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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/37580-8.txt b/37580-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8c2d778 --- /dev/null +++ b/37580-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6215 @@ +Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Catastrophe and Social Change + Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster + +Author: Samuel Henry Prince + +Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + + + + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + + + + + + [ Transcriber's Notes: + + Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully + as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation + and non-standard punctuation. Some corrections of spelling and + punctuation have been made. They are listed at the end of the text. + + Some of the entries in the index are not in alphabetical order; they + have been kept as printed. + + Italic text has been marked with _underscores_. + ] + + + + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + + BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF + THE HALIFAX DISASTER + + BY + SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.) + + SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS + FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY + IN THE + FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE + COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY + + NEW YORK + 1920 + + + + + Halifax + is not a large city + but there are those who love it + who would choose to dwell therein + before all cities beneath + the skies + + To + All Such + CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE, + I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE + THESE LINES + + + + +PREFACE + + +The following pages embody the result of an observational study of the +social phenomena attendant upon one of the greatest catastrophies in +history--the Halifax Disaster. The idea of the work was suggested while +carrying out a civic community study of the disaster city under the +direction of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University. + +The account deals first with the shock and disintegration as the writer +observed it. Individual and group reactions are next examined in the +light of sociological theory. The chapters on Social Organization are an +effort to picture that process as it actually occurred. + +The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important +contribution which Social Economy was able to make in the direction of +systematic rehabilitation. Special reference is made to private +initiative and governmental control in emergency relief. This monograph +is in no sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the +literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable social +movements in great emergencies. + +Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, as the title +suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, between which stands +a great catastrophe, and its thesis is the place of catastrophe in +social change. + +In the preparation of this work, which the author believes to be the +first attempt to present a purely scientific and sociological treatment +of any great disaster, he has received invaluable assistance. A few +grateful lines can ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the +Department of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes its +inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor A. A. Tenney +it owes its present form and structure and any literary excellence it +may possess. Professor R. E. Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout +and has contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay +has read the chapter on Social Legislation, and Professor R. S. +Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, that on Disaster Psychology. +The author is under special tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to +Professor Tenney, who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer +vacation to read and revise the manuscript and proof. + +Without the walls of the University there are also those who have given +aid. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dr. Edward T. +Devine of New York, of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas +Mackay, of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John Public +Library. He has enjoyed the coöperation of many friends and +fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to thank particularly, Miss L. F. +Barnaby, of the Halifax Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the +Halifax Welfare Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr. +W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. Monaghan, +Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr. +R. M. Hattie, Secretary of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr. +Franklin B. Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health +Commission, Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax Board of Trade, +Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children, +and last of all and most of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J. +Johnstone, editor of the _Dartmouth Independent_. + + S. H. P. + +COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1920. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + INTRODUCTION + PAGE + + The "catastrophe" in sociological literature 13 + + The "catastrophic view" _vs._ progress in evolution 14 + + Factors in social change 15 + + The stimuli factors 16 + + What crises mean 16 + + Communities and great vicissitudes 19 + + Causes of immobility 19 + + Catastrophe and progress 21 + + Historic cases suggested for study 23 + + + CHAPTER I + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION + + The City of Halifax 25 + + Terrific nature of the explosion 26 + + Destruction of life and property 26 + + The subsequent fire and storms 29 + + Annihilation of homes 31 + + Arresting of business 31 + + Disintegration of the social order 32 + + + CHAPTER II + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY + + Shock reaction 36 + + Hallucination 37 + + Primitive instincts 39 + + Crowd psychology 41 + + Phenomena of emotion 44 + + How men react when bereft completely 47 + + Post-catastrophic phenomena 48 + + Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality, + custom and law 49 + + Fatigue and the human will 52 + + The stimuli of heroism 55 + + Mutual aid 56 + + + CHAPTER III + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION + + The organization of relief 59 + + The disaster protocracy 60 + + The transition from chaos through leadership 61 + + Utility of association 62 + + Vital place of communication 62 + + Imitation 63 + + Social pressure 63 + + Consciousness of kind 63 + + Discussion 64 + + Circumstantial pressure 64 + + Climate 65 + + Geographic determinants 67 + + Classification of factors 67 + + + CHAPTER IV + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (CONTINUED) + + The reorganization of the civil social order 69 + + Division of labor 69 + + Resumption of normal activities 70 + + State and voluntary associations 71 + + Order of reëstablishment 71 + + Effects of environmental change 75 + + The play of imitation 77 + + The stimulus of lookers-on 78 + + Social conservation 79 + + + CHAPTER V + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + + The contribution of social service 80 + + Its four-fold character 83 + + The principles of relief 85 + + Rehabilitation 86 + + Phases of application 87 + + Criticisms 92 + + A new principle 95 + + Social results 96 + + Summary for future guidance 97 + + + CHAPTER VI + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION + + Governmental agencies in catastrophe 102 + + What seems to be expected of governments 103 + + What they actually do 103 + + Social legislation 104 + + A permanent contribution 109 + + + CHAPTER VII + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS + + Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities + recover from disaster 111 + + The case of San Francisco 111 + + The case of Halifax 112 + + Social surplus 112 + + The equipmental factors 113 + + Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of + public response 114 + + Catastrophe insurance 116 + + A practical step 117 + + + CHAPTER VIII + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + + The unchanging Halifax of the years 118 + + The causes of social immobility 119 + + The new birthday 122 + + The indications of change--appearance, expansion of business, + population, political action, city-planning, housing, health, + education, recreation, community spirit 123 + + Carsten's prophecy 140 + + + CHAPTER IX + + CONCLUSION + + Recapitulation 141 + + The various steps in the study presented in propositional form 142 + + The rôle of catastrophe 145 + + Index 147 + + + + + "This awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does + not end so. It is the way its chapters open."--_St. Augustine._ + + + + +INTRODUCTION + +The "catastrophe" in sociological literature--The "catastrophic view" +_vs._ progress in evolution--Factors in social change--The stimuli +factors--What crises mean--Communities and great vicissitudes--Causes of +immobility--Catastrophe and progress--Historic cases suggested for +study. + + +There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one of the +attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. But of all such +fields none is more interesting than the factor of catastrophe in social +change. + +And strangely enough, if there are but few references to the problem in +all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not because catastrophies are +few. Indeed it would seem that with the advent of the industrial age, +disasters grow more frequent every year.[1] Many are small, no doubt, +touching but the life of a village or a borough--a broken dyke, a bridge +swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again write themselves on the +pages of History--an Ohio flood, an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San +Francisco earthquake, a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes +its records of social change--some to be effaced in a twelve-month--some +to outlast a generation. Records they are, for the most part unread. How +to read them is the problem. And it may be that when readers have grown +in number and the script is better known, we shall be able to seize the +moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably its power for social +good. + + [1] "Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of + lives, have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no + fewer than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property + valued at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past + experience is that each year no less than half a dozen such + catastrophies will occur." (Deacon J. Byron, _Disasters_, N. Y., 1918, + p. 7.) This quotation refers to the United States alone. + +To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The dictionary +calls catastrophe "an event producing a subversion of the order or +system of things," and such as "may or may not be a cause of misery to +man."