Germany.
+The war-cry raised against the Church by Luther was responded to by
+two insurrections of a political nature: first, that of the lower
+nobility under Franz von Sickingen (1523), then the great Peasants'
+War, 1525. Both were defeated, chiefly in consequence of the
+indecision of the parties most interested, the burghers of the
+towns--an indecision into the causes of which we cannot here enter.
+From that moment the struggle degenerated into a fight between the
+local princes and the central power, and ended by blotting out
+Germany, for two hundred years, from the politically active nations of
+Europe. The Lutheran reformation produced a new creed indeed, a
+religion adapted to absolute monarchy. No sooner were the peasants of
+North-east Germany converted to Lutheranism than they were from
+freemen reduced to serfs.
+
+But where Luther failed, Calvin won the day. Calvin's creed was one
+fit for the boldest of the bourgeoisie of his time. His predestination
+doctrine was the religious expression of the fact that in the
+commercial world of competition success or failure does not depend
+upon a man's activity or cleverness, but upon circumstances
+uncontrollable by him. It is not of him that willeth or of him that
+runneth, but of the mercy of unknown superior economic powers: and
+this was especially true at a period of economic revolution, when all
+old commercial routes and centers were replaced by new ones, when
+India and America were opened to the world, and when even the most
+sacred economic articles of faith--the value of gold and silver--began
+to totter and to break down. Calvin's church constitution was
+thoroughly democratic and republican; and where the kingdom of God was
+republicanized, could the kingdoms of this world remain subject to
+monarchs, bishops, and lords? While German Lutheranism became a
+willing tool in the hands of princes, Calvinism founded a republic in
+Holland, and active republican parties in England, and, above all,
+Scotland.
+
+In Calvinism, the second great bourgeois upheaval found its doctrine
+ready cut and dried. This upheaval took place in England. The
+middle-class of the towns brought it on, and the yeomanry of the
+country districts fought it out. Curiously enough, in all the three
+great bourgeois risings, the peasantry furnishes the army that has to
+do the fighting; and the peasantry is just the class that, the victory
+once gained, is most surely ruined by the economic consequences of
+that victory. A hundred years after Cromwell, the yeomanry of England
+had almost disappeared. Anyhow, had it not been for that yeomanry and
+for the _plebeian_ element in the towns, the bourgeoisie alone would
+never have fought the matter out to the bitter end, and would never
+have brought Charles I. to the scaffold. In order to secure even those
+conquests of the bourgeoisie that were ripe for gathering at the
+time, the revolution had to be carried considerably further--exactly
+as in 1793 in France and 1848 in Germany. This seems, in fact, to be
+one of the laws of evolution of bourgeois society.
+
+Well, upon this excess of revolutionary activity there necessarily
+followed the inevitable reaction which in its turn went beyond the
+point where it might have maintained itself. After a series of
+oscillations, the new center of gravity was at last attained and
+became a new starting-point. The grand period of English history,
+known to respectability under the name of "the Great Rebellion," and
+the struggles succeeding it, were brought to a close by the
+comparatively puny event entitled by Liberal historians, "the Glorious
+Revolution."
+
+The new starting-point was a compromise between the rising
+middle-class and the ex-feudal landowners. The latter, though called,
+as now, the aristocracy, had been long since on the way which led them
+to become what Louis Philippe in France became at a much later period,
+"the first bourgeois of the kingdom." Fortunately for England, the old
+feudal barons had killed one another during the Wars of the Roses.
+Their successors, though mostly scions of the old families, had been
+so much out of the direct line of descent that they constituted quite
+a new body, with habits and tendencies far more bourgeois than feudal.
+They fully understood the value of money, and at once began to
+increase their rents by turning hundreds of small farmers out and
+replacing them by sheep. Henry VIII., while squandering the Church
+lands, created fresh bourgeois landlords by wholesale; the innumerable
+confiscations of estates, regranted to absolute or relative upstarts,
+and continued during the whole of the seventeenth century, had the
+same result. Consequently, ever since Henry VII., the English
+"aristocracy," far from counteracting the development of industrial
+production, had, on the contrary, sought to indirectly profit thereby;
+and there had always been a section of the great landowners willing,
+from economical or political reasons, to co-operate with the leading
+men of the financial and industrial bourgeoisie. The compromise of
+1689 was, therefore, easily accomplished. The political spoils of
+"pelf and place" were left to the great land-owning families, provided
+the economic interests of the financial, manufacturing, and commercial
+middle-class were sufficiently attended to. And these economic
+interests were at that time powerful enough to determine the general
+policy of the nation. There might be squabbles about matters of
+detail, but, on the whole, the aristocratic oligarchy knew too well
+that its own economic prosperity was irretrievably bound up with that
+of the industrial and commercial middle-class.
+
+From that time, the bourgeoisie was a humble, but still a recognized
+component of the ruling classes of England. With the rest of them, it
+had a common interest in keeping in subjection the great working mass
+of the nation. The merchant or manufacturer himself stood in the
+position of master, or, as it was until lately called, of "natural
+superior" to his clerks, his workpeople, his domestic servants. His
+interest was to get as much and as good work out of them as he could;
+for this end they had to be trained to proper submission. He was
+himself religious; his religion had supplied the standard under which
+he had fought the king and the lords; he was not long in discovering
+the opportunities this same religion offered him for working upon the
+minds of his natural inferiors, and making them submissive to the
+behests of the masters it had pleased God to place over them. In
+short, the English bourgeoisie now had to take a part in keeping down
+the "lower orders," the great producing mass of the nation, and one of
+the means employed for that purpose was the influence of religion.
+
+There was another fact that contributed to strengthen the religious
+leanings of the bourgeoisie. That was the rise of materialism in
+England. This new doctrine not only shocked the pious feelings of the
+middle-class; it announced itself as a philosophy only fit for
+scholars and cultivated men of the world, in contrast to religion
+which was good enough for the uneducated masses, including the
+bourgeoisie. With Hobbes it stepped on the stage as a defender of
+royal prerogative and omnipotence; it called upon absolute monarchy to
+keep down that _puer robustus sed malitiosus_, to wit, the people.
+Similarly, with the successors of Hobbes, with Bolingbroke,
+Shaftesbury, etc., the new deistic form of materialism remained an
+aristocratic, esoteric doctrine, and, therefore, hateful to the
+middle-class both for its religious heresy and for its anti-bourgeois
+political connections. Accordingly, in opposition to the materialism
+and deism of the aristocracy, those Protestant sects which had
+furnished the flag and the fighting contingent against the Stuarts,
+continued to furnish the main strength of the progressive
+middle-class, and form even to-day the backbone of "the Great Liberal
+Party."
+
+In the meantime materialism passed from England to France, where it
+met and coalesced with another materialistic school of philosophers, a
+branch of Cartesianism. In France, too, it remained at first an
+exclusively aristocratic doctrine. But soon its revolutionary
+character asserted itself. The French materialists did not limit their
+criticism to matters of religious belief; they extended it to whatever
+scientific tradition or political institution they met with; and to
+prove the claim of their doctrine to universal application, they took
+the shortest cut, and boldly applied it to all subjects of knowledge
+in the giant work after which they were named--the _Encyclopédie_.
+Thus, in one or the other of its two forms--avowed materialism or
+deism--it became the creed of the whole cultured youth of France; so
+much so that, when the great Revolution broke out, the doctrine
+hatched by English Royalists gave a theoretical flag to French
+Republicans and Terrorists, and furnished the text for the Declaration
+of the Rights of Man. The great French Revolution was the third
+uprising of the bourgeoisie, but the first that had entirely cast off
+the religious cloak, and was fought out on undisguised political
+lines; it was the first, too, that was really fought out to the
+destruction of one of the combatants, the aristocracy, and the
+complete triumph of the other, the bourgeoisie. In England the
+continuity of pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary institutions,
+and the compromise between landlords and capitalists, found its
+expression in the continuity of judicial precedents and in the
+religious preservation of the feudal forms of the law. In France the
+Revolution constituted a complete breach with the traditions of the
+past; it cleared out the very last vestiges of feudalism, and created
+in the _Code Civil_ a masterly adaptation of the old Roman law--that
+almost perfect expression of the juridical relations corresponding to
+the economic stage called by Marx the production of commodities--to
+modern capitalistic conditions; so masterly that this French
+revolutionary code still serves as a model for reforms of the law of
+property in all other countries, not excepting England. Let us,
+however, not forget that if English law continues to express the
+economic relations of capitalistic society in that barbarous feudal
+language which corresponds to the thing expressed, just as English
+spelling corresponds to English pronunciation--_vous écrivez Londres
+et vous prononcez Constantinople_, said a Frenchman--that same English
+law is the only one which has preserved through ages, and transmitted
+to America and the Colonies the best part of that old Germanic
+personal freedom, local self-government, and independence from all
+interference but that of the law courts, which on the Continent has
+been lost during the period of absolute monarchy, and has nowhere been
+as yet fully recovered.
+
+To return to our British bourgeois. The French Revolution gave him a
+splendid opportunity, with the help of the Continental monarchies, to
+destroy French maritime commerce, to annex French colonies, and to
+crush the last French pretensions to maritime rivalry. That was one
+reason why he fought it. Another was that the ways of this revolution
+went very much against his grain. Not only its "execrable" terrorism,
+but the very attempt to carry bourgeois rule to extremes. What should
+the British bourgeois do without his aristocracy, that taught him
+manners, such as they were, and invented fashions for him--that
+furnished officers for the army, which kept order at home, and the
+navy, which conquered colonial possessions and new markets abroad?
+There was indeed a progressive minority of the bourgeoisie, that
+minority whose interests were not so well attended to under the
+compromise; this section, composed chiefly of the less wealthy
+middle-class, did sympathize with the Revolution, but it was powerless
+in Parliament.
+
+Thus, if materialism became the creed of the French Revolution, the
+God-fearing English bourgeois held all the faster to his religion. Had
+not the reign of terror in Paris proved what was the upshot, if the
+religious instincts of the masses were lost? The more materialism
+spread from France to neighboring countries, and was reinforced by
+similar doctrinal currents, notably by German philosophy, the more, in
+fact, materialism and freethought generally became, on the Continent,
+the necessary qualifications of a cultivated man, the more stubbornly
+the English middle-class stuck to its manifold religious creeds. These
+creeds might differ from one another, but they were, all of them,
+distinctly religious, Christian creeds.
+
+While the Revolution ensured the political triumph of the bourgeoisie
+in France, in England Watt, Arkwright, Cartwright, and others,
+initiated an industrial revolution, which completely shifted the
+center of gravity of economic power. The wealth of the bourgeoisie
+increased considerably faster than that of the landed aristocracy.
+Within the bourgeoisie itself, the financial aristocracy, the bankers,
+etc., were more and more pushed into the background by the
+manufacturers. The compromise of 1689, even after the gradual changes
+it had undergone in favor of the bourgeoisie, no longer corresponded
+to the relative position of the parties to it. The character of these
+parties, too, had changed; the bourgeoisie of 1830 was very different
+from that of the preceding century. The political power still left to
+the aristocracy, and used by them to resist the pretensions of the new
+industrial bourgeoisie, became incompatible with the new economic
+interests. A fresh struggle with the aristocracy was necessary; it
+could end only in a victory of the new economic power. First, the
+Reform Act was pushed through, in spite of all resistance, under the
+impulse of the French Revolution of 1830. It gave to the bourgeoisie a
+recognized and powerful place in Parliament. Then the Repeal of the
+Corn Laws, which settled, once for all, the supremacy of the
+bourgeoisie, and especially of its most active portion, the
+manufacturers, over the landed aristocracy. This was the greatest
+victory of the bourgeoisie; it was, however, also the last it gained
+in its own, exclusive interest. Whatever triumphs it obtained later
+on, it had to share with a new social power, first its ally, but soon
+its rival.
+
+The industrial revolution had created a class of large manufacturing
+capitalists, but also a class--and a far more numerous one--of
+manufacturing work-people. This class gradually increased in numbers,
+in proportion as the industrial revolution seized upon one branch of
+manufacture after another, and in the same proportion it increased in
+power. This power it proved as early as 1824, by forcing a reluctant
+Parliament to repeal the acts forbidding combinations of workmen.
+During the Reform agitation, the working-men constituted the Radical
+wing of the Reform party; the Act of 1832 having excluded them from
+the suffrage, they formulated their demands in the People's Charter,
+and constituted themselves, in opposition to the great bourgeois
+Anti-Corn Law party, into an independent party, the Chartists, the
+first working-men's party of modern times.
+
+Then came the Continental revolutions of February and March, 1848, in
+which the working people played such a prominent part, and, at least
+in Paris, put forward demands which were certainly inadmissible from
+the point of view of capitalistic society. And then came the general
+reaction. First the defeat of the Chartists on the 10th April, 1848,
+then the crushing of the Paris working-men's insurrection in June of
+the same year, then the disasters of 1849 in Italy, Hungary, South
+Germany, and at last the victory of Louis Bonaparte over Paris, 2nd
+December, 1851. For a time, at least, the bugbear of working-class
+pretensions was put down, but at what cost! If the British bourgeois
+had been convinced before of the necessity of maintaining the common
+people in a religious mood, how much more must he feel that necessity
+after all these experiences? Regardless of the sneers of his
+Continental compeers, he continued to spend thousands and tens of
+thousands, year after year, upon the evangelization of the lower
+orders; not content with his own native religious machinery, he
+appealed to Brother Jonathan, the greatest organizer in existence of
+religion as a trade, and imported from America revivalism, Moody and
+Sankey, and the like; and, finally, he accepted the dangerous aid of
+the Salvation Army, which revives the propaganda of early
+Christianity, appeals to the poor as the elect, fights capitalism in a
+religious way, and thus fosters an element of early Christian class
+antagonism, which one day may become troublesome to the well-to-do
+people who now find the ready money for it.
+
+It seems a law of historical development that the bourgeoisie can in
+no European country get hold of political power--at least for any
+length of time--in the same exclusive way in which the feudal
+aristocracy kept hold of it during the Middle Ages. Even in France,
+where feudalism was completely extinguished, the bourgeoisie, as a
+whole, has held full possession of the Government for very short
+periods only. During Louis Philippe's reign, 1830-48, a very small
+portion of the bourgeoisie ruled the kingdom; by far the larger part
+were excluded from the suffrage by the high qualification. Under the
+second Republic, 1848-51, the whole bourgeoisie ruled, but for three
+years only; their incapacity brought on the second Empire. It is only
+now, in the third Republic, that the bourgeoisie as a whole have kept
+possession of the helm for more than twenty years; and they are
+already showing lively signs of decadence. A durable reign of the
+bourgeoisie has been possible only in countries like America, where
+feudalism was unknown, and society at the very beginning started from
+a bourgeois basis. And even in France and America, the successors of
+the bourgeoisie, the working people, are already knocking at the door.
+
+In England, the bourgeoisie never held undivided sway. Even the
+victory of 1832 left the landed aristocracy in almost exclusive
+possession of all the leading Government offices. The meekness with
+which the wealthy middle-class submitted to this, remained
+inconceivable to me until the great Liberal manufacturer, Mr. W.A.
+Forster, in a public speech implored the young men of Bradford to
+learn French, as a means to get on in the world, and quoted from his
+own experience how sheepish he looked when, as a Cabinet Minister, he
+had to move in society where French was, at least, as necessary as
+English! The fact was, the English middle-class of that time were, as
+a rule, quite uneducated upstarts, and could not help leaving to the
+aristocracy those superior Government places where other
+qualifications were required than mere insular narrowness and insular
+conceit, seasoned by business sharpness.[C] Even now the endless
+newspaper debates about middle-class education show that the English
+middle-class does not yet consider itself good enough for the best
+education, and looks to something more modest. Thus, even after the
+Repeal of the Corn Laws, it appeared a matter of course, that the men
+who had carried the day, the Cobdens, Brights, Forsters, etc., should
+remain excluded from a share in the official government of the
+country, until twenty years afterwards, a new Reform Act opened to
+them the door of the Cabinet. The English bourgeoisie are, up to the
+present day, so deeply penetrated by a sense of their social
+inferiority that they keep up, at their own expense and that of the
+nation, an ornamental caste of drones to represent the nation worthily
+at all State functions; and they consider themselves highly honored
+whenever one of themselves is found worthy of admission into this
+select and privileged body, manufactured, after all, by themselves.
+
+The industrial and commercial middle-class had, therefore, not yet
+succeeded in driving the landed aristocracy completely from political
+power when another competitor, the working-class, appeared on the
+stage. The reaction after the Chartist movement and the Continental
+revolutions, as well as the unparalleled extension of English trade
+from 1848-1866, (ascribed vulgarly to Free Trade alone, but due far
+more to the colossal development of railways, ocean steamers, and
+means of intercourse generally), had again driven the working-class
+into the dependency of the Liberal party, of which they formed, as in
+pre-Chartist times, the Radical wing. Their claims to the franchise,
+however, gradually became irresistible; while the Whig leaders of the
+Liberals "funked," Disraeli showed his superiority by making the
+Tories seize the favorable moment and introduce household suffrage in
+the boroughs, along with a redistribution of seats. Then followed the
+ballot; then in 1884 the extension of household suffrage to the
+counties and a fresh redistribution of seats, by which electoral
+districts were to some extent equalized. All these measures
+considerably increased the electoral power of the working-class, so
+much so that in at least 150 to 200 constituencies that class now
+furnishes the majority of voters. But parliamentary government is a
+capital school for teaching respect for tradition; if the middle-class
+look with awe and veneration upon what Lord John Manners playfully
+called "our old nobility," the mass of the working-people then looked
+up with respect and deference to what used to be designated as "their
+betters," the middle-class. Indeed, the British workman, some fifteen
+years ago, was the model workman, whose respectful regard for the
+position of his master, and whose self-restraining modesty in claiming
+rights for himself, consoled our German economists of the
+_Katheder-Socialist_ school for the incurable communistic and
+revolutionary tendencies of their own working-men at home.
+
+But the English middle-class--the good men of business as they
+are--saw farther than the German professors. They had shared their
+power but reluctantly with the working-class. They had learnt, during
+the Chartist years, what that _puer robustus sed malitiosus_, the
+people, is capable of. And since that time, they had been compelled to
+incorporate the better part of the People's Charter in the Statutes
+of the United Kingdom. Now, if ever, the people must be kept in order
+by moral means, and the first and foremost of all moral means of
+action upon the masses is and remains--religion. Hence the parsons'
+majorities on the School Boards, hence the increasing self-taxation of
+the bourgeoisie for the support of all sorts of revivalism, from
+ritualism to the Salvation Army.
+
+And now came the triumph of British respectability over the
+freethought and religious laxity of the Continental bourgeois. The
+workmen of France and Germany had become rebellious. They were
+thoroughly infected with socialism, and, for very good reasons, were
+not at all particular as to the legality of the means by which to
+secure their own ascendency. The _puer robustus_, here, turned from
+day to day more _malitiosus_. Nothing remained to the French and
+German bourgeoisie as a last resource but to silently drop their
+freethought, as a youngster, when sea-sickness creeps upon him,
+quietly drops the burning cigar he brought swaggeringly on board; one
+by one, the scoffers turned pious in outward behavior, spoke with
+respect of the Church, its dogmas and rites, and even conformed with
+the latter as far as could not be helped. French bourgeoisie dined
+_maigre_ on Fridays, and German ones sat out long Protestant sermons
+in their pews on Sundays. They had come to grief with materialism.
+"_Die Religion muss dem Volk erhalten werden_,"--religion must be
+kept alive for the people--that was the only and the last means to
+save society from utter ruin. Unfortunately for themselves, they did
+not find this out until they had done their level best to break up
+religion for ever. And now it was the turn of the British bourgeois to
+sneer and to say: "Why, you fools, I could have told you that two
+hundred years ago!"
+
+However, I am afraid neither the religious stolidity of the British,
+nor the _post festum_ conversion of the Continental bourgeois will
+stem the rising Proletarian tide. Tradition is a great retarding
+force, is the _vis inertiæ_ of history, but, being merely passive, is
+sure to be broken down; and thus religion will be no lasting safeguard
+to capitalist society. If our juridical, philosophical, and religious
+ideas are the more or less remote offshoots of the economical
+relations prevailing in a given society, such ideas cannot, in the
+long run, withstand the effects of a complete change in these
+relations. And, unless we believe in supernatural revelation, we must
+admit that no religious tenets will ever suffice to prop up a
+tottering society.
+
+In fact, in England, too, the working-people have begun to move again.
+They are, no doubt, shackled by traditions of various kinds. Bourgeois
+traditions, such as the widespread belief that there can be but two
+parties, Conservatives and Liberals, and that the working-class must
+work out its salvation by and through the great Liberal party.
+Working-men's traditions, inherited from their first tentative efforts
+at independent action, such as the exclusion, from ever so many old
+Trade Unions, of all applicants who have not gone through a regular
+apprenticeship; which means the breeding, by every such union, of its
+own blacklegs. But for all that the English working-class is moving,
+as even Professor Brentano has sorrowfully had to report to his
+brother Katheder-Socialists. It moves, like all things in England,
+with a slow and measured step, with hesitation here, with more or less
+unfruitful, tentative attempts there; it moves now and then with an
+over-cautious mistrust of the name of Socialism, while it gradually
+absorbs the substance; and the movement spreads and seizes one layer
+of the workers after another. It has now shaken out of their torpor
+the unskilled laborers of the East End of London, and we all know what
+a splendid impulse these fresh forces have given it in return. And if
+the pace of the movement is not up to the impatience of some people,
+let them not forget that it is the working-class which keeps alive the
+finest qualities of the English character, and that, if a step in
+advance is once gained in England, it is, as a rule, never lost
+afterwards. If the sons of the old Chartists, for reasons explained
+above, were not quite up to the mark, the grandsons bid fair to be
+worthy of their forefathers.
+
+But the triumph of the European working-class does not depend upon
+England alone. It can only be secured by the co-operation of, at
+least, England, France, and Germany. In both the latter countries the
+working-class movement is well ahead of England. In Germany it is even
+within measurable distance of success. The progress it has there made
+during the last twenty-five years is unparalleled. It advances with
+ever-increasing velocity. If the German middle-class have shown
+themselves lamentably deficient in political capacity, discipline,
+courage, energy, and perseverance, the German working-class have given
+ample proof of all these qualities. Four hundred years ago, Germany
+was the starting-point of the first upheaval of the European
+middle-class; as things are now, is it outside the limits of
+possibility that Germany will be the scene, too, of the first great
+victory of the European proletariat?
+
+                                                       F. ENGELS.
+
+  _April 20th, 1892._
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] "Qual" is a philosophical play upon words. Qual literally means
+torture, a pain which drives to action of some kind; at the same time
+the mystic Böhme puts into the German word something of the meaning of
+the Latin _qualitas_; his "qual" was the activating principle arising
+from, and promoting in its turn, the spontaneous development of the
+thing, relation, or person subject to it, in contradistinction to a
+pain inflicted from without.
+
+[B] Marx and Engels, "Die Heilige Familie," Frankfurt a. M. 1845, pp.
+201-204.
+
+[C] And even in business matters, the conceit of national Chauvinism
+is but a sorry adviser. Up to quite recently, the average English
+manufacturer considered it derogatory from an Englishman to speak any
+language but his own, and felt rather proud than otherwise of the fact
+that "poor devils" of foreigners settled in England and took off his
+hands the trouble of disposing of his products abroad. He never
+noticed that these foreigners, mostly Germans, thus got command of a
+very large part of British foreign trade, imports and exports, and
+that the direct foreign trade of Englishmen became limited, almost
+entirely, to the colonies, China, the United States, and South
+America. Nor did he notice that these Germans traded with other
+Germans abroad, who gradually organized a complete network of
+commercial colonies all over the world. But when Germany, about forty
+years ago, seriously began manufacturing for export, this network
+served her admirably in her transformation, in so short a time, from a
+corn-exporting into a first-rate manufacturing country. Then, about
+ten years ago, the British manufacturer got frightened, and asked his
+ambassadors and consuls how it was that he could no longer keep his
+customers together. The unanimous answer was: (1) You don't learn your
+customer's language but expect him to speak your own; (2) You don't
+even try to suit your customer's wants, habits, and tastes, but expect
+him to conform to your English ones.
+
+
+
+
+SOCIALISM
+
+UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+
+Modern Socialism is, in its essence, the direct product of the
+recognition, on the one hand, of the class antagonisms, existing in
+the society of to-day, between proprietors and non-proprietors,
+between capitalists and wage-workers; on the other hand, of the
+anarchy existing in production. But, in its theoretical form, modern
+Socialism originally appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of
+the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the
+eighteenth century. Like every new theory, modern Socialism had, at
+first, to connect itself with the intellectual stock-in-trade ready to
+its hand, however deeply its roots lay in material economic facts.
+
+The great men, who in France prepared men's minds for the coming
+revolution, were themselves extreme revolutionists. They recognized no
+external authority of any kind whatever. Religion, natural science,
+society, political institutions, everything, was subjected to the most
+unsparing criticism; everything must justify its existence before the
+judgment-seat of reason, or give up existence. Reason became the sole
+measure of everything. It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world
+stood upon its head;[1] first, in the sense that the human head, and
+the principles arrived at by its thought, claimed to be the basis of
+all human action and association; but by and by, also, in the wider
+sense that the reality which was in contradiction to these principles
+had, in fact, to be turned upside down. Every form of society and
+government then existing, every old traditional notion was flung into
+the lumber-room as irrational: the world had hitherto allowed itself
+to be led solely by prejudices; everything in the past deserved only
+pity and contempt. Now, for the first time, appeared the light of day,
+the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege,
+oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right,
+equality based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man.
+
+We know to-day that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than the
+idealized kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found
+its realization in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced
+itself to bourgeois equality before the law; that bourgeois property
+was proclaimed as one of the essential rights of man; and that the
+government of reason, the Contrat Social of Rousseau, came into
+being, and only could come into being, as a democratic bourgeois
+republic. The great thinkers of the eighteenth century could, no more
+than their predecessors, go beyond the limits imposed upon them by
+their epoch.
+
+But, side by side with the antagonism of the feudal nobility and the
+burghers, who claimed to represent all the rest of society, was the
+general antagonism of exploiters and exploited, of rich idlers and
+poor workers. It was this very circumstance that made it possible for
+the representatives of the bourgeoisie to put themselves forward as
+representing, not one special class, but the whole of suffering
+humanity. Still further. From its origin, the bourgeoisie was saddled
+with its antithesis: capitalists cannot exist without wage-workers,
+and, in the same proportion as the mediæval burgher of the guild
+developed into the modern bourgeois, the guild journeyman and the
+day-laborer, outside the guilds, developed into the proletarian. And
+although, upon the whole, the bourgeoisie, in their struggle with the
+nobility, could claim to represent at the same time the interests of
+the different working-classes of that period, yet in every great
+bourgeois movement there were independent outbursts of that class
+which was the forerunner, more or less developed, of the modern
+proletariat. For example, at the time of the German reformation and
+the peasants' war, the Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer; in the great
+English revolution, the Levellers; in the great French revolution,
+Baboeuf.
+
+There were theoretical enunciations corresponding with these
+revolutionary uprisings of a class not yet developed; in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, Utopian pictures of ideal social
+conditions; in the eighteenth, actual communistic theories (Morelly
+and Mably). The demand for equality was no longer limited to political
+rights; it was extended also to the social conditions of individuals.
+It was not simply class privileges that were to be abolished, but
+class distinctions themselves. A Communism, ascetic, denouncing all
+the pleasures of life, Spartan, was the first form of the new
+teaching. Then came the three great Utopians; Saint Simon, to whom
+the middle-class movement, side by side with the proletarian, still
+had a certain significance; Fourier; and Owen, who in the country
+where capitalist production was most developed, and under the
+influence of the antagonisms begotten of this, worked out his
+proposals for the removal of class distinction systematically and in
+direct relation to French materialism.
+
+One thing is common to all three. Not one of them appears as a
+representative of the interests of that proletariat, which historical
+development had, in the meantime, produced. Like the French
+philosophers, they do not claim to emancipate a particular class to
+begin with, but all humanity at once. Like them, they wish to bring in
+the kingdom of reason and eternal justice, but this kingdom, as they
+see it, is as far as heaven from earth, from that of the French
+philosophers.
+
+For, to our three social reformers, the bourgeois world, based upon
+the principles of these philosophers, is quite as irrational and
+unjust, and, therefore, finds its way in the dust-hole quite as
+readily as feudalism and all the earlier stages of society. If pure
+reason and justice have not, hitherto, ruled the world, this has been
+the case only because men have not rightly understood them. What was
+wanted was the individual man of genius, who has now arisen and who
+understands the truth. That he has now arisen, that the truth has now
+been clearly understood, is not an inevitable event, following of
+necessity in the chain of historical development, but a mere happy
+accident. He might just as well have been born 500 years earlier, and
+might then have spared humanity 500 years of error, strife, and
+suffering.
+
+We saw how the French philosophers of the eighteenth century, the
+forerunners of the Revolution, appealed to reason as the sole judge of
+all that is. A rational government, rational society, were to be
+founded; everything that ran counter to eternal reason was to be
+remorselessly done away with. We saw also that this eternal reason was
+in reality nothing but the idealized understanding of the eighteenth
+century citizen, just then evolving into the bourgeois. The French
+Revolution had realized this rational society and government.
+
+But the new order of things, rational enough as compared with earlier
+conditions, turned out to be by no means absolutely rational. The
+State based upon reason completely collapsed. Rousseau's Contrat
+Social had found its realization in the Reign of Terror, from which
+the bourgeoisie, who had lost confidence in their own political
+capacity, had taken refuge first in the corruption of the Directorate,
+and, finally, under the wing of the Napoleonic despotism. The promised
+eternal peace was turned into an endless war of conquest. The society
+based upon reason had fared no better. The antagonism between rich and
+poor, instead of dissolving into general prosperity, had become
+intensified by the removal of the guild and other privileges, which
+had to some extent bridged it over, and by the removal of the
+charitable institutions of the Church. The "freedom of property" from
+feudal fetters, now veritably accomplished, turned out to be, for the
+small capitalists and small proprietors, the freedom to sell their
+small property, crushed under the overmastering competition of the
+large capitalists and landlords, to these great lords, and thus, as
+far as the small capitalists and peasant proprietors were concerned,
+became "freedom _from_ property." The development of industry upon a
+capitalistic basis made poverty and misery of the working masses
+conditions of existence of society. Cash payment became more and more,
+in Carlyle's phrase, the sole nexus between man and man. The number of
+crimes increased from year to year. Formerly, the feudal vices had
+openly stalked about in broad daylight; though not eradicated, they
+were now at any rate thrust into the background. In their stead, the
+bourgeois vices, hitherto practiced in secret, began to blossom all
+the more luxuriantly. Trade became to a greater and greater extent
+cheating. The "fraternity" of the revolutionary motto was realized in
+the chicanery and rivalries of the battle of competition. Oppression
+by force was replaced by corruption; the sword, as the first social
+lever, by gold. The right of the first night was transferred from the
+feudal lords to the bourgeois manufacturers. Prostitution increased to
+an extent never heard of. Marriage itself remained, as before, the
+legally recognized form, the official cloak of prostitution, and,
+moreover, was supplemented by rich crops of adultery.
+
+In a word, compared with the splendid promises of the philosophers,
+the social and political institutions born of the "triumph of reason"
+were bitterly disappointing caricatures. All that was wanting was the
+men to formulate this disappointment, and they came with the turn of
+the century. In 1802 Saint Simon's Geneva letters appeared; in 1808
+appeared Fourier's first work, although the groundwork of his theory
+dated from 1799; on January 1, 1800, Robert Owen undertook the
+direction of New Lanark.
+
+At this time, however, the capitalist mode of production, and with it
+the antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, was still
+very incompletely developed. Modern Industry, which had just arisen
+in England, was still unknown in France. But Modern Industry
+develops, on the one hand, the conflicts which make absolutely
+necessary a revolution in the mode of production, and the doing away
+with its capitalistic character--conflicts not only between the
+classes begotten of it, but also between the very productive forces
+and the forms of exchange created by it. And, on the other hand, it
+develops, in these very gigantic productive forces, the means of
+ending these conflicts. If, therefore, about the year 1800, the
+conflicts arising from the new social order were only just beginning
+to take shape, this holds still more fully as to the means of ending
+them. The "have-nothing" masses of Paris, during the Reign of Terror,
+were able for a moment to gain the mastery, and thus to lead the
+bourgeois revolution to victory in spite of the bourgeoisie
+themselves. But, in doing so, they only proved how impossible it was
+for their domination to last under the conditions then obtaining. The
+proletariat, which then for the first time evolved itself from these
+"have-nothing" masses as the nucleus of a new class, as yet quite
+incapable of independent political action, appeared as an oppressed,
+suffering order, to whom, in its incapacity to help itself, help
+could, at best, be brought in from without, or down from above.
+
+This historical situation also dominated the founders of Socialism. To
+the crude conditions of capitalistic production and the crude class
+conditions corresponded crude theories. The solution of the social
+problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions,
+the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain. Society
+presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these was the task of reason.
+It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of
+social order and to impose this upon society from without by
+propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model
+experiments. These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the
+more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could
+not avoid drifting off into pure phantasies.
+
+These facts once established, we need not dwell a moment longer upon
+this side of the question, now wholly belonging to the past. We can
+leave it to the literary small fry to solemnly quibble over these
+phantasies, which to-day only make us smile, and to crow over the
+superiority of their own bald reasoning, as compared with such
+"insanity." For ourselves, we delight in the stupendously grand
+thoughts and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their
+phantastic covering, and to which these Philistines are blind.
+
+Saint Simon was a son of the great French Revolution, at the outbreak
+of which he was not yet thirty. The Revolution was the victory of the
+third estate, _i.e._, of the great masses of the nation, _working_ in
+production and in trade, over the privileged _idle_ classes, the
+nobles and the priests. But the victory of the third estate soon
+revealed itself as exclusively the victory of a small part of this
+"estate," as the conquest of political power by the socially
+privileged section of it, _i.e._, the propertied bourgeoisie. And the
+bourgeoisie had certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution,
+partly by speculation in the lands of the nobility and of the Church,
+confiscated and afterwards put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon
+the nation by means of army contracts. It was the domination of these
+swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of
+ruin, and thus gave Napoleon the pretext for his _coup-d'état_.
+
+Hence, to Saint Simon the antagonism between the third estate and the
+privileged classes took the form of an antagonism between "workers"
+and "idlers." The idlers were not merely the old privileged classes,
+but also all who, without taking any part in production or
+distribution, lived on their incomes. And the workers were not only
+the wage-workers, but also the manufacturers, the merchants, the
+bankers. That the idlers had lost the capacity for intellectual
+leadership and political supremacy had been proved, and was by the
+Revolution finally settled. That the non-possessing classes had not
+this capacity seemed to Saint Simon proved by the experiences of the
+Reign of Terror. Then, who was to lead and command? According to
+Saint Simon, science and industry, both united by a new religious
+bond, destined to restore that unity of religious ideas which had been
+lost since the time of the Reformation--a necessarily mystic and
+rigidly hierarchic "new Christianity." But science, that was the
+scholars; and industry, that was in the first place, the working
+bourgeois, manufacturers, merchants, bankers. These bourgeoisie were
+certainly, intended by Saint Simon to transform themselves into a kind
+of public officials, of social trustees; but they were still to hold,
+_vis-à-vis_ of the workers, a commanding and economically privileged
+position. The bankers especially were to be called upon to direct the
+whole of social production by the regulation of credit. This
+conception was in exact keeping with a time in which Modern Industry
+in France and, with it, the chasm between bourgeoisie and proletariat
+was only just coming into existence. But what Saint Simon especially
+lays stress upon is this: what interests him first, and above all
+other things, is the lot of the class that is the most numerous and
+the most poor ("_la classe la plus nombreuse et la plus pauvre_").
+
+Already, in his Geneva letters, Saint Simon lays down the proposition
+that "all men ought to work." In the same work he recognizes also that
+the Reign of Terror was the reign of the non-possessing masses. "See,"
+says he to them, "what happened in France at the time when your
+comrades held sway there; they brought about a famine." But to
+recognize the French Revolution as a class war, and not simply one
+between nobility and bourgeoisie, but between nobility, bourgeoisie,
+and the non-possessers, was, in the year 1802, a most pregnant
+discovery. In 1816, he declares that politics is the science of
+production, and foretells the complete absorption of politics by
+economics. The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of
+political institutions appears here only in embryo. Yet what is here
+already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of
+political rule over men into an administration of things and a
+direction of processes of production--that is to say, the "abolition
+of the State," about which recently there has been so much noise.
+
+Saint Simon shows the same superiority over his contemporaries, when
+in 1814, immediately after the entry of the allies into Paris, and
+again in 1815, during the Hundred Days' War, he proclaims the alliance
+of France with England, and then of both these countries with Germany,
+as the only guarantee for the prosperous development and peace of
+Europe. To preach to the French in 1815 an alliance with the victors
+of Waterloo required as much courage as historical foresight.
+
+If in Saint Simon we find a comprehensive breadth of view, by virtue
+of which almost all the ideas of later Socialists, that are not
+strictly economic, are found in him in embryo, we find in Fourier a
+criticism of the existing conditions of society genuinely French and
+witty, but not upon that account any the less thorough. Fourier takes
+the bourgeoisie, their inspired prophets before the Revolution, and
+their interested eulogists after it, at their own word. He lays bare
+remorsely the material and moral misery of the bourgeois world. He
+confronts it with the earlier philosophers' dazzling promises of a
+society in which reason alone should reign, of a civilization in which
+happiness should be universal, of an illimitable human perfectibility,
+and with the rose-colored phraseology of the bourgeois ideologists of
+his time. He points out how everywhere the most pitiful reality
+corresponds with the most high-sounding phrases, and he overwhelms
+this hopeless fiasco of phrases with his mordant sarcasm.
+
+Fourier is not only a critic; his imperturbably serene nature makes
+him a satirist, and assuredly one of the greatest satirists of all
+time. He depicts, with equal power and charm, the swindling
+speculations that blossomed out upon the downfall of the Revolution,
+and the shopkeeping spirit prevalent in, and characteristic of, French
+commerce at that time. Still more masterly is his criticism of the
+bourgeois form of the relations between the sexes, and the position of
+woman in bourgeois society. He was the first to declare that in any
+given society the degree of woman's emancipation is the natural
+measure of the general emancipation.
+
+But Fourier is at his greatest in his conception of the history of
+society. He divides its whole course, thus far, into four stages of
+evolution--savagery, barbarism, the patriarchate, civilization. This
+last is identical with the so-called civil, or bourgeois, society of
+to-day--_i.e._, with the social order that came in with the sixteenth
+century. He proves "that the civilized stage raises every vice
+practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion, into a form of existence,
+complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical"--that civilization moves
+in "a vicious circle," in contradictions which it constantly
+reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly
+arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or
+pretends to want to attain, so that, _e.g._, "under civilization
+poverty is born of superabundance itself."
+
+Fourier, as we see, uses the dialectic method in the same masterly way
+as his contemporary Hegel. Using these same dialectics, he argues,
+against the talk about illimitable human perfectibility that every
+historical phase has its period of ascent and also its period of
+descent, and he applies this observation to the future of the whole
+human race. As Kant introduced into natural science the idea of the
+ultimate destruction of the earth, Fourier introduced into historical
+science that of the ultimate destruction of the human race.
+
+Whilst in France the hurricane of the Revolution swept over the land,
+in England a quieter, but not on that account less tremendous,
+revolution was going on. Steam and the new tool-making machinery were
+transforming manufacture into modern industry, and thus
+revolutionizing the whole foundation of bourgeois society. The
+sluggish march of development of the manufacturing period changed into
+a veritable storm and stress period of production. With constantly
+increasing swiftness the splitting-up of society into large
+capitalists and non-possessing proletarians went on. Between these,
+instead of the former stable middle-class, an unstable mass of
+artisans and small shopkeepers, the most fluctuating portion of the
+population, now led a precarious existence.
+
+The new mode of production was, as yet, only at the beginning of its
+period of ascent; as yet it was the normal, regular method of
+production--the only one possible under existing conditions.
+Nevertheless, even then it was producing crying social abuses--the
+herding together of a homeless population in the worst quarters of the
+large towns; the loosening of all traditional moral bonds, of
+patriarchal subordination, of family relations; overwork, especially
+of women and children, to a frightful extent; complete demoralization
+of the working-class, suddenly flung into altogether new conditions,
+from the country into the town, from agriculture into modern industry,
+from stable conditions of existence into insecure ones that changed
+from day to day.
+
+At this juncture there came forward as a reformer a manufacturer 29
+years old--a man of almost sublime, childlike simplicity of character,
+and at the same time one of the few born leaders of men. Robert Owen
+had adopted the teaching of the materialistic philosophers: that
+man's character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity, on the
+other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and
+especially during his period of development. In the industrial
+revolution most of his class saw only chaos and confusion, and the
+opportunity of fishing in these troubled waters and making large
+fortunes quickly. He saw in it the opportunity of putting into
+practice his favorite theory, and so of bringing order out of chaos.