[2] It is desirable however to limit the use of the term, in +primary investigations at least, to those disasters which affect +communities rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more +amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, famine, and +financial panic are too general in character, and function on too grand +a scale for satisfactory treatment, at least until the ground is +cleared. It is necessary also to limit this investigation to those +social changes which follow upon catastrophies, rather than precede +them. For there are social effects which result from living in +anticipation of disaster, such as are observable among communities in +volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, it would be +likely to lead the investigator too far afield into the realm of +speculation. Nevertheless a general point of view is necessary to give +meaning to even a limited treatment of the theme. For this purpose there +may be contrasted the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by +that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of progress +through evolution. The former looks upon history as a series of +vicissitudes mercifully ending one day in final cataclysm. The spirit of +apocalyptic expectancy prevails. Social conditions rest hopelessly +static. Faith is pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can +endure. Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, pictured like +an escalade with resident forces lifting the world to better days. +Progress becomes a smooth continuous growth. On the other hand the newer +philosophy sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive +evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.[3] There +are great stretches of smooth and even current in the stream, but always +along the course are seen the rapid and the water-fall, the eddy and +reversing tide. The latter is the general subject of this dissertation, +and its thesis is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and +specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must be left to +abler hands. + + [2] Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo + express receipts used to call quaintly "Acts of God, Indians and other + public enemies of the government." + + [3] If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there + not reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and + short-time changes which her observers note? May it not well be that + the ever-swinging pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that + the miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it + wholesome and sweet? + + "The old order changeth yielding place to the new. + And God fulfils Himself in many ways + Lest one good custom should corrupt the world." + --Tennyson, Alfred, _The Passing of Arthur_. + +The conception of social change as used in this monograph also needs +definition. By social change is meant those rapid mutations which +accompany sudden interferences with the equilibrium of society, break up +the _status-quo_, dissipate mental inertia and overturn other tendencies +resistant to structural modification. The various forces which initiate +such disturbances are factors in social change. These factors may be +intra-social,--within the group--such factors as operate in the regular +social process, imitation and adaptation, for example; or they may be +extra-social, "stimuli" factors--from without the group--such as, +accidental, extraneous or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may be +one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or rapid changes of +environment.[4] + + [4] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 189. + +These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study by scientific +method. However important the accumulation of impulses toward social +transformation may be, there is often a single "precipitating factor" +which acts as the "igniting spark" or "the knocking away of the +stay-block," or "the turning of a lever."[5] It is among such +extra-social or "stimuli" factors that catastrophe falls as a +precipitating agent in social change. + + [5] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 198. + +The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires attention, +and it will be clarifying to our thought at this point to distinguish +carefully between crisis and catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature +of the former really is. The word "crisis" is of Greek origin, meaning a +point of culmination and separation, an instant when change one way or +another is impending. Crises are those critical moments which are, as we +say, big with destiny. Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of +victory turns. Diseases have them--the seventh day in pneumonia, or the +fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford numerous +illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.[6] There are +critical years of stress and strain--the ages of fourteen and forty in +life-histories, the latter being according to Sir Robertson Nicoll the +most dangerous hour of existence. Other crises are "hours of insight" in +the world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of +action,--that "tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood +leads on to fortune," hours of doubt in religion "when all the gods are +dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more +than a relative term. It describes a situation which is no ordinary +member of a line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures +radical change in the immediate future." He distinguishes between a +crisis and a revolution. "The difference between a revolution and a +crisis is the difference between the fire and the moment when someone +with a lighted match in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be +lighted." The term covers the situation preceding change, whether this +situation be the culmination of a process or the result of some +particular stimulus. "It is not necessarily precipitated by great +issues. Quite as often it is occasioned by events .... which are so +related to a new situation as to set in motion an entire group of forces +as a match kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid."[7] The +failure to distinguish between that which occasions the crisis and the +crisis itself has been the source of some confusion in thinking. "Defeat +in battle, floods, drought, pestilence and famine," are not strictly +crises, but they super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything +which brings about "a disturbance of habit," though it be simply "an +incident, a stimulation or a suggestion." In short, crises are the +result either of a slowly maturing process or of sudden strain or shock; +and the nature of the reaction in the crisis-hour is nothing more than +the effort towards the reëstablishment of habits, new or old, when the +former functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been +pointed out, is closely correlated with attention. + + [6] Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases. + + [7] Mathews, Shailer, _The Church in the Changing Order_ (N. Y., + 1907), ch. i, p. 1. + + When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is + not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit, + the attention is called into play, and devises a new mode of + behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention + establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function so to + do.[8] + + [8] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago, + 1909), Introduction, p. 17. + +What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as the +reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings has been +the first to make the sociological application: + + Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are the most + stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are not + unchanging. Under new and widening experience they suffer attrition + and are modified. Instincts and with them emotion and imagination + which largely fills the vast realm between instinct and reason are + reconditioned. The word means simply that reflexes and higher + processes subjected to new experiences are in a degree or entirely + detached from old stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to + time also traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by + crisis. Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized, + discussed. It is rationally deliberated.[9] + + [9] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal + of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401. + +Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, as when +revolutions break. The alternate truth that the catastrophies themselves +are re-agents to generate the crisis-situation has not been so commonly +noted. Nevertheless the disintegration of the normal by shock and +calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle. + +Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of individual +men rather than in the case of communities that the observations have +been recorded. Our biographies teem with instances of personal crises +precipitated by a great shock or disappointment--Hawthorne's dismissal +from the custom house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the +refusal of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of +Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott. + +Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic of the +crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity[10] into which +the individual is thrown. Life becomes like molten metal. It enters a +state of flux[11] from which it must reset upon a principle, a creed, or +purpose. It is shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old +customs crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a state of +potentiality for reverse directions. The subject may "fall down" or he +may "fall up." The presence of dynamic forces in such a state means +change. But the precise rôle of the individual mind in a period of +crisis is a problem not for sociology but for psychology. + + [10] The phrases "The world in a welter," "nations in the melting + pot," "life in the smelting oven," are commonly heard and suggest a + solution stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to + crystallization. + + [11] Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote: + + I lost + All feeling of conviction and in fine + Sick, wearied out with contrarieties + Yielded up moral questions in despair. + --_Prelude_, bk. xi. + +The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social change is also +true, however, of the community. Fluidity is not the usual state of +society. + + Most of the "functions" of society have no tendency to disturb the + _status quo_. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, so long + as births and death balance, production so far as it is balanced by + consumption, exchange so long as the argosies of commerce carry + goods and not ideas, education so far as it passes on the + traditional culture, these together with recreation, social + intercourse, worship, social control, government and the + administration of justice are essentially statical. They might + conceivably go on forever without producing change.[12] + + [12] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 200. + +Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility, +conservatism and "determined resistance to change." The chief reason for +this immobility is habit:[13] + + When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most resemble + the instincts of animals. And the great part of our life is lived in + the region of habit. The habits like the instincts are safe and + serviceable. They have been tried and are associated with a feeling + of security. There consequently grows up in the folk mind a + determined resistance to change ... a state of rapid and constant + change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a + result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to + revise certain habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is + possible under such conditions for a society to become stationary or + to attempt to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the + present status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is + particularly marked among savages. In the absence of science and a + proper estimate of the value of change they rely on ritual and magic + and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the past. Change is + consequently introduced with a maximum of resistance ... Indeed the + only world in which change is at a premium and is systematically + sought is the modern scientific world.[14] + +But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of custom by +catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered right and left. +Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. There comes a sudden chance for +permanent social change. + + [13] To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1) + Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of + population owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4) + Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government. + + [14] Thomas, _op. cit._, pp. 20, 21. + +Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. The destruction of +a mill may change the economic outlook of a village. The loss of a +bridge may result in an entirely different school system for an isolated +community; a cloud-burst may move a town. Great visitations, like the +Chicago fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social +processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a single instance +the latter city. Its quick recovery has been called one of the wonders +of the age. In the very midst of surrounding desolation and business +extinction, the Californian city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition, +and its citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all +world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which succeed +relatively small disturbances are often such as to elude an estimate. +The reason has been well suggested that "big crises bring changes about +most easily because they affect all individuals alike at the same time." +In other words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see, +therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only is fluidity +fundamental to social change, but the degree of fluidity seems to vary +directly as the shock and extent of the catastrophe. + +There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe upon social +progress. The following words are quotable in this connection: + + It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people has a + certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, and the + most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous life. Our proverb + "Necessity is the mother of invention" is the formulation in + folk-thought of this principle of social change.[15] + +We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion as to the +principle concerned--namely, that progress is a natural and an assured +result of change. The point is that catastrophe always means social +change. There is not always progress. It is well to guard against +confusion here. Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress +means "amelioration, perfectionment." The latter will be seen to depend +on other things--the nature of the shock, the models presented, the +community culture and morale, the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on. +The single case of Galveston, Texas,[16] is sufficient to disprove the +too optimistic hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform. +Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, and in spite +of superior commercial advantages was outgrown by a rival fifty miles +away. At the same time the case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in +mind. Here also was a flood-stricken city and she became "the Gem City +of the West." The principle[17] thus appears to be that progress in +catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, some of +which are subject to social control. + + [15] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 18. + + [16] "It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North + America. In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing + enormous damage and loss of life. While the city has had a certain + growth since that time, it has been far outstripped by Houston, + Dallas, and other Texas cities."--Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a + letter to the author. + + [17] Another principle is suggested for study by the following + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk + revolution in the conditions of life or thought produces not sudden, + but gradual changes in society." This might easily be elaborated. + +It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope of eventual +social control over disaster-stricken cities, and the transmutation of +seeming evil into tremendous good. And this is in addition to the many +practical social lessons which we have already been intelligent enough +to preserve, such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient +charity organization. + +How much of man's advancement has been directly or indirectly due to +disaster?[18] The question asks itself and it is a question as yet +without an answer. When the answer is at last written, will there not be +many surprises? Pitt-Rivers tells us that "the idea of a large boat +might have been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated down +the rivers before the eyes of men."[19] A terrible storm at sea gave +America its first rice.[20] City-planning may be said to have taken its +rise in America as a result of the Chicago fire, and the rôle of +catastrophe in the progress of social legislation is a study in itself. +The impetus thus received is immeasurable. Historically, +labor-legislation took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever +in the cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine +disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the Triangle fire +which led to the appropriation of funds for a factory investigation +commission in the State of New York. The sinking of the Titanic has +greatly reduced the hazards of the sea. + + [18] The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a + recent article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks "whether often, if + not always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the + poet] the will to create."--Marks, Jeanette, "Disaster and Poetry," + _North American Review_, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93. + + [19] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 23. + + [20] In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South + Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of + seed. + +It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days to come who +invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not entirely without ground +for the faith which is in them; and that catastrophies are frequently +only re-agents of further progress. But this is merely introductory. +Thought becomes scientific only when its conclusions are checked up and +under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to such procedure it +must still remain opinion or belief. + +The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field in sociology. +Knowledge will grow scientific only after the most faithful examination +of many catastrophies. But it must be realized that the data of the +greatest value is left ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the +social memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the event. It +is, therefore, of the utmost importance that sociological studies of +Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and other disaster cities +should be initiated at once.[21] + + [21] It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume + treats specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of + many disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his + conclusions. He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax + in 1917, and at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of + the expeditions to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street + explosion occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects. + +Of such a series--if the work can be done--this little volume on Halifax +is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that the many inadequacies of +treatment will receive the generous allowances permitted a pioneer. + + + + +CHAPTER I + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION + +The City of Halifax--Terrific nature of the explosion--Destruction of +life and property--The subsequent fire and storms--Annihilation of +homes--Arresting of business--Disintegration of the social order. + + +Halifax is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of Canada on her Atlantic +seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on +the southeastern shoreline of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with +a magnificent harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three +finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely ride at +anchor. The possession of this harbor, together with ample defences, and +a fortunate situation with regard to northern Europe established the +Garrison City, early in the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the +Dominion. Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third +shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the transports came, +and the giant freighters to join their convoy. Cruisers and men-of-war +put in to use its great dry-dock, or take on coal. Here too, cleared the +supply and munition boats--some laden with empty shells, others with +high explosives destined for the distant fields of battle. How much of +the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went during those +fateful years is not publicly known.[22] Certainly there was too much to +breed a sense of safety, but no one gave the matter second thought. All +were intent upon the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day +was each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung across +the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly the sea and sky. +The forts were fully manned. The gunners ready. The people knew these +things, and no one dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure +in her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic. + + [22] During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of + munitions passed over the railroad piers of Halifax. + +About midway in the last two years of war--to be exact December, +1917,--a French munitioner[23] heavily laden with trinitrotoluol, the +most powerful of known explosives, reached Halifax from New York. On the +early morning of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her +own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the basin--an oval +expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called Turple Head. Suddenly an +empty Belgian relief ship[24] swept through the Narrows directly in her +pathway. There was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers. +The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook the world! + + [23] The _Mont Blanc_, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis + Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons gross, + 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam, + speed 7½ to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy. + Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons + benzol, employed in carrying munitions to France. + + [24] The _Imo_, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners + Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons + register, steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to + 12 knots, outward bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying + food to Belgium. + +War came to America that morning. Two thousand slain, six thousand +injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five millions of dollars in +property destroyed, three hundred acres left a smoking waste, churches, +schools, factories blown down or burned--such was the appalling havoc of +the greatest single explosion in the history of the world.