+He had already tried it with success, as superintendent of more than
+five hundred men in a Manchester factory. From 1800 to 1829, he
+directed the great cotton mill at New Lanark, in Scotland, as managing
+partner, along the same lines, but with greater freedom of action and
+with a success that made him a European reputation. A population,
+originally consisting of the most diverse and, for the most part, very
+demoralized elements, a population that gradually grew to 2,500, he
+turned into a model colony, in which drunkenness, police, magistrates,
+lawsuits, poor laws, charity, were unknown. And all this simply by
+placing the people in conditions worthy of human beings, and
+especially by carefully bringing up the rising generation. He was the
+founder of infant schools, and introduced them first at New Lanark. At
+the age of two the children came to school, where they enjoyed
+themselves so much that they could scarcely be got home again. Whilst
+his competitors worked their people thirteen or fourteen hours a day,
+in New Lanark the working-day was only ten and a half hours. When a
+crisis in cotton stopped work for four months, his workers received
+their full wages all the time. And with all this the business more
+than doubled in value, and to the last yielded large profits to its
+proprietors.
+
+In spite of all this, Owen was not content. The existence which he
+secured for his workers was, in his eyes, still far from being worthy
+of human beings. "The people were slaves at my mercy." The relatively
+favorable conditions in which he had placed them were still far from
+allowing a rational development of the character and of the intellect
+in all directions, much less of the free exercise of all their
+faculties. "And yet, the working part of this population of 2,500
+persons was daily producing as much real wealth for society as, less
+than half a century before, it would have required the working part of
+a population of 600,000 to create. I asked myself, what became of the
+difference between the wealth consumed by 2,500 persons and that which
+would have been consumed by 600,000?"[2]
+
+The answer was clear. It had been used to pay the proprietors of the
+establishment 5 per cent. on the capital they had laid out, in
+addition to over £300,000 clear profit. And that which held for New
+Lanark held to a still greater extent for all the factories in
+England. "If this new wealth had not been created by machinery,
+imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition
+to Napoleon, and to support the aristocratic principles of society,
+could not have been maintained. And yet this new power was the
+creation of the working-classes."[3] To them, therefore, the fruits of
+this new power belonged. The newly-created gigantic productive forces,
+hitherto used only to enrich individuals and to enslave the masses,
+offered to Owen the foundations for a reconstruction of society; they
+were destined, as the common property of all, to be worked for the
+common good of all.
+
+Owen's Communism was based upon this purely business foundation, the
+outcome, so to say, of commercial calculation. Throughout, it
+maintained this practical character. Thus, in 1823, Owen proposed the
+relief of the distress in Ireland by Communist colonies, and drew up
+complete estimates of costs of founding them, yearly expenditure, and
+probable revenue. And in his definite plan for the future, the
+technical working out of details is managed with such practical
+knowledge--ground plan, front and side and bird's-eye views all
+included--that the Owen method of social reform once accepted, there
+is from the practical point of view little to be said against the
+actual arrangement of details.
+
+His advance in the direction of Communism was the turning-point in
+Owen's life. As long as he was simply a philanthropist, he was
+rewarded with nothing but wealth, applause, honor, and glory. He was
+the most popular man in Europe. Not only men of his own class, but
+statesmen and princes listened to him approvingly. But when he came
+out with his Communist theories, that was quite another thing. Three
+great obstacles seemed to him especially to block the path to social
+reform: private property, religion, the present form of marriage. He
+knew what confronted him if he attacked these--outlawry,
+excommunication from official society, the loss of his whole social
+position. But nothing of this prevented him from attacking them
+without fear of consequences, and what he had foreseen happened.
+Banished from official society, with a conspiracy of silence against
+him in the press, ruined by his unsuccessful Communist experiments in
+America, in which he sacrificed all his fortune, he turned directly to
+the working-class and continued working in their midst for thirty
+years. Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf
+of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen. He forced
+through in 1819, after five years' fighting, the first law limiting
+the hours of labor of women and children in factories. He was
+president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of
+England united in a single great trade association. He introduced as
+transition measures to the complete communistic organization of
+society, on the one hand, cooperative societies for retail trade and
+production. These have since that time, at least, given practical
+proof that the merchant and the manufacturer are socially quite
+unnecessary. On the other hand, he introduced labor bazaars for the
+exchange of the products of labor through the medium of labor-notes,
+whose unit was a single hour of work; institutions necessarily doomed
+to failure, but completely anticipating Proudhon's bank of exchange
+of a much later period, and differing entirely from this in that it
+did not claim to be the panacea for all social ills, but only a first
+step towards a much more radical revolution of society.
+
+The Utopians' mode of thought has for a long time governed the
+socialist ideas of the nineteenth century, and still governs some of
+them. Until very recently all French and English Socialists did homage
+to it. The earlier German Communism, including that of Weitling, was
+of the same school. To all these Socialism is the expression of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice, and has only to be discovered to
+conquer all the world by virtue of its own power. And as absolute
+truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development
+of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With
+all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the
+founder of each different school. And as each one's special kind of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice is again conditioned by his
+subjective understanding, his conditions of existence, the measure of
+his knowledge and his intellectual training, there is no other ending
+possible in this conflict of absolute truths than that they shall be
+mutually exclusive one of the other. Hence, from this nothing could
+come but a kind of eclectic, average Socialism, which, as a matter of
+fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the
+socialist workers in France and England. Hence, a mish-mash allowing
+of the most manifold shades of opinion; a mish-mash of such critical
+statements, economic theories, pictures of future society by the
+founders of different sects, as excite a minimum of opposition; a
+mish-mash which is the more easily brewed the more the definite sharp
+edges of the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of
+debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.
+
+To make a science of Socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real
+basis.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This is the passage on the French Revolution: "Thought, the
+concept of law, all at once made itself felt, and against this the old
+scaffolding of wrong could make no stand. In this conception of law,
+therefore, a constitution has now been established, and henceforth
+everything must be based upon this. Since the sun had been in the
+firmament, and the planets circled round him, the sight had never been
+seen of man standing upon his head--_i.e._, on the Idea--and building
+reality after this image. Anaxagoras first said that the Nous, reason,
+rules the world; but now, for the first time, had man come to
+recognize that the Idea must rule the mental reality. And this was a
+magnificent sunrise. All thinking Beings have participated in
+celebrating this holy day. A sublime emotion swayed men at that time,
+an enthusiasm of reason pervaded the world, as if now had come the
+reconciliation of the Divine Principle with the world." [Hegel:
+"Philosophy of History," 1840, p. 535.] Is it not high time to set the
+anti-Socialist law in action against such teachings, subversive and to
+the common danger, by the late Professor Hegel?
+
+[2] From "The Revolution in Mind and Practice," p. 21, a memorial
+addressed to all the "red Republicans, Communists and Socialists of
+Europe," and sent to the provisional government of France, 1848, and
+also "to Queen Victoria and her responsible advisers."
+
+[3] Note, l. c., p. 70.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+
+In the meantime, along with and after the French philosophy of the
+eighteenth century had arisen the new German philosophy, culminating
+in Hegel. Its greatest merit was the taking up again of dialectics as
+the highest form of reasoning. The old Greek philosophers were all
+born natural dialecticians, and Aristotle, the most encyclopædic
+intellect of them, had already analyzed the most essential forms of
+dialectic thought. The newer philosophy, on the other hand, although
+in it also dialectics had brilliant exponents (_e.g._ Descartes and
+Spinoza), had, especially through English influence, become more and
+more rigidly fixed in the so-called metaphysical mode of reasoning, by
+which also the French of the eighteenth century were almost wholly
+dominated, at all events in their special philosophical work. Outside
+philosophy in the restricted sense, the French nevertheless produced
+masterpieces of dialectic. We need only call to mind Diderot's "Le
+Neveu de Rameau," and Rousseau's "Discours sur l'origine et les
+fondements de l'inégalité parmi les hommes." We give here, in brief,
+the essential character of these two modes of thought.
+
+When we consider and reflect upon nature at large, or the history of
+mankind, or our own intellectual activity, at first we see the picture
+of an endless entanglement of relations and reactions, permutations
+and combinations, in which nothing remains what, where, and as it was,
+but everything moves, changes, comes into being and passes away. We
+see, therefore, at first the picture as a whole, with its individual
+parts still more or less kept in the background; we observe the
+movements, transitions, connections, rather than the things that move,
+combine, and are connected. This primitive, naïve, but intrinsically
+correct conception of the world is that of ancient Greek philosophy,
+and was first clearly formulated by Heraclitus: everything is and is
+not, for everything is fluid, is constantly changing, constantly
+coming into being and passing away.
+
+But this conception, correctly as it expresses the general character
+of the picture of appearances as a whole, does not suffice to explain
+the details of which this picture is made up, and so long as we do not
+understand these, we have not a clear idea of the whole picture. In
+order to understand these details we must detach them from their
+natural or historical connection and examine each one separately, its
+nature, special causes, effects, etc. This is, primarily, the task of
+natural science and historical research; branches of science which the
+Greeks of classical times, on very good grounds, relegated to a
+subordinate position, because they had first of all to collect
+materials for these sciences to work upon. A certain amount of natural
+and historical material must be collected before there can be any
+critical analysis, comparison, and arrangement in classes, orders, and
+species. The foundations of the exact natural sciences were,
+therefore, first worked out by the Greeks of the Alexandrian period,
+and later on, in the Middle Ages, by the Arabs. Real natural science
+dates from the second half of the fifteenth century, and thence onward
+it has advanced with constantly increasing rapidity. The analysis of
+Nature into its individual parts, the grouping of the different
+natural processes and objects in definite classes, the study of the
+internal anatomy of organized bodies in their manifold forms--these
+were the fundamental conditions of the gigantic strides in our
+knowledge of Nature that have been made during the last four hundred
+years. But this method of work has also left us as legacy the habit of
+observing natural objects and processes in isolation, apart from their
+connection with the vast whole; of observing them in repose, not in
+motion; as constants, not as essentially variables; in their death,
+not in their life. And when this way of looking at things was
+transferred by Bacon and Locke from natural science to philosophy, it
+begot the narrow, metaphysical mode of thought peculiar to the last
+century.
+
+To the metaphysician, things and their mental reflexes, ideas, are
+isolated, are to be considered one after the other and apart from
+each other, are objects of investigation fixed, rigid, given once for
+all. He thinks in absolutely irreconcilable antitheses. "His
+communication is 'yea, yea; nay, nay;' for whatsoever is more than
+these cometh of evil." For him a thing either exists or does not
+exist; a thing cannot at the same time be itself and something else.
+Positive and negative absolutely exclude one another; cause and effect
+stand in a rigid antithesis one to the other.
+
+At first sight this mode of thinking seems to us very luminous,
+because it is that of so-called sound commonsense. Only sound
+commonsense, respectable fellow that he is, in the homely realm of his
+own four walls, has very wonderful adventures directly he ventures out
+into the wide world of research. And the metaphysical mode of thought,
+justifiable and necessary as it is in a number of domains whose extent
+varies according to the nature of the particular object of
+investigation, sooner or later reaches a limit, beyond which it
+becomes one-sided, restricted, abstract, lost in insoluble
+contradictions. In the contemplation of individual things, it forgets
+the connection between them; in the contemplation of their existence,
+it forgets the beginning and end of that existence; of their repose,
+it forgets their motion. It cannot see the wood for the trees.
+
+For everyday purposes we know and can say _e.g._, whether an animal is
+alive or not. But, upon closer inquiry, we find that this is, in many
+cases, a very complex question, as the jurists know very well. They
+have cudgelled their brains in vain to discover a rational limit
+beyond which the killing of the child in its mother's womb is murder.
+It is just as impossible to determine absolutely the moment of death,
+for physiology proves that death is not an instantaneous, momentary
+phenomenon, but a very protracted process.
+
+In like manner, every organized being is every moment the same and not
+the same; every moment it assimilates matter supplied from without,
+and gets rid of other matter; every moment some cells of its body die
+and others build themselves anew; in a longer or shorter time the
+matter of its body is completely renewed, and is replaced by other
+molecules of matter, so that every organized being is always itself,
+and yet something other than itself.
+
+Further, we find upon closer investigation that the two poles of an
+antithesis, positive and negative, _e.g._, are as inseparable as they
+are opposed, and that despite all their opposition, they mutually
+interpenetrate. And we find, in like manner, that cause and effect are
+conceptions which only hold good in their application to individual
+cases; but as soon as we consider the individual cases in their
+general connection with the universe as a whole, they run into each
+other, and they become confounded when we contemplate that universal
+action and reaction in which causes and effects are eternally changing
+places, so that what is effect here and now will be cause there and
+then, and _vice versâ_.
+
+None of these processes and modes of thought enters into the framework
+of metaphysical reasoning. Dialectics, on the other hand, comprehends
+things and their representations, ideas, in their essential
+connection, concatenation, motion, origin, and ending. Such processes
+as those mentioned above are, therefore, so many corroborations of its
+own method of procedure.
+
+Nature is the proof of dialectics, and it must be said for modern
+science that it has furnished this proof with very rich materials
+increasing daily, and thus has shown that, in the last resort, Nature
+works dialectically and not metaphysically; that she does not move in
+the eternal oneness of a perpetually recurring circle, but goes
+through a real historical evolution. In this connection Darwin must be
+named before all others. He dealt the metaphysical conception of
+Nature the heaviest blow by his proof that all organic beings, plants,
+animals, and man himself, are the products of a process of evolution
+going on through millions of years. But the naturalists who have
+learned to think dialectically are few and far between, and this
+conflict of the results of discovery with preconceived modes of
+thinking explains the endless confusion now reigning in theoretical
+natural science, the despair of teachers as well as learners, of
+authors and readers alike.
+
+An exact representation of the universe, of its evolution, of the
+development of mankind, and of the reflection of this evolution in the
+minds of men, can therefore only be obtained by the methods of
+dialectics with its constant regard to the innumerable actions and
+reactions of life and death, of progressive or retrogressive changes.
+And in this spirit the new German philosophy has worked. Kant began
+his career by resolving the stable solar system of Newton and its
+eternal duration, after the famous initial impulse had once been
+given, into the result of a historic process, the formation of the sun
+and all the planets out of a rotating nebulous mass. From this he at
+the same time drew the conclusion that, given this origin of the solar
+system, its future death followed of necessity. His theory half a
+century later was established mathematically by Laplace, and half a
+century after that the spectroscope proved the existence in space of
+such incandescent masses of gas in various stages of condensation.
+
+This new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system. In this
+system--and herein is its great merit--for the first time the whole
+world, natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process,
+_i.e._, as in constant motion, change, transformation, development;
+and the attempt is made to trace out the internal connection that
+makes a continuous whole of all this movement and development. From
+this point of view the history of mankind no longer appeared as a wild
+whirl of senseless deeds of violence, all equally condemnable at the
+judgment seat of mature philosophic reason, and which are best
+forgotten as quickly as possible; but as the process of evolution of
+man himself. It was now the task of the intellect to follow the
+gradual march of this process through all its devious ways, and to
+trace out the inner law running through all its apparently accidental
+phenomena.
+
+That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded is
+here immaterial. Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the
+problem. This problem is one that no single individual will ever be
+able to solve. Although Hegel was--with Saint Simon--the most
+encyclopædic mind of his time, yet he was limited, first, by the
+necessarily limited extent of his own knowledge, and, second, by the
+limited extent and depth of the knowledge and conceptions of his age.
+To these limits a third must be added. Hegel was an idealist. To him
+the thoughts within his brain were not the more or less abstract
+pictures of actual things and processes, but, conversely, things and
+their evolution were only the realized pictures of the "Idea,"
+existing somewhere from eternity before the world was. This way of
+thinking turned everything upside down, and completely reversed the
+actual connection of things in the world. Correctly and ingeniously as
+many individual groups of facts were grasped by Hegel, yet, for the
+reasons just given, there is much that is botched, artificial,
+labored, in a word, wrong in point of detail. The Hegelian system, in
+itself, was a colossal miscarriage--but it was also the last of its
+kind. It was suffering, in fact, from an internal and incurable
+contradiction. Upon the one hand, its essential proposition was the
+conception that human history is a process of evolution, which, by its
+very nature, cannot find its intellectual final term in the discovery
+of any so-called absolute truth. But, on the other hand, it laid claim
+to being the very essence of this absolute truth. A system of natural
+and historical knowledge, embracing everything, and final for all
+time, is a contradiction to the fundamental law of dialectic
+reasoning. This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but, on the
+contrary, includes the idea that the systematic knowledge of the
+external universe can make giant strides from age to age.
+
+The perception of the fundamental contradiction in German idealism led
+necessarily back to materialism, but _nota bene_, not to the simply
+metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the eighteenth
+century. Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude
+heap of irrationality and violence; modern materialism sees in it the
+process of evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws
+thereof. With the French of the eighteenth century, and even with
+Hegel, the conception obtained of Nature as a whole, moving in narrow
+circles, and forever immutable, with its eternal celestial bodies, as
+Newton, and unalterable organic species, as Linnæus, taught. Modern
+materialism embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science,
+according to which Nature also has its history in time, the celestial
+bodies, like the organic species that, under favorable conditions,
+people them, being born and perishing. And even if Nature, as a whole,
+must still be said to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume
+infinitely larger dimensions. In both aspects, modern materialism is
+essentially dialectic, and no longer requires the assistance of that
+sort of philosophy which, queen-like, pretended to rule the remaining
+mob of sciences. As soon as each special science is bound to make
+clear its position in the great totality of things and of our
+knowledge of things, a special science dealing with this totality is
+superfluous or unnecessary. That which still survives of all earlier
+philosophy is the science of thought and its laws--formal logic and
+dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the positive science of
+Nature and history.
+
+Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could only
+be made in proportion to the corresponding positive materials
+furnished by research, already much earlier certain historical facts
+had occurred which led to a decisive change in the conception of
+history. In 1831, the first working-class rising took place in Lyons;
+between 1838 and 1842, the first national working-class movement, that
+of the English Chartists, reached its height. The class struggle
+between proletariat and bourgeoisie came to the front in the history
+of the most advanced countries in Europe, in proportion to the
+development, upon the one hand, of modern industry, upon the other, of
+the newly-acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie. Facts more
+and more strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of bourgeois
+economy as to the identity of the interests of capital and labor, as
+to the universal harmony and universal prosperity that would be the
+consequence of unbridled competition. All these things could no longer
+be ignored, any more than the French and English Socialism, which was
+their theoretical, though very imperfect, expression. But the old
+idealist conception of history, which was not yet dislodged, knew
+nothing of class struggles based upon economic interests, knew nothing
+of economic interests; production and all economic relations appeared
+in it only as incidental, subordinate elements in the "history of
+civilization."
+
+The new facts made imperative a new examination of all past history.
+Then it was seen that _all_ past history, with the exception of its
+primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these
+warring classes of society are always the products of the modes of
+production and of exchange--in a word, of the _economic_ conditions of
+their time; that the economic structure of society always furnishes
+the real basis, starting from which we can alone work out the
+ultimate explanation of the whole superstructure of juridical and
+political institutions as well as of the religious, philosophical, and
+other ideas of a given historical period. Hegel had freed history from
+metaphysics--he had made it dialectic; but his conception of history
+was essentially idealistic. But now idealism was driven from its last
+refuge, the philosophy of history; now a materialistic treatment of
+history was propounded, and a method found of explaining man's
+"knowing" by his "being," instead of, as heretofore, his "being" by
+his "knowing."
+
+From that time forward Socialism was no longer an accidental discovery
+of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the
+struggle between two historically developed classes--the proletariat
+and the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of
+society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic
+succession of events from which these classes and their antagonism had
+of necessity sprung, and to discover in the economic conditions thus
+created the means of ending the conflict. But the Socialism of earlier
+days was as incompatible with this materialistic conception as the
+conception of Nature of the French materialists was with dialectics
+and modern natural science. The Socialism of earlier days certainly
+criticised the existing capitalistic mode of production and its
+consequences. But it could not explain them, and, therefore, could not
+get the mastery of them. It could only simply reject them as bad. The
+more strongly this earlier Socialism denounced the exploitation of the
+working-class, inevitable under Capitalism, the less able was it
+clearly to show in what this exploitation consisted and how it arose.
+But for this it was necessary--(1) to present the capitalistic method
+of production in its historical connection and its inevitableness
+during a particular historical period, and therefore, also, to present
+its inevitable downfall; and (2) to lay bare its essential character,
+which was still a secret. This was done by the discovery of
+_surplus-value_. It was shown that the appropriation of unpaid labor
+is the basis of the capitalist mode of production and of the
+exploitation of the worker that occurs under it; that even if the
+capitalist buys the labor-power of his laborer at its full value as a
+commodity on the market, he yet extracts more value from it than he
+paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis this surplus-value forms
+those sums of value from which are heaped up the constantly increasing
+masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes. The genesis
+of capitalist production and the production of capital were both
+explained.
+
+These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history
+and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through
+surplus-value, we owe to Marx. With these discoveries Socialism became
+a science. The next thing was to work out all its details and
+relations.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+
+The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that
+the production of the means to support human life and, next to
+production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all
+social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history,
+the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into
+classes or orders, is dependent upon what is produced, how it is
+produced, and how the products are exchanged. From this point of view
+the final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are
+to be sought, not in men's brains, not in man's better insight into
+eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production
+and exchange. They are to be sought, not in the _philosophy_, but in
+the _economics_ of each particular epoch. The growing perception that
+existing social institutions are unreasonable and unjust, that reason
+has become unreason, and right wrong, is only proof that in the modes
+of production and exchange changes have silently taken place, with
+which the social order, adapted to earlier economic conditions, is no
+longer in keeping. From this it also follows that the means of getting
+rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light, must also be
+present, in a more or less developed condition, within the changed
+modes of production themselves. These means are not to be invented by
+deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the
+stubborn facts of the existing system of production.
+
+What is, then, the position of modern Socialism in this connection?
+
+The present structure of society--this is now pretty generally
+conceded--is the creation of the ruling class of to-day, of the
+bourgeoisie. The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie,
+known, since Marx, as the capitalist mode of production, was
+incompatible with the feudal system, with the privileges it conferred
+upon individuals, entire social ranks and local corporations, as well
+as with the hereditary ties of subordination which constituted the
+framework of its social organization. The bourgeoisie broke up the
+feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order of
+society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the
+equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all the rest of
+the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode of
+production could develop in freedom. Since steam, machinery, and the
+making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufacture into
+modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the guidance of
+the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in a degree unheard of
+before. But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and
+handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come into
+collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern
+industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with
+the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it
+confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the
+capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive
+forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the
+mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It
+exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will
+and actions even of the men that have brought it on. Modern Socialism
+is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its
+ideal reflection in the minds, first, of the class directly suffering
+under it, the working-class.
+
+Now, in what does this conflict consist?
+
+Before capitalistic production, _i.e._, in the Middle Ages, the system
+of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property
+of the laborers in their means of production; in the country, the
+agriculture of the small peasant, freeman or serf; in the towns, the
+handicrafts organized in guilds. The instruments of labor--land,
+agricultural implements, the workshop, the tool--were the instruments
+of labor of single individuals, adapted for the use of one worker,
+and, therefore, of necessity, small, dwarfish, circumscribed. But,
+for this very reason they belonged, as a rule, to the producer
+himself. To concentrate these scattered, limited means of production,
+to enlarge them, to turn them into the powerful levers of production
+of the present day--this was precisely the historic rôle of capitalist
+production and of its upholder, the bourgeoisie. In the fourth section
+of "Capital" Marx has explained in detail, how since the fifteenth
+century this has been historically worked out through the three phases
+of simple co-operation, manufacture, and modern industry. But the
+bourgeoisie, as is also shown there, could not transform these puny
+means of production into mighty productive forces, without
+transforming them, at the same time, from means of production of the
+individual into _social_ means of production only workable by a
+collectivity of men. The spinning-wheel, the handloom, the
+blacksmith's hammer, were replaced by the spinning-machine, the
+power-loom, the steam-hammer; the individual workshop, by the factory
+implying the co-operation of hundreds and thousands of workmen. In
+like manner, production itself changed from a series of individual
+into a series of social acts, and the products from individual to
+social products. The yarn, the cloth, the metal articles that now came
+out of the factory were the joint product of many workers through
+whose hands they had successively to pass before they were ready. No
+one person could say of them: "I made that; this is _my_ product."
+
+But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production is
+that spontaneous division of labor which creeps in gradually and not
+upon any preconceived plan, there the products take on the form of
+_commodities_, whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the
+individual producers to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the
+case in the Middle Ages. The peasant, _e.g._, sold to the artisan
+agricultural products and bought from him the products of handicraft.
+Into this society of individual producers, of commodity-producers, the
+new mode of production thrust itself. In the midst of the old division
+of labor, grown up spontaneously and upon _no definite plan_, which
+had governed the whole of society, now arose division of labor upon _a
+definite plan_, as organized in the factory; side by side with
+_individual_ production appeared _social_ production. The products of
+both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least
+approximately equal. But organization upon a definite plan was
+stronger than spontaneous division of labor. The factories working
+with the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals
+produced their commodities far more cheaply than the individual small
+producers. Individual production succumbed in one department after
+another. Socialized production revolutionized all the old methods of
+production. But its revolutionary character was, at the same time, so
+little recognized, that it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means
+of increasing and developing the production of commodities. When it
+arose, it found ready-made, and made liberal use of, certain machinery
+for the production and exchange of commodities; merchants' capital,
+handicraft, wage-labor. Socialized production thus introducing itself
+as a new form of the production of commodities, it was a matter of
+course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full
+swing, and were applied to its products as well.
+
+In the mediæval stage of evolution of the production of commodities,
+the question as to the owner of the product of labor could not arise.
+The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging
+to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own
+tools, by the labor of his own hands or of his family. There was no
+need for him to appropriate the new product. It belonged wholly to
+him, as a matter of course. His property in the product was,
+therefore, based _upon his own labor_. Even where external help was
+used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally
+was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices and
+journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for
+education, in order that they might become master craftsmen
+themselves.
+
+Then came the concentration of the means of production and of the
+producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation
+into actual socialized means of production and socialized producers.
+But the socialized producers and means of production and their
+products were still treated, after this change, just as they had been
+before, _i.e._, as the means of production and the products of
+individuals. Hitherto, the owner of the instruments of labor had
+himself appropriated the product, because, as a rule, it was his own
+product and the assistance of others was the exception. Now the owner
+of the instruments of labor always appropriated to himself the
+product, although it was no longer _his_ product but exclusively the
+product of the _labor of others_. Thus, the products now produced
+socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set in motion
+the means of production and actually produced the commodities, but by
+the _capitalists_. The means of production, and production itself, had
+become in essence socialized. But they were subjected to a form of
+appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals,
+under which, therefore, every one owns his own product and brings it
+to market. The mode of production is subjected to this form of
+appropriation, although it abolishes the conditions upon which the
+latter rests.[4]
+
+This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production its
+capitalistic character, _contains the germ of the whole of the social
+antagonisms of to-day_. The greater the mastery obtained by the new
+mode of production over all important fields of production and in all
+manufacturing countries, the more it reduced individual production to
+an insignificant residuum, _the more clearly was brought out the
+incompatibility of socialized production with capitalistic
+appropriation_.
+
+The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other forms
+of labor, wage-labor ready-made for them on the market. But it was
+exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labor. The
+agricultural laborer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out by
+the day, had a few acres of his own land on which he could at all
+events live at a pinch. The guilds were so organized that the
+journeyman of to-day became the master of to-morrow. But all this
+changed, as soon as the means of production became socialized and
+concentrated in the hands of capitalists. The means of production, as
+well as the product of the individual producer became more and more
+worthless; there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker
+under the capitalist. Wage-labor, aforetime the exception and
+accessory, now became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime
+complementary, it now became the sole remaining function of the
+worker. The wage-worker for a time became a wage-worker for life. The
+number of these permanent wage-workers was further enormously
+increased by the breaking-up of the feudal system that occurred at the
+same time, by the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal lords, the
+eviction of the peasants from their homesteads, etc. The separation
+was made complete between the means of production concentrated in the
+hands of the capitalists on the one side, and the producers,
+possessing nothing but their labor-power, on the other. _The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation manifested itself as the antagonism of proletariat and
+bourgeoisie._
+
+We have seen that the capitalistic mode of production thrust its way
+into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, whose
+social bond was the exchange of their products. But every society,
+based upon the production of commodities, has this peculiarity: that
+the producers have lost control over their own social inter-relations.
+Each man produces for himself with such means of production as he may
+happen to have, and for such exchange as he may require to satisfy
+his remaining wants. No one knows how much of his particular article
+is coming on the market, nor how much of it will be wanted. No one
+knows whether his individual product will meet an actual demand,
+whether he will be able to make good his cost of production or even to
+sell his commodity at all. Anarchy reigns in socialized production.
+
+But the production of commodities, like every other form of
+production, has its peculiar inherent laws inseparable from it; and
+these laws work, despite anarchy, in and through anarchy. They reveal
+themselves in the only persistent form of social inter-relations,
+_i.e._, in exchange, and here they affect the individual producers as
+compulsory laws of competition. They are, at first, unknown to these
+producers themselves, and have to be discovered by them gradually and
+as the result of experience. They work themselves out, therefore,
+independently of the producers, and in antagonism to them, as
+inexorable natural laws of their particular form of production. The
+product governs the producers.
+
+In mediæval society especially in the earlier centuries, production
+was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the
+individual. It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer
+and his family. Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in
+the country, it also helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord.
+In all this there was, therefore, no exchange; the products,
+consequently, did not assume the character of commodities. The family
+of the peasant produced almost everything they wanted: clothes and
+furniture, as well as means of subsistence. Only when it began to
+produce more than was sufficient to supply its own wants and the
+payments in kind to the feudal lord, only then did it also produce
+commodities. This surplus, thrown into socialized exchange and offered
+for sale, became commodities.
+
+The artisans of the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce
+for exchange. But they, also, themselves supplied the greatest part
+of their own individual wants. They had gardens and plots of land.
+They turned their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also,
+yielded them timber and firing. The women spun flax, wool, and so
+forth. Production for the purpose of exchange, production of
+commodities, was only in its infancy. Hence, exchange was restricted,
+the market narrow, the methods of production stable; there was local
+exclusiveness without, local unity within; the mark[5] in the country,
+in the town, the guild.
+
+But with the extension of the production of commodities, and
+especially with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production,
+the laws of commodity-production, hitherto latent, came into action
+more openly and with greater force. The old bonds were loosened, the
+old exclusive limits broken through, the producers were more and more
+turned into independent, isolated producers of commodities. It became
+apparent that the production of society at large was ruled by absence
+of plan, by accident, by anarchy; and this anarchy grew to greater
+and greater height. But the chief means by aid of which the capitalist
+mode of production intensified this anarchy of socialized production,
+was the exact opposite of anarchy. It was the increasing organization
+of production, upon a social basis, in every individual productive
+establishment. By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition of things
+was ended. Wherever this organization of production was introduced
+into a branch of industry, it brooked no other method of production by
+its side. The field of labor became a battle-ground. The great
+geographical discoveries, and the colonization following upon them,
+multiplied markets and quickened the transformation of handicraft into
+manufacture. The war did not simply break out between the individual
+producers of particular localities. The local struggles begat in their
+turn national conflicts, the commercial wars of the seventeenth and
+the eighteenth centuries.
+
+Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world-market made the
+struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an unheard-of
+virulence. Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of
+production now decide the existence or non-existence of individual
+capitalists, as well as of whole industries and countries. He that
+falls is remorselessly cast aside. It is the Darwinian struggle of the
+individual for existence transferred from Nature to society with
+intensified violence. The conditions of existence natural to the
+animal appear as the final term of human development. The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation now presents itself as _an antagonism between the
+organization of production in the individual workshop and the anarchy
+of production in society generally_.
+
+The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of the
+antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to
+get out of that "vicious circle," which Fourier had already
+discovered. What Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time is, that
+this circle is gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and
+more a spiral, and must come to an end, like the movement of the
+planets, by collision with the center. It is the compelling force of
+anarchy in the production of society at large that more and more
+completely turns the great majority of men into proletarians; and it
+is the masses of the proletariat again who will finally put an end to
+anarchy in production. It is the compelling force of anarchy in social
+production that turns the limitless perfectibility of machinery under
+modern industry into a compulsory law by which every individual
+industrial capitalist must perfect his machinery more and more, under
+penalty of ruin.
+
+But the perfecting of machinery is making human labor superfluous. If
+the introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of
+millions of manual, by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery
+means the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers
+themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a number
+of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of capital,
+the formation of a complete industrial reserve army, as I called it
+in 1845,[6] available at the times when industry is working at high
+pressure, to be cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash
+comes, a constant dead weight upon the limbs of the working-class in
+its struggle for existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping
+of wages down to the low level that suits the interests of capital.
+Thus it comes about, to quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most
+powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working-class; that
+the instruments of labor constantly tear the means of subsistence out
+of the hands of the laborer; that the very product of the worker is
+turned into an instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about
+that the economizing of the instruments of labor becomes at the same
+time, from the outset, the most reckless waste of labor-power, and
+robbery based upon the normal conditions under which labor functions;
+that machinery, "the most powerful instrument for shortening
+labor-time, becomes the most unfailing means for placing every moment
+of the laborer's time and that of his family at the disposal of the
+capitalist for the purpose of expanding the value of his capital"
+("Capital," American edition, p. 445). Thus it comes about that
+over-work of some becomes the preliminary condition for the idleness
+of others, and that modern industry, which hunts after new consumers
+over the whole world, forces the consumption of the masses at home
+down to a starvation minimum, and in doing thus destroys its own home
+market. "The law that always equilibrates the relative surplus
+population, or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of
+accumulation, this law rivets the laborer to capital more firmly than
+the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an
+accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of capital.
+Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time,
+accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality,
+mental degradation, at the opposite pole, _i.e._, on the side of the
+class that produces _its own product in the form of capital_." (Marx'
+"Capital" Vol. I [Kerr & Co.]. p. 709.) And to expect any other
+division of the products from the capitalistic mode of production is
+the same as expecting the electrodes of a battery not to decompose
+acidulated water, not to liberate oxygen at the positive, hydrogen at
+the negative pole, so long as they are connected with the battery.
+
+We have seen that the ever-increasing perfectibility of modern
+machinery is, by the anarchy of social production, turned into a
+compulsory law that forces the individual industrial capitalist always
+to improve his machinery always to increase its productive force. The
+bare possibility of extending the field of production is transformed
+for him into a similar compulsory law. The enormous expansive force of
+modern industry, compared with which that of gases is mere child's
+play, appears to us now as a _necessity_ for expansion, both
+qualitative and quantitative, that laughs at all resistance. Such
+resistance is offered by consumption, by sales, by the markets for
+the products of modern industry. But the capacity for extension,
+extensive and intensive, of the markets is primarily governed by quite
+different laws, that work much less energetically. The extension of
+the markets can not keep pace with the extension of production. The
+collision becomes inevitable, and as this cannot produce any real
+solution so long as it does not break in pieces the capitalist mode of
+production, the collisions become periodic. Capitalist production has
+begotten another "vicious circle."
+
+As a matter of fact, since 1825, when the first general crisis broke
+out, the whole industrial and commercial world, production and
+exchange among all civilized peoples and their more or less barbaric
+hangers-on, are thrown out of joint about once every ten years.
+Commerce is at a stand-still, the markets are glutted, products
+accumulate, as multitudinous as they are unsaleable, hard cash
+disappears, credit vanishes, factories are closed, the mass of the
+workers are in want of the means of subsistence, because they have
+produced too much of the means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows
+upon bankruptcy, execution upon execution. The stagnation lasts for
+years; productive forces and products are wasted and destroyed
+wholesale, until the accumulated mass of commodities finally filter
+off, more or less depreciated in value, until production and exchange
+gradually begin to move again. Little by little the pace quickens. It
+becomes a trot. The industrial trot breaks into a canter, the canter
+in turn grows into the headlong gallop of a perfect steeplechase of
+industry, commercial credit, and speculation, which finally, after
+breakneck leaps, ends where it began--in the ditch of a crisis. And so
+over and over again. We have now, since the year 1825, gone through
+this five times, and at the present moment (1877) we are going through
+it for the sixth time. And the character of these crises is so clearly
+defined that Fourier hit all of them off, when he described the first
+as "_crise pléthorique_," a crisis from plethora.
+
+In these crises, the contradiction between socialized production and
+capitalist appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation
+of commodities is, for the time being, stopped. Money, the means of
+circulation, becomes a hindrance to circulation. All the laws of
+production and circulation of commodities are turned upside down. The
+economic collision has reached its apogee. _The mode of production is
+in rebellion against the mode of exchange._
+
+The fact that the socialized organization of production within the
+factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the
+anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and
+dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the
+violent concentration of capital that occurs during crises, through
+the ruin of many large, and a still greater number of small,
+capitalists. The whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production
+breaks down under the pressure of the productive forces, its own
+creations. It is no longer able to turn all this mass of means of
+production into capital. They lie fallow, and for that very reason the
+industrial reserve army must also lie fallow. Means of production,
+means of subsistence, available laborers, all the elements of
+production and of general wealth, are present in abundance. But
+"abundance becomes the source of distress and want" (Fourier), because
+it is the very thing that prevents the transformation of the means of
+production and subsistence into capital. For in capitalistic society
+the means of production can only function when they have undergone a
+preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting
+human labor-power. The necessity of this transformation into capital
+of the means of production and subsistence stands like a ghost between
+these and the workers. It alone prevents the coming together of the
+material and personal levers of production; it alone forbids the means
+of production to function, the workers to work and live. On the one
+hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands convicted
+of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces. On
+the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy,
+press forward to the removal of the existing contradiction, to the
+abolition of their quality as capital, to the _practical recognition
+of their character as social productive forces_.
+
+This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and more
+powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and stronger
+command that their social character shall be recognized, forces the
+capitalist class itself to treat them more and more as social
+productive forces, so far as this is possible under capitalist
+conditions. The period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded
+inflation of credit, not less than the crash itself, by the collapse
+of great capitalist establishments, tends to bring about that form of
+the socialization of great masses of means of production, which we
+meet with in the different kinds of joint-stock companies. Many of
+these means of production and of distribution are, from the outset, so
+colossal, that, like the railroads, they exclude all other forms of
+capitalistic exploitation. At a further stage of evolution this form
+also becomes insufficient. The producers on a large scale in a
+particular branch of industry in a particular country unite in a
+"Trust," a union for the purpose of regulating production. They
+determine the total amount to be produced, parcel it out among
+themselves, and thus enforce the selling price fixed beforehand. But
+trusts of this kind, as soon as business becomes bad, are generally
+liable to break up, and, on this very account, compel a yet greater
+concentration of association. The whole of the particular industry is
+turned into one gigantic joint-stock company; internal competition
+gives place to the internal monopoly of this one company. This has
+happened in 1890 with the English _alkali_ production, which is now,
+after the fusion of 48 large works, in the hands of one company,
+conducted upon a single plan, and with a capital of £6,000,000.
+
+In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very
+opposite--into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan
+of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite
+plan of the invading socialistic society. Certainly this is so far
+still to the benefit and advantage of the capitalists. But in this
+case the exploitation is so palpable that it must break down. No
+nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so
+barefaced an exploitation of the community by a small band of
+dividend-mongers.
+
+In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of
+capitalist society--the State--will ultimately have to undertake the
+direction of production.[7] This necessity for conversion into
+State-property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication--the postoffice, the telegraphs, the railways.
+
+If the crisis demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for
+managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of
+the great establishments for production and distribution into
+joint-stock companies, trusts, and State property, show how
+unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for that purpose. All the social
+functions of the capitalist are now performed by salaried employees.
+The capitalist has no further social function than that of pocketing
+dividends, tearing off coupons, and gambling on the Stock Exchange,
+where the different capitalists despoil one another of their capital.
+At first the capitalistic mode of production forces out the workers.
+Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it
+reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population, although
+not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army.
+
+But the transformation, either into joint-stock companies and trusts,
+or into State-ownership does not do away with the capitalistic nature
+of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts this
+is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization that
+bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions
+of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments, as
+well of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern State, no
+matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state
+of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national
+capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces,
+the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more
+citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers--proletarians.
+The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to
+a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of
+the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but
+concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the
+elements of that solution.
+
+This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the
+social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the
+harmonizing the modes of production, appropriation, and exchange with
+the socialized character of the means of production. And this can only
+come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the
+productive forces which have outgrown all control except that of
+society as a whole. The social character of the means of production
+and of the products to-day reacts against the producers, periodically
+disrupts all production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature
+working blindly, forcibly, destructively. But with the taking over by
+society of the productive forces, the social character of the means of
+production and of the products will be utilized by the producers with
+a perfect understanding of its nature, and instead of being a source
+of disturbance and periodical collapse, will become the most powerful
+lever of production itself.