[25] It was an +episode which baffles description. It is difficult to gain from words +even an approximate idea of the catastrophe and what followed in its +trail. + + [25] The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of + dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor. + +It was all of a sudden--a single devastating blast; then the sound as of +the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. Men and women cowered under the +shower of debris and glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank, +and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men looked dumbly +into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack of doom. To some death was +quick and merciful in its coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to +and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged +themselves forth into the light--naked, blackened, unrecognizable human +shapes. They lay prone upon the streetside, under the shadow of the +great death-cloud which still dropped soot and oil and water. It was +truly a sight to make the angels weep. + +Men who had been at the front said they had seen nothing so bad in +Flanders. Over there men were torn with shrapnel, but the victims were +in all cases men. Here father and mother, daughter and little child, all +fell in "one red burial blent." A returned soldier said of it: "I have +been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the top. Friends and +comrades have been shot in my presence. I have seen scores of dead men +lying upon the battlefield, but the sight .... was a thousand times +worse and far more pathetic."[26] A well-known relief worker who had +been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after those +disasters said "I am impressed by the fact that this is much the saddest +disaster I have seen." It has been compared to the scenes pictured by +Lord Lytton in his tale of the last days of Pompeii: + + True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing down + upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers in fierce + flames. But every other sickening detail was present--that of + crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling homes, and cruel + flame and fire. And there were showers, not it is true of ashes from + the vortex of the volcano, but of soot and oil and water, of + death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and deck and boiler, of glass + and wood and of the shattered ship.[27] + +Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss "in all five of the ways it +is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, permanent injury, +temporary injury, personal property loss, and real property loss."[28] +Here were to be found in one dread assembling the combined horrors of +war, earthquake, fire, flood, famine and storm--a combination seen for +the first time in the records of human disaster. + + [26] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + + [27] McGlashen, Rev. J. A., _The Patriot_ (Dartmouth, N. S.). + + [28] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158. + +It was an earthquake[29] so violent that when the explosion occurred the +old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. The citadel trembled, the +whole horizon seemed to move with the passing of the earth waves. These +were caught and registered, their tracings[30] carefully preserved, but +the mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster and +collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim brought death and +burial at one and the same time. + + [29] "The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was + practically the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the + ground." (MacMechan, Archibald, "Halifax in Ruins," _The Canadian + Courier_, vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.) + + [30] The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the + hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05. + +It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic tidal wave, +fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and embankment into the +lower streets, and receding, left boats and wreckage high and dry, but +carried to a watery doom score upon score of human lives. Nearly two +hundred men were drowned. + +It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for a second +filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves secretly within +the lightning discharge of gas, only to burst out in gusts of sudden +flame. Numberless buildings were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught +to the northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was crimson; +below, a living crematorium--church and school, factory and home burned +together in one fierce conflagration; and the brave firemen knew that +there were men and women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past +self-help. Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but in +vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, but often failed +to save alive the captives of the flame. And so the last dread process +went on,--earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. And when the +fires at last abated, the north end of the City of Halifax looked like +some blackened hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the +spring. + +But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments was the +tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting ship. It wrought instant havoc +everywhere. Trees were torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like +toothpicks. Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses. +Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses collapsed on all +sides. Steamers were slammed against the docks. Then followed a +veritable air-raid, when the sky rained iron fragments upon the helpless +city. Like a meteoric shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand +roofs, and with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea. + +Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this _Dies Irae_. Scarce +was the catastrophe an hour old when the news was flashed around that a +second explosion was approaching. It was the powder magazine in the +Navy-yard, and the flames were perilously near. Through the crowded +streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to come. "Flee!.... +Flee!.... Get into the open ground" was the cry. Shops were abandoned +unguarded, goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till was +closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, driven like +animals before a prairie fire--yet this was not all; for "the plight of +the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, the cripples, the +nursing mothers, the pregnant can not be described." + +It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the Younger tells: + + You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children and the + shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; others their + parents, others their wives and husbands ... one lamenting his own + fate, another that of his family. Some praying to die from the very + fear of dying, many lifting their hands to the gods, but the greater + part imagining that there were no gods left anywhere, and that the + last and eternal night was come upon the world.[31] + +It has been said that "Moscow was no more deserted before Napoleon than +were the shattered streets of Halifax when this flight had been carried +out."[32] And when the hegira was over, and when there had ensued a +partial recovery from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony +had yet to be undergone--a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, rain, +floods and zero weather were even then upon the way. They came in close +procession and as if to crown and complete the terrors of the great +catastrophe thunder rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly +the snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax--"a calamity +the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination of the world."[33] + + [31] Pliny, _Letters_ (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495. + + [32] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii, + p. 24. + + [33] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax, + 1918), p. 57. + +The description here concluded, brief and inadequate as it is, will +sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the catastrophic shock, and +explain how utter and complete was the social disintegration which +followed. + +There was the disintegration of the home and the family,--the +reproductive system of society--its members sundered and helpless to +avert it. There was the disintegration of the regulative +system--government was in perplexity, and streets were without patrol. +There was the disintegration of the sustaining system--a dislocation of +transportation, a disorganization of business while the wheels of +industry ceased in their turning. There was a derangement of the +distributive system[34]--of all the usual services, of illumination, +water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was impossible to +communicate with the outside world. There were no cars, no mails, no +wires. There was a time when the city ceased to be a city, its citizens +a mass of unorganized units--struggling for safety, shelter, covering +and bread. As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; "The whole elements of +civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied and +complicated machinery of social life was left save the primal law of +self preservation."[35] + + [34] Spencer, Herbert, _The Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1908), + pt. ii, p. 499 _et seq._ + + [35] Lytton, Lord, _The Last Days of Pompeii_ (London, 1896), p. 405. + +A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts of the +disaster night and the beautiful evening before. + + What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no happy + throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the fire-side. + The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead of laughter, + weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing pain; instead of Elysian + dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears and sorrow were in the way and all + the daughters of music were brought low ... Halifax had become in a + trice a city of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.[36] + +To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories that first +night, to have seen men, women and children, of all stations, huddled +together on the stages of theatres, the chancels of churches, in +stables, box-cars and basements was to have beheld a rift in the social +structure such as no community had ever known. Old traditional social +lines were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe smashed +through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also smashed through fixed +traditions, social divisions and old standards, making a rent which +would not easily repair. Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid, +official and bellboy met for the first time as victims of a common +calamity. + + [36] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when Mr. Ratshesky of +the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he could report: "An awful sight +presented itself, buildings shattered on all sides--chaos apparent." In +a room in the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled "men and +women trying to organize different departments of relief, while other +rooms were filled to utmost capacity with people pleading for doctors, +nurses, food, and clothing for themselves and members of their families. +Everything was in turmoil."[37] This account faithfully expresses the +disintegration which came with the great shock of what had come to pass. +It is this disintegration and the resultant phenomena which are of +utmost importance for the student of social science to observe. To be +quite emotionally free in the observation of such phenomena, however, is +almost impossible. It has been said of sociological investigations that + + observation is made under bias because the facts under review are + those of human life and touch human interest. A man can count the + legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because he thinks there + are too many or too few. But when he observes the life of the + society in which he moves, lives and has his being, or some other + society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or disapproves, is + edified or horrified, by what he observes. When he does that he + passes a moral judgment.[38] + +Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In our present +study it is natural that our sympathy reactions should be especially +strong. "_Quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam_" must be our +motto. As students we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from +them, and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's +patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect of +large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must learn well when the +abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies and when social processes are +seen magnified by a thousand diameters. Only thus can we hope for +advances that will endure. + + [37] Ratshesky, A. C., "Report of Halifax Relief Expedition," _The + State_ (Boston, 1918), p. 11. + + [38] Keller, A. G., "Sociology and Science," _The Nation_ (N. Y., May + 4, 1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275. + +In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the reorganization +of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society itself as it reacts under +the stimulus of catastrophe, and adjusts itself to the circumstantial +pressure of new conditions. + +Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the next chapter, to glance +at a number of social phenomena which should be recorded and examined in +the light of social psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of +each chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose if +thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted in +disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of the usual methods +of social control and dissolution of the customary; that through the +catastrophe the community was thrown into the state of flux which, as +was suggested in the introduction, is the logical and natural +prerequisite for social change; and finally that the shock was of a +character such as "to affect all individuals alike at the same time," +and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable to social change. + + + + +CHAPTER II + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY + +Shock reaction--Hallucination--Primitive instincts--Crowd +psychology--Phenomena of emotion--How men react when bereft +completely--Post-catastrophic phenomena--Human nature in the absence of +repression by conventionality, custom and law--Fatigue and the human +will--The stimuli of heroism--Mutual aid. + + +Social Psychology is a subject of primary importance to the student of +society. Like Sociology itself its field is far from being exhausted. +One looks in vain for a treatment of disaster psychology. In such a +study the diverse phenomena involved would be of interest to the +psychologist. Their effects in retarding or promoting social +organization would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects +in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the major subjective +reactions as they were to be seen in the Halifax catastrophe. + +It is improbable that any single community has ever presented so +composite a picture of human traits in such bold relief as appeared in +the City of Halifax upon the day of the explosion. Human phenomena which +many knew of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that he +who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions there was +abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, primitive instincts, +and crowd psychology as well of other phenomena all of which have +important sociological significance tending either to prolong +disintegration, or to hasten social recovery. + +The first of these phenomena was the "stun" of the catastrophe itself. +The shock reaction at Halifax has been variously described. It has been +graphically likened "to being suddenly stricken with blindness and +paralysis." It was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. "We +died a thousand horrible deaths" ran one description, "the nervous shock +and terror were as hard to bear as were the wounds." "The people are +dazed," wrote another observer, "they have almost ceased to exercise the +sensation of pain." This physiological reaction animals and men shared +alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses was as of beasts +which had suddenly gone mad. + +A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction is the abnormal +action of the glands. The disturbance of the sympathetic nervous system +produced by the emotional stress and strain of a great excitement or a +great disappointment is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of +glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness was +precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of the disaster.[39] +Among cases observed were those of diabetes, tuberculosis and +hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous instability to which reference +is subsequently made. Such an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism--exaggerated +action of the thyroid gland--is said to have followed the Kishineff +massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids on London.[40] +As to diabetes, it has been shown that + + emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a step + toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear in + persons under emotional strain ... so common is this particular + result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone has said that + "when stocks go down in New York, diabetes goes up."[41] + + [39] For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an + explosion at short range, _vide_ Roussy and Llermette, _The + Psychoneuroses of War_ (London, 1918), ch. x. + + [40] Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society, + London. + + [41] Crile, George W., _The Origin and Nature of the Emotions_ + (Phila., 1915), p. 163. + +Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have to note the presence +of hallucination in disaster. + + Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. For + example, the patient sees an object which has no real existence, or + hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations are termed visual, + auditory, tactile, _etc._ according to the sense to which the false + impression appears to belong.[42] + +Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. It is +sense-perception colored by association. It is the power of a dominant +idea that, unbidden, enters the field of consciousness and takes +possession of even the senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to +dominate most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality--the +expected Germans. For a long time there had been under public discussion +the question as to whether or not the city would be shelled by Zeppelin +raiders, or possibly by a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been +darkened by military orders. The failure to draw window shades had been +subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked upward when there +came the crash, and when seeing the strange unusual cloud beheld the +Zeppelin of fancy. A man residing on the outskirts of the town of +Dartmouth "heard" a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth +Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here perhaps the vista is +most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. The instant after the +explosion a citizen standing here "saw" clearly a German fleet +manoeuvering in the distance.[43] That shells had actually come few on +the instant doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not to +run elsewhere, as "two shots never fall in the same place." + + [42] Hart, Bernard, _The Psychology of Insanity_ (Cambridge, 1916), + ch. iii, p. 30. + + [43] "So hypochondriac fancies represent + Ships, armies, battles in the firmament + Till steady eyes the exhalations solve + And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve." + --Defoe, _Journal of the Plague Year_. + +This--a German assault--was the great mental explanation that came into +the majority of minds. There was one other--that of the end of the +world. Many fell to their knees in prayer. One woman was found in the +open yard by her broken home repeating the general confession of the +church. Few would have been surprised if out of the smoky cloud-ridden +skies there should have appeared the archangels announcing the +consummation of mundane affairs. Indeed there were instances, not a few, +of those who "saw" in the death-cloud "the clear outlines of a face." +Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were manifested to a degree. + +Hallucination has been described as "seeing" something which has no +basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, which is rather a +misinterpretation of what is seen. "Delusions are closely allied to +hallucinations and generally accompany the latter. The distinction lies +in the fact that delusions are not false sensations but false +beliefs."[44] Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous +shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve the judgment +of perception. This was especially noticeable at Halifax in the hospital +identification, particularly of children. A distracted father looked +into a little girl's face four different times but did not recognize her +as his own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence +was also noted. A fond parent time and time again "discovered" his lost +child, "seeing" to complete satisfaction special marks and features on +its little body. But often there were present those who knew better, and +the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon was repeated in +numberless instances at the morgue. Wearied and white after frantic and +fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the +overwrought searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and +suddenly "recognize" a missing relative or friend.[45] Regretfully the +attendant fulfilled the same thankless task from day to day. There had +been no recognition at all. The observer had seen "not the object itself +but the image evoked in the mind."