+
+Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly,
+forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon
+with, them. But when once we understand them, when once we grasp their
+action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves
+to subject them more and more to our own will, and by means of them to
+reach our own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty
+productive forces of to-day. As long as we obstinately refuse to
+understand the nature and the character of these social means of
+action--and this understanding goes against the grain of the
+capitalist mode of production and its defenders--so long these forces
+are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us, so long they master
+us, as we have shown above in detail.
+
+But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of
+the producers working together, be transformed from master demons into
+willing servants. The difference is as that between the destructive
+force of electricity in the lightning of the storm, and electricity
+under command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference
+between a conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With
+this recognition at last of the real nature of the productive forces
+of to-day, the social anarchy of production gives place to a social
+regulation of production upon a definite plan, according to the needs
+of the community and of each individual. Then the capitalist mode of
+appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer and
+then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the
+products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of
+production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means
+to the maintenance and extension of production--on the other, direct
+individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment.
+
+Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely
+transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it
+creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is
+forced to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and
+more the transformation of the vast means of production, already
+socialized, into State property, it shows itself the way to
+accomplishing this revolution. _The proletariat seizes political power
+and turns the means of production into State property._
+
+But in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes all
+class distinctions and class antagonisms, abolishes also the State as
+State. Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the
+State. That is, of an organization of the particular class which was
+_pro tempore_ the exploiting class, an organization for the purpose of
+preventing any interference from without with the existing conditions
+of production, and therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly
+keeping the exploited classes in the condition of oppression
+corresponding with the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom,
+wage-labor). The State was the official representative of society as a
+whole; the gathering of it together into a visible embodiment. But it
+was this only in so far as it was the State of that class which itself
+represented, for the time being, society as a whole; in ancient times,
+the State of slave-owning citizens; in the middle ages, the feudal
+lords; in our own time, the bourgeoisie. When at last it becomes the
+real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself
+unnecessary. As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is
+no longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society--the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society--this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a
+State. State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain
+after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the
+government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and
+by the conduct of processes of production. The State is not
+"abolished." _It dies out._ This gives the measure of the value of the
+phrase "a free State," both as to its justifiable use at times by
+agitators, and as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also
+of the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the
+State out of hand.
+
+Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production,
+the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often
+been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by
+sects, as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could
+become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its
+realization were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes
+practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is
+in contradiction to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere
+willingness to abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new
+economic conditions. The separation of society into an exploiting and
+an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class, was the
+necessary consequence of the deficient and restricted development of
+production in former times. So long as the total social labor only
+yields a produce which but slightly exceeds that barely necessary for
+the existence of all; so long, therefore, as labor engages all or
+almost all the time of the great majority of the members of
+society--so long, of necessity, this society is divided into classes.
+Side by side with the great majority, exclusively bond slaves to
+labor, arises a class freed from directly productive labor, which
+looks after the general affairs of society; the direction of labor,
+State business, law, science, art, etc. It is, therefore, the law of
+division of labor that lies at the basis of the division into classes.
+But this does not prevent this division into classes from being
+carried out by means of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud. It
+does not prevent the ruling class, once having the upper hand, from
+consolidating its power at the expense of the working-class, from
+turning their social leadership into an intensified exploitation of
+the masses.
+
+But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain
+historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only
+under given social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of
+production. It will be swept away by the complete development of
+modern productive forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in
+society presupposes a degree of historical evolution, at which the
+existence, not simply of this or that particular ruling class, but of
+any ruling class at all, and, therefore, the existence of class
+distinction itself has become an obsolete anachronism. It presupposes,
+therefore, the development of production carried out to a degree at
+which appropriation of the means of production and of the products,
+and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture,
+and of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has
+become not only superfluous, but economically, politically,
+intellectually a hindrance to development.
+
+This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bankruptcy
+is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their
+economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis,
+society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces
+and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to face
+with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to
+consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the
+means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of
+production had imposed upon them. Their deliverance from these bonds
+is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly-accelerated
+development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically
+unlimited increase of production itself. Nor is this all. The
+socialized appropriation of the means of production does away, not
+only with the present artificial restrictions upon production, but
+also with the positive waste and devastation of productive forces and
+products that are at the present time the inevitable concomitants of
+production, and that reach their height in the crises. Further, it
+sets free for the community at large a mass of means of production and
+of products, by doing away with the senseless extravagance of the
+ruling classes of to-day, and their political representatives. The
+possibility of securing for every member of society, by means of
+socialized production, an existence not only fully sufficient
+materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence
+guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their
+physical and mental faculties--this possibility is now for the first
+time here, but _it is here_.[8]
+
+With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of
+commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of
+the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is
+replaced by systematic, definite organization. The struggle for
+individual existence disappears. Then for the first time, man, in a
+certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal
+kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into
+really human ones. The whole sphere of the conditions of life which
+environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the
+dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real,
+conscious lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own
+social organization. The laws of his own social action, hitherto
+standing face to face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and
+dominating, him, will then be used with full understanding, and so
+mastered by him. Man's own social organization, hitherto confronting
+him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the
+result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that
+have hitherto governed history, pass under the control of man
+himself. Only from that time will man himself, more and more
+consciously, make his own history--only from that time will the social
+causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly
+growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent of man
+from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.
+
+Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution.
+
+I. _Mediæval Society._--Individual production on a small scale. Means
+of production adapted for individual use; hence primitive, ungainly,
+petty, dwarfed in action. Production for immediate consumption, either
+of the producer himself or of his feudal lord. Only where an excess of
+production over this consumption occurs is such excess offered for
+sale, enters into exchange. Production of commodities, therefore, only
+in its infancy. But already it contains within itself, in embryo,
+_anarchy in the production of society at large_.
+
+II. _Capitalist Revolution._--Transformation of industry, at first by
+means of simple co-operation and manufacture. Concentration of the
+means of production, hitherto scattered, into great workshops. As a
+consequence, their transformation from individual to social means of
+production--a transformation which does not, on the whole, affect the
+form of exchange. The old forms of appropriation remain in force. The
+capitalist appears. In his capacity as owner of the means of
+production, he also appropriates the products and turns them into
+commodities. Production has become a _social_ act. Exchange and
+appropriation continue to be _individual_ acts, the acts of
+individuals. _The social product is appropriated by the individual
+capitalist._ Fundamental contradiction, whence arise all the
+contradictions in which our present day society moves, and which
+modern industry brings to light.
+
+   A. Severance of the producer from the means of production.
+   Condemnation of the worker to wage-labor for life. _Antagonism
+   between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie._
+
+   B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness of the laws
+   governing the production of commodities. Unbridled competition.
+   _Contradiction between socialized organization in the individual
+   factory and social anarchy in production as a whole._
+
+   C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competition
+   compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complemented by
+   a constantly growing displacement of laborers. _Industrial
+   reserve-army._ On the other hand, unlimited extension of
+   production, also compulsory under competition, for every
+   manufacturer. On both sides, unheard of development of productive
+   forces, excess of supply over demand, over-production, glutting
+   of the markets, crises every ten years, the vicious circle:
+   excess here, of means of production and products--excess there,
+   of laborers, without employment and without means of existence.
+   But these two levers of production and of social well-being are
+   unable to work together, because the capitalist form of
+   production prevents the productive forces from working and the
+   products from circulating, unless they are first turned into
+   capital--which their very superabundance prevents. The
+   contradiction has grown into an absurdity. _The mode of
+   production rises in rebellion against the form of exchange._ The
+   bourgeoisie are convicted of incapacity further to manage their
+   own social productive forces.
+
+   D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive
+   forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the
+   great institutions for production and communication, first by
+   joint-stock companies, later on by trusts, then by the State. The
+   bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class. All its
+   social functions are now performed by salaried employees.
+
+III. _Proletarian Revolution._--Solution of the contradictions. The
+proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms
+the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the
+bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act the proletariat frees
+the means of production from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to
+work itself out. Socialized production upon a predetermined plan
+becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the
+existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism.
+In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political
+authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own
+form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over
+Nature, his own master--free.
+
+To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart
+to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the
+conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon
+to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the
+proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] It is hardly necessary in this connection to point out, that, even
+if the form of appropriation remains the same, the _character_ of the
+appropriation is just as much revolutionized as production is by the
+changes described above. It is, of course, a very different matter
+whether I appropriate to myself my own product or that of another.
+Note in passing that wage-labor, which contains the whole capitalistic
+mode of production in embryo, is very ancient; in a sporadic,
+scattered form it existed for centuries alongside of slave-labor. But
+the embryo could duly develop into the capitalistic mode of production
+only when the necessary historical preconditions had been furnished.
+
+[5] _See Appendix._
+
+[6] "The Condition of the Working-Class in England" (Sonnenschein &
+Co.), p. 84.
+
+[7] I say "have to." For only when the means of production and
+distribution have _actually_ outgrown the form of management by
+joint-stock companies, and when, therefore, the taking them over by
+the State has become _economically_ inevitable, only then--even if it
+is the State of to-day that effects this--is there an economic
+advance, the attainment of another step preliminary to the taking over
+of all productive forces by society itself. But of late, since
+Bismarck went in for State-ownership of industrial establishments, a
+kind of spurious Socialism has arisen, degenerating, now and again,
+into something of flunkeyism, that without more ado declares _all_
+State-ownership, even of the Bismarckian sort, to be socialistic.
+Certainly, if the taking over by the State of the tobacco industry is
+socialistic, then Napoleon and Metternich must be numbered among the
+founders of Socialism. If the Belgian State, for quite ordinary
+political and financial reasons, itself constructed its chief railway
+lines; if Bismarck, not under any economic compulsion, took over for
+the State the chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to
+have them in hand in case of war, to bring up the railway employees as
+voting cattle for the Government, and especially to create for himself
+a new source of income independent of parliamentary votes--this was,
+in no sense, a socialistic measure, directly or indirectly,
+consciously or unconsciously. Otherwise, the Royal Maritime Company,
+the Royal porcelain manufacture, and even the regimental tailor of the
+army would also be socialistic institutions, or even, as was seriously
+proposed by a sly dog in Frederick William III.'s reign, the taking
+over by the State of the brothels.
+
+[8] A few figures may serve to give an approximate idea of the
+enormous expansive force of the modern means of production, even under
+capitalist pressure. According to Mr. Giffen, the total wealth of
+Great Britain and Ireland amounted, in round numbers, in
+
+    1814 to £2,200,000,000.
+    1865 to £6,100,000,000.
+    1875 to £8,500,000,000.
+
+As an instance of the squandering of means of production and of
+products during a crisis, the total loss in the German iron industry
+alone, in the crisis of 1873-78, was given at the second German
+Industrial Congress (Berlin, February 21, 1878) as £22,750,000.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+    | Typographical errors corrected in text:                   |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Page  29: conteracting replaced with counteracting        |
+    | Page  60: non-possesing replaced with non-possessing      |
+    | Page 111: "But the perfecting of machinery is the making  |
+    |           human labor superfluous." replaced with         |
+    |           "But the perfecting of machinery is making      |
+    |           human labor superfluous."                       |
+    | Page 130: preletariat replaced with proletariat           |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by 
+Frederick Engels
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM: UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC ***
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+    <title>
+      Socialism Utopian and Scientific, by Frederick Engels. A Project Gutenberg eBook.
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by Frederick Engels
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific
+
+Author: Frederick Engels
+
+Translator: Edward Aveling
+
+Release Date: March 24, 2012 [EBook #39257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM: UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr">
+<p class="cen" style="font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's Note:</p>
+<br />
+<p class="noin">Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.</p>
+<p class="noin" style="text-align: left;">Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
+For a complete list, please see the <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="#TN">end of this document</a>.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<div class="img">
+<img border="0" src="images/cover.jpg" width="50%" alt="Book Cover" id='Coverpage' />
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<p class="cen">PRINTED IN U.S.A.</p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<h1>SOCIALISM</h1>
+
+<h2>UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC</h2>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h3><span class="small">BY</span><br />
+
+FREDERICK ENGELS<br />
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<i>TRANSLATED BY EDWARD AVELING</i><br />
+<span class="small"><i>D.Sc., Fellow of University College, London</i></span></h3>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<p class="cen"><b>WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY THE AUTHOR</b></p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h4>CHICAGO<br />
+CHARLES H. KERR &amp; COMPANY</h4>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>PUBLISHER'S NOTE</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Socialism, Utopian and Scientific needs no preface. It ranks with the
+Communist Manifesto as one of the indispensable books for any one
+desiring to understand the modern socialist movement. It has been
+translated into every language where capitalism prevails, and its
+circulation is more rapid than ever before.</p>
+
+<p>In 1900, when our publishing house had just begun the circulation of
+socialist books, we brought out the first American reprint of the
+authorized translation of this work. The many editions required by the
+growing demand have worn out the plates, and we are now reprinting it
+in more attractive form.</p>
+
+<p>It will be observed that the author in his introduction says that from
+1883 to 1892, 20,000 copies of the book were sold in Germany. Our own
+sales of the book in America from 1900 to 1908 were not less than
+30,000.</p>
+
+<p>Last year we published the first English version of the larger work to
+which the author refers in the opening page of his introduction. The
+translation is by Austin Lewis, and bears <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>the title "Landmarks of
+Scientific Socialism" (cloth, $1.00). It includes the greater portion
+of the original work, omitting what is presented here, and also some
+of the personalities due to the heat of controversy.</p>
+
+<p>Frederick Engels is second only to Karl Marx among socialist writers,
+and his influence in the United States is only beginning.</p>
+
+<p class="right">C.H.K.</p>
+
+<p>June, 1908.</p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTION</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>The present little book is, originally, a part of a larger whole.
+About 1875, Dr. E. D&uuml;hring, <i>privatdocent</i> at Berlin University,
+suddenly and rather clamorously announced his conversion to Socialism,
+and presented the German public not only with an elaborate Socialist
+theory, but also with a complete practical plan for the reorganization
+of society. As a matter of course, he fell foul of his predecessors;
+above all, he honored Marx by pouring out upon him the full vials of
+his wrath.</p>
+
+<p>This took place about the time when the two sections of the Socialist
+party in Germany&mdash;Eisenachers and Lassallians&mdash;had just effected their
+fusion, and thus obtained not only an immense increase of strength,
+but, what was more, the faculty of employing the whole of this
+strength against the common enemy. The Socialist party in Germany was
+fast becoming a power. But to make it a power, the first condition was
+that the newly-conquered unity should not be imperiled. And Dr.
+D&uuml;hring openly proceeded to form around himself a sect, the nucleus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>of a future separate party. It thus became necessary to take up the
+gauntlet thrown down to us, and to fight out the struggle whether we
+liked it or not.</p>
+
+<p>This, however, though it might not be an over difficult, was evidently
+a long-winded, business. As is well known, we Germans are of a
+terribly ponderous <i>Gr&uuml;ndlichkeit</i>, radical profundity or profound
+radicality, whatever you may like to call it. Whenever anyone of us
+expounds what he considers a new doctrine, he has first to elaborate
+it into an all-comprising system. He has to prove that both the first
+principles of logic and the fundamental laws of the universe had
+existed from all eternity for no other purpose than to ultimately lead
+to this newly-discovered, crowning theory. And Dr. D&uuml;hring, in this
+respect, was quite up to the national mark. Nothing less than a
+complete "System of Philosophy," mental, moral, natural, and
+historical; a complete "System of Political Economy and Socialism";
+and, finally, a "Critical History of Political Economy"&mdash;three big
+volumes in octavo, heavy extrinsically and intrinsically, three
+army-corps of arguments mobilized against all previous philosophers
+and economists in general, and against Marx in particular&mdash;in fact, an
+attempt at a complete "revolution in science"&mdash;these were what I
+should have to tackle. I had to treat of all and every possible
+subject, from the concepts of time and space to Bimetallism; from the
+eternity of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>matter and motion to the perishable nature of moral
+ideas; from Darwin's natural selection to the education of youth in a
+future society. Anyhow, the systematic comprehensiveness of my
+opponent gave me the opportunity of developing, in opposition to him,
+and in a more connected form than had previously been done, the views
+held by Marx and myself on this great variety of subjects. And that
+was the principal reason which made me undertake this otherwise
+ungrateful task.</p>
+
+<p>My reply was first published in a series of articles in the Leipzig
+"Vorw&auml;rts," the chief organ of the Socialist party, and later on as a
+book: "Herrn Eugen D&uuml;hring's Umw&auml;lzung der Wissenschaft" (Mr. E.
+D&uuml;hring's "Revolution in Science"), a second edition of which appeared
+in Z&uuml;rich, 1886.</p>
+
+<p>At the request of my friend, Paul Lafargue, now representative of
+Lille in the French Chamber of Deputies, I arranged three chapters of
+this book as a pamphlet, which he translated and published in 1880,
+under the title: "<i>Socialisme utopique et Socialisme scientifique</i>."
+From this French text a Polish and a Spanish edition were prepared. In
+1883, our German friends brought out the pamphlet in the original
+language. Italian, Russian, Danish, Dutch, and Roumanian translations,
+based upon the German text, have since been published. Thus, with the
+present English edition, this little book circulates in ten
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>languages. I am not aware that any other Socialist work, not even our
+"Communist Manifesto" of 1848 or Marx's "Capital," has been so often
+translated. In Germany it has had four editions of about 20,000 copies
+in all.</p>
+
+<p>The economic terms used in this work, as far as they are new, agree
+with those used in the English edition of Marx's "Capital." We call
+"production of commodities" that economic phase where articles are
+produced not only for the use of the producers, but also for purposes
+of exchange; that is, as <i>commodities</i>, not as use-values. This phase
+extends from the first beginnings of production for exchange down to
+our present time; it attains its full development under capitalist
+production only, that is, under conditions where the capitalist, the
+owner of the means of production, employs, for wages, laborers, people
+deprived of all means of production except their own labor-power, and
+pockets the excess of the selling price of the products over his
+outlay. We divide the history of industrial production since the
+Middle Ages into three periods: (1) handicraft, small master craftsmen
+with a few journeymen and apprentices, where each laborer produces the
+complete article; (2) manufacture, where greater numbers of workmen,
+grouped in one large establishment, produce the complete article on
+the principle of division of labor, each workman performing only one
+partial operation, so that the product is complete only after having
+passed <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>successively through the hands of all; (3) modern industry,
+where the product is produced by machinery driven by power, and where
+the work of the laborer is limited to superintending and correcting
+the performances of the mechanical agent.</p>
+
+<p>I am perfectly aware that the contents of this work will meet with
+objection from a considerable portion of the British public. But if we
+Continentals had taken the slightest notice of the prejudices of
+British "respectability," we should be even worse off than we are.
+This book defends what we call "historical materialism," and the word
+materialism grates upon the ears of the immense majority of British
+readers. "Agnosticism" might be tolerated, but materialism is utterly
+inadmissible.</p>
+
+<p>And yet the original home of all modern materialism, from the
+seventeenth century onwards, is England.</p>
+
+<p>"Materialism is the natural-born son of Great Britain. Already the
+British schoolman, Duns Scotus, asked, 'whether it was impossible for
+matter to think?'</p>
+
+<p>"In order to effect this miracle, he took refuge in God's omnipotence,
+<i>i.e.</i>, he made theology preach materialism. Moreover, he was a
+nominalist. Nominalism, the first form of materialism, is chiefly
+found among the English schoolmen.</p>
+
+<p>"The real progenitor of English materialism is Bacon. To him natural
+philosophy is the only <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>true philosophy, and physics based upon the
+experience of the senses is the chiefest part of natural philosophy.
+Anaxagoras and his homoiomeri&aelig;, Democritus and his atoms, he often
+quotes as his authorities. According to him the senses are infallible
+and the source of all knowledge. All science is based on experience,
+and consists in subjecting the data furnished by the senses to a
+rational method of investigation. Induction, analysis, comparison,
+observation, experiment, are the principal forms of such a rational
+method. Among the qualities inherent in matter, motion is the first
+and foremost, not only in the form of mechanical and mathematical
+motion, but chiefly in the form of an impulse, a vital spirit, a
+tension&mdash;or a 'qual,' to use a term of Jacob B&ouml;hme's<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a>&mdash;of matter.</p>
+
+<p>"In Bacon, its first creator, materialism still occludes within itself
+the germs of a many-sided development. On the one hand, matter,
+surrounded by a sensuous, poetic glamour, seems to attract man's whole
+entity by winning smiles. On the other, the aphoristically formulated
+doctrine pullulates with inconsistencies imported from theology.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>"In its further evolution, materialism becomes one-sided. Hobbes is
+the man who systematizes Baconian materialism. Knowledge based upon
+the senses loses its poetic blossom, it passes into the abstract
+experience of the mathematician; geometry is proclaimed as the queen
+of sciences. Materialism takes to misanthropy. If it is to overcome
+its opponent, misanthropic, fleshless spiritualism, and that on the
+latter's own ground, materialism has to chastise its own flesh and
+turn ascetic. Thus, from a sensual, it passes into an intellectual,
+entity; but thus, too, it evolves all the consistency, regardless of
+consequences, characteristic of the intellect.</p>
+
+<p>"Hobbes, as Bacon's continuator, argues thus: if all human knowledge
+is furnished by the senses, then our concepts and ideas are but the
+phantoms, divested of their sensual forms, of the real world.
+Philosophy can but give names to these phantoms. One name may be
+applied to more than one of them. There may even be names of names. It
+would imply a contradiction if, on the one hand, we maintained that
+all ideas had their origin in the world of sensation, and, on the
+other, that a word was more than a word; that besides the beings known
+to us by our senses, beings which are one and all individuals, there
+existed also beings of a general, not individual, nature. An unbodily
+substance is the same absurdity as an unbodily body. Body, being,
+substance, are but different terms for the same <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>reality. <i>It is
+impossible to separate thought from matter that thinks.</i> This matter
+is the substratum of all changes going on in the world. The word
+infinite is meaningless, unless it states that our mind is capable of
+performing an endless process of addition. Only material things being
+perceptible to us, we cannot know anything about the existence of God.
+My own existence alone is certain. Every human passion is a mechanical
+movement which has a beginning and an end. The objects of impulse are
+what we call good. Man is subject to the same laws as nature. Power
+and freedom are identical.</p>
+
+<p>"Hobbes had systematized Bacon, without, however, furnishing a proof
+for Bacon's fundamental principle, the origin of all human knowledge
+from the world of sensation. It was Locke who, in his Essay on the
+Human Understanding, supplied this proof.</p>
+
+<p>"Hobbes had shattered the theistic prejudices of Baconian materialism;
+Collins, Dodwall, Coward, Hartley, Priestley similarly shattered the
+last theological bars that still hemmed-in Locke's sensationalism. At
+all events, for practical materialists, Theism is but an easy-going
+way of getting rid of religion."<a name="FNanchor_B_2" id="FNanchor_B_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_B_2" class="fnanchor">[B]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus Karl Marx wrote about the British origin of modern materialism.
+If Englishmen nowadays do not exactly relish the compliment he <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>paid
+their ancestors, more's the pity. It is none the less undeniable that
+Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke are the fathers of that brilliant school of
+French materialists which made the eighteenth century, in spite of all
+battles on land and sea won over Frenchmen by Germans and Englishmen,
+a pre-eminently French century, even before that crowning French
+Revolution, the results of which we outsiders, in England as well as
+in Germany, are still trying to acclimatize.</p>
+
+<p>There is no denying it. About the middle of this century, what struck
+every cultivated foreigner who set up his residence in England, was,
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. We, at that time, were all
+materialists, or, at least, very advanced freethinkers, and to us it
+appeared inconceivable that almost all educated people in England
+should believe in all sorts of impossible miracles, and that even
+geologists like Buckland and Mantell should contort the facts of their
+science so as not to clash too much with the myths of the book of
+Genesis; while, in order to find people who dared to use their own
+intellectual faculties with regard to religious matters, you had to go
+amongst the uneducated, the "great unwashed," as they were then
+called, the working people, especially the Owenite Socialists.</p>
+
+<p>But England has been "civilized" since then. The exhibition of 1851
+sounded the knell of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>English insular exclusiveness. England became
+gradually internationalized, in diet, in manners, in ideas; so much so
+that I begin to wish that some English manners and customs had made as
+much headway on the Continent as other continental habits have made
+here. Anyhow, the introduction and spread of salad-oil (before 1851
+known only to the aristocracy) has been accompanied by a fatal spread
+of continental scepticism in matters religious, and it has come to
+this, that agnosticism, though not yet considered "the thing" quite as
+much as the Church of England, is yet very nearly on a par, as far as
+respectability goes, with Baptism, and decidedly ranks above the
+Salvation Army. And I cannot help believing that under these
+circumstances it will be consoling to many who sincerely regret and
+condemn this progress of infidelity, to learn that these "new-fangled
+notions" are not of foreign origin, are not "made in Germany," like so
+many other articles of daily use, but are undoubtedly Old English, and
+that their British originators two hundred years ago went a good deal
+further than their descendants now dare to venture.</p>
+
+<p>What, indeed, is agnosticism, but, to use an expressive Lancashire
+term, "shamefaced" materialism? The agnostic's conception of Nature is
+materialistic throughout. The entire natural world is governed by law,
+and absolutely excludes the intervention of action from without. But,
+he adds, we have no means either of ascertaining <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>or of disproving the
+existence of some Supreme Being beyond the known universe. Now, this
+might hold good at the time when Laplace, to Napoleon's question, why
+in the great astronomer's <i>M&eacute;canique c&eacute;leste</i> the Creator was not even
+mentioned, proudly replied: <i>Je n'avais pas besoin de cette
+hypoth&egrave;se</i>. But nowadays, in our evolutionary conception of the
+universe, there is absolutely no room for either a Creator or a Ruler;
+and to talk of a Supreme Being shut out from the whole existing world,
+implies a contradiction in terms, and, as it seems to me, a gratuitous
+insult to the feelings of religious people.</p>
+
+<p>Again, our agnostic admits that all our knowledge is based upon the
+information imparted to us by our senses. But, he adds, how do we know
+that our senses give us correct representations of the objects we
+perceive through them? And he proceeds to inform us that, whenever he
+speaks of objects or their qualities, he does in reality not mean
+these objects and qualities, of which he cannot know anything for
+certain, but merely the impressions which they have produced on his
+senses. Now, this line of reasoning seems undoubtedly hard to beat by
+mere argumentation. But before there was argumentation, there was
+action. <i>Im Anfang war die That.</i> And human action had solved the
+difficulty long before human ingenuity invented it. The proof of the
+pudding is in the eating. From the moment we turn to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>our own use
+these objects, according to the qualities we perceive in them, we put
+to an infallible test the correctness or otherwise of our
+sense-perceptions. If these perceptions have been wrong, then our
+estimate of the use to which an object can be turned must also be
+wrong, and our attempt must fail. But if we succeed in accomplishing
+our aim, if we find that the object does agree with our idea of it,
+and does answer the purpose we intended it for, then that is positive
+proof that our perceptions of it and of its qualities, <i>so far</i>, agree
+with reality outside ourselves. And whenever we find ourselves face to
+face with a failure, then we generally are not long in making out the
+cause that made us fail; we find that the perception upon which we
+acted was either incomplete and superficial, or combined with the
+results of other perceptions in a way not warranted by them&mdash;what we
+call defective reasoning. So long as we take care to train and to use
+our senses properly, and to keep our action within the limits
+prescribed by perceptions properly made and properly used, so long we
+shall find that the result of our action proves the conformity of our
+perceptions with the objective nature of the things perceived. Not in
+one single instance, so far, have we been led to the conclusion that
+our sense-perceptions, scientifically controlled, induce in our minds
+ideas respecting the outer world that are, by their very nature, at
+variance with reality, or that there is an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>inherent incompatibility
+between the outer world and our sense-perceptions of it.</p>
+
+<p>But then come the Neo-Kantian agnostics and say: We may correctly
+perceive the qualities of a thing, but we cannot by any sensible or
+mental process grasp the thing in itself. This "thing in itself" is
+beyond our ken. To this Hegel, long since, has replied: If you know
+all the qualities of a thing, you know the thing itself; nothing
+remains but the fact that the said thing exists without us; and when
+your senses have taught you that fact, you have grasped the last
+remnant of the thing in itself, Kant's celebrated unknowable <i>Ding an
+sich</i>. To which it may be added, that in Kant's time our knowledge of
+natural objects was indeed so fragmentary that he might well suspect,
+behind the little we knew about each of them, a mysterious "thing in
+itself." But one after another these ungraspable things have been
+grasped, analyzed, and, what is more, <i>reproduced</i> by the giant
+progress of science; and what we can produce, we certainly cannot
+consider as unknowable. To the chemistry of the first half of this
+century organic substances were such mysterious objects; now, we learn
+to build them up one after another from their chemical elements
+without the aid of organic processes. Modern chemists declare that as
+soon as the chemical constitution of no matter what body is known, it
+can be built up from its elements. We are still far from knowing the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>constitution of the highest organic substances, the albuminous bodies;
+but there is no reason why we should not, if only after centuries,
+arrive at that knowledge and, armed with it, produce artificial
+albumen. But if we arrive at that, we shall at the same time have
+produced organic life, for life, from its lowest to its highest forms,
+is but the normal mode of existence of albuminous bodies.</p>
+
+<p>As soon, however, as our agnostic has made these formal mental
+reservations, he talks and acts as the rank materialist he at bottom
+is. He may say that, as far as <i>we</i> know, matter and motion, or as it
+is now called, energy, can neither be created nor destroyed, but that
+we have no proof of their not having been created at some time or
+other. But if you try to use this admission against him in any
+particular case, he will quickly put you out of court. If he admits
+the possibility of spiritualism <i>in abstracto</i>, he will have none of
+it <i>in concreto</i>. As far as we know and can know, he will tell you
+there is no Creator and no Ruler of the universe; as far as we are
+concerned, matter and energy can neither be created nor annihilated;
+for us, mind is a mode of energy, a function of the brain; all we know
+is that the material world is governed by immutable laws, and so
+forth. Thus, as far as he is a scientific man, as far as he <i>knows</i>
+anything, he is a materialist; outside his science, in spheres about
+which he knows nothing, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>he translates his ignorance into Greek and
+calls it agnosticism.</p>
+
+<p>At all events, one thing seems clear: even if I was an agnostic, it is
+evident that I could not describe the conception of history sketched
+out in this little book, as "historical agnosticism." Religious people
+would laugh at me, agnostics would indignantly ask, was I going to
+make fun of them? And thus I hope even British respectability will not
+be overshocked if I use, in English as well as in so many other
+languages, the term, "historical materialism," to designate that view
+of the course of history, which seeks the ultimate cause and the great
+moving power of all important historic events in the economic
+development of society, in the changes in the modes of production and
+exchange, in the consequent division of society into distinct classes,
+and in the struggles of these classes against one another.</p>
+
+<p>This indulgence will perhaps be accorded to me all the sooner if I
+show that historical materialism may be of advantage even to British
+respectability. I have mentioned the fact, that about forty or fifty
+years ago, any cultivated foreigner settling in England was struck by
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. I am now going to prove that
+the respectable English middle-class of that time was not quite as
+stupid as it looked to the intelligent <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>foreigner. Its religious
+leanings can be explained.</p>
+
+<p>When Europe emerged from the Middle Ages, the rising middle-class of
+the towns constituted its revolutionary element. It had conquered a
+recognized position within medi&aelig;val feudal organization, but this
+position, also, had become too narrow for its expansive power. The
+development of the middle-class, the <i>bourgeoisie</i>, became
+incompatible with the maintenance of the feudal system; the feudal
+system, therefore, had to fall.</p>
+
+<p>But the great international center of feudalism was the Roman Catholic
+Church. It united the whole of feudalized Western Europe, in spite of
+all internal wars, into one grand political system, opposed as much to
+the schismatic Greeks as to the Mohammedian countries. It surrounded
+feudal institutions with the halo of divine consecration. It had
+organized its own hierarchy on the feudal model, and, lastly, it was
+itself by far the most powerful feudal lord, holding, as it did, fully
+one-third of the soil of the Catholic world. Before profane feudalism
+could be successively attacked in each country and in detail, this,
+its sacred central organization, had to be destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, parallel with the rise of the middle-class went on the great
+revival of science; astronomy, mechanics, physics, anatomy,
+physiology, were again cultivated. And the bourgeoisie, for the
+development of its industrial production, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>required a science which
+ascertained the physical properties of natural objects and the modes
+of action of the forces of Nature. Now up to then science had but been
+the humble handmaid of the Church, had not been allowed to overstep
+the limits set by faith, and for that reason had been no science at
+all. Science rebelled against the Church; the bourgeoisie could not do
+without science, and, therefore, had to join in the rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>The above, though touching but two of the points where the rising
+middle-class was bound to come into collision with the established
+religion, will be sufficient to show, first, that the class most
+directly interested in the struggle against the pretensions of the
+Roman Church was the bourgeoisie; and second, that every struggle
+against feudalism, at that time, had to take on a religious disguise,
+had to be directed against the Church in the first instance. But if
+the universities and the traders of the cities started the cry, it was
+sure to find, and did find, a strong echo in the masses of the country
+people, the peasants, who everywhere had to struggle for their very
+existence with their feudal lords, spiritual and temporal.</p>
+
+<p>The long fight of the bourgeoisie against feudalism culminated in
+three great, decisive battles.</p>
+
+<p>The first was what is called the Protestant Reformation in Germany.
+The war-cry raised <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>against the Church by Luther was responded to by
+two insurrections of a political nature: first, that of the lower
+nobility under Franz von Sickingen (1523), then the great Peasants'
+War, 1525. Both were defeated, chiefly in consequence of the
+indecision of the parties most interested, the burghers of the
+towns&mdash;an indecision into the causes of which we cannot here enter.
+From that moment the struggle degenerated into a fight between the
+local princes and the central power, and ended by blotting out
+Germany, for two hundred years, from the politically active nations of
+Europe. The Lutheran reformation produced a new creed indeed, a
+religion adapted to absolute monarchy. No sooner were the peasants of
+North-east Germany converted to Lutheranism than they were from
+freemen reduced to serfs.</p>
+
+<p>But where Luther failed, Calvin won the day. Calvin's creed was one
+fit for the boldest of the bourgeoisie of his time. His predestination
+doctrine was the religious expression of the fact that in the
+commercial world of competition success or failure does not depend
+upon a man's activity or cleverness, but upon circumstances
+uncontrollable by him. It is not of him that willeth or of him that
+runneth, but of the mercy of unknown superior economic powers: and
+this was especially true at a period of economic revolution, when all
+old commercial routes and centers were replaced by new ones, when
+India and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>America were opened to the world, and when even the most
+sacred economic articles of faith&mdash;the value of gold and silver&mdash;began
+to totter and to break down. Calvin's church constitution was
+thoroughly democratic and republican; and where the kingdom of God was
+republicanized, could the kingdoms of this world remain subject to
+monarchs, bishops, and lords? While German Lutheranism became a
+willing tool in the hands of princes, Calvinism founded a republic in
+Holland, and active republican parties in England, and, above all,
+Scotland.</p>
+
+<p>In Calvinism, the second great bourgeois upheaval found its doctrine
+ready cut and dried. This upheaval took place in England. The
+middle-class of the towns brought it on, and the yeomanry of the
+country districts fought it out. Curiously enough, in all the three
+great bourgeois risings, the peasantry furnishes the army that has to
+do the fighting; and the peasantry is just the class that, the victory
+once gained, is most surely ruined by the economic consequences of
+that victory. A hundred years after Cromwell, the yeomanry of England
+had almost disappeared. Anyhow, had it not been for that yeomanry and
+for the <i>plebeian</i> element in the towns, the bourgeoisie alone would
+never have fought the matter out to the bitter end, and would never
+have brought Charles I. to the scaffold. In order to secure even those
+conquests of the bourgeoisie that were ripe for gathering at the
+time, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>the revolution had to be carried considerably further&mdash;exactly
+as in 1793 in France and 1848 in Germany. This seems, in fact, to be
+one of the laws of evolution of bourgeois society.</p>
+
+<p>Well, upon this excess of revolutionary activity there necessarily
+followed the inevitable reaction which in its turn went beyond the
+point where it might have maintained itself. After a series of
+oscillations, the new center of gravity was at last attained and
+became a new starting-point. The grand period of English history,
+known to respectability under the name of "the Great Rebellion," and
+the struggles succeeding it, were brought to a close by the
+comparatively puny event entitled by Liberal historians, "the Glorious
+Revolution."</p>
+
+<p>The new starting-point was a compromise between the rising
+middle-class and the ex-feudal landowners. The latter, though called,
+as now, the aristocracy, had been long since on the way which led them
+to become what Louis Philippe in France became at a much later period,
+"the first bourgeois of the kingdom." Fortunately for England, the old
+feudal barons had killed one another during the Wars of the Roses.
+Their successors, though mostly scions of the old families, had been
+so much out of the direct line of descent that they constituted quite
+a new body, with habits and tendencies far more bourgeois than feudal.
+They fully understood the value of money, and at once began to
+increase their rents <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>by turning hundreds of small farmers out and
+replacing them by sheep. Henry VIII., while squandering the Church
+lands, created fresh bourgeois landlords by wholesale; the innumerable
+confiscations of estates, regranted to absolute or relative upstarts,
+and continued during the whole of the seventeenth century, had the
+same result. Consequently, ever since Henry VII., the English
+"aristocracy," far from counteracting the development of industrial
+production, had, on the contrary, sought to indirectly profit thereby;
+and there had always been a section of the great landowners willing,
+from economical or political reasons, to co-operate with the leading
+men of the financial and industrial bourgeoisie. The compromise of
+1689 was, therefore, easily accomplished. The political spoils of
+"pelf and place" were left to the great land-owning families, provided
+the economic interests of the financial, manufacturing, and commercial
+middle-class were sufficiently attended to. And these economic
+interests were at that time powerful enough to determine the general
+policy of the nation. There might be squabbles about matters of
+detail, but, on the whole, the aristocratic oligarchy knew too well
+that its own economic prosperity was irretrievably bound up with that
+of the industrial and commercial middle-class.</p>
+
+<p>From that time, the bourgeoisie was a humble, but still a recognized
+component of the ruling classes of England. With the rest of them, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>it
+had a common interest in keeping in subjection the great working mass
+of the nation. The merchant or manufacturer himself stood in the
+position of master, or, as it was until lately called, of "natural
+superior" to his clerks, his workpeople, his domestic servants. His
+interest was to get as much and as good work out of them as he could;
+for this end they had to be trained to proper submission. He was
+himself religious; his religion had supplied the standard under which
+he had fought the king and the lords; he was not long in discovering
+the opportunities this same religion offered him for working upon the
+minds of his natural inferiors, and making them submissive to the
+behests of the masters it had pleased God to place over them. In
+short, the English bourgeoisie now had to take a part in keeping down
+the "lower orders," the great producing mass of the nation, and one of
+the means employed for that purpose was the influence of religion.</p>
+
+<p>There was another fact that contributed to strengthen the religious
+leanings of the bourgeoisie. That was the rise of materialism in
+England. This new doctrine not only shocked the pious feelings of the
+middle-class; it announced itself as a philosophy only fit for
+scholars and cultivated men of the world, in contrast to religion
+which was good enough for the uneducated masses, including the
+bourgeoisie. With Hobbes it stepped on the stage as a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>defender of
+royal prerogative and omnipotence; it called upon absolute monarchy to
+keep down that <i>puer robustus sed malitiosus</i>, to wit, the people.
+Similarly, with the successors of Hobbes, with Bolingbroke,
+Shaftesbury, etc., the new deistic form of materialism remained an
+aristocratic, esoteric doctrine, and, therefore, hateful to the
+middle-class both for its religious heresy and for its anti-bourgeois
+political connections. Accordingly, in opposition to the materialism
+and deism of the aristocracy, those Protestant sects which had
+furnished the flag and the fighting contingent against the Stuarts,
+continued to furnish the main strength of the progressive
+middle-class, and form even to-day the backbone of "the Great Liberal
+Party."</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime materialism passed from England to France, where it
+met and coalesced with another materialistic school of philosophers, a
+branch of Cartesianism. In France, too, it remained at first an
+exclusively aristocratic doctrine. But soon its revolutionary
+character asserted itself. The French materialists did not limit their
+criticism to matters of religious belief; they extended it to whatever
+scientific tradition or political institution they met with; and to
+prove the claim of their doctrine to universal application, they took
+the shortest cut, and boldly applied it to all subjects of knowledge
+in the giant work after which they were named&mdash;the <i>Encyclop&eacute;die</i>.