[46] + + [44] Hart, _op. cit._, ch. iii, p. 31. + + [45] For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, _vide_ + Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind_ (London), + bk. i, ch. i, p. 51. + + [46] _Ibid._, p. 51. + +The primitive instincts of man were for a long time vaguely and loosely +defined, until James and later McDougall essayed to give them name and +number. But only with Thorndike's critical examination has it become +clear how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation +back to the elemental or "primal movers of all human activity." +Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing save a set of +original tendencies to respond to stimuli in more or less definite +directions. When he speaks of instincts it is to mean only a "series of +situations and responses" or "a set of tendencies for various situations +to arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, _etc._ with which certain +bodily movements usually go." Among them, there are those resulting in +"food-getting and habitation," in "fear, fighting and anger" and in +"human intercourse."[47] But McDougall's classification preserves the +old phrases, and men are likely to go on speaking of the "instinct of +flight," the "instinct of pugnacity," "parental instinct," "gregarious +instinct" and the others.[48] For the sociologist it is enough that all +agree that men are held under some powerful grip of nature and driven at +times almost inevitably to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their +social effects. + + [47] Thorndike, Edward L., _The Original Nature of Man_ (N. Y., 1913), + ch. v, p. 43 _et seq._ + + [48] McDougall, William, _An Introduction to Social Psychology_ + (Boston, 1917), ch. iii, p. 49 _et seq._ + +In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most plainly and less +subject to the re-conditioning influences of ordinary life. This was +especially noticeable at Halifax. The instinct of flight for +self-preservation was reflected in the reaction of thousands. "Almost +without thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation +I backed from the window to a small store-room and stood there +dazed."[49] The experience so described may be said to have been +general. This instinct was to be seen again in the action of the crew of +the explosives-laden ship. Scarcely had the collision occurred when the +whole complement lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the +nearest shore--which happened to be that opposite to Halifax--and +"scooted for the woods." As the ship, although set on fire immediately +after the impact, did not actually blow up until some twenty minutes +later, much might have been done by men less under the domination of +instinct, in the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable +catastrophe.[50] + + [49] Sheldon, J., _The Busy East_ (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March, + 1918. + + [50] The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: "The master + and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in + not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a + probable explosion." (Drysdale Commission, _Judgment of_, sec. viii.) + +The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine example of +difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as also in other instances, +some suggestive of that early combat when animals and men struggled for +mere physical existence. + +The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and was reflected not +only in the sacrifices made and the privations endured by parents for +their young, but in every act of relief, which arose in involuntary +response to the cry of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the +phenomenon often noticed in disasters that "immediately and +spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to the work of rescue +and first aid."[51] + + [51] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151. + +The gregarious instinct--the instinct to herd--showed itself in the +spontaneous groupings which came about and which seemed somehow to be +associated with feelings of security from further harm. The refugees +found comfort in the group. They rarely remained alone. + +These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less degree of +complication were to be remarked of the actions not only of individuals +but of groups as well. In the latter the typical phenomena of crowd +psychology were manifested upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be +what it is--"the like response of many to a socially inciting event or +suggestion such as sudden danger." Out of a mere agglomeration of +individuals and under the stress of emotional excitement there arose +that mental unity, which Le Bon emphasizes.[52] There was noticeable the +feeling of safety associated with togetherness which Trotter +suggests.[53] There was the suggestibility, with its preceding +conditions which Sidis[54] has clarified, namely, expectancy, +inhibition, and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were the +triple characteristics which Giddings notes: "Crowds are subject to +swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive to suggestion .... and +always manifest a tendency to carry suggested ideas immediately into +action."[55] + + [52] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26. + + [53] Trotter, William, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_ + (London, 1919), p. 31. + + [54] Sidis, Boris, _The Psychology of Suggestion_ (N. Y., 1919), + ch. vi, p. 56 _et seq._ + + [55] Giddings, Franklin H., _Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1916), + bk. ii, ch. ii, p. 136. + +Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none more apt than +those furnished by the reactions following the Halifax tragedy. Only +Pliny's narrative of the flight from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the +story of the "Day of Fear" in France,[56] or that depicting the days of +the comet[57] are comparable thereto. + + [56] Stephens, Henry M., _A History of the French Revolution_ (N. Y., + 1886), vol. i, p. 179. + + [57] Wells, H. G., _In the Days of the Comet_ (N. Y., 1906). + +At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. Some ran to the +streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in the shops ran home. This was +in the area of wounds and bruises. Farther north was the area of death. +Thither the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass and +splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came the orders of the +soldiers, whose barracks were situated in the very heart of the danger +district, for the people to fly southward, Common-ward, to the open +spaces--anywhere. Another explosion was imminent. Then came further +outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic account: + + The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and fled. Hammers, + shovels and bandages were thrown aside. Stores were left wide open + with piles of currency on their counters. Homes were vacated in a + twinkling. Little tots couldn't understand why they were being + dragged along so fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did, + either to catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to + see again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them + the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some carried + children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled + together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled in their night + dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies blackened with soot + and grime. These had come from the destroyed section of the North + End. What a storm-tossed motley throng, and as varied in its aspect + and as poignant in its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian + refugees fleeing before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the + great majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies + and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they thought + was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where possibly its + shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the Common were black + with terrified thousands. Thousands more trudged along St. + Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among its trees and winding + curves.... Many cut down boughs and made themselves fires--for they + were bitterly cold. Here they were--poorly clad, badly wounded, and + with not one loaf of bread in all their number, so hastily did they + leave, when galloping horsemen announced the danger was over and it + was safe to return.[58] + + [58] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + +The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes a crowd +was noted. + + The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some massed in + groups, some running anxiously back and forth like ants when their + hill has been crushed. There were blanched faces and trembling + hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation and every bearer of + tidings was immediately surrounded.[59] + + [59] _St. John Globe_, Correspondence, Dec., 1917. + +Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in the subsequent +scenes which were witnessed in supply stations and shelters, the +association which Sidis draws between calamity and hyper-suggestibility +in the body politic was abundantly endorsed. + +We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of emotion which +accompany a great catastrophe. This is not the less difficult because +the term emotion is not given consistent use even by psychologists. One +interprets it as merely the affective side of the instinctive +process--those "modes of affective experience," such as "anger, fear, +curiosity," which accompany the excitement of "the principal powerful +instincts."[60] Another sees it as also an impulsive, not merely a +receptive state. It is "the way the body feels when it is prepared for a +certain reaction," and includes "an impulse toward the particular +reaction."[61] + + [60] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 46. + + [61] Woodworth, Robert S., _Dynamic Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), + ch. iii, p. 54. + +It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of the emotions as +complicated states of feeling more or less allied to one another and to +the human will.[62] Among them are jealousy and envy--"discomfort at +seeing others approved and at being out-done by them."[63] This appeared +repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included in +disaster psychology. Again greed[64]--more strictly a social instinct +than an emotion--was common. How common will receive further +exemplification in a later chapter. + + [62] "Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and + probably identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same + stimulus, namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some + end." (_Ibid._, p. 149.) + + [63] Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 101. + + [64] "To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to + hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them + away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._, + p. 102.) + +Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment while +evident, were of less significance. Gratitude was early shown and there +were many formal expressions of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced +by a feeling that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving +their due in whatever aid was obtained. + +Of special interest is the rôle of the tender emotions, kindliness, +sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions which may be expected when +these occur in unusual exaltation through the repetition of stimuli or +otherwise. Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the +feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns us +here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation is multiplex. +Of this multiplex stimulation in collective psychology Graham Wallas has +written: + + The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the rapid + repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, when + it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is extreme + conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.