+Thus, in one or the other of its <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>two forms&mdash;avowed materialism or
+deism&mdash;it became the creed of the whole cultured youth of France; so
+much so that, when the great Revolution broke out, the doctrine
+hatched by English Royalists gave a theoretical flag to French
+Republicans and Terrorists, and furnished the text for the Declaration
+of the Rights of Man. The great French Revolution was the third
+uprising of the bourgeoisie, but the first that had entirely cast off
+the religious cloak, and was fought out on undisguised political
+lines; it was the first, too, that was really fought out to the
+destruction of one of the combatants, the aristocracy, and the
+complete triumph of the other, the bourgeoisie. In England the
+continuity of pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary institutions,
+and the compromise between landlords and capitalists, found its
+expression in the continuity of judicial precedents and in the
+religious preservation of the feudal forms of the law. In France the
+Revolution constituted a complete breach with the traditions of the
+past; it cleared out the very last vestiges of feudalism, and created
+in the <i>Code Civil</i> a masterly adaptation of the old Roman law&mdash;that
+almost perfect expression of the juridical relations corresponding to
+the economic stage called by Marx the production of commodities&mdash;to
+modern capitalistic conditions; so masterly that this French
+revolutionary code still serves as a model for reforms of the law of
+property in all other countries, not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>excepting England. Let us,
+however, not forget that if English law continues to express the
+economic relations of capitalistic society in that barbarous feudal
+language which corresponds to the thing expressed, just as English
+spelling corresponds to English pronunciation&mdash;<i>vous &eacute;crivez Londres
+et vous prononcez Constantinople</i>, said a Frenchman&mdash;that same English
+law is the only one which has preserved through ages, and transmitted
+to America and the Colonies the best part of that old Germanic
+personal freedom, local self-government, and independence from all
+interference but that of the law courts, which on the Continent has
+been lost during the period of absolute monarchy, and has nowhere been
+as yet fully recovered.</p>
+
+<p>To return to our British bourgeois. The French Revolution gave him a
+splendid opportunity, with the help of the Continental monarchies, to
+destroy French maritime commerce, to annex French colonies, and to
+crush the last French pretensions to maritime rivalry. That was one
+reason why he fought it. Another was that the ways of this revolution
+went very much against his grain. Not only its "execrable" terrorism,
+but the very attempt to carry bourgeois rule to extremes. What should
+the British bourgeois do without his aristocracy, that taught him
+manners, such as they were, and invented fashions for him&mdash;that
+furnished officers for the army, which kept order at home, and the
+navy, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>which conquered colonial possessions and new markets abroad?
+There was indeed a progressive minority of the bourgeoisie, that
+minority whose interests were not so well attended to under the
+compromise; this section, composed chiefly of the less wealthy
+middle-class, did sympathize with the Revolution, but it was powerless
+in Parliament.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, if materialism became the creed of the French Revolution, the
+God-fearing English bourgeois held all the faster to his religion. Had
+not the reign of terror in Paris proved what was the upshot, if the
+religious instincts of the masses were lost? The more materialism
+spread from France to neighboring countries, and was reinforced by
+similar doctrinal currents, notably by German philosophy, the more, in
+fact, materialism and freethought generally became, on the Continent,
+the necessary qualifications of a cultivated man, the more stubbornly
+the English middle-class stuck to its manifold religious creeds. These
+creeds might differ from one another, but they were, all of them,
+distinctly religious, Christian creeds.</p>
+
+<p>While the Revolution ensured the political triumph of the bourgeoisie
+in France, in England Watt, Arkwright, Cartwright, and others,
+initiated an industrial revolution, which completely shifted the
+center of gravity of economic power. The wealth of the bourgeoisie
+increased considerably faster than that of the landed aristocracy.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>Within the bourgeoisie itself, the financial aristocracy, the bankers,
+etc., were more and more pushed into the background by the
+manufacturers. The compromise of 1689, even after the gradual changes
+it had undergone in favor of the bourgeoisie, no longer corresponded
+to the relative position of the parties to it. The character of these
+parties, too, had changed; the bourgeoisie of 1830 was very different
+from that of the preceding century. The political power still left to
+the aristocracy, and used by them to resist the pretensions of the new
+industrial bourgeoisie, became incompatible with the new economic
+interests. A fresh struggle with the aristocracy was necessary; it
+could end only in a victory of the new economic power. First, the
+Reform Act was pushed through, in spite of all resistance, under the
+impulse of the French Revolution of 1830. It gave to the bourgeoisie a
+recognized and powerful place in Parliament. Then the Repeal of the
+Corn Laws, which settled, once for all, the supremacy of the
+bourgeoisie, and especially of its most active portion, the
+manufacturers, over the landed aristocracy. This was the greatest
+victory of the bourgeoisie; it was, however, also the last it gained
+in its own, exclusive interest. Whatever triumphs it obtained later
+on, it had to share with a new social power, first its ally, but soon
+its rival.</p>
+
+<p>The industrial revolution had created a class of large manufacturing
+capitalists, but also a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>class&mdash;and a far more numerous one&mdash;of
+manufacturing work-people. This class gradually increased in numbers,
+in proportion as the industrial revolution seized upon one branch of
+manufacture after another, and in the same proportion it increased in
+power. This power it proved as early as 1824, by forcing a reluctant
+Parliament to repeal the acts forbidding combinations of workmen.
+During the Reform agitation, the working-men constituted the Radical
+wing of the Reform party; the Act of 1832 having excluded them from
+the suffrage, they formulated their demands in the People's Charter,
+and constituted themselves, in opposition to the great bourgeois
+Anti-Corn Law party, into an independent party, the Chartists, the
+first working-men's party of modern times.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the Continental revolutions of February and March, 1848, in
+which the working people played such a prominent part, and, at least
+in Paris, put forward demands which were certainly inadmissible from
+the point of view of capitalistic society. And then came the general
+reaction. First the defeat of the Chartists on the 10th April, 1848,
+then the crushing of the Paris working-men's insurrection in June of
+the same year, then the disasters of 1849 in Italy, Hungary, South
+Germany, and at last the victory of Louis Bonaparte over Paris, 2nd
+December, 1851. For a time, at least, the bugbear of working-class
+pretensions was put down, but at what cost! If the British bourgeois
+had been <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>convinced before of the necessity of maintaining the common
+people in a religious mood, how much more must he feel that necessity
+after all these experiences? Regardless of the sneers of his
+Continental compeers, he continued to spend thousands and tens of
+thousands, year after year, upon the evangelization of the lower
+orders; not content with his own native religious machinery, he
+appealed to Brother Jonathan, the greatest organizer in existence of
+religion as a trade, and imported from America revivalism, Moody and
+Sankey, and the like; and, finally, he accepted the dangerous aid of
+the Salvation Army, which revives the propaganda of early
+Christianity, appeals to the poor as the elect, fights capitalism in a
+religious way, and thus fosters an element of early Christian class
+antagonism, which one day may become troublesome to the well-to-do
+people who now find the ready money for it.</p>
+
+<p>It seems a law of historical development that the bourgeoisie can in
+no European country get hold of political power&mdash;at least for any
+length of time&mdash;in the same exclusive way in which the feudal
+aristocracy kept hold of it during the Middle Ages. Even in France,
+where feudalism was completely extinguished, the bourgeoisie, as a
+whole, has held full possession of the Government for very short
+periods only. During Louis Philippe's reign, 1830-48, a very small
+portion of the bourgeoisie ruled the kingdom; by far the larger part
+were excluded from the suffrage by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>the high qualification. Under the
+second Republic, 1848-51, the whole bourgeoisie ruled, but for three
+years only; their incapacity brought on the second Empire. It is only
+now, in the third Republic, that the bourgeoisie as a whole have kept
+possession of the helm for more than twenty years; and they are
+already showing lively signs of decadence. A durable reign of the
+bourgeoisie has been possible only in countries like America, where
+feudalism was unknown, and society at the very beginning started from
+a bourgeois basis. And even in France and America, the successors of
+the bourgeoisie, the working people, are already knocking at the door.</p>
+
+<p>In England, the bourgeoisie never held undivided sway. Even the
+victory of 1832 left the landed aristocracy in almost exclusive
+possession of all the leading Government offices. The meekness with
+which the wealthy middle-class submitted to this, remained
+inconceivable to me until the great Liberal manufacturer, Mr. W.A.
+Forster, in a public speech implored the young men of Bradford to
+learn French, as a means to get on in the world, and quoted from his
+own experience how sheepish he looked when, as a Cabinet Minister, he
+had to move in society where French was, at least, as necessary as
+English! The fact was, the English middle-class of that time were, as
+a rule, quite uneducated upstarts, and could not help leaving to the
+aristocracy those superior Government places where <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>other
+qualifications were required than mere insular narrowness and insular
+conceit, seasoned by business sharpness.<a name="FNanchor_C_3" id="FNanchor_C_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_C_3" class="fnanchor">[C]</a> Even now the endless
+newspaper debates about middle-class education show that the English
+middle-class does not yet consider itself good enough for the best
+education, and looks to something more modest. Thus, even after the
+Repeal of the Corn Laws, it appeared a matter of course, that the men
+who had carried the day, the Cobdens, Brights, Forsters, etc., should
+remain excluded from a share in the official government of the
+country, until twenty <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>years afterwards, a new Reform Act opened to
+them the door of the Cabinet. The English bourgeoisie are, up to the
+present day, so deeply penetrated by a sense of their social
+inferiority that they keep up, at their own expense and that of the
+nation, an ornamental caste of drones to represent the nation worthily
+at all State functions; and they consider themselves highly honored
+whenever one of themselves is found worthy of admission into this
+select and privileged body, manufactured, after all, by themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The industrial and commercial middle-class had, therefore, not yet
+succeeded in driving the landed aristocracy completely from political
+power when another competitor, the working-class, appeared on the
+stage. The reaction after the Chartist movement and the Continental
+revolutions, as well as the unparalleled extension of English trade
+from 1848-1866, (ascribed vulgarly to Free Trade alone, but due far
+more to the colossal development of railways, ocean steamers, and
+means of intercourse generally), had again driven the working-class
+into the dependency of the Liberal party, of which they formed, as in
+pre-Chartist times, the Radical wing. Their claims to the franchise,
+however, gradually became irresistible; while the Whig leaders of the
+Liberals "funked," Disraeli showed his superiority by making the
+Tories seize the favorable moment and introduce household suffrage in
+the boroughs, along with a redistribution of seats. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>Then followed the
+ballot; then in 1884 the extension of household suffrage to the
+counties and a fresh redistribution of seats, by which electoral
+districts were to some extent equalized. All these measures
+considerably increased the electoral power of the working-class, so
+much so that in at least 150 to 200 constituencies that class now
+furnishes the majority of voters. But parliamentary government is a
+capital school for teaching respect for tradition; if the middle-class
+look with awe and veneration upon what Lord John Manners playfully
+called "our old nobility," the mass of the working-people then looked
+up with respect and deference to what used to be designated as "their
+betters," the middle-class. Indeed, the British workman, some fifteen
+years ago, was the model workman, whose respectful regard for the
+position of his master, and whose self-restraining modesty in claiming
+rights for himself, consoled our German economists of the
+<i>Katheder-Socialist</i> school for the incurable communistic and
+revolutionary tendencies of their own working-men at home.</p>
+
+<p>But the English middle-class&mdash;the good men of business as they
+are&mdash;saw farther than the German professors. They had shared their
+power but reluctantly with the working-class. They had learnt, during
+the Chartist years, what that <i>puer robustus sed malitiosus</i>, the
+people, is capable of. And since that time, they had been compelled to
+incorporate the better part of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>People's Charter in the Statutes
+of the United Kingdom. Now, if ever, the people must be kept in order
+by moral means, and the first and foremost of all moral means of
+action upon the masses is and remains&mdash;religion. Hence the parsons'
+majorities on the School Boards, hence the increasing self-taxation of
+the bourgeoisie for the support of all sorts of revivalism, from
+ritualism to the Salvation Army.</p>
+
+<p>And now came the triumph of British respectability over the
+freethought and religious laxity of the Continental bourgeois. The
+workmen of France and Germany had become rebellious. They were
+thoroughly infected with socialism, and, for very good reasons, were
+not at all particular as to the legality of the means by which to
+secure their own ascendency. The <i>puer robustus</i>, here, turned from
+day to day more <i>malitiosus</i>. Nothing remained to the French and
+German bourgeoisie as a last resource but to silently drop their
+freethought, as a youngster, when sea-sickness creeps upon him,
+quietly drops the burning cigar he brought swaggeringly on board; one
+by one, the scoffers turned pious in outward behavior, spoke with
+respect of the Church, its dogmas and rites, and even conformed with
+the latter as far as could not be helped. French bourgeoisie dined
+<i>maigre</i> on Fridays, and German ones sat out long Protestant sermons
+in their pews on Sundays. They had come to grief with materialism.
+"<i>Die Religion muss dem <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>Volk erhalten werden</i>,"&mdash;religion must be
+kept alive for the people&mdash;that was the only and the last means to
+save society from utter ruin. Unfortunately for themselves, they did
+not find this out until they had done their level best to break up
+religion for ever. And now it was the turn of the British bourgeois to
+sneer and to say: "Why, you fools, I could have told you that two
+hundred years ago!"</p>
+
+<p>However, I am afraid neither the religious stolidity of the British,
+nor the <i>post festum</i> conversion of the Continental bourgeois will
+stem the rising Proletarian tide. Tradition is a great retarding
+force, is the <i>vis inerti&aelig;</i> of history, but, being merely passive, is
+sure to be broken down; and thus religion will be no lasting safeguard
+to capitalist society. If our juridical, philosophical, and religious
+ideas are the more or less remote offshoots of the economical
+relations prevailing in a given society, such ideas cannot, in the
+long run, withstand the effects of a complete change in these
+relations. And, unless we believe in supernatural revelation, we must
+admit that no religious tenets will ever suffice to prop up a
+tottering society.</p>
+
+<p>In fact, in England, too, the working-people have begun to move again.
+They are, no doubt, shackled by traditions of various kinds. Bourgeois
+traditions, such as the widespread belief that there can be but two
+parties, Conservatives and Liberals, and that the working-class must
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>work out its salvation by and through the great Liberal party.
+Working-men's traditions, inherited from their first tentative efforts
+at independent action, such as the exclusion, from ever so many old
+Trade Unions, of all applicants who have not gone through a regular
+apprenticeship; which means the breeding, by every such union, of its
+own blacklegs. But for all that the English working-class is moving,
+as even Professor Brentano has sorrowfully had to report to his
+brother Katheder-Socialists. It moves, like all things in England,
+with a slow and measured step, with hesitation here, with more or less
+unfruitful, tentative attempts there; it moves now and then with an
+over-cautious mistrust of the name of Socialism, while it gradually
+absorbs the substance; and the movement spreads and seizes one layer
+of the workers after another. It has now shaken out of their torpor
+the unskilled laborers of the East End of London, and we all know what
+a splendid impulse these fresh forces have given it in return. And if
+the pace of the movement is not up to the impatience of some people,
+let them not forget that it is the working-class which keeps alive the
+finest qualities of the English character, and that, if a step in
+advance is once gained in England, it is, as a rule, never lost
+afterwards. If the sons of the old Chartists, for reasons explained
+above, were not quite up to the mark, the grandsons bid fair to be
+worthy of their forefathers.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>But the triumph of the European working-class does not depend upon
+England alone. It can only be secured by the co-operation of, at
+least, England, France, and Germany. In both the latter countries the
+working-class movement is well ahead of England. In Germany it is even
+within measurable distance of success. The progress it has there made
+during the last twenty-five years is unparalleled. It advances with
+ever-increasing velocity. If the German middle-class have shown
+themselves lamentably deficient in political capacity, discipline,
+courage, energy, and perseverance, the German working-class have given
+ample proof of all these qualities. Four hundred years ago, Germany
+was the starting-point of the first upheaval of the European
+middle-class; as things are now, is it outside the limits of
+possibility that Germany will be the scene, too, of the first great
+victory of the European proletariat?</p>
+
+<p class="right sc">F. Engels.</p>
+
+<p><i>April 20th, 1892.</i></p>
+
+<br />
+<hr class="fnhr" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> "Qual" is a philosophical play upon words. Qual literally
+means torture, a pain which drives to action of some kind; at the same
+time the mystic B&ouml;hme puts into the German word something of the
+meaning of the Latin <i>qualitas</i>; his "qual" was the activating
+principle arising from, and promoting in its turn, the spontaneous
+development of the thing, relation, or person subject to it, in
+contradistinction to a pain inflicted from without.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_B_2" id="Footnote_B_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_B_2"><span class="label">[B]</span></a> Marx and Engels, "Die Heilige Familie," Frankfurt a. M.
+1845, pp. 201-204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_C_3" id="Footnote_C_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_C_3"><span class="label">[C]</span></a> And even in business matters, the conceit of national
+Chauvinism is but a sorry adviser. Up to quite recently, the average
+English manufacturer considered it derogatory from an Englishman to
+speak any language but his own, and felt rather proud than otherwise
+of the fact that "poor devils" of foreigners settled in England and
+took off his hands the trouble of disposing of his products abroad. He
+never noticed that these foreigners, mostly Germans, thus got command
+of a very large part of British foreign trade, imports and exports,
+and that the direct foreign trade of Englishmen became limited, almost
+entirely, to the colonies, China, the United States, and South
+America. Nor did he notice that these Germans traded with other
+Germans abroad, who gradually organized a complete network of
+commercial colonies all over the world. But when Germany, about forty
+years ago, seriously began manufacturing for export, this network
+served her admirably in her transformation, in so short a time, from a
+corn-exporting into a first-rate manufacturing country. Then, about
+ten years ago, the British manufacturer got frightened, and asked his
+ambassadors and consuls how it was that he could no longer keep his
+customers together. The unanimous answer was: (1) You don't learn your
+customer's language but expect him to speak your own; (2) You don't
+even try to suit your customer's wants, habits, and tastes, but expect
+him to conform to your English ones.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span><br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span><br />
+
+<h2>SOCIALISM</h2>
+
+<h3>UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC</h3>
+
+<br />
+
+<h3>I</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>Modern Socialism is, in its essence, the direct product of the
+recognition, on the one hand, of the class antagonisms, existing in
+the society of to-day, between proprietors and non-proprietors,
+between capitalists and wage-workers; on the other hand, of the
+anarchy existing in production. But, in its theoretical form, modern
+Socialism originally appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of
+the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the
+eighteenth century. Like every new theory, modern Socialism had, at
+first, to connect itself with the intellectual stock-in-trade ready to
+its hand, however deeply its roots lay in material economic facts.</p>
+
+<p>The great men, who in France prepared <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>men's minds for the coming
+revolution, were themselves extreme revolutionists. They recognized no
+external authority of any kind whatever. Religion, natural science,
+society, political institutions, everything, was subjected to the most
+unsparing criticism; everything must justify its existence before the
+judgment-seat of reason, or give up existence. Reason became the sole
+measure of everything. It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world
+stood upon its head;<a name="FNanchor_1_4" id="FNanchor_1_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_4" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> first, in the sense that the human head, and
+the principles arrived at <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>by its thought, claimed to be the basis of
+all human action and association; but by and by, also, in the wider
+sense that the reality which was in contradiction to these principles
+had, in fact, to be turned upside down. Every form of society and
+government then existing, every old traditional notion was flung into
+the lumber-room as irrational: the world had hitherto allowed itself
+to be led solely by prejudices; everything in the past deserved only
+pity and contempt. Now, for the first time, appeared the light of day,
+the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege,
+oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right,
+equality based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man.</p>
+
+<p>We know to-day that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than the
+idealized kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found
+its realization in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced
+itself to bourgeois equality before the law; that bourgeois property
+was proclaimed as one of the essential rights of man; and that the
+government of reason, the Contrat Social of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>Rousseau, came into
+being, and only could come into being, as a democratic bourgeois
+republic. The great thinkers of the eighteenth century could, no more
+than their predecessors, go beyond the limits imposed upon them by
+their epoch.</p>
+
+<p>But, side by side with the antagonism of the feudal nobility and the
+burghers, who claimed to represent all the rest of society, was the
+general antagonism of exploiters and exploited, of rich idlers and
+poor workers. It was this very circumstance that made it possible for
+the representatives of the bourgeoisie to put themselves forward as
+representing, not one special class, but the whole of suffering
+humanity. Still further. From its origin, the bourgeoisie was saddled
+with its antithesis: capitalists cannot exist without wage-workers,
+and, in the same proportion as the medi&aelig;val burgher of the guild
+developed into the modern bourgeois, the guild journeyman and the
+day-laborer, outside the guilds, developed into the proletarian. And
+although, upon the whole, the bourgeoisie, in their struggle with the
+nobility, could claim to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>represent at the same time the interests of
+the different working-classes of that period, yet in every great
+bourgeois movement there were independent outbursts of that class
+which was the forerunner, more or less developed, of the modern
+proletariat. For example, at the time of the German reformation and
+the peasants' war, the Anabaptists and Thomas M&uuml;nzer; in the great
+English revolution, the Levellers; in the great French revolution,
+Bab&oelig;uf.</p>
+
+<p>There were theoretical enunciations corresponding with these
+revolutionary uprisings of a class not yet developed; in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, Utopian pictures of ideal social
+conditions; in the eighteenth, actual communistic theories (Morelly
+and Mably). The demand for equality was no longer limited to political
+rights; it was extended also to the social conditions of individuals.
+It was not simply class privileges that were to be abolished, but
+class distinctions themselves. A Communism, ascetic, denouncing all
+the pleasures of life, Spartan, was the first form of the new
+teaching. Then came the three <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>great Utopians; Saint Simon, to whom
+the middle-class movement, side by side with the proletarian, still
+had a certain significance; Fourier; and Owen, who in the country
+where capitalist production was most developed, and under the
+influence of the antagonisms begotten of this, worked out his
+proposals for the removal of class distinction systematically and in
+direct relation to French materialism.</p>
+
+<p>One thing is common to all three. Not one of them appears as a
+representative of the interests of that proletariat, which historical
+development had, in the meantime, produced. Like the French
+philosophers, they do not claim to emancipate a particular class to
+begin with, but all humanity at once. Like them, they wish to bring in
+the kingdom of reason and eternal justice, but this kingdom, as they
+see it, is as far as heaven from earth, from that of the French
+philosophers.</p>
+
+<p>For, to our three social reformers, the bourgeois world, based upon
+the principles of these philosophers, is quite as irrational and
+unjust, and, therefore, finds its way in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>the dust-hole quite as
+readily as feudalism and all the earlier stages of society. If pure
+reason and justice have not, hitherto, ruled the world, this has been
+the case only because men have not rightly understood them. What was
+wanted was the individual man of genius, who has now arisen and who
+understands the truth. That he has now arisen, that the truth has now
+been clearly understood, is not an inevitable event, following of
+necessity in the chain of historical development, but a mere happy
+accident. He might just as well have been born 500 years earlier, and
+might then have spared humanity 500 years of error, strife, and
+suffering.</p>
+
+<p>We saw how the French philosophers of the eighteenth century, the
+forerunners of the Revolution, appealed to reason as the sole judge of
+all that is. A rational government, rational society, were to be
+founded; everything that ran counter to eternal reason was to be
+remorselessly done away with. We saw also that this eternal reason was
+in reality nothing but the idealized understanding of the eighteenth
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>century citizen, just then evolving into the bourgeois. The French
+Revolution had realized this rational society and government.</p>
+
+<p>But the new order of things, rational enough as compared with earlier
+conditions, turned out to be by no means absolutely rational. The
+State based upon reason completely collapsed. Rousseau's Contrat
+Social had found its realization in the Reign of Terror, from which
+the bourgeoisie, who had lost confidence in their own political
+capacity, had taken refuge first in the corruption of the Directorate,
+and, finally, under the wing of the Napoleonic despotism. The promised
+eternal peace was turned into an endless war of conquest. The society
+based upon reason had fared no better. The antagonism between rich and
+poor, instead of dissolving into general prosperity, had become
+intensified by the removal of the guild and other privileges, which
+had to some extent bridged it over, and by the removal of the
+charitable institutions of the Church. The "freedom of property" from
+feudal fetters, now veritably accomplished, turned out to be, for the
+small capitalists and small <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>proprietors, the freedom to sell their
+small property, crushed under the overmastering competition of the
+large capitalists and landlords, to these great lords, and thus, as
+far as the small capitalists and peasant proprietors were concerned,
+became "freedom <i>from</i> property." The development of industry upon a
+capitalistic basis made poverty and misery of the working masses
+conditions of existence of society. Cash payment became more and more,
+in Carlyle's phrase, the sole nexus between man and man. The number of
+crimes increased from year to year. Formerly, the feudal vices had
+openly stalked about in broad daylight; though not eradicated, they
+were now at any rate thrust into the background. In their stead, the
+bourgeois vices, hitherto practiced in secret, began to blossom all
+the more luxuriantly. Trade became to a greater and greater extent
+cheating. The "fraternity" of the revolutionary motto was realized in
+the chicanery and rivalries of the battle of competition. Oppression
+by force was replaced by corruption; the sword, as the first social
+lever, by gold. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>The right of the first night was transferred from the
+feudal lords to the bourgeois manufacturers. Prostitution increased to
+an extent never heard of. Marriage itself remained, as before, the
+legally recognized form, the official cloak of prostitution, and,
+moreover, was supplemented by rich crops of adultery.</p>
+
+<p>In a word, compared with the splendid promises of the philosophers,
+the social and political institutions born of the "triumph of reason"
+were bitterly disappointing caricatures. All that was wanting was the
+men to formulate this disappointment, and they came with the turn of
+the century. In 1802 Saint Simon's Geneva letters appeared; in 1808
+appeared Fourier's first work, although the groundwork of his theory
+dated from 1799; on January 1, 1800, Robert Owen undertook the
+direction of New Lanark.</p>
+
+<p>At this time, however, the capitalist mode of production, and with it
+the antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, was still
+very incompletely developed. Modern Industry, which had just arisen
+in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>England, was still unknown in France. But Modern Industry
+develops, on the one hand, the conflicts which make absolutely
+necessary a revolution in the mode of production, and the doing away
+with its capitalistic character&mdash;conflicts not only between the
+classes begotten of it, but also between the very productive forces
+and the forms of exchange created by it. And, on the other hand, it
+develops, in these very gigantic productive forces, the means of
+ending these conflicts. If, therefore, about the year 1800, the
+conflicts arising from the new social order were only just beginning
+to take shape, this holds still more fully as to the means of ending
+them. The "have-nothing" masses of Paris, during the Reign of Terror,
+were able for a moment to gain the mastery, and thus to lead the
+bourgeois revolution to victory in spite of the bourgeoisie
+themselves. But, in doing so, they only proved how impossible it was
+for their domination to last under the conditions then obtaining. The
+proletariat, which then for the first time evolved itself from these
+"have-nothing" masses as the nucleus of a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>new class, as yet quite
+incapable of independent political action, appeared as an oppressed,
+suffering order, to whom, in its incapacity to help itself, help
+could, at best, be brought in from without, or down from above.</p>
+
+<p>This historical situation also dominated the founders of Socialism. To
+the crude conditions of capitalistic production and the crude class
+conditions corresponded crude theories. The solution of the social
+problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions,
+the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain. Society
+presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these was the task of reason.
+It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of
+social order and to impose this upon society from without by
+propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model
+experiments. These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the
+more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could
+not avoid drifting off into pure phantasies.</p>
+
+<p>These facts once established, we need not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>dwell a moment longer upon
+this side of the question, now wholly belonging to the past. We can
+leave it to the literary small fry to solemnly quibble over these
+phantasies, which to-day only make us smile, and to crow over the
+superiority of their own bald reasoning, as compared with such
+"insanity." For ourselves, we delight in the stupendously grand
+thoughts and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their
+phantastic covering, and to which these Philistines are blind.</p>
+
+<p>Saint Simon was a son of the great French Revolution, at the outbreak
+of which he was not yet thirty. The Revolution was the victory of the
+third estate, <i>i.e.</i>, of the great masses of the nation, <i>working</i> in
+production and in trade, over the privileged <i>idle</i> classes, the
+nobles and the priests. But the victory of the third estate soon
+revealed itself as exclusively the victory of a small part of this
+"estate," as the conquest of political power by the socially
+privileged section of it, <i>i.e.</i>, the propertied bourgeoisie. And the
+bourgeoisie had certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution,
+partly by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>speculation in the lands of the nobility and of the Church,
+confiscated and afterwards put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon
+the nation by means of army contracts. It was the domination of these
+swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of
+ruin, and thus gave Napoleon the pretext for his <i>coup-d'&eacute;tat</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, to Saint Simon the antagonism between the third estate and the
+privileged classes took the form of an antagonism between "workers"
+and "idlers." The idlers were not merely the old privileged classes,
+but also all who, without taking any part in production or
+distribution, lived on their incomes. And the workers were not only
+the wage-workers, but also the manufacturers, the merchants, the
+bankers. That the idlers had lost the capacity for intellectual
+leadership and political supremacy had been proved, and was by the
+Revolution finally settled. That the non-possessing classes had not
+this capacity seemed to Saint Simon proved by the experiences of the
+Reign of Terror. Then, who was to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>lead and command? According to
+Saint Simon, science and industry, both united by a new religious
+bond, destined to restore that unity of religious ideas which had been
+lost since the time of the Reformation&mdash;a necessarily mystic and
+rigidly hierarchic "new Christianity." But science, that was the
+scholars; and industry, that was in the first place, the working
+bourgeois, manufacturers, merchants, bankers. These bourgeoisie were
+certainly, intended by Saint Simon to transform themselves into a kind
+of public officials, of social trustees; but they were still to hold,
+<i>vis-&agrave;-vis</i> of the workers, a commanding and economically privileged
+position. The bankers especially were to be called upon to direct the
+whole of social production by the regulation of credit. This
+conception was in exact keeping with a time in which Modern Industry
+in France and, with it, the chasm between bourgeoisie and proletariat
+was only just coming into existence. But what Saint Simon especially
+lays stress upon is this: what interests him first, and above all
+other things, is the lot <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>of the class that is the most numerous and
+the most poor ("<i>la classe la plus nombreuse et la plus pauvre</i>").</p>
+
+<p>Already, in his Geneva letters, Saint Simon lays down the proposition
+that "all men ought to work." In the same work he recognizes also that
+the Reign of Terror was the reign of the non-possessing masses. "See,"
+says he to them, "what happened in France at the time when your
+comrades held sway there; they brought about a famine." But to
+recognize the French Revolution as a class war, and not simply one
+between nobility and bourgeoisie, but between nobility, bourgeoisie,
+and the non-possessers, was, in the year 1802, a most pregnant
+discovery. In 1816, he declares that politics is the science of
+production, and foretells the complete absorption of politics by
+economics. The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of
+political institutions appears here only in embryo. Yet what is here
+already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of
+political rule over men into an administration of things and a
+direction of processes of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>production&mdash;that is to say, the "abolition
+of the State," about which recently there has been so much noise.</p>
+
+<p>Saint Simon shows the same superiority over his contemporaries, when
+in 1814, immediately after the entry of the allies into Paris, and
+again in 1815, during the Hundred Days' War, he proclaims the alliance
+of France with England, and then of both these countries with Germany,
+as the only guarantee for the prosperous development and peace of
+Europe. To preach to the French in 1815 an alliance with the victors
+of Waterloo required as much courage as historical foresight.</p>
+
+<p>If in Saint Simon we find a comprehensive breadth of view, by virtue
+of which almost all the ideas of later Socialists, that are not
+strictly economic, are found in him in embryo, we find in Fourier a
+criticism of the existing conditions of society genuinely French and
+witty, but not upon that account any the less thorough. Fourier takes
+the bourgeoisie, their inspired prophets before the Revolution, and
+their interested eulogists after it, at their own word. He lays <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>bare
+remorsely the material and moral misery of the bourgeois world. He
+confronts it with the earlier philosophers' dazzling promises of a
+society in which reason alone should reign, of a civilization in which
+happiness should be universal, of an illimitable human perfectibility,
+and with the rose-colored phraseology of the bourgeois ideologists of
+his time. He points out how everywhere the most pitiful reality
+corresponds with the most high-sounding phrases, and he overwhelms
+this hopeless fiasco of phrases with his mordant sarcasm.</p>
+
+<p>Fourier is not only a critic; his imperturbably serene nature makes
+him a satirist, and assuredly one of the greatest satirists of all
+time. He depicts, with equal power and charm, the swindling
+speculations that blossomed out upon the downfall of the Revolution,
+and the shopkeeping spirit prevalent in, and characteristic of, French
+commerce at that time. Still more masterly is his criticism of the
+bourgeois form of the relations between the sexes, and the position of
+woman in bourgeois society. He was the first to declare that in any
+given society the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>degree of woman's emancipation is the natural
+measure of the general emancipation.</p>
+
+<p>But Fourier is at his greatest in his conception of the history of
+society. He divides its whole course, thus far, into four stages of
+evolution&mdash;savagery, barbarism, the patriarchate, civilization. This
+last is identical with the so-called civil, or bourgeois, society of
+to-day&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, with the social order that came in with the sixteenth
+century. He proves "that the civilized stage raises every vice
+practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion, into a form of existence,
+complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical"&mdash;that civilization moves
+in "a vicious circle," in contradictions which it constantly
+reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly
+arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or
+pretends to want to attain, so that, <i>e.g.</i>, "under civilization
+poverty is born of superabundance itself."</p>
+
+<p>Fourier, as we see, uses the dialectic method in the same masterly way
+as his contemporary Hegel. Using these same dialectics, he argues,
+against the talk about <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>illimitable human perfectibility that every
+historical phase has its period of ascent and also its period of
+descent, and he applies this observation to the future of the whole
+human race. As Kant introduced into natural science the idea of the
+ultimate destruction of the earth, Fourier introduced into historical
+science that of the ultimate destruction of the human race.</p>
+
+<p>Whilst in France the hurricane of the Revolution swept over the land,
+in England a quieter, but not on that account less tremendous,
+revolution was going on. Steam and the new tool-making machinery were
+transforming manufacture into modern industry, and thus
+revolutionizing the whole foundation of bourgeois society. The
+sluggish march of development of the manufacturing period changed into
+a veritable storm and stress period of production. With constantly
+increasing swiftness the splitting-up of society into large
+capitalists and non-possessing proletarians went on. Between these,
+instead of the former stable middle-class, an unstable mass of
+artisans and small shopkeepers, the most fluctuating portion of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>the
+population, now led a precarious existence.</p>
+
+<p>The new mode of production was, as yet, only at the beginning of its
+period of ascent; as yet it was the normal, regular method of
+production&mdash;the only one possible under existing conditions.
+Nevertheless, even then it was producing crying social abuses&mdash;the
+herding together of a homeless population in the worst quarters of the
+large towns; the loosening of all traditional moral bonds, of
+patriarchal subordination, of family relations; overwork, especially
+of women and children, to a frightful extent; complete demoralization
+of the working-class, suddenly flung into altogether new conditions,
+from the country into the town, from agriculture into modern industry,
+from stable conditions of existence into insecure ones that changed
+from day to day.</p>
+
+<p>At this juncture there came forward as a reformer a manufacturer 29
+years old&mdash;a man of almost sublime, childlike simplicity of character,
+and at the same time one of the few born leaders of men. Robert Owen
+had adopted the teaching of the materialistic <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>philosophers: that
+man's character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity, on the
+other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and
+especially during his period of development. In the industrial
+revolution most of his class saw only chaos and confusion, and the
+opportunity of fishing in these troubled waters and making large
+fortunes quickly. He saw in it the opportunity of putting into
+practice his favorite theory, and so of bringing order out of chaos.
+He had already tried it with success, as superintendent of more than
+five hundred men in a Manchester factory. From 1800 to 1829, he
+directed the great cotton mill at New Lanark, in Scotland, as managing
+partner, along the same lines, but with greater freedom of action and
+with a success that made him a European reputation. A population,
+originally consisting of the most diverse and, for the most part, very
+demoralized elements, a population that gradually grew to 2,500, he
+turned into a model colony, in which drunkenness, police, magistrates,
+lawsuits, poor laws, charity, were unknown. And <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>all this simply by
+placing the people in conditions worthy of human beings, and
+especially by carefully bringing up the rising generation. He was the
+founder of infant schools, and introduced them first at New Lanark. At
+the age of two the children came to school, where they enjoyed
+themselves so much that they could scarcely be got home again. Whilst
+his competitors worked their people thirteen or fourteen hours a day,
+in New Lanark the working-day was only ten and a half hours. When a
+crisis in cotton stopped work for four months, his workers received
+their full wages all the time. And with all this the business more
+than doubled in value, and to the last yielded large profits to its
+proprietors.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of all this, Owen was not content. The existence which he
+secured for his workers was, in his eyes, still far from being worthy
+of human beings. "The people were slaves at my mercy." The relatively
+favorable conditions in which he had placed them were still far from
+allowing a rational development of the character <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>and of the intellect
+in all directions, much less of the free exercise of all their
+faculties. "And yet, the working part of this population of 2,500
+persons was daily producing as much real wealth for society as, less
+than half a century before, it would have required the working part of
+a population of 600,000 to create. I asked myself, what became of the
+difference between the wealth consumed by 2,500 persons and that which
+would have been consumed by 600,000?"<a name="FNanchor_2_5" id="FNanchor_2_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_5" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>The answer was clear. It had been used to pay the proprietors of the
+establishment 5 per cent. on the capital they had laid out, in
+addition to over &pound;300,000 clear profit. And that which held for New
+Lanark held to a still greater extent for all the factories in
+England. "If this new wealth had not been created by machinery,
+imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition
+to Napoleon, and to support <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>the aristocratic principles of society,
+could not have been maintained. And yet this new power was the
+creation of the working-classes."<a name="FNanchor_3_6" id="FNanchor_3_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_6" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> To them, therefore, the fruits of
+this new power belonged. The newly-created gigantic productive forces,
+hitherto used only to enrich individuals and to enslave the masses,
+offered to Owen the foundations for a reconstruction of society; they
+were destined, as the common property of all, to be worked for the
+common good of all.</p>
+
+<p>Owen's Communism was based upon this purely business foundation, the
+outcome, so to say, of commercial calculation. Throughout, it
+maintained this practical character. Thus, in 1823, Owen proposed the
+relief of the distress in Ireland by Communist colonies, and drew up
+complete estimates of costs of founding them, yearly expenditure, and
+probable revenue. And in his definite plan for the future, the
+technical working out of details is managed with such practical
+knowledge&mdash;ground plan, front and side and bird's-eye views <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>all
+included&mdash;that the Owen method of social reform once accepted, there
+is from the practical point of view little to be said against the
+actual arrangement of details.</p>
+
+<p>His advance in the direction of Communism was the turning-point in
+Owen's life. As long as he was simply a philanthropist, he was
+rewarded with nothing but wealth, applause, honor, and glory. He was
+the most popular man in Europe. Not only men of his own class, but
+statesmen and princes listened to him approvingly. But when he came
+out with his Communist theories, that was quite another thing. Three
+great obstacles seemed to him especially to block the path to social
+reform: private property, religion, the present form of marriage. He
+knew what confronted him if he attacked these&mdash;outlawry,
+excommunication from official society, the loss of his whole social
+position. But nothing of this prevented him from attacking them
+without fear of consequences, and what he had foreseen happened.
+Banished from official society, with a conspiracy of silence against
+him in the press, ruined by his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>unsuccessful Communist experiments in
+America, in which he sacrificed all his fortune, he turned directly to
+the working-class and continued working in their midst for thirty
+years. Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf
+of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen. He forced
+through in 1819, after five years' fighting, the first law limiting
+the hours of labor of women and children in factories. He was
+president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of
+England united in a single great trade association. He introduced as
+transition measures to the complete communistic organization of
+society, on the one hand, cooperative societies for retail trade and
+production. These have since that time, at least, given practical
+proof that the merchant and the manufacturer are socially quite
+unnecessary. On the other hand, he introduced labor bazaars for the
+exchange of the products of labor through the medium of labor-notes,
+whose unit was a single hour of work; institutions necessarily doomed
+to failure, but completely anticipating <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>Proudhon's bank of exchange
+of a much later period, and differing entirely from this in that it
+did not claim to be the panacea for all social ills, but only a first
+step towards a much more radical revolution of society.</p>
+
+<p>The Utopians' mode of thought has for a long time governed the
+socialist ideas of the nineteenth century, and still governs some of
+them. Until very recently all French and English Socialists did homage
+to it. The earlier German Communism, including that of Weitling, was
+of the same school. To all these Socialism is the expression of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice, and has only to be discovered to
+conquer all the world by virtue of its own power. And as absolute
+truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development
+of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With
+all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the
+founder of each different school. And as each one's special kind of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice is again conditioned by his
+subjective understanding, his conditions of existence, the measure of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>his knowledge and his intellectual training, there is no other ending
+possible in this conflict of absolute truths than that they shall be
+mutually exclusive one of the other. Hence, from this nothing could
+come but a kind of eclectic, average Socialism, which, as a matter of
+fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the
+socialist workers in France and England. Hence, a mish-mash allowing
+of the most manifold shades of opinion; a mish-mash of such critical
+statements, economic theories, pictures of future society by the
+founders of different sects, as excite a minimum of opposition; a
+mish-mash which is the more easily brewed the more the definite sharp
+edges of the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of
+debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.</p>
+
+<p>To make a science of Socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real
+basis.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr class="fnhr" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_1_4" id="Footnote_1_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_4"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This is the passage on the French Revolution: "Thought,
+the concept of law, all at once made itself felt, and against this the
+old scaffolding of wrong could make no stand. In this conception of
+law, therefore, a constitution has now been established, and
+henceforth everything must be based upon this. Since the sun had been
+in the firmament, and the planets circled round him, the sight had
+never been seen of man standing upon his head&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, on the
+Idea&mdash;and building reality after this image. Anaxagoras first said
+that the Nous, reason, rules the world; but now, for the first time,
+had man come to recognize that the Idea must rule the mental reality.