[65] Reaction + is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in dreams, less + rationally and morally than they do if the whole of their nature is + brought into play.[66] + + [65] M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards "the hypnosis produced by + emotional shock--and this occurs not only in war but in other great + catastrophies as well--as genetically a defence reaction, like natural + sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic + against exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called + death-shamming of animals." (Dide, M., _Les émotions et la guerre_ + (Paris, 1918), Review of, _Psychological Bulletin_, vol. xv, no. 12, + Dec., 1918, p. 441.) + + [66] Wallas, Graham, _The Great Society_ (N. Y., 1917), p. 136. + +What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which the presence of +a crowd induces may be given wider application, and is indeed a most +illuminating thought, describing exactly the psycho-emotional reactions +produced by the stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed +at Halifax. + +A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced upon a young +doctor who operated continuously for many hours in the removal of +injured eyes. The emotional tension he went through is expressed in his +words to a witness: "If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder +somebody." + +Another instance where conscious control of feeling and action was +diminished was that of a soldier. He was so affected by what he passed +through during the explosion and his two days' participation in relief +work, that he quite unwittingly took a seat in a train departing for +Montreal. Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings +he recovered his memory. Over and over again he had been picturing the +dreadful scenes which he had experienced. This condition includes a +hyperactivity of the imagination "characterized by oneirism [oneiric +delirium] reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which +immediately preceded the hypogenic shock."[67] + + [67] _Ibid._, p. 440. + +The nature of sympathy[68] may not be clearly comprehended but of its +effects there is no doubt. It may lead to the relief of pain or induce +the exactly opposite effect; or it may bring about so lively a distress +as to quite incapacitate a man from giving help. Again it may lead to +the avoidance of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no +account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter the +devastated area. Others by a process understood in the psychology of +insanity secured the desired avoidance by suicide. The association of +suicide with catastrophe has been already remarked in the case of San +Francisco. A Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored +hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of his emotional +experiences too strong. He lost his mental balance and was discovered +dead one morning near his office door. He had hanged himself during the +night. Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness +and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted to follow +them in death. + + [68] Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by + McDougall a pseudo-instinct. + +Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional states. Sorrow +is painful because "the impulse is baffled and cannot attain more than +the most scanty and imperfect satisfaction in little acts, such as the +leaving of flowers on the grave;"[69] although the intensity is +increased by other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of +stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior other than +that which commonly attends the experience of grief. A phenomenon +associated with wholesale bereavement is the almost entire absence of +tears. A witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the end of +the second day that he saw tears for the first time.[70] At Halifax, +where the loss of life was many times greater, there was little crying. +There seemed to be indeed a miserable but strong consolation in the fact +that all were alike involved in the same calamity.[71] + + [69] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 152. + + [70] O'Connor, Chas. J., _San Francisco Relief Survey_ (N. Y., 1913), + pt. i, p. 6. + + [71] "The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their + character of loneliness."--(James, William, _Memories and Studies_, + N. Y., 1911, p. 224.) + +There was "no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and eager desire to +help some one less fortunate." Another observer said: "I have never seen +such kindly feeling. I have never seen such tender sympathy. I have +never heard an impatient word." And this was amongst men "who were +covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who have not had a +night's sleep, and who go all day long without thought of food." Another +visitor remarked "there is not a more courageous, sane and reasonable +people. Everyone is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives and +children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, boys and girls whose +homes have been destroyed, are working to relieve the distress." A +Montreal clergyman reported that "Halifax people have been meeting with +dry eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings and +the exposures which followed the explosion." Grief is after all "a +passive emotion," a "reaction of helplessness." It is "a state of mind +appropriate to a condition of affairs where nothing is to be done"--[72] +and there was much to be done at Halifax. + + [72] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 58. + +There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional parturition. As +was to be expected the shock meant the immediate provision of a +maternity hospital. Babies were born in cellars and among ruins. +Premature births were common, one indeed taking place in the midst of +the huddled thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common for +permission to return to their abandoned homes. Nor were all the ills for +which the shock was responsible immediately discernible. There were many +post-catastrophic phenomena. Three months after the explosion many found +themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, which the doctors +attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. It was a condition closely +allied to "war-neurasthenia." Another disaster after-effect also may be +here recorded. This was the not unnatural way in which people "lived on +edge," for a long period after the disaster. There was a readiness and +suggestibility to respond to rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at +least the schools were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth +into pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of reports +of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded of the +sociological fact that "the more expectant, or overwrought the public +mind, the easier it is to set up a great perturbation. After a series of +public calamities .... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or +sentiment."[73] + + [73] Ross, Edward A., _Social Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv, + p. 66. + +There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations of +behavior associated with the psychology of disaster relief. (1) The +preference upon the part of the refugee for plural leadership and +decision. (2) The aggravation of helplessness through the open +distribution of relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion +of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of lassitude and +depression after a period of strain. (5) The desire for privacy during +interviews. (6) The vital importance of prompt decision in preventing an +epidemic of complaint.[74] + + [74] A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's + discussion of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax. + +Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested in the phenomena +of repression, inhibition and taboo. The real motives of action are +often very different from the apparent motives which overlie them. +Instinctive tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, but +they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. These resistances +are either within our minds or in society. The latter are summed up in +conventionality, custom and law, all so relatively recent[75] in time as +to supply a very thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have +held sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, custom +and law possess in a community until in some extraordinary catastrophe +their power is broken, or what is the same thing the ability to enforce +them is paralyzed. This fact is especially true of repressive +enactments, and most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe +shatters the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went on +strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all towns to repair +to the unguarded center, but an unexpected reserve of crookedness came +to light within the city itself. Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of +plunder and sacrilege which had taken place "when the pillars of the +world tottered to and fro." At the time of the St. John Fire "loafers +and thieves held high carnival. All night long they roamed the streets +and thieved upon the misfortunes of others."[76] + + [75] It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth + considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of + civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes. + + [76] Stewart, George, _The Story of the Great Fire in St. John_ + (Toronto, 1877), p. 35. + +With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum in the +confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces of respectability and +law practically unknown, men appeared for what they were as the +following statement only too well discloses: + + Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls or + vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered over the + bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. Men + taking advantage of the flight from the city because of the + possibility of another explosion went into houses and shops, and + took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold of. Then there + were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, who rifled the pockets of + the dead and dying, and snatched rings from icy fingers. A woman + lying unconscious on the street had her fur coat snatched from her + back.... One of the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a + shop-keeper from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time + a cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it to a + young man standing by to hold while he took the victim to a place of + refuge. When he returned the box was there, but the young man and + the money had disappeared. + + Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised their rents + upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax Trades and Labor + Council adopted a resolution urging that the Mayor be authorized to + request all persons to report landlords who "have taken advantage of + conditions created by the explosion." ... Plumbers refused to hold + their union rules in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the + regular eight hours unless they received their extra rates for + overtime; and the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude + and refused to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the + chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when many men and + women were working twelve and fourteen hours a day without a cent or + thought of remuneration. One Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as + "squeezing the uttermost farthing out of the anguished necessities + of the homeless men, women and children." Truckmen charged + exorbitant prices for the transferring of goods and baggage. + Merchants boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving + child thirty cents for a loaf of bread. + + On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued a + proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be dealt with + under the provisions of the law.