+And this was a magnificent sunrise. All thinking Beings have
+participated in celebrating this holy day. A sublime emotion swayed
+men at that time, an enthusiasm of reason pervaded the world, as if
+now had come the reconciliation of the Divine Principle with the
+world." [Hegel: "Philosophy of History," 1840, p. 535.] Is it not high
+time to set the anti-Socialist law in action against such teachings,
+subversive and to the common danger, by the late Professor Hegel?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_2_5" id="Footnote_2_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_5"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> From "The Revolution in Mind and Practice," p. 21, a
+memorial addressed to all the "red Republicans, Communists and
+Socialists of Europe," and sent to the provisional government of
+France, 1848, and also "to Queen Victoria and her responsible
+advisers."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_3_6" id="Footnote_3_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_6"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Note, l. c., p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>II</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>In the meantime, along with and after the French philosophy of the
+eighteenth century had arisen the new German philosophy, culminating
+in Hegel. Its greatest merit was the taking up again of dialectics as
+the highest form of reasoning. The old Greek philosophers were all
+born natural dialecticians, and Aristotle, the most encyclop&aelig;dic
+intellect of them, had already analyzed the most essential forms of
+dialectic thought. The newer philosophy, on the other hand, although
+in it also dialectics had brilliant exponents (<i>e.g.</i> Descartes and
+Spinoza), had, especially through English influence, become more and
+more rigidly fixed in the so-called metaphysical mode of reasoning, by
+which also the French of the eighteenth century were almost wholly
+dominated, at all events in their special philosophical work. Outside
+philosophy in the restricted sense, the French nevertheless <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>produced
+masterpieces of dialectic. We need only call to mind Diderot's "Le
+Neveu de Rameau," and Rousseau's "Discours sur l'origine et les
+fondements de l'in&eacute;galit&eacute; parmi les hommes." We give here, in brief,
+the essential character of these two modes of thought.</p>
+
+<p>When we consider and reflect upon nature at large, or the history of
+mankind, or our own intellectual activity, at first we see the picture
+of an endless entanglement of relations and reactions, permutations
+and combinations, in which nothing remains what, where, and as it was,
+but everything moves, changes, comes into being and passes away. We
+see, therefore, at first the picture as a whole, with its individual
+parts still more or less kept in the background; we observe the
+movements, transitions, connections, rather than the things that move,
+combine, and are connected. This primitive, na&iuml;ve, but intrinsically
+correct conception of the world is that of ancient Greek philosophy,
+and was first clearly formulated by Heraclitus: everything is and is
+not, for everything is fluid, is constantly changing, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>constantly
+coming into being and passing away.</p>
+
+<p>But this conception, correctly as it expresses the general character
+of the picture of appearances as a whole, does not suffice to explain
+the details of which this picture is made up, and so long as we do not
+understand these, we have not a clear idea of the whole picture. In
+order to understand these details we must detach them from their
+natural or historical connection and examine each one separately, its
+nature, special causes, effects, etc. This is, primarily, the task of
+natural science and historical research; branches of science which the
+Greeks of classical times, on very good grounds, relegated to a
+subordinate position, because they had first of all to collect
+materials for these sciences to work upon. A certain amount of natural
+and historical material must be collected before there can be any
+critical analysis, comparison, and arrangement in classes, orders, and
+species. The foundations of the exact natural sciences were,
+therefore, first worked out by the Greeks of the Alexandrian period,
+and later <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>on, in the Middle Ages, by the Arabs. Real natural science
+dates from the second half of the fifteenth century, and thence onward
+it has advanced with constantly increasing rapidity. The analysis of
+Nature into its individual parts, the grouping of the different
+natural processes and objects in definite classes, the study of the
+internal anatomy of organized bodies in their manifold forms&mdash;these
+were the fundamental conditions of the gigantic strides in our
+knowledge of Nature that have been made during the last four hundred
+years. But this method of work has also left us as legacy the habit of
+observing natural objects and processes in isolation, apart from their
+connection with the vast whole; of observing them in repose, not in
+motion; as constants, not as essentially variables; in their death,
+not in their life. And when this way of looking at things was
+transferred by Bacon and Locke from natural science to philosophy, it
+begot the narrow, metaphysical mode of thought peculiar to the last
+century.</p>
+
+<p>To the metaphysician, things and their mental reflexes, ideas, are
+isolated, are to be <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>considered one after the other and apart from
+each other, are objects of investigation fixed, rigid, given once for
+all. He thinks in absolutely irreconcilable antitheses. "His
+communication is 'yea, yea; nay, nay;' for whatsoever is more than
+these cometh of evil." For him a thing either exists or does not
+exist; a thing cannot at the same time be itself and something else.
+Positive and negative absolutely exclude one another; cause and effect
+stand in a rigid antithesis one to the other.</p>
+
+<p>At first sight this mode of thinking seems to us very luminous,
+because it is that of so-called sound commonsense. Only sound
+commonsense, respectable fellow that he is, in the homely realm of his
+own four walls, has very wonderful adventures directly he ventures out
+into the wide world of research. And the metaphysical mode of thought,
+justifiable and necessary as it is in a number of domains whose extent
+varies according to the nature of the particular object of
+investigation, sooner or later reaches a limit, beyond which it
+becomes one-sided, restricted, abstract, lost in insoluble
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>contradictions. In the contemplation of individual things, it forgets
+the connection between them; in the contemplation of their existence,
+it forgets the beginning and end of that existence; of their repose,
+it forgets their motion. It cannot see the wood for the trees.</p>
+
+<p>For everyday purposes we know and can say <i>e.g.</i>, whether an animal is
+alive or not. But, upon closer inquiry, we find that this is, in many
+cases, a very complex question, as the jurists know very well. They
+have cudgelled their brains in vain to discover a rational limit
+beyond which the killing of the child in its mother's womb is murder.
+It is just as impossible to determine absolutely the moment of death,
+for physiology proves that death is not an instantaneous, momentary
+phenomenon, but a very protracted process.</p>
+
+<p>In like manner, every organized being is every moment the same and not
+the same; every moment it assimilates matter supplied from without,
+and gets rid of other matter; every moment some cells of its body die
+and others build themselves anew; in a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>longer or shorter time the
+matter of its body is completely renewed, and is replaced by other
+molecules of matter, so that every organized being is always itself,
+and yet something other than itself.</p>
+
+<p>Further, we find upon closer investigation that the two poles of an
+antithesis, positive and negative, <i>e.g.</i>, are as inseparable as they
+are opposed, and that despite all their opposition, they mutually
+interpenetrate. And we find, in like manner, that cause and effect are
+conceptions which only hold good in their application to individual
+cases; but as soon as we consider the individual cases in their
+general connection with the universe as a whole, they run into each
+other, and they become confounded when we contemplate that universal
+action and reaction in which causes and effects are eternally changing
+places, so that what is effect here and now will be cause there and
+then, and <i>vice vers&acirc;</i>.</p>
+
+<p>None of these processes and modes of thought enters into the framework
+of metaphysical reasoning. Dialectics, on the other hand, comprehends
+things and their <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>representations, ideas, in their essential
+connection, concatenation, motion, origin, and ending. Such processes
+as those mentioned above are, therefore, so many corroborations of its
+own method of procedure.</p>
+
+<p>Nature is the proof of dialectics, and it must be said for modern
+science that it has furnished this proof with very rich materials
+increasing daily, and thus has shown that, in the last resort, Nature
+works dialectically and not metaphysically; that she does not move in
+the eternal oneness of a perpetually recurring circle, but goes
+through a real historical evolution. In this connection Darwin must be
+named before all others. He dealt the metaphysical conception of
+Nature the heaviest blow by his proof that all organic beings, plants,
+animals, and man himself, are the products of a process of evolution
+going on through millions of years. But the naturalists who have
+learned to think dialectically are few and far between, and this
+conflict of the results of discovery with preconceived modes of
+thinking explains the endless confusion now reigning in theoretical
+natural <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>science, the despair of teachers as well as learners, of
+authors and readers alike.</p>
+
+<p>An exact representation of the universe, of its evolution, of the
+development of mankind, and of the reflection of this evolution in the
+minds of men, can therefore only be obtained by the methods of
+dialectics with its constant regard to the innumerable actions and
+reactions of life and death, of progressive or retrogressive changes.
+And in this spirit the new German philosophy has worked. Kant began
+his career by resolving the stable solar system of Newton and its
+eternal duration, after the famous initial impulse had once been
+given, into the result of a historic process, the formation of the sun
+and all the planets out of a rotating nebulous mass. From this he at
+the same time drew the conclusion that, given this origin of the solar
+system, its future death followed of necessity. His theory half a
+century later was established mathematically by Laplace, and half a
+century after that the spectroscope proved the existence in space of
+such incandescent <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>masses of gas in various stages of condensation.</p>
+
+<p>This new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system. In this
+system&mdash;and herein is its great merit&mdash;for the first time the whole
+world, natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process,
+<i>i.e.</i>, as in constant motion, change, transformation, development;
+and the attempt is made to trace out the internal connection that
+makes a continuous whole of all this movement and development. From
+this point of view the history of mankind no longer appeared as a wild
+whirl of senseless deeds of violence, all equally condemnable at the
+judgment seat of mature philosophic reason, and which are best
+forgotten as quickly as possible; but as the process of evolution of
+man himself. It was now the task of the intellect to follow the
+gradual march of this process through all its devious ways, and to
+trace out the inner law running through all its apparently accidental
+phenomena.</p>
+
+<p>That the Hegelian system did not solve <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>the problem it propounded is
+here immaterial. Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the
+problem. This problem is one that no single individual will ever be
+able to solve. Although Hegel was&mdash;with Saint Simon&mdash;the most
+encyclop&aelig;dic mind of his time, yet he was limited, first, by the
+necessarily limited extent of his own knowledge, and, second, by the
+limited extent and depth of the knowledge and conceptions of his age.
+To these limits a third must be added. Hegel was an idealist. To him
+the thoughts within his brain were not the more or less abstract
+pictures of actual things and processes, but, conversely, things and
+their evolution were only the realized pictures of the "Idea,"
+existing somewhere from eternity before the world was. This way of
+thinking turned everything upside down, and completely reversed the
+actual connection of things in the world. Correctly and ingeniously as
+many individual groups of facts were grasped by Hegel, yet, for the
+reasons just given, there is much that is botched, artificial,
+labored, in a word, wrong in point of detail. The <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>Hegelian system, in
+itself, was a colossal miscarriage&mdash;but it was also the last of its
+kind. It was suffering, in fact, from an internal and incurable
+contradiction. Upon the one hand, its essential proposition was the
+conception that human history is a process of evolution, which, by its
+very nature, cannot find its intellectual final term in the discovery
+of any so-called absolute truth. But, on the other hand, it laid claim
+to being the very essence of this absolute truth. A system of natural
+and historical knowledge, embracing everything, and final for all
+time, is a contradiction to the fundamental law of dialectic
+reasoning. This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but, on the
+contrary, includes the idea that the systematic knowledge of the
+external universe can make giant strides from age to age.</p>
+
+<p>The perception of the fundamental contradiction in German idealism led
+necessarily back to materialism, but <i>nota bene</i>, not to the simply
+metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the eighteenth
+century. Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude
+heap of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>irrationality and violence; modern materialism sees in it the
+process of evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws
+thereof. With the French of the eighteenth century, and even with
+Hegel, the conception obtained of Nature as a whole, moving in narrow
+circles, and forever immutable, with its eternal celestial bodies, as
+Newton, and unalterable organic species, as Linn&aelig;us, taught. Modern
+materialism embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science,
+according to which Nature also has its history in time, the celestial
+bodies, like the organic species that, under favorable conditions,
+people them, being born and perishing. And even if Nature, as a whole,
+must still be said to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume
+infinitely larger dimensions. In both aspects, modern materialism is
+essentially dialectic, and no longer requires the assistance of that
+sort of philosophy which, queen-like, pretended to rule the remaining
+mob of sciences. As soon as each special science is bound to make
+clear its position in the great totality of things and of our
+knowledge of things, a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>special science dealing with this totality is
+superfluous or unnecessary. That which still survives of all earlier
+philosophy is the science of thought and its laws&mdash;formal logic and
+dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the positive science of
+Nature and history.</p>
+
+<p>Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could only
+be made in proportion to the corresponding positive materials
+furnished by research, already much earlier certain historical facts
+had occurred which led to a decisive change in the conception of
+history. In 1831, the first working-class rising took place in Lyons;
+between 1838 and 1842, the first national working-class movement, that
+of the English Chartists, reached its height. The class struggle
+between proletariat and bourgeoisie came to the front in the history
+of the most advanced countries in Europe, in proportion to the
+development, upon the one hand, of modern industry, upon the other, of
+the newly-acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie. Facts more
+and more strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>bourgeois
+economy as to the identity of the interests of capital and labor, as
+to the universal harmony and universal prosperity that would be the
+consequence of unbridled competition. All these things could no longer
+be ignored, any more than the French and English Socialism, which was
+their theoretical, though very imperfect, expression. But the old
+idealist conception of history, which was not yet dislodged, knew
+nothing of class struggles based upon economic interests, knew nothing
+of economic interests; production and all economic relations appeared
+in it only as incidental, subordinate elements in the "history of
+civilization."</p>
+
+<p>The new facts made imperative a new examination of all past history.
+Then it was seen that <i>all</i> past history, with the exception of its
+primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these
+warring classes of society are always the products of the modes of
+production and of exchange&mdash;in a word, of the <i>economic</i> conditions of
+their time; that the economic structure of society always furnishes
+the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>real basis, starting from which we can alone work out the
+ultimate explanation of the whole superstructure of juridical and
+political institutions as well as of the religious, philosophical, and
+other ideas of a given historical period. Hegel had freed history from
+metaphysics&mdash;he had made it dialectic; but his conception of history
+was essentially idealistic. But now idealism was driven from its last
+refuge, the philosophy of history; now a materialistic treatment of
+history was propounded, and a method found of explaining man's
+"knowing" by his "being," instead of, as heretofore, his "being" by
+his "knowing."</p>
+
+<p>From that time forward Socialism was no longer an accidental discovery
+of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the
+struggle between two historically developed classes&mdash;the proletariat
+and the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of
+society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic
+succession of events from which these classes and their antagonism had
+of necessity sprung, and to discover in the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>economic conditions thus
+created the means of ending the conflict. But the Socialism of earlier
+days was as incompatible with this materialistic conception as the
+conception of Nature of the French materialists was with dialectics
+and modern natural science. The Socialism of earlier days certainly
+criticised the existing capitalistic mode of production and its
+consequences. But it could not explain them, and, therefore, could not
+get the mastery of them. It could only simply reject them as bad. The
+more strongly this earlier Socialism denounced the exploitation of the
+working-class, inevitable under Capitalism, the less able was it
+clearly to show in what this exploitation consisted and how it arose.
+But for this it was necessary&mdash;(1) to present the capitalistic method
+of production in its historical connection and its inevitableness
+during a particular historical period, and therefore, also, to present
+its inevitable downfall; and (2) to lay bare its essential character,
+which was still a secret. This was done by the discovery of
+<i>surplus-value</i>. It was shown that the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>appropriation of unpaid labor
+is the basis of the capitalist mode of production and of the
+exploitation of the worker that occurs under it; that even if the
+capitalist buys the labor-power of his laborer at its full value as a
+commodity on the market, he yet extracts more value from it than he
+paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis this surplus-value forms
+those sums of value from which are heaped up the constantly increasing
+masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes. The genesis
+of capitalist production and the production of capital were both
+explained.</p>
+
+<p>These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history
+and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through
+surplus-value, we owe to Marx. With these discoveries Socialism became
+a science. The next thing was to work out all its details and
+relations.</p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span><br />
+
+<h3>III</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that
+the production of the means to support human life and, next to
+production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all
+social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history,
+the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into
+classes or orders, is dependent upon what is produced, how it is
+produced, and how the products are exchanged. From this point of view
+the final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are
+to be sought, not in men's brains, not in man's better insight into
+eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production
+and exchange. They are to be sought, not in the <i>philosophy</i>, but in
+the <i>economics</i> of each particular epoch. The growing perception that
+existing social institutions are unreasonable and unjust, that <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>reason
+has become unreason, and right wrong, is only proof that in the modes
+of production and exchange changes have silently taken place, with
+which the social order, adapted to earlier economic conditions, is no
+longer in keeping. From this it also follows that the means of getting
+rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light, must also be
+present, in a more or less developed condition, within the changed
+modes of production themselves. These means are not to be invented by
+deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the
+stubborn facts of the existing system of production.</p>
+
+<p>What is, then, the position of modern Socialism in this connection?</p>
+
+<p>The present structure of society&mdash;this is now pretty generally
+conceded&mdash;is the creation of the ruling class of to-day, of the
+bourgeoisie. The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie,
+known, since Marx, as the capitalist mode of production, was
+incompatible with the feudal system, with the privileges it conferred
+upon individuals, entire social ranks and local corporations, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>as well
+as with the hereditary ties of subordination which constituted the
+framework of its social organization. The bourgeoisie broke up the
+feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order of
+society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the
+equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all the rest of
+the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode of
+production could develop in freedom. Since steam, machinery, and the
+making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufacture into
+modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the guidance of
+the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in a degree unheard of
+before. But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and
+handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come into
+collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern
+industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with
+the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it
+confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive
+forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the
+mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It
+exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will
+and actions even of the men that have brought it on. Modern Socialism
+is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its
+ideal reflection in the minds, first, of the class directly suffering
+under it, the working-class.</p>
+
+<p>Now, in what does this conflict consist?</p>
+
+<p>Before capitalistic production, <i>i.e.</i>, in the Middle Ages, the system
+of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property
+of the laborers in their means of production; in the country, the
+agriculture of the small peasant, freeman or serf; in the towns, the
+handicrafts organized in guilds. The instruments of labor&mdash;land,
+agricultural implements, the workshop, the tool&mdash;were the instruments
+of labor of single individuals, adapted for the use of one worker,
+and, therefore, of necessity, small, dwarfish, circumscribed. But,
+for <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>this very reason they belonged, as a rule, to the producer
+himself. To concentrate these scattered, limited means of production,
+to enlarge them, to turn them into the powerful levers of production
+of the present day&mdash;this was precisely the historic r&ocirc;le of capitalist
+production and of its upholder, the bourgeoisie. In the fourth section
+of "Capital" Marx has explained in detail, how since the fifteenth
+century this has been historically worked out through the three phases
+of simple co-operation, manufacture, and modern industry. But the
+bourgeoisie, as is also shown there, could not transform these puny
+means of production into mighty productive forces, without
+transforming them, at the same time, from means of production of the
+individual into <i>social</i> means of production only workable by a
+collectivity of men. The spinning-wheel, the handloom, the
+blacksmith's hammer, were replaced by the spinning-machine, the
+power-loom, the steam-hammer; the individual workshop, by the factory
+implying the co-operation of hundreds and thousands of workmen. In
+like manner, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>production itself changed from a series of individual
+into a series of social acts, and the products from individual to
+social products. The yarn, the cloth, the metal articles that now came
+out of the factory were the joint product of many workers through
+whose hands they had successively to pass before they were ready. No
+one person could say of them: "I made that; this is <i>my</i> product."</p>
+
+<p>But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production is
+that spontaneous division of labor which creeps in gradually and not
+upon any preconceived plan, there the products take on the form of
+<i>commodities</i>, whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the
+individual producers to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the
+case in the Middle Ages. The peasant, <i>e.g.</i>, sold to the artisan
+agricultural products and bought from him the products of handicraft.
+Into this society of individual producers, of commodity-producers, the
+new mode of production thrust itself. In the midst of the old division
+of labor, grown up spontaneously and upon <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span><i>no definite plan</i>, which
+had governed the whole of society, now arose division of labor upon <i>a
+definite plan</i>, as organized in the factory; side by side with
+<i>individual</i> production appeared <i>social</i> production. The products of
+both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least
+approximately equal. But organization upon a definite plan was
+stronger than spontaneous division of labor. The factories working
+with the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals
+produced their commodities far more cheaply than the individual small
+producers. Individual production succumbed in one department after
+another. Socialized production revolutionized all the old methods of
+production. But its revolutionary character was, at the same time, so
+little recognized, that it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means
+of increasing and developing the production of commodities. When it
+arose, it found ready-made, and made liberal use of, certain machinery
+for the production and exchange of commodities; merchants' capital,
+handicraft, wage-labor. Socialized <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>production thus introducing itself
+as a new form of the production of commodities, it was a matter of
+course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full
+swing, and were applied to its products as well.</p>
+
+<p>In the medi&aelig;val stage of evolution of the production of commodities,
+the question as to the owner of the product of labor could not arise.
+The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging
+to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own
+tools, by the labor of his own hands or of his family. There was no
+need for him to appropriate the new product. It belonged wholly to
+him, as a matter of course. His property in the product was,
+therefore, based <i>upon his own labor</i>. Even where external help was
+used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally
+was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices and
+journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for
+education, in order that they might become master craftsmen
+themselves.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>Then came the concentration of the means of production and of the
+producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation
+into actual socialized means of production and socialized producers.
+But the socialized producers and means of production and their
+products were still treated, after this change, just as they had been
+before, <i>i.e.</i>, as the means of production and the products of
+individuals. Hitherto, the owner of the instruments of labor had
+himself appropriated the product, because, as a rule, it was his own
+product and the assistance of others was the exception. Now the owner
+of the instruments of labor always appropriated to himself the
+product, although it was no longer <i>his</i> product but exclusively the
+product of the <i>labor of others</i>. Thus, the products now produced
+socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set in motion
+the means of production and actually produced the commodities, but by
+the <i>capitalists</i>. The means of production, and production itself, had
+become in essence socialized. But they were <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>subjected to a form of
+appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals,
+under which, therefore, every one owns his own product and brings it
+to market. The mode of production is subjected to this form of
+appropriation, although it abolishes the conditions upon which the
+latter rests.<a name="FNanchor_4_7" id="FNanchor_4_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_7" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production its
+capitalistic character, <i>contains the germ of the whole of the social
+antagonisms of to-day</i>. The greater the mastery obtained by the new
+mode of production over all important fields of production and in all
+manufacturing countries, the more it reduced individual production to
+an insignificant residuum, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span><i>the more clearly was brought out the
+incompatibility of socialized production with capitalistic
+appropriation</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other forms
+of labor, wage-labor ready-made for them on the market. But it was
+exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labor. The
+agricultural laborer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out by
+the day, had a few acres of his own land on which he could at all
+events live at a pinch. The guilds were so organized that the
+journeyman of to-day became the master of to-morrow. But all this
+changed, as soon as the means of production became socialized and
+concentrated in the hands of capitalists. The means of production, as
+well as the product of the individual producer became more and more
+worthless; there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker
+under the capitalist. Wage-labor, aforetime the exception and
+accessory, now became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime
+complementary, it now became the sole remaining function of the
+worker. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>The wage-worker for a time became a wage-worker for life. The
+number of these permanent wage-workers was further enormously
+increased by the breaking-up of the feudal system that occurred at the
+same time, by the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal lords, the
+eviction of the peasants from their homesteads, etc. The separation
+was made complete between the means of production concentrated in the
+hands of the capitalists on the one side, and the producers,
+possessing nothing but their labor-power, on the other. <i>The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation manifested itself as the antagonism of proletariat and
+bourgeoisie.</i></p>
+
+<p>We have seen that the capitalistic mode of production thrust its way
+into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, whose
+social bond was the exchange of their products. But every society,
+based upon the production of commodities, has this peculiarity: that
+the producers have lost control over their own social inter-relations.
+Each man produces for himself with such means of production as he may
+happen to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>have, and for such exchange as he may require to satisfy
+his remaining wants. No one knows how much of his particular article
+is coming on the market, nor how much of it will be wanted. No one
+knows whether his individual product will meet an actual demand,
+whether he will be able to make good his cost of production or even to
+sell his commodity at all. Anarchy reigns in socialized production.</p>
+
+<p>But the production of commodities, like every other form of
+production, has its peculiar inherent laws inseparable from it; and
+these laws work, despite anarchy, in and through anarchy. They reveal
+themselves in the only persistent form of social inter-relations,
+<i>i.e.</i>, in exchange, and here they affect the individual producers as
+compulsory laws of competition. They are, at first, unknown to these
+producers themselves, and have to be discovered by them gradually and
+as the result of experience. They work themselves out, therefore,
+independently of the producers, and in antagonism to them, as
+inexorable natural laws <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>of their particular form of production. The
+product governs the producers.</p>
+
+<p>In medi&aelig;val society especially in the earlier centuries, production
+was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the
+individual. It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer
+and his family. Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in
+the country, it also helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord.
+In all this there was, therefore, no exchange; the products,
+consequently, did not assume the character of commodities. The family
+of the peasant produced almost everything they wanted: clothes and
+furniture, as well as means of subsistence. Only when it began to
+produce more than was sufficient to supply its own wants and the
+payments in kind to the feudal lord, only then did it also produce
+commodities. This surplus, thrown into socialized exchange and offered
+for sale, became commodities.</p>
+
+<p>The artisans of the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce
+for exchange. But they, also, themselves supplied the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>greatest part
+of their own individual wants. They had gardens and plots of land.
+They turned their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also,
+yielded them timber and firing. The women spun flax, wool, and so
+forth. Production for the purpose of exchange, production of
+commodities, was only in its infancy. Hence, exchange was restricted,
+the market narrow, the methods of production stable; there was local
+exclusiveness without, local unity within; the mark<a name="FNanchor_5_8" id="FNanchor_5_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_8" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> in the country,
+in the town, the guild.</p>
+
+<p>But with the extension of the production of commodities, and
+especially with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production,
+the laws of commodity-production, hitherto latent, came into action
+more openly and with greater force. The old bonds were loosened, the
+old exclusive limits broken through, the producers were more and more
+turned into independent, isolated producers of commodities. It became
+apparent that the production of society at large was ruled by absence
+of plan, by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>accident, by anarchy; and this anarchy grew to greater
+and greater height. But the chief means by aid of which the capitalist
+mode of production intensified this anarchy of socialized production,
+was the exact opposite of anarchy. It was the increasing organization
+of production, upon a social basis, in every individual productive
+establishment. By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition of things
+was ended. Wherever this organization of production was introduced
+into a branch of industry, it brooked no other method of production by
+its side. The field of labor became a battle-ground. The great
+geographical discoveries, and the colonization following upon them,
+multiplied markets and quickened the transformation of handicraft into
+manufacture. The war did not simply break out between the individual
+producers of particular localities. The local struggles begat in their
+turn national conflicts, the commercial wars of the seventeenth and
+the eighteenth centuries.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world-market made the
+struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>unheard-of
+virulence. Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of
+production now decide the existence or non-existence of individual
+capitalists, as well as of whole industries and countries. He that
+falls is remorselessly cast aside. It is the Darwinian struggle of the
+individual for existence transferred from Nature to society with
+intensified violence. The conditions of existence natural to the
+animal appear as the final term of human development. The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation now presents itself as <i>an antagonism between the
+organization of production in the individual workshop and the anarchy
+of production in society generally</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of the
+antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to
+get out of that "vicious circle," which Fourier had already
+discovered. What Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time is, that
+this circle is gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and
+more a spiral, and must come to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>an end, like the movement of the
+planets, by collision with the center. It is the compelling force of
+anarchy in the production of society at large that more and more
+completely turns the great majority of men into proletarians; and it
+is the masses of the proletariat again who will finally put an end to
+anarchy in production. It is the compelling force of anarchy in social
+production that turns the limitless perfectibility of machinery under
+modern industry into a compulsory law by which every individual
+industrial capitalist must perfect his machinery more and more, under
+penalty of ruin.</p>
+
+<p>But the perfecting of machinery is making human labor superfluous. If
+the introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of
+millions of manual, by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery
+means the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers
+themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a number
+of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of capital,
+the formation of a complete <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>industrial reserve army, as I called it
+in 1845,<a name="FNanchor_6_9" id="FNanchor_6_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_9" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> available at the times when industry is working at high
+pressure, to be cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash
+comes, a constant dead weight upon the limbs of the working-class in
+its struggle for existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping
+of wages down to the low level that suits the interests of capital.
+Thus it comes about, to quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most
+powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working-class; that
+the instruments of labor constantly tear the means of subsistence out
+of the hands of the laborer; that the very product of the worker is
+turned into an instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about
+that the economizing of the instruments of labor becomes at the same
+time, from the outset, the most reckless waste of labor-power, and
+robbery based upon the normal conditions under which labor functions;
+that machinery, "the most powerful instrument for shortening
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>labor-time, becomes the most unfailing means for placing every moment
+of the laborer's time and that of his family at the disposal of the
+capitalist for the purpose of expanding the value of his capital"
+("Capital," American edition, p. 445). Thus it comes about that
+over-work of some becomes the preliminary condition for the idleness
+of others, and that modern industry, which hunts after new consumers
+over the whole world, forces the consumption of the masses at home
+down to a starvation minimum, and in doing thus destroys its own home
+market. "The law that always equilibrates the relative surplus
+population, or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of
+accumulation, this law rivets the laborer to capital more firmly than
+the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an
+accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of capital.
+Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time,
+accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality,
+mental degradation, at the opposite pole, <i>i.e.</i>, on the side of the
+class that <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>produces <i>its own product in the form of capital</i>." (Marx'
+"Capital" Vol. I [Kerr &amp; Co.]. p. 709.) And to expect any other
+division of the products from the capitalistic mode of production is
+the same as expecting the electrodes of a battery not to decompose
+acidulated water, not to liberate oxygen at the positive, hydrogen at
+the negative pole, so long as they are connected with the battery.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that the ever-increasing perfectibility of modern
+machinery is, by the anarchy of social production, turned into a
+compulsory law that forces the individual industrial capitalist always
+to improve his machinery always to increase its productive force. The
+bare possibility of extending the field of production is transformed
+for him into a similar compulsory law. The enormous expansive force of
+modern industry, compared with which that of gases is mere child's
+play, appears to us now as a <i>necessity</i> for expansion, both
+qualitative and quantitative, that laughs at all resistance. Such
+resistance is offered by consumption, by <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>sales, by the markets for
+the products of modern industry. But the capacity for extension,
+extensive and intensive, of the markets is primarily governed by quite
+different laws, that work much less energetically. The extension of
+the markets can not keep pace with the extension of production. The
+collision becomes inevitable, and as this cannot produce any real
+solution so long as it does not break in pieces the capitalist mode of
+production, the collisions become periodic. Capitalist production has
+begotten another "vicious circle."</p>
+
+<p>As a matter of fact, since 1825, when the first general crisis broke
+out, the whole industrial and commercial world, production and
+exchange among all civilized peoples and their more or less barbaric
+hangers-on, are thrown out of joint about once every ten years.
+Commerce is at a stand-still, the markets are glutted, products
+accumulate, as multitudinous as they are unsaleable, hard cash
+disappears, credit vanishes, factories are closed, the mass of the
+workers are in want of the means of subsistence, because they have
+produced too <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>much of the means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows
+upon bankruptcy, execution upon execution. The stagnation lasts for
+years; productive forces and products are wasted and destroyed
+wholesale, until the accumulated mass of commodities finally filter
+off, more or less depreciated in value, until production and exchange
+gradually begin to move again. Little by little the pace quickens. It
+becomes a trot. The industrial trot breaks into a canter, the canter
+in turn grows into the headlong gallop of a perfect steeplechase of
+industry, commercial credit, and speculation, which finally, after
+breakneck leaps, ends where it began&mdash;in the ditch of a crisis. And so
+over and over again. We have now, since the year 1825, gone through
+this five times, and at the present moment (1877) we are going through
+it for the sixth time. And the character of these crises is so clearly
+defined that Fourier hit all of them off, when he described the first
+as "<i>crise pl&eacute;thorique</i>," a crisis from plethora.</p>
+
+<p>In these crises, the contradiction between socialized production and
+capitalist <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation
+of commodities is, for the time being, stopped. Money, the means of
+circulation, becomes a hindrance to circulation. All the laws of
+production and circulation of commodities are turned upside down. The
+economic collision has reached its apogee. <i>The mode of production is
+in rebellion against the mode of exchange.</i></p>
+
+<p>The fact that the socialized organization of production within the
+factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the
+anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and
+dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the
+violent concentration of capital that occurs during crises, through
+the ruin of many large, and a still greater number of small,
+capitalists. The whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production
+breaks down under the pressure of the productive forces, its own
+creations. It is no longer able to turn all this mass of means of
+production into capital. They lie fallow, and for that very reason the
+industrial reserve army must also lie <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>fallow. Means of production,
+means of subsistence, available laborers, all the elements of
+production and of general wealth, are present in abundance. But
+"abundance becomes the source of distress and want" (Fourier), because
+it is the very thing that prevents the transformation of the means of
+production and subsistence into capital. For in capitalistic society
+the means of production can only function when they have undergone a
+preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting
+human labor-power. The necessity of this transformation into capital
+of the means of production and subsistence stands like a ghost between
+these and the workers. It alone prevents the coming together of the
+material and personal levers of production; it alone forbids the means
+of production to function, the workers to work and live. On the one
+hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands convicted
+of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces. On
+the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy,
+press forward to the removal of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>existing contradiction, to the
+abolition of their quality as capital, to the <i>practical recognition
+of their character as social productive forces</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and more
+powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and stronger
+command that their social character shall be recognized, forces the
+capitalist class itself to treat them more and more as social
+productive forces, so far as this is possible under capitalist
+conditions. The period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded
+inflation of credit, not less than the crash itself, by the collapse
+of great capitalist establishments, tends to bring about that form of
+the socialization of great masses of means of production, which we
+meet with in the different kinds of joint-stock companies. Many of
+these means of production and of distribution are, from the outset, so
+colossal, that, like the railroads, they exclude all other forms of
+capitalistic exploitation. At a further stage of evolution this form
+also becomes insufficient. The producers on a large scale in a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>particular branch of industry in a particular country unite in a
+"Trust," a union for the purpose of regulating production. They
+determine the total amount to be produced, parcel it out among
+themselves, and thus enforce the selling price fixed beforehand. But
+trusts of this kind, as soon as business becomes bad, are generally
+liable to break up, and, on this very account, compel a yet greater
+concentration of association. The whole of the particular industry is
+turned into one gigantic joint-stock company; internal competition
+gives place to the internal monopoly of this one company. This has
+happened in 1890 with the English <i>alkali</i> production, which is now,
+after the fusion of 48 large works, in the hands of one company,
+conducted upon a single plan, and with a capital of &pound;6,000,000.</p>
+
+<p>In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very
+opposite&mdash;into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan
+of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite
+plan of the invading socialistic society. Certainly this is so far
+still to the benefit and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>advantage of the capitalists. But in this
+case the exploitation is so palpable that it must break down. No
+nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so
+barefaced an exploitation of the community by a small band of
+dividend-mongers.</p>
+
+<p>In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of
+capitalist society&mdash;the State&mdash;will ultimately have to undertake the
+direction of production.<a name="FNanchor_7_10" id="FNanchor_7_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_10" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> This necessity for conversion into
+State-property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication&mdash;the postoffice, the telegraphs, the railways.</p>
+
+<p>If the crisis demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for
+managing any longer <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>modern productive forces, the transformation of
+the great establishments for production and distribution into
+joint-stock companies, trusts, and State property, show how
+unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for that purpose. All the social
+functions of the capitalist are now performed by salaried employees.
+The capitalist has no further social function than that of pocketing
+dividends, tearing off coupons, and gambling on the Stock Exchange,
+where the different capitalists despoil one another of their capital.
+At first the capitalistic mode of production forces out the workers.
+Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it
+reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population, although
+not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>immediately into those of the industrial reserve army.</p>
+
+<p>But the transformation, either into joint-stock companies and trusts,
+or into State-ownership does not do away with the capitalistic nature
+of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts this
+is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization that
+bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions
+of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments, as
+well of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern State, no
+matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state
+of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national
+capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces,
+the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more
+citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers&mdash;proletarians.
+The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to
+a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of
+the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>but
+concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the
+elements of that solution.</p>
+
+<p>This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the
+social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the
+harmonizing the modes of production, appropriation, and exchange with
+the socialized character of the means of production. And this can only
+come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the
+productive forces which have outgrown all control except that of
+society as a whole. The social character of the means of production
+and of the products to-day reacts against the producers, periodically
+disrupts all production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature
+working blindly, forcibly, destructively. But with the taking over by
+society of the productive forces, the social character of the means of
+production and of the products will be utilized by the producers with
+a perfect understanding of its nature, and instead of being a source
+of disturbance and periodical <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>collapse, will become the most powerful
+lever of production itself.</p>
+
+<p>Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly,
+forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon
+with, them. But when once we understand them, when once we grasp their
+action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves
+to subject them more and more to our own will, and by means of them to
+reach our own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty
+productive forces of to-day. As long as we obstinately refuse to
+understand the nature and the character of these social means of
+action&mdash;and this understanding goes against the grain of the
+capitalist mode of production and its defenders&mdash;so long these forces
+are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us, so long they master
+us, as we have shown above in detail.</p>
+
+<p>But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of
+the producers working together, be transformed from master demons into
+willing servants. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>The difference is as that between the destructive
+force of electricity in the lightning of the storm, and electricity
+under command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference
+between a conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With
+this recognition at last of the real nature of the productive forces
+of to-day, the social anarchy of production gives place to a social
+regulation of production upon a definite plan, according to the needs
+of the community and of each individual. Then the capitalist mode of
+appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer and
+then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the
+products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of
+production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means
+to the maintenance and extension of production&mdash;on the other, direct
+individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment.</p>
+
+<p>Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely
+transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it
+creates the power which, under <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>penalty of its own destruction, is
+forced to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and
+more the transformation of the vast means of production, already
+socialized, into State property, it shows itself the way to
+accomplishing this revolution. <i>The proletariat seizes political power
+and turns the means of production into State property.</i></p>
+
+<p>But in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes all
+class distinctions and class antagonisms, abolishes also the State as
+State. Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the
+State. That is, of an organization of the particular class which was
+<i>pro tempore</i> the exploiting class, an organization for the purpose of
+preventing any interference from without with the existing conditions
+of production, and therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly
+keeping the exploited classes in the condition of oppression
+corresponding with the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom,
+wage-labor). The State was the official representative of society as a
+whole; the gathering of it together <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>into a visible embodiment. But it
+was this only in so far as it was the State of that class which itself
+represented, for the time being, society as a whole; in ancient times,
+the State of slave-owning citizens; in the middle ages, the feudal
+lords; in our own time, the bourgeoisie. When at last it becomes the
+real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself
+unnecessary. As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is
+no longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society&mdash;the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society&mdash;this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a
+State. State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain
+after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and
+by the conduct of processes of production. The State is not
+"abolished." <i>It dies out.</i> This gives the measure of the value of the
+phrase "a free State," both as to its justifiable use at times by
+agitators, and as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also
+of the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the
+State out of hand.</p>
+
+<p>Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production,
+the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often
+been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by
+sects, as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could
+become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its
+realization were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes
+practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is
+in contradiction to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere
+willingness to abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new
+economic conditions. The separation of society into an exploiting and
+an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class, was the
+necessary consequence of the deficient and restricted development of
+production in former times. So long as the total social labor only
+yields a produce which but slightly exceeds that barely necessary for
+the existence of all; so long, therefore, as labor engages all or
+almost all the time of the great majority of the members of
+society&mdash;so long, of necessity, this society is divided into classes.
+Side by side with the great majority, exclusively bond slaves to
+labor, arises a class freed from directly productive labor, which
+looks after the general affairs of society; the direction of labor,
+State business, law, science, art, etc. It is, therefore, the law of
+division of labor that lies at the basis of the division into classes.
+But this does not prevent this division into classes from being
+carried out by means of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud. It
+does not prevent the ruling class, once having the upper hand, from
+consolidating its power at the expense of the working-class, from
+turning their social leadership <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>into an intensified exploitation of
+the masses.</p>
+
+<p>But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain
+historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only
+under given social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of
+production. It will be swept away by the complete development of
+modern productive forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in
+society presupposes a degree of historical evolution, at which the
+existence, not simply of this or that particular ruling class, but of
+any ruling class at all, and, therefore, the existence of class
+distinction itself has become an obsolete anachronism. It presupposes,
+therefore, the development of production carried out to a degree at
+which appropriation of the means of production and of the products,
+and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture,
+and of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has
+become not only superfluous, but economically, politically,
+intellectually a hindrance to development.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bankruptcy
+is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their
+economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis,
+society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces
+and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to face
+with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to
+consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the
+means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of
+production had imposed upon them. Their deliverance from these bonds
+is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly-accelerated
+development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically
+unlimited increase of production itself. Nor is this all. The
+socialized appropriation of the means of production does away, not
+only with the present artificial restrictions upon production, but
+also with the positive waste and devastation of productive forces and
+products that are at the present time the inevitable concomitants of
+production, and that <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>reach their height in the crises. Further, it
+sets free for the community at large a mass of means of production and
+of products, by doing away with the senseless extravagance of the
+ruling classes of to-day, and their political representatives. The
+possibility of securing for every member of society, by means of
+socialized production, an existence not only fully sufficient
+materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence
+guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their
+physical and mental faculties&mdash;this possibility is now for the first
+time here, but <i>it is here</i>.<a name="FNanchor_8_11" id="FNanchor_8_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_11" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
+
+<p>With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of
+commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>mastery of
+the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is
+replaced by systematic, definite organization. The struggle for
+individual existence disappears. Then for the first time, man, in a
+certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal
+kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into
+really human ones. The whole sphere of the conditions of life which
+environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the
+dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real,
+conscious lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own
+social organization. The laws of his own social action, hitherto
+standing face to face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and
+dominating, him, will then be used with full understanding, and so
+mastered by him. Man's own social organization, hitherto confronting
+him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the
+result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that
+have hitherto governed history, pass under <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>the control of man
+himself. Only from that time will man himself, more and more
+consciously, make his own history&mdash;only from that time will the social
+causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly
+growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent of man
+from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.</p>
+
+<p>Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p>I. <i>Medi&aelig;val Society.</i>&mdash;Individual production on a small scale. Means
+of production adapted for individual use; hence primitive, ungainly,
+petty, dwarfed in action. Production for immediate consumption, either
+of the producer himself or of his feudal lord. Only where an excess of
+production over this consumption occurs is such excess offered for
+sale, enters into exchange. Production of commodities, therefore, only
+in its infancy. But already it contains within itself, in embryo,
+<i>anarchy in the production of society at large</i>.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>II. <i>Capitalist Revolution.</i>&mdash;Transformation of industry, at first by
+means of simple co-operation and manufacture. Concentration of the
+means of production, hitherto scattered, into great workshops. As a
+consequence, their transformation from individual to social means of
+production&mdash;a transformation which does not, on the whole, affect the
+form of exchange. The old forms of appropriation remain in force. The
+capitalist appears. In his capacity as owner of the means of
+production, he also appropriates the products and turns them into
+commodities. Production has become a <i>social</i> act. Exchange and
+appropriation continue to be <i>individual</i> acts, the acts of
+individuals. <i>The social product is appropriated by the individual
+capitalist.</i> Fundamental contradiction, whence arise all the
+contradictions in which our present day society moves, and which
+modern industry brings to light.</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>A. Severance of the producer from the means of production.
+Condemnation of the worker to wage-labor for life. <i>Antagonism between
+the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.</i></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness of the laws
+governing the production of commodities. Unbridled competition.
+<i>Contradiction between socialized organization in the individual
+factory and social anarchy in production as a whole.</i></p>
+
+<p>C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competition
+compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complemented by a
+constantly growing displacement of laborers. <i>Industrial
+reserve-army.</i> On the other hand, unlimited extension of production,
+also compulsory under competition, for every manufacturer. On both
+sides, unheard of development of productive forces, excess of supply
+over demand, over-production, glutting of the markets, crises every
+ten years, the vicious circle: excess here, of means of production and
+products&mdash;excess there, of laborers, without employment and without
+means of existence. But these two levers of production and of social
+well-being are unable to work together, because the capitalist form of
+production prevents the productive forces from working <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>and the
+products from circulating, unless they are first turned into
+capital&mdash;which their very superabundance prevents. The contradiction
+has grown into an absurdity. <i>The mode of production rises in
+rebellion against the form of exchange.</i> The bourgeoisie are convicted
+of incapacity further to manage their own social productive forces.</p>
+
+<p>D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive
+forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the
+great institutions for production and communication, first by
+joint-stock companies, later on by trusts, then by the State. The
+bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class. All its social
+functions are now performed by salaried employees.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>III. <i>Proletarian Revolution.</i>&mdash;Solution of the contradictions. The
+proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms
+the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the
+bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>the proletariat frees
+the means of production from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to
+work itself out. Socialized production upon a predetermined plan
+becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the
+existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism.
+In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political
+authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own
+form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over
+Nature, his own master&mdash;free.</p>
+
+<p>To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart
+to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the
+conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon
+to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the
+proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr class="fnhr" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_4_7" id="Footnote_4_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_7"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is hardly necessary in this connection to point out,
+that, even if the form of appropriation remains the same, the
+<i>character</i> of the appropriation is just as much revolutionized as
+production is by the changes described above. It is, of course, a very
+different matter whether I appropriate to myself my own product or
+that of another. Note in passing that wage-labor, which contains the
+whole capitalistic mode of production in embryo, is very ancient; in a
+sporadic, scattered form it existed for centuries alongside of
+slave-labor. But the embryo could duly develop into the capitalistic
+mode of production only when the necessary historical preconditions
+had been furnished.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_5_8" id="Footnote_5_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_8"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>See Appendix.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_6_9" id="Footnote_6_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_9"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "The Condition of the Working-Class in England"
+(Sonnenschein &amp; Co.), p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_7_10" id="Footnote_7_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_10"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> I say "have to." For only when the means of production
+and distribution have <i>actually</i> outgrown the form of management by
+joint-stock companies, and when, therefore, the taking them over by
+the State has become <i>economically</i> inevitable, only then&mdash;even if it
+is the State of to-day that effects this&mdash;is there an economic
+advance, the attainment of another step preliminary to the taking over
+of all productive forces by society itself. But of late, since
+Bismarck went in for State-ownership of industrial establishments, a
+kind of spurious Socialism has arisen, degenerating, now and again,
+into something of flunkeyism, that without more ado declares <i>all</i>
+State-ownership, even of the Bismarckian sort, to be socialistic.
+Certainly, if the taking over by the State of the tobacco industry is
+socialistic, then Napoleon and Metternich must be numbered among the
+founders of Socialism. If the Belgian State, for quite ordinary
+political and financial reasons, itself constructed its chief railway
+lines; if Bismarck, not under any economic compulsion, took over for
+the State the chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to
+have them in hand in case of war, to bring up the railway employees as
+voting cattle for the Government, and especially to create for himself
+a new source of income independent of parliamentary votes&mdash;this was,
+in no sense, a socialistic measure, directly or indirectly,
+consciously or unconsciously. Otherwise, the Royal Maritime Company,
+the Royal porcelain manufacture, and even the regimental tailor of the
+army would also be socialistic institutions, or even, as was seriously
+proposed by a sly dog in Frederick William III.'s reign, the taking
+over by the State of the brothels.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_8_11" id="Footnote_8_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_11"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> A few figures may serve to give an approximate idea of
+the enormous expansive force of the modern means of production, even
+under capitalist pressure. According to Mr. Giffen, the total wealth
+of Great Britain and Ireland amounted, in round numbers, in</p>
+
+<p class="noin" style="margin-left: 10%">
+    1814 to &pound;2,200,000,000.<br />
+    1865 to &pound;6,100,000,000.<br />
+    1875 to &pound;8,500,000,000.</p>
+
+<p class="noin">As an instance of the squandering of means of production and of
+products during a crisis, the total loss in the German iron industry
+alone, in the crisis of 1873-78, was given at the second German
+Industrial Congress (Berlin, February 21, 1878) as &pound;22,750,000.</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr">
+<p class="cen"><a name="TN" id="TN"></a>Typographical errors corrected in text:</p>
+<br />
+<p class="noin2">Page &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;29: &nbsp;conteracting replaced with counteracting</p>
+<p class="noin2">Page &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;60: &nbsp;non-possesing replaced with non-possessing</p>
+<p class="hang">Page 111: &nbsp;"But the perfecting of machinery is the making
+          human labor superfluous." replaced with
+          "But the perfecting of machinery is making
+          human labor superfluous."</p>
+<p class="noin2">Page 130: &nbsp;preletariat replaced with proletariat</p>
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by 
+Frederick Engels
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
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+Project Gutenberg's Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by Frederick Engels
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Socialism: Utopian and Scientific
+
+Author: Frederick Engels
+
+Translator: Edward Aveling
+
+Release Date: March 24, 2012 [EBook #39257]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIALISM: UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Adrian Mastronardi and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                                       |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has     |
+    | been preserved.                                           |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For     |
+    | a complete list, please see the end of this document.     |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+                                             25 CENTS
+
+
+                           SOCIALISM
+
+                    UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+                     _By Frederick Engels_
+
+                    [Illustration: _Labor_]
+
+                   CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+
+                     _Publishers CHICAGO_
+
+
+
+
+PRINTED IN U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+  SOCIALISM
+
+  UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+
+  BY
+
+  FREDERICK ENGELS
+
+
+  _TRANSLATED BY EDWARD AVELING_
+  _D.Sc., Fellow of University College, London_
+
+
+  WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY THE AUTHOR
+
+
+  CHICAGO
+  CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY
+
+
+
+
+PUBLISHER'S NOTE
+
+
+Socialism, Utopian and Scientific needs no preface. It ranks with the
+Communist Manifesto as one of the indispensable books for any one
+desiring to understand the modern socialist movement. It has been
+translated into every language where capitalism prevails, and its
+circulation is more rapid than ever before.
+
+In 1900, when our publishing house had just begun the circulation of
+socialist books, we brought out the first American reprint of the
+authorized translation of this work. The many editions required by the
+growing demand have worn out the plates, and we are now reprinting it
+in more attractive form.
+
+It will be observed that the author in his introduction says that from
+1883 to 1892, 20,000 copies of the book were sold in Germany. Our own
+sales of the book in America from 1900 to 1908 were not less than
+30,000.
+
+Last year we published the first English version of the larger work to
+which the author refers in the opening page of his introduction. The
+translation is by Austin Lewis, and bears the title "Landmarks of
+Scientific Socialism" (cloth, $1.00). It includes the greater portion
+of the original work, omitting what is presented here, and also some
+of the personalities due to the heat of controversy.
+
+Frederick Engels is second only to Karl Marx among socialist writers,
+and his influence in the United States is only beginning.
+
+                                                      C.H.K.
+
+  June, 1908.
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The present little book is, originally, a part of a larger whole.
+About 1875, Dr. E. Duehring, _privatdocent_ at Berlin University,
+suddenly and rather clamorously announced his conversion to Socialism,
+and presented the German public not only with an elaborate Socialist
+theory, but also with a complete practical plan for the reorganization
+of society. As a matter of course, he fell foul of his predecessors;
+above all, he honored Marx by pouring out upon him the full vials of
+his wrath.
+
+This took place about the time when the two sections of the Socialist
+party in Germany--Eisenachers and Lassallians--had just effected their
+fusion, and thus obtained not only an immense increase of strength,
+but, what was more, the faculty of employing the whole of this
+strength against the common enemy. The Socialist party in Germany was
+fast becoming a power. But to make it a power, the first condition was
+that the newly-conquered unity should not be imperiled. And Dr.
+Duehring openly proceeded to form around himself a sect, the nucleus
+of a future separate party. It thus became necessary to take up the
+gauntlet thrown down to us, and to fight out the struggle whether we
+liked it or not.
+
+This, however, though it might not be an over difficult, was evidently
+a long-winded, business. As is well known, we Germans are of a
+terribly ponderous _Gruendlichkeit_, radical profundity or profound
+radicality, whatever you may like to call it. Whenever anyone of us
+expounds what he considers a new doctrine, he has first to elaborate
+it into an all-comprising system. He has to prove that both the first
+principles of logic and the fundamental laws of the universe had
+existed from all eternity for no other purpose than to ultimately lead
+to this newly-discovered, crowning theory. And Dr. Duehring, in this
+respect, was quite up to the national mark. Nothing less than a
+complete "System of Philosophy," mental, moral, natural, and
+historical; a complete "System of Political Economy and Socialism";
+and, finally, a "Critical History of Political Economy"--three big
+volumes in octavo, heavy extrinsically and intrinsically, three
+army-corps of arguments mobilized against all previous philosophers
+and economists in general, and against Marx in particular--in fact, an
+attempt at a complete "revolution in science"--these were what I
+should have to tackle. I had to treat of all and every possible
+subject, from the concepts of time and space to Bimetallism; from the
+eternity of matter and motion to the perishable nature of moral
+ideas; from Darwin's natural selection to the education of youth in a
+future society. Anyhow, the systematic comprehensiveness of my
+opponent gave me the opportunity of developing, in opposition to him,
+and in a more connected form than had previously been done, the views
+held by Marx and myself on this great variety of subjects. And that
+was the principal reason which made me undertake this otherwise
+ungrateful task.
+
+My reply was first published in a series of articles in the Leipzig
+"Vorwaerts," the chief organ of the Socialist party, and later on as a
+book: "Herrn Eugen Duehring's Umwaelzung der Wissenschaft" (Mr. E.
+Duehring's "Revolution in Science"), a second edition of which appeared
+in Zuerich, 1886.
+
+At the request of my friend, Paul Lafargue, now representative of
+Lille in the French Chamber of Deputies, I arranged three chapters of
+this book as a pamphlet, which he translated and published in 1880,
+under the title: "_Socialisme utopique et Socialisme scientifique_."
+From this French text a Polish and a Spanish edition were prepared. In
+1883, our German friends brought out the pamphlet in the original
+language. Italian, Russian, Danish, Dutch, and Roumanian translations,
+based upon the German text, have since been published. Thus, with the
+present English edition, this little book circulates in ten
+languages. I am not aware that any other Socialist work, not even our
+"Communist Manifesto" of 1848 or Marx's "Capital," has been so often
+translated. In Germany it has had four editions of about 20,000 copies
+in all.
+
+The economic terms used in this work, as far as they are new, agree
+with those used in the English edition of Marx's "Capital." We call
+"production of commodities" that economic phase where articles are
+produced not only for the use of the producers, but also for purposes
+of exchange; that is, as _commodities_, not as use-values. This phase
+extends from the first beginnings of production for exchange down to
+our present time; it attains its full development under capitalist
+production only, that is, under conditions where the capitalist, the
+owner of the means of production, employs, for wages, laborers, people
+deprived of all means of production except their own labor-power, and
+pockets the excess of the selling price of the products over his
+outlay. We divide the history of industrial production since the
+Middle Ages into three periods: (1) handicraft, small master craftsmen
+with a few journeymen and apprentices, where each laborer produces the
+complete article; (2) manufacture, where greater numbers of workmen,
+grouped in one large establishment, produce the complete article on
+the principle of division of labor, each workman performing only one
+partial operation, so that the product is complete only after having
+passed successively through the hands of all; (3) modern industry,
+where the product is produced by machinery driven by power, and where
+the work of the laborer is limited to superintending and correcting
+the performances of the mechanical agent.
+
+I am perfectly aware that the contents of this work will meet with
+objection from a considerable portion of the British public. But if we
+Continentals had taken the slightest notice of the prejudices of
+British "respectability," we should be even worse off than we are.
+This book defends what we call "historical materialism," and the word
+materialism grates upon the ears of the immense majority of British
+readers. "Agnosticism" might be tolerated, but materialism is utterly
+inadmissible.
+
+And yet the original home of all modern materialism, from the
+seventeenth century onwards, is England.
+
+"Materialism is the natural-born son of Great Britain. Already the
+British schoolman, Duns Scotus, asked, 'whether it was impossible for
+matter to think?'
+
+"In order to effect this miracle, he took refuge in God's omnipotence,
+_i.e._, he made theology preach materialism. Moreover, he was a
+nominalist. Nominalism, the first form of materialism, is chiefly
+found among the English schoolmen.
+
+"The real progenitor of English materialism is Bacon. To him natural
+philosophy is the only true philosophy, and physics based upon the
+experience of the senses is the chiefest part of natural philosophy.
+Anaxagoras and his homoiomeriae, Democritus and his atoms, he often
+quotes as his authorities. According to him the senses are infallible
+and the source of all knowledge. All science is based on experience,
+and consists in subjecting the data furnished by the senses to a
+rational method of investigation. Induction, analysis, comparison,
+observation, experiment, are the principal forms of such a rational
+method. Among the qualities inherent in matter, motion is the first
+and foremost, not only in the form of mechanical and mathematical
+motion, but chiefly in the form of an impulse, a vital spirit, a
+tension--or a 'qual,' to use a term of Jacob Boehme's[A]--of matter.
+
+"In Bacon, its first creator, materialism still occludes within itself
+the germs of a many-sided development. On the one hand, matter,
+surrounded by a sensuous, poetic glamour, seems to attract man's whole
+entity by winning smiles. On the other, the aphoristically formulated
+doctrine pullulates with inconsistencies imported from theology.
+
+"In its further evolution, materialism becomes one-sided. Hobbes is
+the man who systematizes Baconian materialism. Knowledge based upon
+the senses loses its poetic blossom, it passes into the abstract
+experience of the mathematician; geometry is proclaimed as the queen
+of sciences. Materialism takes to misanthropy. If it is to overcome
+its opponent, misanthropic, fleshless spiritualism, and that on the
+latter's own ground, materialism has to chastise its own flesh and
+turn ascetic. Thus, from a sensual, it passes into an intellectual,
+entity; but thus, too, it evolves all the consistency, regardless of
+consequences, characteristic of the intellect.
+
+"Hobbes, as Bacon's continuator, argues thus: if all human knowledge
+is furnished by the senses, then our concepts and ideas are but the
+phantoms, divested of their sensual forms, of the real world.
+Philosophy can but give names to these phantoms. One name may be
+applied to more than one of them. There may even be names of names. It
+would imply a contradiction if, on the one hand, we maintained that
+all ideas had their origin in the world of sensation, and, on the
+other, that a word was more than a word; that besides the beings known
+to us by our senses, beings which are one and all individuals, there
+existed also beings of a general, not individual, nature. An unbodily
+substance is the same absurdity as an unbodily body. Body, being,
+substance, are but different terms for the same reality. _It is
+impossible to separate thought from matter that thinks._ This matter
+is the substratum of all changes going on in the world. The word
+infinite is meaningless, unless it states that our mind is capable of
+performing an endless process of addition. Only material things being
+perceptible to us, we cannot know anything about the existence of God.
+My own existence alone is certain. Every human passion is a mechanical
+movement which has a beginning and an end. The objects of impulse are
+what we call good. Man is subject to the same laws as nature. Power
+and freedom are identical.
+
+"Hobbes had systematized Bacon, without, however, furnishing a proof
+for Bacon's fundamental principle, the origin of all human knowledge
+from the world of sensation. It was Locke who, in his Essay on the
+Human Understanding, supplied this proof.
+
+"Hobbes had shattered the theistic prejudices of Baconian materialism;
+Collins, Dodwall, Coward, Hartley, Priestley similarly shattered the
+last theological bars that still hemmed-in Locke's sensationalism. At
+all events, for practical materialists, Theism is but an easy-going
+way of getting rid of religion."[B]
+
+Thus Karl Marx wrote about the British origin of modern materialism.
+If Englishmen nowadays do not exactly relish the compliment he paid
+their ancestors, more's the pity. It is none the less undeniable that
+Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke are the fathers of that brilliant school of
+French materialists which made the eighteenth century, in spite of all
+battles on land and sea won over Frenchmen by Germans and Englishmen,
+a pre-eminently French century, even before that crowning French
+Revolution, the results of which we outsiders, in England as well as
+in Germany, are still trying to acclimatize.
+
+There is no denying it. About the middle of this century, what struck
+every cultivated foreigner who set up his residence in England, was,
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. We, at that time, were all
+materialists, or, at least, very advanced freethinkers, and to us it
+appeared inconceivable that almost all educated people in England
+should believe in all sorts of impossible miracles, and that even
+geologists like Buckland and Mantell should contort the facts of their
+science so as not to clash too much with the myths of the book of
+Genesis; while, in order to find people who dared to use their own
+intellectual faculties with regard to religious matters, you had to go
+amongst the uneducated, the "great unwashed," as they were then
+called, the working people, especially the Owenite Socialists.
+
+But England has been "civilized" since then. The exhibition of 1851
+sounded the knell of English insular exclusiveness. England became
+gradually internationalized, in diet, in manners, in ideas; so much so
+that I begin to wish that some English manners and customs had made as
+much headway on the Continent as other continental habits have made
+here. Anyhow, the introduction and spread of salad-oil (before 1851
+known only to the aristocracy) has been accompanied by a fatal spread
+of continental scepticism in matters religious, and it has come to
+this, that agnosticism, though not yet considered "the thing" quite as
+much as the Church of England, is yet very nearly on a par, as far as
+respectability goes, with Baptism, and decidedly ranks above the
+Salvation Army. And I cannot help believing that under these
+circumstances it will be consoling to many who sincerely regret and
+condemn this progress of infidelity, to learn that these "new-fangled
+notions" are not of foreign origin, are not "made in Germany," like so
+many other articles of daily use, but are undoubtedly Old English, and
+that their British originators two hundred years ago went a good deal
+further than their descendants now dare to venture.
+
+What, indeed, is agnosticism, but, to use an expressive Lancashire
+term, "shamefaced" materialism? The agnostic's conception of Nature is
+materialistic throughout. The entire natural world is governed by law,
+and absolutely excludes the intervention of action from without. But,
+he adds, we have no means either of ascertaining or of disproving the
+existence of some Supreme Being beyond the known universe. Now, this
+might hold good at the time when Laplace, to Napoleon's question, why
+in the great astronomer's _Mecanique celeste_ the Creator was not even
+mentioned, proudly replied: _Je n'avais pas besoin de cette
+hypothese_. But nowadays, in our evolutionary conception of the
+universe, there is absolutely no room for either a Creator or a Ruler;
+and to talk of a Supreme Being shut out from the whole existing world,
+implies a contradiction in terms, and, as it seems to me, a gratuitous
+insult to the feelings of religious people.
+
+Again, our agnostic admits that all our knowledge is based upon the
+information imparted to us by our senses. But, he adds, how do we know
+that our senses give us correct representations of the objects we
+perceive through them? And he proceeds to inform us that, whenever he
+speaks of objects or their qualities, he does in reality not mean
+these objects and qualities, of which he cannot know anything for
+certain, but merely the impressions which they have produced on his
+senses. Now, this line of reasoning seems undoubtedly hard to beat by
+mere argumentation. But before there was argumentation, there was
+action. _Im Anfang war die That._ And human action had solved the
+difficulty long before human ingenuity invented it. The proof of the
+pudding is in the eating. From the moment we turn to our own use
+these objects, according to the qualities we perceive in them, we put
+to an infallible test the correctness or otherwise of our
+sense-perceptions. If these perceptions have been wrong, then our
+estimate of the use to which an object can be turned must also be
+wrong, and our attempt must fail. But if we succeed in accomplishing
+our aim, if we find that the object does agree with our idea of it,
+and does answer the purpose we intended it for, then that is positive
+proof that our perceptions of it and of its qualities, _so far_, agree
+with reality outside ourselves. And whenever we find ourselves face to
+face with a failure, then we generally are not long in making out the
+cause that made us fail; we find that the perception upon which we
+acted was either incomplete and superficial, or combined with the
+results of other perceptions in a way not warranted by them--what we
+call defective reasoning. So long as we take care to train and to use
+our senses properly, and to keep our action within the limits
+prescribed by perceptions properly made and properly used, so long we
+shall find that the result of our action proves the conformity of our
+perceptions with the objective nature of the things perceived. Not in
+one single instance, so far, have we been led to the conclusion that
+our sense-perceptions, scientifically controlled, induce in our minds
+ideas respecting the outer world that are, by their very nature, at
+variance with reality, or that there is an inherent incompatibility
+between the outer world and our sense-perceptions of it.
+
+But then come the Neo-Kantian agnostics and say: We may correctly
+perceive the qualities of a thing, but we cannot by any sensible or
+mental process grasp the thing in itself. This "thing in itself" is
+beyond our ken. To this Hegel, long since, has replied: If you know
+all the qualities of a thing, you know the thing itself; nothing
+remains but the fact that the said thing exists without us; and when
+your senses have taught you that fact, you have grasped the last
+remnant of the thing in itself, Kant's celebrated unknowable _Ding an
+sich_. To which it may be added, that in Kant's time our knowledge of
+natural objects was indeed so fragmentary that he might well suspect,
+behind the little we knew about each of them, a mysterious "thing in
+itself." But one after another these ungraspable things have been
+grasped, analyzed, and, what is more, _reproduced_ by the giant
+progress of science; and what we can produce, we certainly cannot
+consider as unknowable. To the chemistry of the first half of this
+century organic substances were such mysterious objects; now, we learn
+to build them up one after another from their chemical elements
+without the aid of organic processes. Modern chemists declare that as
+soon as the chemical constitution of no matter what body is known, it
+can be built up from its elements. We are still far from knowing the
+constitution of the highest organic substances, the albuminous bodies;
+but there is no reason why we should not, if only after centuries,
+arrive at that knowledge and, armed with it, produce artificial
+albumen. But if we arrive at that, we shall at the same time have
+produced organic life, for life, from its lowest to its highest forms,
+is but the normal mode of existence of albuminous bodies.
+
+As soon, however, as our agnostic has made these formal mental
+reservations, he talks and acts as the rank materialist he at bottom
+is. He may say that, as far as _we_ know, matter and motion, or as it
+is now called, energy, can neither be created nor destroyed, but that
+we have no proof of their not having been created at some time or
+other. But if you try to use this admission against him in any
+particular case, he will quickly put you out of court. If he admits
+the possibility of spiritualism _in abstracto_, he will have none of
+it _in concreto_. As far as we know and can know, he will tell you
+there is no Creator and no Ruler of the universe; as far as we are
+concerned, matter and energy can neither be created nor annihilated;
+for us, mind is a mode of energy, a function of the brain; all we know
+is that the material world is governed by immutable laws, and so
+forth. Thus, as far as he is a scientific man, as far as he _knows_
+anything, he is a materialist; outside his science, in spheres about
+which he knows nothing, he translates his ignorance into Greek and
+calls it agnosticism.
+
+At all events, one thing seems clear: even if I was an agnostic, it is
+evident that I could not describe the conception of history sketched
+out in this little book, as "historical agnosticism." Religious people
+would laugh at me, agnostics would indignantly ask, was I going to
+make fun of them? And thus I hope even British respectability will not
+be overshocked if I use, in English as well as in so many other
+languages, the term, "historical materialism," to designate that view
+of the course of history, which seeks the ultimate cause and the great
+moving power of all important historic events in the economic
+development of society, in the changes in the modes of production and
+exchange, in the consequent division of society into distinct classes,
+and in the struggles of these classes against one another.
+
+This indulgence will perhaps be accorded to me all the sooner if I
+show that historical materialism may be of advantage even to British
+respectability. I have mentioned the fact, that about forty or fifty
+years ago, any cultivated foreigner settling in England was struck by
+what he was then bound to consider the religious bigotry and stupidity
+of the English respectable middle-class. I am now going to prove that
+the respectable English middle-class of that time was not quite as
+stupid as it looked to the intelligent foreigner. Its religious
+leanings can be explained.
+
+When Europe emerged from the Middle Ages, the rising middle-class of
+the towns constituted its revolutionary element. It had conquered a
+recognized position within mediaeval feudal organization, but this
+position, also, had become too narrow for its expansive power. The
+development of the middle-class, the _bourgeoisie_, became
+incompatible with the maintenance of the feudal system; the feudal
+system, therefore, had to fall.
+
+But the great international center of feudalism was the Roman Catholic
+Church. It united the whole of feudalized Western Europe, in spite of
+all internal wars, into one grand political system, opposed as much to
+the schismatic Greeks as to the Mohammedian countries. It surrounded
+feudal institutions with the halo of divine consecration. It had
+organized its own hierarchy on the feudal model, and, lastly, it was
+itself by far the most powerful feudal lord, holding, as it did, fully
+one-third of the soil of the Catholic world. Before profane feudalism
+could be successively attacked in each country and in detail, this,
+its sacred central organization, had to be destroyed.
+
+Moreover, parallel with the rise of the middle-class went on the great
+revival of science; astronomy, mechanics, physics, anatomy,
+physiology, were again cultivated. And the bourgeoisie, for the
+development of its industrial production, required a science which
+ascertained the physical properties of natural objects and the modes
+of action of the forces of Nature. Now up to then science had but been
+the humble handmaid of the Church, had not been allowed to overstep
+the limits set by faith, and for that reason had been no science at
+all. Science rebelled against the Church; the bourgeoisie could not do
+without science, and, therefore, had to join in the rebellion.
+
+The above, though touching but two of the points where the rising
+middle-class was bound to come into collision with the established
+religion, will be sufficient to show, first, that the class most
+directly interested in the struggle against the pretensions of the
+Roman Church was the bourgeoisie; and second, that every struggle
+against feudalism, at that time, had to take on a religious disguise,
+had to be directed against the Church in the first instance. But if
+the universities and the traders of the cities started the cry, it was
+sure to find, and did find, a strong echo in the masses of the country
+people, the peasants, who everywhere had to struggle for their very
+existence with their feudal lords, spiritual and temporal.
+
+The long fight of the bourgeoisie against feudalism culminated in
+three great, decisive battles.
+
+The first was what is called the Protestant Reformation in Germany.
+The war-cry raised against the Church by Luther was responded to by
+two insurrections of a political nature: first, that of the lower
+nobility under Franz von Sickingen (1523), then the great Peasants'
+War, 1525. Both were defeated, chiefly in consequence of the
+indecision of the parties most interested, the burghers of the
+towns--an indecision into the causes of which we cannot here enter.
+From that moment the struggle degenerated into a fight between the
+local princes and the central power, and ended by blotting out
+Germany, for two hundred years, from the politically active nations of
+Europe. The Lutheran reformation produced a new creed indeed, a
+religion adapted to absolute monarchy. No sooner were the peasants of
+North-east Germany converted to Lutheranism than they were from
+freemen reduced to serfs.
+
+But where Luther failed, Calvin won the day. Calvin's creed was one
+fit for the boldest of the bourgeoisie of his time. His predestination
+doctrine was the religious expression of the fact that in the
+commercial world of competition success or failure does not depend
+upon a man's activity or cleverness, but upon circumstances
+uncontrollable by him. It is not of him that willeth or of him that
+runneth, but of the mercy of unknown superior economic powers: and
+this was especially true at a period of economic revolution, when all
+old commercial routes and centers were replaced by new ones, when
+India and America were opened to the world, and when even the most
+sacred economic articles of faith--the value of gold and silver--began
+to totter and to break down. Calvin's church constitution was
+thoroughly democratic and republican; and where the kingdom of God was
+republicanized, could the kingdoms of this world remain subject to
+monarchs, bishops, and lords? While German Lutheranism became a
+willing tool in the hands of princes, Calvinism founded a republic in
+Holland, and active republican parties in England, and, above all,
+Scotland.
+
+In Calvinism, the second great bourgeois upheaval found its doctrine
+ready cut and dried. This upheaval took place in England. The
+middle-class of the towns brought it on, and the yeomanry of the
+country districts fought it out. Curiously enough, in all the three
+great bourgeois risings, the peasantry furnishes the army that has to
+do the fighting; and the peasantry is just the class that, the victory
+once gained, is most surely ruined by the economic consequences of
+that victory. A hundred years after Cromwell, the yeomanry of England
+had almost disappeared. Anyhow, had it not been for that yeomanry and
+for the _plebeian_ element in the towns, the bourgeoisie alone would
+never have fought the matter out to the bitter end, and would never
+have brought Charles I. to the scaffold. In order to secure even those
+conquests of the bourgeoisie that were ripe for gathering at the
+time, the revolution had to be carried considerably further--exactly
+as in 1793 in France and 1848 in Germany. This seems, in fact, to be
+one of the laws of evolution of bourgeois society.
+
+Well, upon this excess of revolutionary activity there necessarily
+followed the inevitable reaction which in its turn went beyond the
+point where it might have maintained itself. After a series of
+oscillations, the new center of gravity was at last attained and
+became a new starting-point. The grand period of English history,
+known to respectability under the name of "the Great Rebellion," and
+the struggles succeeding it, were brought to a close by the
+comparatively puny event entitled by Liberal historians, "the Glorious
+Revolution."
+
+The new starting-point was a compromise between the rising
+middle-class and the ex-feudal landowners. The latter, though called,
+as now, the aristocracy, had been long since on the way which led them
+to become what Louis Philippe in France became at a much later period,
+"the first bourgeois of the kingdom." Fortunately for England, the old
+feudal barons had killed one another during the Wars of the Roses.
+Their successors, though mostly scions of the old families, had been
+so much out of the direct line of descent that they constituted quite
+a new body, with habits and tendencies far more bourgeois than feudal.
+They fully understood the value of money, and at once began to
+increase their rents by turning hundreds of small farmers out and
+replacing them by sheep. Henry VIII., while squandering the Church
+lands, created fresh bourgeois landlords by wholesale; the innumerable
+confiscations of estates, regranted to absolute or relative upstarts,
+and continued during the whole of the seventeenth century, had the
+same result. Consequently, ever since Henry VII., the English
+"aristocracy," far from counteracting the development of industrial
+production, had, on the contrary, sought to indirectly profit thereby;
+and there had always been a section of the great landowners willing,
+from economical or political reasons, to co-operate with the leading
+men of the financial and industrial bourgeoisie. The compromise of
+1689 was, therefore, easily accomplished. The political spoils of
+"pelf and place" were left to the great land-owning families, provided
+the economic interests of the financial, manufacturing, and commercial
+middle-class were sufficiently attended to. And these economic
+interests were at that time powerful enough to determine the general
+policy of the nation. There might be squabbles about matters of
+detail, but, on the whole, the aristocratic oligarchy knew too well
+that its own economic prosperity was irretrievably bound up with that
+of the industrial and commercial middle-class.
+
+From that time, the bourgeoisie was a humble, but still a recognized
+component of the ruling classes of England. With the rest of them, it
+had a common interest in keeping in subjection the great working mass
+of the nation. The merchant or manufacturer himself stood in the
+position of master, or, as it was until lately called, of "natural
+superior" to his clerks, his workpeople, his domestic servants. His
+interest was to get as much and as good work out of them as he could;
+for this end they had to be trained to proper submission. He was
+himself religious; his religion had supplied the standard under which
+he had fought the king and the lords; he was not long in discovering
+the opportunities this same religion offered him for working upon the
+minds of his natural inferiors, and making them submissive to the
+behests of the masters it had pleased God to place over them. In
+short, the English bourgeoisie now had to take a part in keeping down
+the "lower orders," the great producing mass of the nation, and one of
+the means employed for that purpose was the influence of religion.
+
+There was another fact that contributed to strengthen the religious
+leanings of the bourgeoisie. That was the rise of materialism in
+England. This new doctrine not only shocked the pious feelings of the
+middle-class; it announced itself as a philosophy only fit for
+scholars and cultivated men of the world, in contrast to religion
+which was good enough for the uneducated masses, including the
+bourgeoisie. With Hobbes it stepped on the stage as a defender of
+royal prerogative and omnipotence; it called upon absolute monarchy to
+keep down that _puer robustus sed malitiosus_, to wit, the people.
+Similarly, with the successors of Hobbes, with Bolingbroke,
+Shaftesbury, etc., the new deistic form of materialism remained an
+aristocratic, esoteric doctrine, and, therefore, hateful to the
+middle-class both for its religious heresy and for its anti-bourgeois
+political connections. Accordingly, in opposition to the materialism
+and deism of the aristocracy, those Protestant sects which had
+furnished the flag and the fighting contingent against the Stuarts,
+continued to furnish the main strength of the progressive
+middle-class, and form even to-day the backbone of "the Great Liberal
+Party."
+
+In the meantime materialism passed from England to France, where it
+met and coalesced with another materialistic school of philosophers, a
+branch of Cartesianism. In France, too, it remained at first an
+exclusively aristocratic doctrine. But soon its revolutionary
+character asserted itself. The French materialists did not limit their
+criticism to matters of religious belief; they extended it to whatever
+scientific tradition or political institution they met with; and to
+prove the claim of their doctrine to universal application, they took
+the shortest cut, and boldly applied it to all subjects of knowledge
+in the giant work after which they were named--the _Encyclopedie_.
+Thus, in one or the other of its two forms--avowed materialism or
+deism--it became the creed of the whole cultured youth of France; so
+much so that, when the great Revolution broke out, the doctrine
+hatched by English Royalists gave a theoretical flag to French
+Republicans and Terrorists, and furnished the text for the Declaration
+of the Rights of Man. The great French Revolution was the third
+uprising of the bourgeoisie, but the first that had entirely cast off
+the religious cloak, and was fought out on undisguised political
+lines; it was the first, too, that was really fought out to the
+destruction of one of the combatants, the aristocracy, and the
+complete triumph of the other, the bourgeoisie. In England the
+continuity of pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary institutions,
+and the compromise between landlords and capitalists, found its
+expression in the continuity of judicial precedents and in the
+religious preservation of the feudal forms of the law. In France the
+Revolution constituted a complete breach with the traditions of the
+past; it cleared out the very last vestiges of feudalism, and created
+in the _Code Civil_ a masterly adaptation of the old Roman law--that
+almost perfect expression of the juridical relations corresponding to
+the economic stage called by Marx the production of commodities--to
+modern capitalistic conditions; so masterly that this French
+revolutionary code still serves as a model for reforms of the law of
+property in all other countries, not excepting England. Let us,
+however, not forget that if English law continues to express the
+economic relations of capitalistic society in that barbarous feudal
+language which corresponds to the thing expressed, just as English
+spelling corresponds to English pronunciation--_vous ecrivez Londres
+et vous prononcez Constantinople_, said a Frenchman--that same English
+law is the only one which has preserved through ages, and transmitted
+to America and the Colonies the best part of that old Germanic
+personal freedom, local self-government, and independence from all
+interference but that of the law courts, which on the Continent has
+been lost during the period of absolute monarchy, and has nowhere been
+as yet fully recovered.
+
+To return to our British bourgeois. The French Revolution gave him a
+splendid opportunity, with the help of the Continental monarchies, to
+destroy French maritime commerce, to annex French colonies, and to
+crush the last French pretensions to maritime rivalry. That was one
+reason why he fought it. Another was that the ways of this revolution
+went very much against his grain. Not only its "execrable" terrorism,
+but the very attempt to carry bourgeois rule to extremes. What should
+the British bourgeois do without his aristocracy, that taught him
+manners, such as they were, and invented fashions for him--that
+furnished officers for the army, which kept order at home, and the
+navy, which conquered colonial possessions and new markets abroad?
+There was indeed a progressive minority of the bourgeoisie, that
+minority whose interests were not so well attended to under the
+compromise; this section, composed chiefly of the less wealthy
+middle-class, did sympathize with the Revolution, but it was powerless
+in Parliament.
+
+Thus, if materialism became the creed of the French Revolution, the
+God-fearing English bourgeois held all the faster to his religion. Had
+not the reign of terror in Paris proved what was the upshot, if the
+religious instincts of the masses were lost? The more materialism
+spread from France to neighboring countries, and was reinforced by
+similar doctrinal currents, notably by German philosophy, the more, in
+fact, materialism and freethought generally became, on the Continent,
+the necessary qualifications of a cultivated man, the more stubbornly
+the English middle-class stuck to its manifold religious creeds. These
+creeds might differ from one another, but they were, all of them,
+distinctly religious, Christian creeds.
+
+While the Revolution ensured the political triumph of the bourgeoisie
+in France, in England Watt, Arkwright, Cartwright, and others,
+initiated an industrial revolution, which completely shifted the
+center of gravity of economic power. The wealth of the bourgeoisie
+increased considerably faster than that of the landed aristocracy.
+Within the bourgeoisie itself, the financial aristocracy, the bankers,
+etc., were more and more pushed into the background by the
+manufacturers. The compromise of 1689, even after the gradual changes
+it had undergone in favor of the bourgeoisie, no longer corresponded
+to the relative position of the parties to it. The character of these
+parties, too, had changed; the bourgeoisie of 1830 was very different
+from that of the preceding century. The political power still left to
+the aristocracy, and used by them to resist the pretensions of the new
+industrial bourgeoisie, became incompatible with the new economic
+interests. A fresh struggle with the aristocracy was necessary; it
+could end only in a victory of the new economic power. First, the
+Reform Act was pushed through, in spite of all resistance, under the
+impulse of the French Revolution of 1830. It gave to the bourgeoisie a
+recognized and powerful place in Parliament. Then the Repeal of the
+Corn Laws, which settled, once for all, the supremacy of the
+bourgeoisie, and especially of its most active portion, the
+manufacturers, over the landed aristocracy. This was the greatest
+victory of the bourgeoisie; it was, however, also the last it gained
+in its own, exclusive interest. Whatever triumphs it obtained later
+on, it had to share with a new social power, first its ally, but soon
+its rival.
+
+The industrial revolution had created a class of large manufacturing
+capitalists, but also a class--and a far more numerous one--of
+manufacturing work-people. This class gradually increased in numbers,
+in proportion as the industrial revolution seized upon one branch of
+manufacture after another, and in the same proportion it increased in
+power. This power it proved as early as 1824, by forcing a reluctant
+Parliament to repeal the acts forbidding combinations of workmen.
+During the Reform agitation, the working-men constituted the Radical
+wing of the Reform party; the Act of 1832 having excluded them from
+the suffrage, they formulated their demands in the People's Charter,
+and constituted themselves, in opposition to the great bourgeois
+Anti-Corn Law party, into an independent party, the Chartists, the
+first working-men's party of modern times.
+
+Then came the Continental revolutions of February and March, 1848, in
+which the working people played such a prominent part, and, at least
+in Paris, put forward demands which were certainly inadmissible from
+the point of view of capitalistic society. And then came the general
+reaction. First the defeat of the Chartists on the 10th April, 1848,
+then the crushing of the Paris working-men's insurrection in June of
+the same year, then the disasters of 1849 in Italy, Hungary, South
+Germany, and at last the victory of Louis Bonaparte over Paris, 2nd
+December, 1851. For a time, at least, the bugbear of working-class
+pretensions was put down, but at what cost! If the British bourgeois
+had been convinced before of the necessity of maintaining the common
+people in a religious mood, how much more must he feel that necessity
+after all these experiences? Regardless of the sneers of his
+Continental compeers, he continued to spend thousands and tens of
+thousands, year after year, upon the evangelization of the lower
+orders; not content with his own native religious machinery, he
+appealed to Brother Jonathan, the greatest organizer in existence of
+religion as a trade, and imported from America revivalism, Moody and
+Sankey, and the like; and, finally, he accepted the dangerous aid of
+the Salvation Army, which revives the propaganda of early
+Christianity, appeals to the poor as the elect, fights capitalism in a
+religious way, and thus fosters an element of early Christian class
+antagonism, which one day may become troublesome to the well-to-do
+people who now find the ready money for it.
+
+It seems a law of historical development that the bourgeoisie can in
+no European country get hold of political power--at least for any
+length of time--in the same exclusive way in which the feudal
+aristocracy kept hold of it during the Middle Ages. Even in France,
+where feudalism was completely extinguished, the bourgeoisie, as a
+whole, has held full possession of the Government for very short
+periods only. During Louis Philippe's reign, 1830-48, a very small
+portion of the bourgeoisie ruled the kingdom; by far the larger part
+were excluded from the suffrage by the high qualification. Under the
+second Republic, 1848-51, the whole bourgeoisie ruled, but for three
+years only; their incapacity brought on the second Empire. It is only
+now, in the third Republic, that the bourgeoisie as a whole have kept
+possession of the helm for more than twenty years; and they are
+already showing lively signs of decadence. A durable reign of the
+bourgeoisie has been possible only in countries like America, where
+feudalism was unknown, and society at the very beginning started from
+a bourgeois basis. And even in France and America, the successors of
+the bourgeoisie, the working people, are already knocking at the door.
+
+In England, the bourgeoisie never held undivided sway. Even the
+victory of 1832 left the landed aristocracy in almost exclusive
+possession of all the leading Government offices. The meekness with
+which the wealthy middle-class submitted to this, remained
+inconceivable to me until the great Liberal manufacturer, Mr. W.A.
+Forster, in a public speech implored the young men of Bradford to
+learn French, as a means to get on in the world, and quoted from his
+own experience how sheepish he looked when, as a Cabinet Minister, he
+had to move in society where French was, at least, as necessary as
+English! The fact was, the English middle-class of that time were, as
+a rule, quite uneducated upstarts, and could not help leaving to the
+aristocracy those superior Government places where other
+qualifications were required than mere insular narrowness and insular
+conceit, seasoned by business sharpness.[C] Even now the endless
+newspaper debates about middle-class education show that the English
+middle-class does not yet consider itself good enough for the best
+education, and looks to something more modest. Thus, even after the
+Repeal of the Corn Laws, it appeared a matter of course, that the men
+who had carried the day, the Cobdens, Brights, Forsters, etc., should
+remain excluded from a share in the official government of the
+country, until twenty years afterwards, a new Reform Act opened to
+them the door of the Cabinet. The English bourgeoisie are, up to the
+present day, so deeply penetrated by a sense of their social
+inferiority that they keep up, at their own expense and that of the
+nation, an ornamental caste of drones to represent the nation worthily
+at all State functions; and they consider themselves highly honored
+whenever one of themselves is found worthy of admission into this
+select and privileged body, manufactured, after all, by themselves.
+
+The industrial and commercial middle-class had, therefore, not yet
+succeeded in driving the landed aristocracy completely from political
+power when another competitor, the working-class, appeared on the
+stage. The reaction after the Chartist movement and the Continental
+revolutions, as well as the unparalleled extension of English trade
+from 1848-1866, (ascribed vulgarly to Free Trade alone, but due far
+more to the colossal development of railways, ocean steamers, and
+means of intercourse generally), had again driven the working-class
+into the dependency of the Liberal party, of which they formed, as in
+pre-Chartist times, the Radical wing. Their claims to the franchise,
+however, gradually became irresistible; while the Whig leaders of the
+Liberals "funked," Disraeli showed his superiority by making the
+Tories seize the favorable moment and introduce household suffrage in
+the boroughs, along with a redistribution of seats. Then followed the
+ballot; then in 1884 the extension of household suffrage to the
+counties and a fresh redistribution of seats, by which electoral
+districts were to some extent equalized. All these measures
+considerably increased the electoral power of the working-class, so
+much so that in at least 150 to 200 constituencies that class now
+furnishes the majority of voters. But parliamentary government is a
+capital school for teaching respect for tradition; if the middle-class
+look with awe and veneration upon what Lord John Manners playfully
+called "our old nobility," the mass of the working-people then looked
+up with respect and deference to what used to be designated as "their
+betters," the middle-class. Indeed, the British workman, some fifteen
+years ago, was the model workman, whose respectful regard for the
+position of his master, and whose self-restraining modesty in claiming
+rights for himself, consoled our German economists of the
+_Katheder-Socialist_ school for the incurable communistic and
+revolutionary tendencies of their own working-men at home.
+
+But the English middle-class--the good men of business as they
+are--saw farther than the German professors. They had shared their
+power but reluctantly with the working-class. They had learnt, during
+the Chartist years, what that _puer robustus sed malitiosus_, the
+people, is capable of. And since that time, they had been compelled to
+incorporate the better part of the People's Charter in the Statutes
+of the United Kingdom. Now, if ever, the people must be kept in order
+by moral means, and the first and foremost of all moral means of
+action upon the masses is and remains--religion. Hence the parsons'
+majorities on the School Boards, hence the increasing self-taxation of
+the bourgeoisie for the support of all sorts of revivalism, from
+ritualism to the Salvation Army.
+
+And now came the triumph of British respectability over the
+freethought and religious laxity of the Continental bourgeois. The
+workmen of France and Germany had become rebellious. They were
+thoroughly infected with socialism, and, for very good reasons, were
+not at all particular as to the legality of the means by which to
+secure their own ascendency. The _puer robustus_, here, turned from
+day to day more _malitiosus_. Nothing remained to the French and
+German bourgeoisie as a last resource but to silently drop their
+freethought, as a youngster, when sea-sickness creeps upon him,
+quietly drops the burning cigar he brought swaggeringly on board; one
+by one, the scoffers turned pious in outward behavior, spoke with
+respect of the Church, its dogmas and rites, and even conformed with
+the latter as far as could not be helped. French bourgeoisie dined
+_maigre_ on Fridays, and German ones sat out long Protestant sermons
+in their pews on Sundays. They had come to grief with materialism.
+"_Die Religion muss dem Volk erhalten werden_,"--religion must be
+kept alive for the people--that was the only and the last means to
+save society from utter ruin. Unfortunately for themselves, they did
+not find this out until they had done their level best to break up
+religion for ever. And now it was the turn of the British bourgeois to
+sneer and to say: "Why, you fools, I could have told you that two
+hundred years ago!"
+
+However, I am afraid neither the religious stolidity of the British,
+nor the _post festum_ conversion of the Continental bourgeois will
+stem the rising Proletarian tide. Tradition is a great retarding
+force, is the _vis inertiae_ of history, but, being merely passive, is
+sure to be broken down; and thus religion will be no lasting safeguard
+to capitalist society. If our juridical, philosophical, and religious
+ideas are the more or less remote offshoots of the economical
+relations prevailing in a given society, such ideas cannot, in the
+long run, withstand the effects of a complete change in these
+relations. And, unless we believe in supernatural revelation, we must
+admit that no religious tenets will ever suffice to prop up a
+tottering society.
+
+In fact, in England, too, the working-people have begun to move again.
+They are, no doubt, shackled by traditions of various kinds. Bourgeois
+traditions, such as the widespread belief that there can be but two
+parties, Conservatives and Liberals, and that the working-class must
+work out its salvation by and through the great Liberal party.
+Working-men's traditions, inherited from their first tentative efforts
+at independent action, such as the exclusion, from ever so many old
+Trade Unions, of all applicants who have not gone through a regular
+apprenticeship; which means the breeding, by every such union, of its
+own blacklegs. But for all that the English working-class is moving,
+as even Professor Brentano has sorrowfully had to report to his
+brother Katheder-Socialists. It moves, like all things in England,
+with a slow and measured step, with hesitation here, with more or less
+unfruitful, tentative attempts there; it moves now and then with an
+over-cautious mistrust of the name of Socialism, while it gradually
+absorbs the substance; and the movement spreads and seizes one layer
+of the workers after another. It has now shaken out of their torpor
+the unskilled laborers of the East End of London, and we all know what
+a splendid impulse these fresh forces have given it in return. And if
+the pace of the movement is not up to the impatience of some people,
+let them not forget that it is the working-class which keeps alive the
+finest qualities of the English character, and that, if a step in
+advance is once gained in England, it is, as a rule, never lost
+afterwards. If the sons of the old Chartists, for reasons explained
+above, were not quite up to the mark, the grandsons bid fair to be
+worthy of their forefathers.
+
+But the triumph of the European working-class does not depend upon
+England alone. It can only be secured by the co-operation of, at
+least, England, France, and Germany. In both the latter countries the
+working-class movement is well ahead of England. In Germany it is even
+within measurable distance of success. The progress it has there made
+during the last twenty-five years is unparalleled. It advances with
+ever-increasing velocity. If the German middle-class have shown
+themselves lamentably deficient in political capacity, discipline,
+courage, energy, and perseverance, the German working-class have given
+ample proof of all these qualities. Four hundred years ago, Germany
+was the starting-point of the first upheaval of the European
+middle-class; as things are now, is it outside the limits of
+possibility that Germany will be the scene, too, of the first great
+victory of the European proletariat?
+
+                                                       F. ENGELS.
+
+  _April 20th, 1892._
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] "Qual" is a philosophical play upon words. Qual literally means
+torture, a pain which drives to action of some kind; at the same time
+the mystic Boehme puts into the German word something of the meaning of
+the Latin _qualitas_; his "qual" was the activating principle arising
+from, and promoting in its turn, the spontaneous development of the
+thing, relation, or person subject to it, in contradistinction to a
+pain inflicted from without.
+
+[B] Marx and Engels, "Die Heilige Familie," Frankfurt a. M. 1845, pp.
+201-204.
+
+[C] And even in business matters, the conceit of national Chauvinism
+is but a sorry adviser. Up to quite recently, the average English
+manufacturer considered it derogatory from an Englishman to speak any
+language but his own, and felt rather proud than otherwise of the fact
+that "poor devils" of foreigners settled in England and took off his
+hands the trouble of disposing of his products abroad. He never
+noticed that these foreigners, mostly Germans, thus got command of a
+very large part of British foreign trade, imports and exports, and
+that the direct foreign trade of Englishmen became limited, almost
+entirely, to the colonies, China, the United States, and South
+America. Nor did he notice that these Germans traded with other
+Germans abroad, who gradually organized a complete network of
+commercial colonies all over the world. But when Germany, about forty
+years ago, seriously began manufacturing for export, this network
+served her admirably in her transformation, in so short a time, from a
+corn-exporting into a first-rate manufacturing country. Then, about
+ten years ago, the British manufacturer got frightened, and asked his
+ambassadors and consuls how it was that he could no longer keep his
+customers together. The unanimous answer was: (1) You don't learn your
+customer's language but expect him to speak your own; (2) You don't
+even try to suit your customer's wants, habits, and tastes, but expect
+him to conform to your English ones.
+
+
+
+
+SOCIALISM
+
+UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+
+Modern Socialism is, in its essence, the direct product of the
+recognition, on the one hand, of the class antagonisms, existing in
+the society of to-day, between proprietors and non-proprietors,
+between capitalists and wage-workers; on the other hand, of the
+anarchy existing in production. But, in its theoretical form, modern
+Socialism originally appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of
+the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the
+eighteenth century. Like every new theory, modern Socialism had, at
+first, to connect itself with the intellectual stock-in-trade ready to
+its hand, however deeply its roots lay in material economic facts.
+
+The great men, who in France prepared men's minds for the coming
+revolution, were themselves extreme revolutionists. They recognized no
+external authority of any kind whatever. Religion, natural science,
+society, political institutions, everything, was subjected to the most
+unsparing criticism; everything must justify its existence before the
+judgment-seat of reason, or give up existence. Reason became the sole
+measure of everything. It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world
+stood upon its head;[1] first, in the sense that the human head, and
+the principles arrived at by its thought, claimed to be the basis of
+all human action and association; but by and by, also, in the wider
+sense that the reality which was in contradiction to these principles
+had, in fact, to be turned upside down. Every form of society and
+government then existing, every old traditional notion was flung into
+the lumber-room as irrational: the world had hitherto allowed itself
+to be led solely by prejudices; everything in the past deserved only
+pity and contempt. Now, for the first time, appeared the light of day,
+the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege,
+oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right,
+equality based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man.
+
+We know to-day that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than the
+idealized kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found
+its realization in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced
+itself to bourgeois equality before the law; that bourgeois property
+was proclaimed as one of the essential rights of man; and that the
+government of reason, the Contrat Social of Rousseau, came into
+being, and only could come into being, as a democratic bourgeois
+republic. The great thinkers of the eighteenth century could, no more
+than their predecessors, go beyond the limits imposed upon them by
+their epoch.
+
+But, side by side with the antagonism of the feudal nobility and the
+burghers, who claimed to represent all the rest of society, was the
+general antagonism of exploiters and exploited, of rich idlers and
+poor workers. It was this very circumstance that made it possible for
+the representatives of the bourgeoisie to put themselves forward as
+representing, not one special class, but the whole of suffering
+humanity. Still further. From its origin, the bourgeoisie was saddled
+with its antithesis: capitalists cannot exist without wage-workers,
+and, in the same proportion as the mediaeval burgher of the guild
+developed into the modern bourgeois, the guild journeyman and the
+day-laborer, outside the guilds, developed into the proletarian. And
+although, upon the whole, the bourgeoisie, in their struggle with the
+nobility, could claim to represent at the same time the interests of
+the different working-classes of that period, yet in every great
+bourgeois movement there were independent outbursts of that class
+which was the forerunner, more or less developed, of the modern
+proletariat. For example, at the time of the German reformation and
+the peasants' war, the Anabaptists and Thomas Muenzer; in the great
+English revolution, the Levellers; in the great French revolution,
+Baboeuf.
+
+There were theoretical enunciations corresponding with these
+revolutionary uprisings of a class not yet developed; in the sixteenth
+and seventeenth centuries, Utopian pictures of ideal social
+conditions; in the eighteenth, actual communistic theories (Morelly
+and Mably). The demand for equality was no longer limited to political
+rights; it was extended also to the social conditions of individuals.
+It was not simply class privileges that were to be abolished, but
+class distinctions themselves. A Communism, ascetic, denouncing all
+the pleasures of life, Spartan, was the first form of the new
+teaching. Then came the three great Utopians; Saint Simon, to whom
+the middle-class movement, side by side with the proletarian, still
+had a certain significance; Fourier; and Owen, who in the country
+where capitalist production was most developed, and under the
+influence of the antagonisms begotten of this, worked out his
+proposals for the removal of class distinction systematically and in
+direct relation to French materialism.
+
+One thing is common to all three. Not one of them appears as a
+representative of the interests of that proletariat, which historical
+development had, in the meantime, produced. Like the French
+philosophers, they do not claim to emancipate a particular class to
+begin with, but all humanity at once. Like them, they wish to bring in
+the kingdom of reason and eternal justice, but this kingdom, as they
+see it, is as far as heaven from earth, from that of the French
+philosophers.
+
+For, to our three social reformers, the bourgeois world, based upon
+the principles of these philosophers, is quite as irrational and
+unjust, and, therefore, finds its way in the dust-hole quite as
+readily as feudalism and all the earlier stages of society. If pure
+reason and justice have not, hitherto, ruled the world, this has been
+the case only because men have not rightly understood them. What was
+wanted was the individual man of genius, who has now arisen and who
+understands the truth. That he has now arisen, that the truth has now
+been clearly understood, is not an inevitable event, following of
+necessity in the chain of historical development, but a mere happy
+accident. He might just as well have been born 500 years earlier, and
+might then have spared humanity 500 years of error, strife, and
+suffering.
+
+We saw how the French philosophers of the eighteenth century, the
+forerunners of the Revolution, appealed to reason as the sole judge of
+all that is. A rational government, rational society, were to be
+founded; everything that ran counter to eternal reason was to be
+remorselessly done away with. We saw also that this eternal reason was
+in reality nothing but the idealized understanding of the eighteenth
+century citizen, just then evolving into the bourgeois. The French
+Revolution had realized this rational society and government.
+
+But the new order of things, rational enough as compared with earlier
+conditions, turned out to be by no means absolutely rational. The
+State based upon reason completely collapsed. Rousseau's Contrat
+Social had found its realization in the Reign of Terror, from which
+the bourgeoisie, who had lost confidence in their own political
+capacity, had taken refuge first in the corruption of the Directorate,
+and, finally, under the wing of the Napoleonic despotism. The promised
+eternal peace was turned into an endless war of conquest. The society
+based upon reason had fared no better. The antagonism between rich and
+poor, instead of dissolving into general prosperity, had become
+intensified by the removal of the guild and other privileges, which
+had to some extent bridged it over, and by the removal of the
+charitable institutions of the Church. The "freedom of property" from
+feudal fetters, now veritably accomplished, turned out to be, for the
+small capitalists and small proprietors, the freedom to sell their
+small property, crushed under the overmastering competition of the
+large capitalists and landlords, to these great lords, and thus, as
+far as the small capitalists and peasant proprietors were concerned,
+became "freedom _from_ property." The development of industry upon a
+capitalistic basis made poverty and misery of the working masses
+conditions of existence of society. Cash payment became more and more,
+in Carlyle's phrase, the sole nexus between man and man. The number of
+crimes increased from year to year. Formerly, the feudal vices had
+openly stalked about in broad daylight; though not eradicated, they
+were now at any rate thrust into the background. In their stead, the
+bourgeois vices, hitherto practiced in secret, began to blossom all
+the more luxuriantly. Trade became to a greater and greater extent
+cheating. The "fraternity" of the revolutionary motto was realized in
+the chicanery and rivalries of the battle of competition. Oppression
+by force was replaced by corruption; the sword, as the first social
+lever, by gold. The right of the first night was transferred from the
+feudal lords to the bourgeois manufacturers. Prostitution increased to
+an extent never heard of. Marriage itself remained, as before, the
+legally recognized form, the official cloak of prostitution, and,
+moreover, was supplemented by rich crops of adultery.
+
+In a word, compared with the splendid promises of the philosophers,
+the social and political institutions born of the "triumph of reason"
+were bitterly disappointing caricatures. All that was wanting was the
+men to formulate this disappointment, and they came with the turn of
+the century. In 1802 Saint Simon's Geneva letters appeared; in 1808
+appeared Fourier's first work, although the groundwork of his theory
+dated from 1799; on January 1, 1800, Robert Owen undertook the
+direction of New Lanark.
+
+At this time, however, the capitalist mode of production, and with it
+the antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, was still
+very incompletely developed. Modern Industry, which had just arisen
+in England, was still unknown in France. But Modern Industry
+develops, on the one hand, the conflicts which make absolutely
+necessary a revolution in the mode of production, and the doing away
+with its capitalistic character--conflicts not only between the
+classes begotten of it, but also between the very productive forces
+and the forms of exchange created by it. And, on the other hand, it
+develops, in these very gigantic productive forces, the means of
+ending these conflicts. If, therefore, about the year 1800, the
+conflicts arising from the new social order were only just beginning
+to take shape, this holds still more fully as to the means of ending
+them. The "have-nothing" masses of Paris, during the Reign of Terror,
+were able for a moment to gain the mastery, and thus to lead the
+bourgeois revolution to victory in spite of the bourgeoisie
+themselves. But, in doing so, they only proved how impossible it was
+for their domination to last under the conditions then obtaining. The
+proletariat, which then for the first time evolved itself from these
+"have-nothing" masses as the nucleus of a new class, as yet quite
+incapable of independent political action, appeared as an oppressed,
+suffering order, to whom, in its incapacity to help itself, help
+could, at best, be brought in from without, or down from above.
+
+This historical situation also dominated the founders of Socialism. To
+the crude conditions of capitalistic production and the crude class
+conditions corresponded crude theories. The solution of the social
+problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions,
+the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain. Society
+presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these was the task of reason.
+It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of
+social order and to impose this upon society from without by
+propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model
+experiments. These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the
+more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could
+not avoid drifting off into pure phantasies.
+
+These facts once established, we need not dwell a moment longer upon
+this side of the question, now wholly belonging to the past. We can
+leave it to the literary small fry to solemnly quibble over these
+phantasies, which to-day only make us smile, and to crow over the
+superiority of their own bald reasoning, as compared with such
+"insanity." For ourselves, we delight in the stupendously grand
+thoughts and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their
+phantastic covering, and to which these Philistines are blind.
+
+Saint Simon was a son of the great French Revolution, at the outbreak
+of which he was not yet thirty. The Revolution was the victory of the
+third estate, _i.e._, of the great masses of the nation, _working_ in
+production and in trade, over the privileged _idle_ classes, the
+nobles and the priests. But the victory of the third estate soon
+revealed itself as exclusively the victory of a small part of this
+"estate," as the conquest of political power by the socially
+privileged section of it, _i.e._, the propertied bourgeoisie. And the
+bourgeoisie had certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution,
+partly by speculation in the lands of the nobility and of the Church,
+confiscated and afterwards put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon
+the nation by means of army contracts. It was the domination of these
+swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of
+ruin, and thus gave Napoleon the pretext for his _coup-d'etat_.
+
+Hence, to Saint Simon the antagonism between the third estate and the
+privileged classes took the form of an antagonism between "workers"
+and "idlers." The idlers were not merely the old privileged classes,
+but also all who, without taking any part in production or
+distribution, lived on their incomes. And the workers were not only
+the wage-workers, but also the manufacturers, the merchants, the
+bankers. That the idlers had lost the capacity for intellectual
+leadership and political supremacy had been proved, and was by the
+Revolution finally settled. That the non-possessing classes had not
+this capacity seemed to Saint Simon proved by the experiences of the
+Reign of Terror. Then, who was to lead and command? According to
+Saint Simon, science and industry, both united by a new religious
+bond, destined to restore that unity of religious ideas which had been
+lost since the time of the Reformation--a necessarily mystic and
+rigidly hierarchic "new Christianity." But science, that was the
+scholars; and industry, that was in the first place, the working
+bourgeois, manufacturers, merchants, bankers. These bourgeoisie were
+certainly, intended by Saint Simon to transform themselves into a kind
+of public officials, of social trustees; but they were still to hold,
+_vis-a-vis_ of the workers, a commanding and economically privileged
+position. The bankers especially were to be called upon to direct the
+whole of social production by the regulation of credit. This
+conception was in exact keeping with a time in which Modern Industry
+in France and, with it, the chasm between bourgeoisie and proletariat
+was only just coming into existence. But what Saint Simon especially
+lays stress upon is this: what interests him first, and above all
+other things, is the lot of the class that is the most numerous and
+the most poor ("_la classe la plus nombreuse et la plus pauvre_").
+
+Already, in his Geneva letters, Saint Simon lays down the proposition
+that "all men ought to work." In the same work he recognizes also that
+the Reign of Terror was the reign of the non-possessing masses. "See,"
+says he to them, "what happened in France at the time when your
+comrades held sway there; they brought about a famine." But to
+recognize the French Revolution as a class war, and not simply one
+between nobility and bourgeoisie, but between nobility, bourgeoisie,
+and the non-possessers, was, in the year 1802, a most pregnant
+discovery. In 1816, he declares that politics is the science of
+production, and foretells the complete absorption of politics by
+economics. The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of
+political institutions appears here only in embryo. Yet what is here
+already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of
+political rule over men into an administration of things and a
+direction of processes of production--that is to say, the "abolition
+of the State," about which recently there has been so much noise.
+
+Saint Simon shows the same superiority over his contemporaries, when
+in 1814, immediately after the entry of the allies into Paris, and
+again in 1815, during the Hundred Days' War, he proclaims the alliance
+of France with England, and then of both these countries with Germany,
+as the only guarantee for the prosperous development and peace of
+Europe. To preach to the French in 1815 an alliance with the victors
+of Waterloo required as much courage as historical foresight.
+
+If in Saint Simon we find a comprehensive breadth of view, by virtue
+of which almost all the ideas of later Socialists, that are not
+strictly economic, are found in him in embryo, we find in Fourier a
+criticism of the existing conditions of society genuinely French and
+witty, but not upon that account any the less thorough. Fourier takes
+the bourgeoisie, their inspired prophets before the Revolution, and
+their interested eulogists after it, at their own word. He lays bare
+remorsely the material and moral misery of the bourgeois world. He
+confronts it with the earlier philosophers' dazzling promises of a
+society in which reason alone should reign, of a civilization in which
+happiness should be universal, of an illimitable human perfectibility,
+and with the rose-colored phraseology of the bourgeois ideologists of
+his time. He points out how everywhere the most pitiful reality
+corresponds with the most high-sounding phrases, and he overwhelms
+this hopeless fiasco of phrases with his mordant sarcasm.
+
+Fourier is not only a critic; his imperturbably serene nature makes
+him a satirist, and assuredly one of the greatest satirists of all
+time. He depicts, with equal power and charm, the swindling
+speculations that blossomed out upon the downfall of the Revolution,
+and the shopkeeping spirit prevalent in, and characteristic of, French
+commerce at that time. Still more masterly is his criticism of the
+bourgeois form of the relations between the sexes, and the position of
+woman in bourgeois society. He was the first to declare that in any
+given society the degree of woman's emancipation is the natural
+measure of the general emancipation.
+
+But Fourier is at his greatest in his conception of the history of
+society. He divides its whole course, thus far, into four stages of
+evolution--savagery, barbarism, the patriarchate, civilization. This
+last is identical with the so-called civil, or bourgeois, society of
+to-day--_i.e._, with the social order that came in with the sixteenth
+century. He proves "that the civilized stage raises every vice
+practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion, into a form of existence,
+complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical"--that civilization moves
+in "a vicious circle," in contradictions which it constantly
+reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly
+arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or
+pretends to want to attain, so that, _e.g._, "under civilization
+poverty is born of superabundance itself."
+
+Fourier, as we see, uses the dialectic method in the same masterly way
+as his contemporary Hegel. Using these same dialectics, he argues,
+against the talk about illimitable human perfectibility that every
+historical phase has its period of ascent and also its period of
+descent, and he applies this observation to the future of the whole
+human race. As Kant introduced into natural science the idea of the
+ultimate destruction of the earth, Fourier introduced into historical
+science that of the ultimate destruction of the human race.
+
+Whilst in France the hurricane of the Revolution swept over the land,
+in England a quieter, but not on that account less tremendous,
+revolution was going on. Steam and the new tool-making machinery were
+transforming manufacture into modern industry, and thus
+revolutionizing the whole foundation of bourgeois society. The
+sluggish march of development of the manufacturing period changed into
+a veritable storm and stress period of production. With constantly
+increasing swiftness the splitting-up of society into large
+capitalists and non-possessing proletarians went on. Between these,
+instead of the former stable middle-class, an unstable mass of
+artisans and small shopkeepers, the most fluctuating portion of the
+population, now led a precarious existence.
+
+The new mode of production was, as yet, only at the beginning of its
+period of ascent; as yet it was the normal, regular method of
+production--the only one possible under existing conditions.
+Nevertheless, even then it was producing crying social abuses--the
+herding together of a homeless population in the worst quarters of the
+large towns; the loosening of all traditional moral bonds, of
+patriarchal subordination, of family relations; overwork, especially
+of women and children, to a frightful extent; complete demoralization
+of the working-class, suddenly flung into altogether new conditions,
+from the country into the town, from agriculture into modern industry,
+from stable conditions of existence into insecure ones that changed
+from day to day.
+
+At this juncture there came forward as a reformer a manufacturer 29
+years old--a man of almost sublime, childlike simplicity of character,
+and at the same time one of the few born leaders of men. Robert Owen
+had adopted the teaching of the materialistic philosophers: that
+man's character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity, on the
+other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and
+especially during his period of development. In the industrial
+revolution most of his class saw only chaos and confusion, and the
+opportunity of fishing in these troubled waters and making large
+fortunes quickly. He saw in it the opportunity of putting into
+practice his favorite theory, and so of bringing order out of chaos.
+He had already tried it with success, as superintendent of more than
+five hundred men in a Manchester factory. From 1800 to 1829, he
+directed the great cotton mill at New Lanark, in Scotland, as managing
+partner, along the same lines, but with greater freedom of action and
+with a success that made him a European reputation. A population,
+originally consisting of the most diverse and, for the most part, very
+demoralized elements, a population that gradually grew to 2,500, he
+turned into a model colony, in which drunkenness, police, magistrates,
+lawsuits, poor laws, charity, were unknown. And all this simply by
+placing the people in conditions worthy of human beings, and
+especially by carefully bringing up the rising generation. He was the
+founder of infant schools, and introduced them first at New Lanark. At
+the age of two the children came to school, where they enjoyed
+themselves so much that they could scarcely be got home again. Whilst
+his competitors worked their people thirteen or fourteen hours a day,
+in New Lanark the working-day was only ten and a half hours. When a
+crisis in cotton stopped work for four months, his workers received
+their full wages all the time. And with all this the business more
+than doubled in value, and to the last yielded large profits to its
+proprietors.
+
+In spite of all this, Owen was not content. The existence which he
+secured for his workers was, in his eyes, still far from being worthy
+of human beings. "The people were slaves at my mercy." The relatively
+favorable conditions in which he had placed them were still far from
+allowing a rational development of the character and of the intellect
+in all directions, much less of the free exercise of all their
+faculties. "And yet, the working part of this population of 2,500
+persons was daily producing as much real wealth for society as, less
+than half a century before, it would have required the working part of
+a population of 600,000 to create. I asked myself, what became of the
+difference between the wealth consumed by 2,500 persons and that which
+would have been consumed by 600,000?"[2]
+
+The answer was clear. It had been used to pay the proprietors of the
+establishment 5 per cent. on the capital they had laid out, in
+addition to over L300,000 clear profit. And that which held for New
+Lanark held to a still greater extent for all the factories in
+England. "If this new wealth had not been created by machinery,
+imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition
+to Napoleon, and to support the aristocratic principles of society,
+could not have been maintained. And yet this new power was the
+creation of the working-classes."[3] To them, therefore, the fruits of
+this new power belonged. The newly-created gigantic productive forces,
+hitherto used only to enrich individuals and to enslave the masses,
+offered to Owen the foundations for a reconstruction of society; they
+were destined, as the common property of all, to be worked for the
+common good of all.
+
+Owen's Communism was based upon this purely business foundation, the
+outcome, so to say, of commercial calculation. Throughout, it
+maintained this practical character. Thus, in 1823, Owen proposed the
+relief of the distress in Ireland by Communist colonies, and drew up
+complete estimates of costs of founding them, yearly expenditure, and
+probable revenue. And in his definite plan for the future, the
+technical working out of details is managed with such practical
+knowledge--ground plan, front and side and bird's-eye views all
+included--that the Owen method of social reform once accepted, there
+is from the practical point of view little to be said against the
+actual arrangement of details.
+
+His advance in the direction of Communism was the turning-point in
+Owen's life. As long as he was simply a philanthropist, he was
+rewarded with nothing but wealth, applause, honor, and glory. He was
+the most popular man in Europe. Not only men of his own class, but
+statesmen and princes listened to him approvingly. But when he came
+out with his Communist theories, that was quite another thing. Three
+great obstacles seemed to him especially to block the path to social
+reform: private property, religion, the present form of marriage. He
+knew what confronted him if he attacked these--outlawry,
+excommunication from official society, the loss of his whole social
+position. But nothing of this prevented him from attacking them
+without fear of consequences, and what he had foreseen happened.
+Banished from official society, with a conspiracy of silence against
+him in the press, ruined by his unsuccessful Communist experiments in
+America, in which he sacrificed all his fortune, he turned directly to
+the working-class and continued working in their midst for thirty
+years. Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf
+of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen. He forced
+through in 1819, after five years' fighting, the first law limiting
+the hours of labor of women and children in factories. He was
+president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of
+England united in a single great trade association. He introduced as
+transition measures to the complete communistic organization of
+society, on the one hand, cooperative societies for retail trade and
+production. These have since that time, at least, given practical
+proof that the merchant and the manufacturer are socially quite
+unnecessary. On the other hand, he introduced labor bazaars for the
+exchange of the products of labor through the medium of labor-notes,
+whose unit was a single hour of work; institutions necessarily doomed
+to failure, but completely anticipating Proudhon's bank of exchange
+of a much later period, and differing entirely from this in that it
+did not claim to be the panacea for all social ills, but only a first
+step towards a much more radical revolution of society.
+
+The Utopians' mode of thought has for a long time governed the
+socialist ideas of the nineteenth century, and still governs some of
+them. Until very recently all French and English Socialists did homage
+to it. The earlier German Communism, including that of Weitling, was
+of the same school. To all these Socialism is the expression of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice, and has only to be discovered to
+conquer all the world by virtue of its own power. And as absolute
+truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development
+of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With
+all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the
+founder of each different school. And as each one's special kind of
+absolute truth, reason, and justice is again conditioned by his
+subjective understanding, his conditions of existence, the measure of
+his knowledge and his intellectual training, there is no other ending
+possible in this conflict of absolute truths than that they shall be
+mutually exclusive one of the other. Hence, from this nothing could
+come but a kind of eclectic, average Socialism, which, as a matter of
+fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the
+socialist workers in France and England. Hence, a mish-mash allowing
+of the most manifold shades of opinion; a mish-mash of such critical
+statements, economic theories, pictures of future society by the
+founders of different sects, as excite a minimum of opposition; a
+mish-mash which is the more easily brewed the more the definite sharp
+edges of the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of
+debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.
+
+To make a science of Socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real
+basis.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This is the passage on the French Revolution: "Thought, the
+concept of law, all at once made itself felt, and against this the old
+scaffolding of wrong could make no stand. In this conception of law,
+therefore, a constitution has now been established, and henceforth
+everything must be based upon this. Since the sun had been in the
+firmament, and the planets circled round him, the sight had never been
+seen of man standing upon his head--_i.e._, on the Idea--and building
+reality after this image. Anaxagoras first said that the Nous, reason,
+rules the world; but now, for the first time, had man come to
+recognize that the Idea must rule the mental reality. And this was a
+magnificent sunrise. All thinking Beings have participated in
+celebrating this holy day. A sublime emotion swayed men at that time,
+an enthusiasm of reason pervaded the world, as if now had come the
+reconciliation of the Divine Principle with the world." [Hegel:
+"Philosophy of History," 1840, p. 535.] Is it not high time to set the
+anti-Socialist law in action against such teachings, subversive and to
+the common danger, by the late Professor Hegel?
+
+[2] From "The Revolution in Mind and Practice," p. 21, a memorial
+addressed to all the "red Republicans, Communists and Socialists of
+Europe," and sent to the provisional government of France, 1848, and
+also "to Queen Victoria and her responsible advisers."
+
+[3] Note, l. c., p. 70.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+
+In the meantime, along with and after the French philosophy of the
+eighteenth century had arisen the new German philosophy, culminating
+in Hegel. Its greatest merit was the taking up again of dialectics as
+the highest form of reasoning. The old Greek philosophers were all
+born natural dialecticians, and Aristotle, the most encyclopaedic
+intellect of them, had already analyzed the most essential forms of
+dialectic thought. The newer philosophy, on the other hand, although
+in it also dialectics had brilliant exponents (_e.g._ Descartes and
+Spinoza), had, especially through English influence, become more and
+more rigidly fixed in the so-called metaphysical mode of reasoning, by
+which also the French of the eighteenth century were almost wholly
+dominated, at all events in their special philosophical work. Outside
+philosophy in the restricted sense, the French nevertheless produced
+masterpieces of dialectic. We need only call to mind Diderot's "Le
+Neveu de Rameau," and Rousseau's "Discours sur l'origine et les
+fondements de l'inegalite parmi les hommes." We give here, in brief,
+the essential character of these two modes of thought.
+
+When we consider and reflect upon nature at large, or the history of
+mankind, or our own intellectual activity, at first we see the picture
+of an endless entanglement of relations and reactions, permutations
+and combinations, in which nothing remains what, where, and as it was,
+but everything moves, changes, comes into being and passes away. We
+see, therefore, at first the picture as a whole, with its individual
+parts still more or less kept in the background; we observe the
+movements, transitions, connections, rather than the things that move,
+combine, and are connected. This primitive, naive, but intrinsically
+correct conception of the world is that of ancient Greek philosophy,
+and was first clearly formulated by Heraclitus: everything is and is
+not, for everything is fluid, is constantly changing, constantly
+coming into being and passing away.
+
+But this conception, correctly as it expresses the general character
+of the picture of appearances as a whole, does not suffice to explain
+the details of which this picture is made up, and so long as we do not
+understand these, we have not a clear idea of the whole picture. In
+order to understand these details we must detach them from their
+natural or historical connection and examine each one separately, its
+nature, special causes, effects, etc. This is, primarily, the task of
+natural science and historical research; branches of science which the
+Greeks of classical times, on very good grounds, relegated to a
+subordinate position, because they had first of all to collect
+materials for these sciences to work upon. A certain amount of natural
+and historical material must be collected before there can be any
+critical analysis, comparison, and arrangement in classes, orders, and
+species. The foundations of the exact natural sciences were,
+therefore, first worked out by the Greeks of the Alexandrian period,
+and later on, in the Middle Ages, by the Arabs. Real natural science
+dates from the second half of the fifteenth century, and thence onward
+it has advanced with constantly increasing rapidity. The analysis of
+Nature into its individual parts, the grouping of the different
+natural processes and objects in definite classes, the study of the
+internal anatomy of organized bodies in their manifold forms--these
+were the fundamental conditions of the gigantic strides in our
+knowledge of Nature that have been made during the last four hundred
+years. But this method of work has also left us as legacy the habit of
+observing natural objects and processes in isolation, apart from their
+connection with the vast whole; of observing them in repose, not in
+motion; as constants, not as essentially variables; in their death,
+not in their life. And when this way of looking at things was
+transferred by Bacon and Locke from natural science to philosophy, it
+begot the narrow, metaphysical mode of thought peculiar to the last
+century.
+
+To the metaphysician, things and their mental reflexes, ideas, are
+isolated, are to be considered one after the other and apart from
+each other, are objects of investigation fixed, rigid, given once for
+all. He thinks in absolutely irreconcilable antitheses. "His
+communication is 'yea, yea; nay, nay;' for whatsoever is more than
+these cometh of evil." For him a thing either exists or does not
+exist; a thing cannot at the same time be itself and something else.
+Positive and negative absolutely exclude one another; cause and effect
+stand in a rigid antithesis one to the other.
+
+At first sight this mode of thinking seems to us very luminous,
+because it is that of so-called sound commonsense. Only sound
+commonsense, respectable fellow that he is, in the homely realm of his
+own four walls, has very wonderful adventures directly he ventures out
+into the wide world of research. And the metaphysical mode of thought,
+justifiable and necessary as it is in a number of domains whose extent
+varies according to the nature of the particular object of
+investigation, sooner or later reaches a limit, beyond which it
+becomes one-sided, restricted, abstract, lost in insoluble
+contradictions. In the contemplation of individual things, it forgets
+the connection between them; in the contemplation of their existence,
+it forgets the beginning and end of that existence; of their repose,
+it forgets their motion. It cannot see the wood for the trees.
+
+For everyday purposes we know and can say _e.g._, whether an animal is
+alive or not. But, upon closer inquiry, we find that this is, in many
+cases, a very complex question, as the jurists know very well. They
+have cudgelled their brains in vain to discover a rational limit
+beyond which the killing of the child in its mother's womb is murder.
+It is just as impossible to determine absolutely the moment of death,
+for physiology proves that death is not an instantaneous, momentary
+phenomenon, but a very protracted process.
+
+In like manner, every organized being is every moment the same and not
+the same; every moment it assimilates matter supplied from without,
+and gets rid of other matter; every moment some cells of its body die
+and others build themselves anew; in a longer or shorter time the
+matter of its body is completely renewed, and is replaced by other
+molecules of matter, so that every organized being is always itself,
+and yet something other than itself.
+
+Further, we find upon closer investigation that the two poles of an
+antithesis, positive and negative, _e.g._, are as inseparable as they
+are opposed, and that despite all their opposition, they mutually
+interpenetrate. And we find, in like manner, that cause and effect are
+conceptions which only hold good in their application to individual
+cases; but as soon as we consider the individual cases in their
+general connection with the universe as a whole, they run into each
+other, and they become confounded when we contemplate that universal
+action and reaction in which causes and effects are eternally changing
+places, so that what is effect here and now will be cause there and
+then, and _vice versa_.
+
+None of these processes and modes of thought enters into the framework
+of metaphysical reasoning. Dialectics, on the other hand, comprehends
+things and their representations, ideas, in their essential
+connection, concatenation, motion, origin, and ending. Such processes
+as those mentioned above are, therefore, so many corroborations of its
+own method of procedure.
+
+Nature is the proof of dialectics, and it must be said for modern
+science that it has furnished this proof with very rich materials
+increasing daily, and thus has shown that, in the last resort, Nature
+works dialectically and not metaphysically; that she does not move in
+the eternal oneness of a perpetually recurring circle, but goes
+through a real historical evolution. In this connection Darwin must be
+named before all others. He dealt the metaphysical conception of
+Nature the heaviest blow by his proof that all organic beings, plants,
+animals, and man himself, are the products of a process of evolution
+going on through millions of years. But the naturalists who have
+learned to think dialectically are few and far between, and this
+conflict of the results of discovery with preconceived modes of
+thinking explains the endless confusion now reigning in theoretical
+natural science, the despair of teachers as well as learners, of
+authors and readers alike.
+
+An exact representation of the universe, of its evolution, of the
+development of mankind, and of the reflection of this evolution in the
+minds of men, can therefore only be obtained by the methods of
+dialectics with its constant regard to the innumerable actions and
+reactions of life and death, of progressive or retrogressive changes.
+And in this spirit the new German philosophy has worked. Kant began
+his career by resolving the stable solar system of Newton and its
+eternal duration, after the famous initial impulse had once been
+given, into the result of a historic process, the formation of the sun
+and all the planets out of a rotating nebulous mass. From this he at
+the same time drew the conclusion that, given this origin of the solar
+system, its future death followed of necessity. His theory half a
+century later was established mathematically by Laplace, and half a
+century after that the spectroscope proved the existence in space of
+such incandescent masses of gas in various stages of condensation.
+
+This new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system. In this
+system--and herein is its great merit--for the first time the whole
+world, natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process,
+_i.e._, as in constant motion, change, transformation, development;
+and the attempt is made to trace out the internal connection that
+makes a continuous whole of all this movement and development. From
+this point of view the history of mankind no longer appeared as a wild
+whirl of senseless deeds of violence, all equally condemnable at the
+judgment seat of mature philosophic reason, and which are best
+forgotten as quickly as possible; but as the process of evolution of
+man himself. It was now the task of the intellect to follow the
+gradual march of this process through all its devious ways, and to
+trace out the inner law running through all its apparently accidental
+phenomena.
+
+That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded is
+here immaterial. Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the
+problem. This problem is one that no single individual will ever be
+able to solve. Although Hegel was--with Saint Simon--the most
+encyclopaedic mind of his time, yet he was limited, first, by the
+necessarily limited extent of his own knowledge, and, second, by the
+limited extent and depth of the knowledge and conceptions of his age.
+To these limits a third must be added. Hegel was an idealist. To him
+the thoughts within his brain were not the more or less abstract
+pictures of actual things and processes, but, conversely, things and
+their evolution were only the realized pictures of the "Idea,"
+existing somewhere from eternity before the world was. This way of
+thinking turned everything upside down, and completely reversed the
+actual connection of things in the world. Correctly and ingeniously as
+many individual groups of facts were grasped by Hegel, yet, for the
+reasons just given, there is much that is botched, artificial,
+labored, in a word, wrong in point of detail. The Hegelian system, in
+itself, was a colossal miscarriage--but it was also the last of its
+kind. It was suffering, in fact, from an internal and incurable
+contradiction. Upon the one hand, its essential proposition was the
+conception that human history is a process of evolution, which, by its
+very nature, cannot find its intellectual final term in the discovery
+of any so-called absolute truth. But, on the other hand, it laid claim
+to being the very essence of this absolute truth. A system of natural
+and historical knowledge, embracing everything, and final for all
+time, is a contradiction to the fundamental law of dialectic
+reasoning. This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but, on the
+contrary, includes the idea that the systematic knowledge of the
+external universe can make giant strides from age to age.
+
+The perception of the fundamental contradiction in German idealism led
+necessarily back to materialism, but _nota bene_, not to the simply
+metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the eighteenth
+century. Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude
+heap of irrationality and violence; modern materialism sees in it the
+process of evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws
+thereof. With the French of the eighteenth century, and even with
+Hegel, the conception obtained of Nature as a whole, moving in narrow
+circles, and forever immutable, with its eternal celestial bodies, as
+Newton, and unalterable organic species, as Linnaeus, taught. Modern
+materialism embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science,
+according to which Nature also has its history in time, the celestial
+bodies, like the organic species that, under favorable conditions,
+people them, being born and perishing. And even if Nature, as a whole,
+must still be said to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume
+infinitely larger dimensions. In both aspects, modern materialism is
+essentially dialectic, and no longer requires the assistance of that
+sort of philosophy which, queen-like, pretended to rule the remaining
+mob of sciences. As soon as each special science is bound to make
+clear its position in the great totality of things and of our
+knowledge of things, a special science dealing with this totality is
+superfluous or unnecessary. That which still survives of all earlier
+philosophy is the science of thought and its laws--formal logic and
+dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the positive science of
+Nature and history.
+
+Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could only
+be made in proportion to the corresponding positive materials
+furnished by research, already much earlier certain historical facts
+had occurred which led to a decisive change in the conception of
+history. In 1831, the first working-class rising took place in Lyons;
+between 1838 and 1842, the first national working-class movement, that
+of the English Chartists, reached its height. The class struggle
+between proletariat and bourgeoisie came to the front in the history
+of the most advanced countries in Europe, in proportion to the
+development, upon the one hand, of modern industry, upon the other, of
+the newly-acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie. Facts more
+and more strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of bourgeois
+economy as to the identity of the interests of capital and labor, as
+to the universal harmony and universal prosperity that would be the
+consequence of unbridled competition. All these things could no longer
+be ignored, any more than the French and English Socialism, which was
+their theoretical, though very imperfect, expression. But the old
+idealist conception of history, which was not yet dislodged, knew
+nothing of class struggles based upon economic interests, knew nothing
+of economic interests; production and all economic relations appeared
+in it only as incidental, subordinate elements in the "history of
+civilization."
+
+The new facts made imperative a new examination of all past history.
+Then it was seen that _all_ past history, with the exception of its
+primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these
+warring classes of society are always the products of the modes of
+production and of exchange--in a word, of the _economic_ conditions of
+their time; that the economic structure of society always furnishes
+the real basis, starting from which we can alone work out the
+ultimate explanation of the whole superstructure of juridical and
+political institutions as well as of the religious, philosophical, and
+other ideas of a given historical period. Hegel had freed history from
+metaphysics--he had made it dialectic; but his conception of history
+was essentially idealistic. But now idealism was driven from its last
+refuge, the philosophy of history; now a materialistic treatment of
+history was propounded, and a method found of explaining man's
+"knowing" by his "being," instead of, as heretofore, his "being" by
+his "knowing."
+
+From that time forward Socialism was no longer an accidental discovery
+of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the
+struggle between two historically developed classes--the proletariat
+and the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of
+society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic
+succession of events from which these classes and their antagonism had
+of necessity sprung, and to discover in the economic conditions thus
+created the means of ending the conflict. But the Socialism of earlier
+days was as incompatible with this materialistic conception as the
+conception of Nature of the French materialists was with dialectics
+and modern natural science. The Socialism of earlier days certainly
+criticised the existing capitalistic mode of production and its
+consequences. But it could not explain them, and, therefore, could not
+get the mastery of them. It could only simply reject them as bad. The
+more strongly this earlier Socialism denounced the exploitation of the
+working-class, inevitable under Capitalism, the less able was it
+clearly to show in what this exploitation consisted and how it arose.
+But for this it was necessary--(1) to present the capitalistic method
+of production in its historical connection and its inevitableness
+during a particular historical period, and therefore, also, to present
+its inevitable downfall; and (2) to lay bare its essential character,
+which was still a secret. This was done by the discovery of
+_surplus-value_. It was shown that the appropriation of unpaid labor
+is the basis of the capitalist mode of production and of the
+exploitation of the worker that occurs under it; that even if the
+capitalist buys the labor-power of his laborer at its full value as a
+commodity on the market, he yet extracts more value from it than he
+paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis this surplus-value forms
+those sums of value from which are heaped up the constantly increasing
+masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes. The genesis
+of capitalist production and the production of capital were both
+explained.
+
+These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history
+and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through
+surplus-value, we owe to Marx. With these discoveries Socialism became
+a science. The next thing was to work out all its details and
+relations.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+
+The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that
+the production of the means to support human life and, next to
+production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all
+social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history,
+the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into
+classes or orders, is dependent upon what is produced, how it is
+produced, and how the products are exchanged. From this point of view
+the final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are
+to be sought, not in men's brains, not in man's better insight into
+eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production
+and exchange. They are to be sought, not in the _philosophy_, but in
+the _economics_ of each particular epoch. The growing perception that
+existing social institutions are unreasonable and unjust, that reason
+has become unreason, and right wrong, is only proof that in the modes
+of production and exchange changes have silently taken place, with
+which the social order, adapted to earlier economic conditions, is no
+longer in keeping. From this it also follows that the means of getting
+rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light, must also be
+present, in a more or less developed condition, within the changed
+modes of production themselves. These means are not to be invented by
+deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the
+stubborn facts of the existing system of production.
+
+What is, then, the position of modern Socialism in this connection?
+
+The present structure of society--this is now pretty generally
+conceded--is the creation of the ruling class of to-day, of the
+bourgeoisie. The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie,
+known, since Marx, as the capitalist mode of production, was
+incompatible with the feudal system, with the privileges it conferred
+upon individuals, entire social ranks and local corporations, as well
+as with the hereditary ties of subordination which constituted the
+framework of its social organization. The bourgeoisie broke up the
+feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order of
+society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the
+equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all the rest of
+the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode of
+production could develop in freedom. Since steam, machinery, and the
+making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufacture into
+modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the guidance of
+the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in a degree unheard of
+before. But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and
+handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come into
+collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern
+industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with
+the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it
+confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the
+capitalistic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive
+forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the
+mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It
+exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will
+and actions even of the men that have brought it on. Modern Socialism
+is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its
+ideal reflection in the minds, first, of the class directly suffering
+under it, the working-class.
+
+Now, in what does this conflict consist?
+
+Before capitalistic production, _i.e._, in the Middle Ages, the system
+of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property
+of the laborers in their means of production; in the country, the
+agriculture of the small peasant, freeman or serf; in the towns, the
+handicrafts organized in guilds. The instruments of labor--land,
+agricultural implements, the workshop, the tool--were the instruments
+of labor of single individuals, adapted for the use of one worker,
+and, therefore, of necessity, small, dwarfish, circumscribed. But,
+for this very reason they belonged, as a rule, to the producer
+himself. To concentrate these scattered, limited means of production,
+to enlarge them, to turn them into the powerful levers of production
+of the present day--this was precisely the historic role of capitalist
+production and of its upholder, the bourgeoisie. In the fourth section
+of "Capital" Marx has explained in detail, how since the fifteenth
+century this has been historically worked out through the three phases
+of simple co-operation, manufacture, and modern industry. But the
+bourgeoisie, as is also shown there, could not transform these puny
+means of production into mighty productive forces, without
+transforming them, at the same time, from means of production of the
+individual into _social_ means of production only workable by a
+collectivity of men. The spinning-wheel, the handloom, the
+blacksmith's hammer, were replaced by the spinning-machine, the
+power-loom, the steam-hammer; the individual workshop, by the factory
+implying the co-operation of hundreds and thousands of workmen. In
+like manner, production itself changed from a series of individual
+into a series of social acts, and the products from individual to
+social products. The yarn, the cloth, the metal articles that now came
+out of the factory were the joint product of many workers through
+whose hands they had successively to pass before they were ready. No
+one person could say of them: "I made that; this is _my_ product."
+
+But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production is
+that spontaneous division of labor which creeps in gradually and not
+upon any preconceived plan, there the products take on the form of
+_commodities_, whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the
+individual producers to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the
+case in the Middle Ages. The peasant, _e.g._, sold to the artisan
+agricultural products and bought from him the products of handicraft.
+Into this society of individual producers, of commodity-producers, the
+new mode of production thrust itself. In the midst of the old division
+of labor, grown up spontaneously and upon _no definite plan_, which
+had governed the whole of society, now arose division of labor upon _a
+definite plan_, as organized in the factory; side by side with
+_individual_ production appeared _social_ production. The products of
+both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least
+approximately equal. But organization upon a definite plan was
+stronger than spontaneous division of labor. The factories working
+with the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals
+produced their commodities far more cheaply than the individual small
+producers. Individual production succumbed in one department after
+another. Socialized production revolutionized all the old methods of
+production. But its revolutionary character was, at the same time, so
+little recognized, that it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means
+of increasing and developing the production of commodities. When it
+arose, it found ready-made, and made liberal use of, certain machinery
+for the production and exchange of commodities; merchants' capital,
+handicraft, wage-labor. Socialized production thus introducing itself
+as a new form of the production of commodities, it was a matter of
+course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full
+swing, and were applied to its products as well.
+
+In the mediaeval stage of evolution of the production of commodities,
+the question as to the owner of the product of labor could not arise.
+The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging
+to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own
+tools, by the labor of his own hands or of his family. There was no
+need for him to appropriate the new product. It belonged wholly to
+him, as a matter of course. His property in the product was,
+therefore, based _upon his own labor_. Even where external help was
+used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally
+was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices and
+journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for
+education, in order that they might become master craftsmen
+themselves.
+
+Then came the concentration of the means of production and of the
+producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation
+into actual socialized means of production and socialized producers.
+But the socialized producers and means of production and their
+products were still treated, after this change, just as they had been
+before, _i.e._, as the means of production and the products of
+individuals. Hitherto, the owner of the instruments of labor had
+himself appropriated the product, because, as a rule, it was his own
+product and the assistance of others was the exception. Now the owner
+of the instruments of labor always appropriated to himself the
+product, although it was no longer _his_ product but exclusively the
+product of the _labor of others_. Thus, the products now produced
+socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set in motion
+the means of production and actually produced the commodities, but by
+the _capitalists_. The means of production, and production itself, had
+become in essence socialized. But they were subjected to a form of
+appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals,
+under which, therefore, every one owns his own product and brings it
+to market. The mode of production is subjected to this form of
+appropriation, although it abolishes the conditions upon which the
+latter rests.[4]
+
+This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production its
+capitalistic character, _contains the germ of the whole of the social
+antagonisms of to-day_. The greater the mastery obtained by the new
+mode of production over all important fields of production and in all
+manufacturing countries, the more it reduced individual production to
+an insignificant residuum, _the more clearly was brought out the
+incompatibility of socialized production with capitalistic
+appropriation_.
+
+The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other forms
+of labor, wage-labor ready-made for them on the market. But it was
+exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labor. The
+agricultural laborer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out by
+the day, had a few acres of his own land on which he could at all
+events live at a pinch. The guilds were so organized that the
+journeyman of to-day became the master of to-morrow. But all this
+changed, as soon as the means of production became socialized and
+concentrated in the hands of capitalists. The means of production, as
+well as the product of the individual producer became more and more
+worthless; there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker
+under the capitalist. Wage-labor, aforetime the exception and
+accessory, now became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime
+complementary, it now became the sole remaining function of the
+worker. The wage-worker for a time became a wage-worker for life. The
+number of these permanent wage-workers was further enormously
+increased by the breaking-up of the feudal system that occurred at the
+same time, by the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal lords, the
+eviction of the peasants from their homesteads, etc. The separation
+was made complete between the means of production concentrated in the
+hands of the capitalists on the one side, and the producers,
+possessing nothing but their labor-power, on the other. _The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation manifested itself as the antagonism of proletariat and
+bourgeoisie._
+
+We have seen that the capitalistic mode of production thrust its way
+into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, whose
+social bond was the exchange of their products. But every society,
+based upon the production of commodities, has this peculiarity: that
+the producers have lost control over their own social inter-relations.
+Each man produces for himself with such means of production as he may
+happen to have, and for such exchange as he may require to satisfy
+his remaining wants. No one knows how much of his particular article
+is coming on the market, nor how much of it will be wanted. No one
+knows whether his individual product will meet an actual demand,
+whether he will be able to make good his cost of production or even to
+sell his commodity at all. Anarchy reigns in socialized production.
+
+But the production of commodities, like every other form of
+production, has its peculiar inherent laws inseparable from it; and
+these laws work, despite anarchy, in and through anarchy. They reveal
+themselves in the only persistent form of social inter-relations,
+_i.e._, in exchange, and here they affect the individual producers as
+compulsory laws of competition. They are, at first, unknown to these
+producers themselves, and have to be discovered by them gradually and
+as the result of experience. They work themselves out, therefore,
+independently of the producers, and in antagonism to them, as
+inexorable natural laws of their particular form of production. The
+product governs the producers.
+
+In mediaeval society especially in the earlier centuries, production
+was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the
+individual. It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer
+and his family. Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in
+the country, it also helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord.
+In all this there was, therefore, no exchange; the products,
+consequently, did not assume the character of commodities. The family
+of the peasant produced almost everything they wanted: clothes and
+furniture, as well as means of subsistence. Only when it began to
+produce more than was sufficient to supply its own wants and the
+payments in kind to the feudal lord, only then did it also produce
+commodities. This surplus, thrown into socialized exchange and offered
+for sale, became commodities.
+
+The artisans of the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce
+for exchange. But they, also, themselves supplied the greatest part
+of their own individual wants. They had gardens and plots of land.
+They turned their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also,
+yielded them timber and firing. The women spun flax, wool, and so
+forth. Production for the purpose of exchange, production of
+commodities, was only in its infancy. Hence, exchange was restricted,
+the market narrow, the methods of production stable; there was local
+exclusiveness without, local unity within; the mark[5] in the country,
+in the town, the guild.
+
+But with the extension of the production of commodities, and
+especially with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production,
+the laws of commodity-production, hitherto latent, came into action
+more openly and with greater force. The old bonds were loosened, the
+old exclusive limits broken through, the producers were more and more
+turned into independent, isolated producers of commodities. It became
+apparent that the production of society at large was ruled by absence
+of plan, by accident, by anarchy; and this anarchy grew to greater
+and greater height. But the chief means by aid of which the capitalist
+mode of production intensified this anarchy of socialized production,
+was the exact opposite of anarchy. It was the increasing organization
+of production, upon a social basis, in every individual productive
+establishment. By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition of things
+was ended. Wherever this organization of production was introduced
+into a branch of industry, it brooked no other method of production by
+its side. The field of labor became a battle-ground. The great
+geographical discoveries, and the colonization following upon them,
+multiplied markets and quickened the transformation of handicraft into
+manufacture. The war did not simply break out between the individual
+producers of particular localities. The local struggles begat in their
+turn national conflicts, the commercial wars of the seventeenth and
+the eighteenth centuries.
+
+Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world-market made the
+struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an unheard-of
+virulence. Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of
+production now decide the existence or non-existence of individual
+capitalists, as well as of whole industries and countries. He that
+falls is remorselessly cast aside. It is the Darwinian struggle of the
+individual for existence transferred from Nature to society with
+intensified violence. The conditions of existence natural to the
+animal appear as the final term of human development. The
+contradiction between socialized production and capitalistic
+appropriation now presents itself as _an antagonism between the
+organization of production in the individual workshop and the anarchy
+of production in society generally_.
+
+The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of the
+antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to
+get out of that "vicious circle," which Fourier had already
+discovered. What Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time is, that
+this circle is gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and
+more a spiral, and must come to an end, like the movement of the
+planets, by collision with the center. It is the compelling force of
+anarchy in the production of society at large that more and more
+completely turns the great majority of men into proletarians; and it
+is the masses of the proletariat again who will finally put an end to
+anarchy in production. It is the compelling force of anarchy in social
+production that turns the limitless perfectibility of machinery under
+modern industry into a compulsory law by which every individual
+industrial capitalist must perfect his machinery more and more, under
+penalty of ruin.
+
+But the perfecting of machinery is making human labor superfluous. If
+the introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of
+millions of manual, by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery
+means the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers
+themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a number
+of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of capital,
+the formation of a complete industrial reserve army, as I called it
+in 1845,[6] available at the times when industry is working at high
+pressure, to be cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash
+comes, a constant dead weight upon the limbs of the working-class in
+its struggle for existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping
+of wages down to the low level that suits the interests of capital.
+Thus it comes about, to quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most
+powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working-class; that
+the instruments of labor constantly tear the means of subsistence out
+of the hands of the laborer; that the very product of the worker is
+turned into an instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about
+that the economizing of the instruments of labor becomes at the same
+time, from the outset, the most reckless waste of labor-power, and
+robbery based upon the normal conditions under which labor functions;
+that machinery, "the most powerful instrument for shortening
+labor-time, becomes the most unfailing means for placing every moment
+of the laborer's time and that of his family at the disposal of the
+capitalist for the purpose of expanding the value of his capital"
+("Capital," American edition, p. 445). Thus it comes about that
+over-work of some becomes the preliminary condition for the idleness
+of others, and that modern industry, which hunts after new consumers
+over the whole world, forces the consumption of the masses at home
+down to a starvation minimum, and in doing thus destroys its own home
+market. "The law that always equilibrates the relative surplus
+population, or industrial reserve army, to the extent and energy of
+accumulation, this law rivets the laborer to capital more firmly than
+the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It establishes an
+accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of capital.
+Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time,
+accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality,
+mental degradation, at the opposite pole, _i.e._, on the side of the
+class that produces _its own product in the form of capital_." (Marx'
+"Capital" Vol. I [Kerr & Co.]. p. 709.) And to expect any other
+division of the products from the capitalistic mode of production is
+the same as expecting the electrodes of a battery not to decompose
+acidulated water, not to liberate oxygen at the positive, hydrogen at
+the negative pole, so long as they are connected with the battery.
+
+We have seen that the ever-increasing perfectibility of modern
+machinery is, by the anarchy of social production, turned into a
+compulsory law that forces the individual industrial capitalist always
+to improve his machinery always to increase its productive force. The
+bare possibility of extending the field of production is transformed
+for him into a similar compulsory law. The enormous expansive force of
+modern industry, compared with which that of gases is mere child's
+play, appears to us now as a _necessity_ for expansion, both
+qualitative and quantitative, that laughs at all resistance. Such
+resistance is offered by consumption, by sales, by the markets for
+the products of modern industry. But the capacity for extension,
+extensive and intensive, of the markets is primarily governed by quite
+different laws, that work much less energetically. The extension of
+the markets can not keep pace with the extension of production. The
+collision becomes inevitable, and as this cannot produce any real
+solution so long as it does not break in pieces the capitalist mode of
+production, the collisions become periodic. Capitalist production has
+begotten another "vicious circle."
+
+As a matter of fact, since 1825, when the first general crisis broke
+out, the whole industrial and commercial world, production and
+exchange among all civilized peoples and their more or less barbaric
+hangers-on, are thrown out of joint about once every ten years.
+Commerce is at a stand-still, the markets are glutted, products
+accumulate, as multitudinous as they are unsaleable, hard cash
+disappears, credit vanishes, factories are closed, the mass of the
+workers are in want of the means of subsistence, because they have
+produced too much of the means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows
+upon bankruptcy, execution upon execution. The stagnation lasts for
+years; productive forces and products are wasted and destroyed
+wholesale, until the accumulated mass of commodities finally filter
+off, more or less depreciated in value, until production and exchange
+gradually begin to move again. Little by little the pace quickens. It
+becomes a trot. The industrial trot breaks into a canter, the canter
+in turn grows into the headlong gallop of a perfect steeplechase of
+industry, commercial credit, and speculation, which finally, after
+breakneck leaps, ends where it began--in the ditch of a crisis. And so
+over and over again. We have now, since the year 1825, gone through
+this five times, and at the present moment (1877) we are going through
+it for the sixth time. And the character of these crises is so clearly
+defined that Fourier hit all of them off, when he described the first
+as "_crise plethorique_," a crisis from plethora.
+
+In these crises, the contradiction between socialized production and
+capitalist appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation
+of commodities is, for the time being, stopped. Money, the means of
+circulation, becomes a hindrance to circulation. All the laws of
+production and circulation of commodities are turned upside down. The
+economic collision has reached its apogee. _The mode of production is
+in rebellion against the mode of exchange._
+
+The fact that the socialized organization of production within the
+factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the
+anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and
+dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the
+violent concentration of capital that occurs during crises, through
+the ruin of many large, and a still greater number of small,
+capitalists. The whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production
+breaks down under the pressure of the productive forces, its own
+creations. It is no longer able to turn all this mass of means of
+production into capital. They lie fallow, and for that very reason the
+industrial reserve army must also lie fallow. Means of production,
+means of subsistence, available laborers, all the elements of
+production and of general wealth, are present in abundance. But
+"abundance becomes the source of distress and want" (Fourier), because
+it is the very thing that prevents the transformation of the means of
+production and subsistence into capital. For in capitalistic society
+the means of production can only function when they have undergone a
+preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting
+human labor-power. The necessity of this transformation into capital
+of the means of production and subsistence stands like a ghost between
+these and the workers. It alone prevents the coming together of the
+material and personal levers of production; it alone forbids the means
+of production to function, the workers to work and live. On the one
+hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands convicted
+of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces. On
+the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy,
+press forward to the removal of the existing contradiction, to the
+abolition of their quality as capital, to the _practical recognition
+of their character as social productive forces_.
+
+This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and more
+powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and stronger
+command that their social character shall be recognized, forces the
+capitalist class itself to treat them more and more as social
+productive forces, so far as this is possible under capitalist
+conditions. The period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded
+inflation of credit, not less than the crash itself, by the collapse
+of great capitalist establishments, tends to bring about that form of
+the socialization of great masses of means of production, which we
+meet with in the different kinds of joint-stock companies. Many of
+these means of production and of distribution are, from the outset, so
+colossal, that, like the railroads, they exclude all other forms of
+capitalistic exploitation. At a further stage of evolution this form
+also becomes insufficient. The producers on a large scale in a
+particular branch of industry in a particular country unite in a
+"Trust," a union for the purpose of regulating production. They
+determine the total amount to be produced, parcel it out among
+themselves, and thus enforce the selling price fixed beforehand. But
+trusts of this kind, as soon as business becomes bad, are generally
+liable to break up, and, on this very account, compel a yet greater
+concentration of association. The whole of the particular industry is
+turned into one gigantic joint-stock company; internal competition
+gives place to the internal monopoly of this one company. This has
+happened in 1890 with the English _alkali_ production, which is now,
+after the fusion of 48 large works, in the hands of one company,
+conducted upon a single plan, and with a capital of L6,000,000.
+
+In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very
+opposite--into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan
+of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite
+plan of the invading socialistic society. Certainly this is so far
+still to the benefit and advantage of the capitalists. But in this
+case the exploitation is so palpable that it must break down. No
+nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so
+barefaced an exploitation of the community by a small band of
+dividend-mongers.
+
+In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of
+capitalist society--the State--will ultimately have to undertake the
+direction of production.[7] This necessity for conversion into
+State-property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse
+and communication--the postoffice, the telegraphs, the railways.
+
+If the crisis demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for
+managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of
+the great establishments for production and distribution into
+joint-stock companies, trusts, and State property, show how
+unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for that purpose. All the social
+functions of the capitalist are now performed by salaried employees.
+The capitalist has no further social function than that of pocketing
+dividends, tearing off coupons, and gambling on the Stock Exchange,
+where the different capitalists despoil one another of their capital.
+At first the capitalistic mode of production forces out the workers.
+Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it
+reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population, although
+not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army.
+
+But the transformation, either into joint-stock companies and trusts,
+or into State-ownership does not do away with the capitalistic nature
+of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts this
+is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization that
+bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions
+of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments, as
+well of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern State, no
+matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state
+of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national
+capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces,
+the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more
+citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers--proletarians.
+The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to
+a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of
+the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but
+concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the
+elements of that solution.
+
+This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the
+social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the
+harmonizing the modes of production, appropriation, and exchange with
+the socialized character of the means of production. And this can only
+come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the
+productive forces which have outgrown all control except that of
+society as a whole. The social character of the means of production
+and of the products to-day reacts against the producers, periodically
+disrupts all production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature
+working blindly, forcibly, destructively. But with the taking over by
+society of the productive forces, the social character of the means of
+production and of the products will be utilized by the producers with
+a perfect understanding of its nature, and instead of being a source
+of disturbance and periodical collapse, will become the most powerful
+lever of production itself.
+
+Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly,
+forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon
+with, them. But when once we understand them, when once we grasp their
+action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves
+to subject them more and more to our own will, and by means of them to
+reach our own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty
+productive forces of to-day. As long as we obstinately refuse to
+understand the nature and the character of these social means of
+action--and this understanding goes against the grain of the
+capitalist mode of production and its defenders--so long these forces
+are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us, so long they master
+us, as we have shown above in detail.
+
+But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of
+the producers working together, be transformed from master demons into
+willing servants. The difference is as that between the destructive
+force of electricity in the lightning of the storm, and electricity
+under command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference
+between a conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With
+this recognition at last of the real nature of the productive forces
+of to-day, the social anarchy of production gives place to a social
+regulation of production upon a definite plan, according to the needs
+of the community and of each individual. Then the capitalist mode of
+appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer and
+then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the
+products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of
+production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means
+to the maintenance and extension of production--on the other, direct
+individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment.
+
+Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely
+transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it
+creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is
+forced to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and
+more the transformation of the vast means of production, already
+socialized, into State property, it shows itself the way to
+accomplishing this revolution. _The proletariat seizes political power
+and turns the means of production into State property._
+
+But in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes all
+class distinctions and class antagonisms, abolishes also the State as
+State. Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the
+State. That is, of an organization of the particular class which was
+_pro tempore_ the exploiting class, an organization for the purpose of
+preventing any interference from without with the existing conditions
+of production, and therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly
+keeping the exploited classes in the condition of oppression
+corresponding with the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom,
+wage-labor). The State was the official representative of society as a
+whole; the gathering of it together into a visible embodiment. But it
+was this only in so far as it was the State of that class which itself
+represented, for the time being, society as a whole; in ancient times,
+the State of slave-owning citizens; in the middle ages, the feudal
+lords; in our own time, the bourgeoisie. When at last it becomes the
+real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself
+unnecessary. As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held
+in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
+existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the
+collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more
+remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is
+no longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which the State really
+constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society--the
+taking possession of the means of production in the name of
+society--this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a
+State. State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain
+after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the
+government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and
+by the conduct of processes of production. The State is not
+"abolished." _It dies out._ This gives the measure of the value of the
+phrase "a free State," both as to its justifiable use at times by
+agitators, and as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also
+of the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the
+State out of hand.
+
+Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production,
+the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often
+been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by
+sects, as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could
+become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its
+realization were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes
+practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is
+in contradiction to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere
+willingness to abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new
+economic conditions. The separation of society into an exploiting and
+an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class, was the
+necessary consequence of the deficient and restricted development of
+production in former times. So long as the total social labor only
+yields a produce which but slightly exceeds that barely necessary for
+the existence of all; so long, therefore, as labor engages all or
+almost all the time of the great majority of the members of
+society--so long, of necessity, this society is divided into classes.
+Side by side with the great majority, exclusively bond slaves to
+labor, arises a class freed from directly productive labor, which
+looks after the general affairs of society; the direction of labor,
+State business, law, science, art, etc. It is, therefore, the law of
+division of labor that lies at the basis of the division into classes.
+But this does not prevent this division into classes from being
+carried out by means of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud. It
+does not prevent the ruling class, once having the upper hand, from
+consolidating its power at the expense of the working-class, from
+turning their social leadership into an intensified exploitation of
+the masses.
+
+But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain
+historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only
+under given social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of
+production. It will be swept away by the complete development of
+modern productive forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in
+society presupposes a degree of historical evolution, at which the
+existence, not simply of this or that particular ruling class, but of
+any ruling class at all, and, therefore, the existence of class
+distinction itself has become an obsolete anachronism. It presupposes,
+therefore, the development of production carried out to a degree at
+which appropriation of the means of production and of the products,
+and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture,
+and of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has
+become not only superfluous, but economically, politically,
+intellectually a hindrance to development.
+
+This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bankruptcy
+is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. Their
+economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every crisis,
+society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces
+and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to face
+with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to
+consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the
+means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of
+production had imposed upon them. Their deliverance from these bonds
+is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly-accelerated
+development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically
+unlimited increase of production itself. Nor is this all. The
+socialized appropriation of the means of production does away, not
+only with the present artificial restrictions upon production, but
+also with the positive waste and devastation of productive forces and
+products that are at the present time the inevitable concomitants of
+production, and that reach their height in the crises. Further, it
+sets free for the community at large a mass of means of production and
+of products, by doing away with the senseless extravagance of the
+ruling classes of to-day, and their political representatives. The
+possibility of securing for every member of society, by means of
+socialized production, an existence not only fully sufficient
+materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence
+guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their
+physical and mental faculties--this possibility is now for the first
+time here, but _it is here_.[8]
+
+With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of
+commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of
+the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is
+replaced by systematic, definite organization. The struggle for
+individual existence disappears. Then for the first time, man, in a
+certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal
+kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into
+really human ones. The whole sphere of the conditions of life which
+environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the
+dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real,
+conscious lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own
+social organization. The laws of his own social action, hitherto
+standing face to face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and
+dominating, him, will then be used with full understanding, and so
+mastered by him. Man's own social organization, hitherto confronting
+him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the
+result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that
+have hitherto governed history, pass under the control of man
+himself. Only from that time will man himself, more and more
+consciously, make his own history--only from that time will the social
+causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a constantly
+growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the ascent of man
+from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.
+
+Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution.
+
+I. _Mediaeval Society._--Individual production on a small scale. Means
+of production adapted for individual use; hence primitive, ungainly,
+petty, dwarfed in action. Production for immediate consumption, either
+of the producer himself or of his feudal lord. Only where an excess of
+production over this consumption occurs is such excess offered for
+sale, enters into exchange. Production of commodities, therefore, only
+in its infancy. But already it contains within itself, in embryo,
+_anarchy in the production of society at large_.
+
+II. _Capitalist Revolution._--Transformation of industry, at first by
+means of simple co-operation and manufacture. Concentration of the
+means of production, hitherto scattered, into great workshops. As a
+consequence, their transformation from individual to social means of
+production--a transformation which does not, on the whole, affect the
+form of exchange. The old forms of appropriation remain in force. The
+capitalist appears. In his capacity as owner of the means of
+production, he also appropriates the products and turns them into
+commodities. Production has become a _social_ act. Exchange and
+appropriation continue to be _individual_ acts, the acts of
+individuals. _The social product is appropriated by the individual
+capitalist._ Fundamental contradiction, whence arise all the
+contradictions in which our present day society moves, and which
+modern industry brings to light.
+
+   A. Severance of the producer from the means of production.
+   Condemnation of the worker to wage-labor for life. _Antagonism
+   between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie._
+
+   B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness of the laws
+   governing the production of commodities. Unbridled competition.
+   _Contradiction between socialized organization in the individual
+   factory and social anarchy in production as a whole._
+
+   C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competition
+   compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complemented by
+   a constantly growing displacement of laborers. _Industrial
+   reserve-army._ On the other hand, unlimited extension of
+   production, also compulsory under competition, for every
+   manufacturer. On both sides, unheard of development of productive
+   forces, excess of supply over demand, over-production, glutting
+   of the markets, crises every ten years, the vicious circle:
+   excess here, of means of production and products--excess there,
+   of laborers, without employment and without means of existence.
+   But these two levers of production and of social well-being are
+   unable to work together, because the capitalist form of
+   production prevents the productive forces from working and the
+   products from circulating, unless they are first turned into
+   capital--which their very superabundance prevents. The
+   contradiction has grown into an absurdity. _The mode of
+   production rises in rebellion against the form of exchange._ The
+   bourgeoisie are convicted of incapacity further to manage their
+   own social productive forces.
+
+   D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive
+   forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the
+   great institutions for production and communication, first by
+   joint-stock companies, later on by trusts, then by the State. The
+   bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class. All its
+   social functions are now performed by salaried employees.
+
+III. _Proletarian Revolution._--Solution of the contradictions. The
+proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms
+the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the
+bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act the proletariat frees
+the means of production from the character of capital they have thus
+far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to
+work itself out. Socialized production upon a predetermined plan
+becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the
+existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism.
+In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political
+authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own
+form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over
+Nature, his own master--free.
+
+To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical
+mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the
+historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart
+to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the
+conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon
+to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the
+proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[4] It is hardly necessary in this connection to point out, that, even
+if the form of appropriation remains the same, the _character_ of the
+appropriation is just as much revolutionized as production is by the
+changes described above. It is, of course, a very different matter
+whether I appropriate to myself my own product or that of another.
+Note in passing that wage-labor, which contains the whole capitalistic
+mode of production in embryo, is very ancient; in a sporadic,
+scattered form it existed for centuries alongside of slave-labor. But
+the embryo could duly develop into the capitalistic mode of production
+only when the necessary historical preconditions had been furnished.
+
+[5] _See Appendix._
+
+[6] "The Condition of the Working-Class in England" (Sonnenschein &
+Co.), p. 84.
+
+[7] I say "have to." For only when the means of production and
+distribution have _actually_ outgrown the form of management by
+joint-stock companies, and when, therefore, the taking them over by
+the State has become _economically_ inevitable, only then--even if it
+is the State of to-day that effects this--is there an economic
+advance, the attainment of another step preliminary to the taking over
+of all productive forces by society itself. But of late, since
+Bismarck went in for State-ownership of industrial establishments, a
+kind of spurious Socialism has arisen, degenerating, now and again,
+into something of flunkeyism, that without more ado declares _all_
+State-ownership, even of the Bismarckian sort, to be socialistic.
+Certainly, if the taking over by the State of the tobacco industry is
+socialistic, then Napoleon and Metternich must be numbered among the
+founders of Socialism. If the Belgian State, for quite ordinary
+political and financial reasons, itself constructed its chief railway
+lines; if Bismarck, not under any economic compulsion, took over for
+the State the chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to
+have them in hand in case of war, to bring up the railway employees as
+voting cattle for the Government, and especially to create for himself
+a new source of income independent of parliamentary votes--this was,
+in no sense, a socialistic measure, directly or indirectly,
+consciously or unconsciously. Otherwise, the Royal Maritime Company,
+the Royal porcelain manufacture, and even the regimental tailor of the
+army would also be socialistic institutions, or even, as was seriously
+proposed by a sly dog in Frederick William III.'s reign, the taking
+over by the State of the brothels.
+
+[8] A few figures may serve to give an approximate idea of the
+enormous expansive force of the modern means of production, even under
+capitalist pressure. According to Mr. Giffen, the total wealth of
+Great Britain and Ireland amounted, in round numbers, in
+
+    1814 to L2,200,000,000.
+    1865 to L6,100,000,000.
+    1875 to L8,500,000,000.
+
+As an instance of the squandering of means of production and of
+products during a crisis, the total loss in the German iron industry
+alone, in the crisis of 1873-78, was given at the second German
+Industrial Congress (Berlin, February 21, 1878) as L22,750,000.
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
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+    | Typographical errors corrected in text:                   |
+    |                                                           |
+    | Page  29: conteracting replaced with counteracting        |
+    | Page  60: non-possesing replaced with non-possessing      |
+    | Page 111: "But the perfecting of machinery is the making  |
+    |           human labor superfluous." replaced with         |
+    |           "But the perfecting of machinery is making      |
+    |           human labor superfluous."                       |
+    | Page 130: preletariat replaced with proletariat           |
+    |                                                           |
+    +-----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, by
+Frederick Engels
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