[77] + + [77] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. The military +placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted preventing entrance to the +ruins to those who were not supplied with a special pass. Orders were +issued to shoot any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation, +the warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation +gradually became effectual. + +The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, may result in two +different types of responses--that of greed on the one hand or +altruistic emotion on the other. One individual is spurred to increased +activity by the opportunity of business profit, another by the sense of +social needs. Why this is so--indeed the whole field of +profiteering--would be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it is +due to the varying degrees of socialization represented in the different +individuals or whether it is not also partly due to the fact that +philanthropy functions best in a sphere out of line with a man's own +particular occupation, the truth remains that some display an altogether +unusual type of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and +perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which appears normal +in a realm of conduct where associations based on habit are so strongly +ingrained. + +The human will as we have seen is in close association with the +emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic value of the strong +emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is first of all essential to +remember the rôle of adrenin in counteracting the effects of fatigue. +Wonderful phenomena of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated +for "adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would put the +members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal of the nervous +system." This is "living on one's will" or on "one's nerve." There are +"reservoirs" of power ready to pour forth streams of energy if the +occasion presents itself. Strong emotions may become an "arsenal of +augmented strength." This fact William James was quick to see when he +said "on any given day there are energies slumbering within us which the +incitements of that day do not call forth."[78] But it was left to +Cannon to unfold the physiological reasons,[79] and for Woodworth to +explain how the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new +energies.[80] Indeed the will[81] is just the inner driving force of the +individual and an effort of will is only "the development of fresh motor +power."[82] Following the lines of least resistance the will experiences +no unusual exercise. Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from +life everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies. + + [78] James, William, _The Energies of Men_ (N. Y., 1920), p. 11. + + [79] Cannon, Walter B., _Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and + Rage_, ch. xi, p. 184, _et seq._ + + [80] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 147. + + [81] Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the + internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers. + (Conklin, Edwin G., _Heredity and Environment in the Development of + Man_ [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.) + + [82] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 149. + +The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was shown at Halifax +in the remarkable way in which sick soldiers abandoned their beds and +turned them over to the victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was +seen again in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids +and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the houses--a behavior +like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp during the bombardment of that +city in October 1914, when those who fled to Holland showed +extraordinary resistance to fatigue.[83] The resistance to fatigue and +suffering received more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of +rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at their own +power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain under the excitement of +catastrophe. It was only on Monday (the fifth day) that collapses from +work began to appear. Among the more generally known instances of +unusual endurance was that of a private, who with one of his eyes +knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. Another +was that of a chauffeur who with a broken rib conveyed the wounded trip +after trip to the hospital, only relinquishing the work when he +collapsed. An unknown man was discovered at work in the midst of the +ruins although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped with +lesser injuries worked day and night while the crisis lasted. Many did +not go home for days, so manifold and heavy were the tasks. There was no +pause for comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent signs, +the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the workers were surprised +to find themselves aged and thin. The excitement, the stimulus of an +overwhelming need had banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the +congestion which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were +men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest or sleep. One of +the telephone terminal room staff stuck to his post for ninety-two +hours, probably the record case of the disaster for endurance under +pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was +the work of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the +midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; and the +instance of the business girls who in the same weather worked for many +hours with bottles of hot water hung about their waists. An effect which +could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering +on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, women and little +children endured the crudest operations without experiencing the common +effects of pain. They seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general +shock. Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, the +cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often without a tremor. +This resistance to suffering was due not only to the increase of energy +already described but also to the fact that the prostrating effect of +pain is largely relative to the diversion of attention,--as "headaches +disappear promptly upon the alarm of fire" and "toothaches vanish at the +moment of a burglar's scare." Much pain is due to the super-sensitivity +of an area through hyperaemia, or increased blood supply, following +concentrated attention. Thus it is actually possible by volition to +control the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an electric +shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. This reasoning is +also applicable to the absence of sympathetic reactions among many +disaster workers. They were found often to be "curiously detached and +not greatly moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in +the ruins and at the inquiry stations."[84] + + [83] Sano, F., "Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche + notate durante il bombardamento di Anversa," _Rivista di psichologia_, + anno xi, pp. 119-128. + + [84] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv, + p. 44. + +Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal which ensues become +the stimuli of heroism and bring into play the great social virtues of +generosity and of kindliness--which, in one of its forms, is mutual aid. +The new conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford the +occasion for their release. It is said that battle does to the +individual what the developing solution does to the photographic +plate,--brings out what is in the man. This may also be said of +catastrophe. Every community has its socialized individuals, the +dependable, the helpful, the considerate, as well as the "non-socialized +survivors of savagery," who are distributed about the zero point of the +social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of the +"presence of extraordinary individuals in a group." The relation of them +to a crisis is one of the most important points in the problem of +progress. + +At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals as well as +families who refused assistance that others might be relieved. +Individual acts of finest model were written ineffaceably upon the +social memory of the inhabitants. There was the case of a child who +released with her teeth the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile +of debris. A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting them +all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph operator at the cost +of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning message over the line and +stopped an incoming train in the nick of time. + +Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding of the powder +magazine in the naval yard an entire battery volunteered. This was why +the second explosion did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as +well as soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. A +conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working on board of a ship +laden with explosives. Fully realizing the impending danger, because of +the nearness of the burning munitioner, they used what precious minutes +of life remained them to protect their own ship's explosives from +ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but a brave captain +loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished the blaze which might +soon have repeated in part the devastations already wrought. + +No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the psychology of +helpfulness--that self-help to which the best relief workers always +appeal, as well as of the mutual aid upon which emergency relief must +largely depend. Mutual aid while not a primary social fact is inherent +in the association of members of society, as it also "obtains among +cells and organs of the vital organism." As it insured survival in the +earlier stages of evolution[85] so it reveals itself when survival is +again threatened by catastrophe. + + [85] Kropotkin, Prince, _Mutual Aid_ (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14. + +The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a volume. Not only +was it evidenced in the instances of families and friends but also in +the realm of business. Cafés served lunches without charge. Drug stores +gave out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks to swell +the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community service was that of +the Grocers' Guild announcing that its members would + + fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they would + coöperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs free of + charge to any point in the city, and that their stocks were at the + disposal of the committee at the actual cost to them.[86] + +By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation of the City +of Comrades. + + [86] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled opening of the +springs of generosity.[87] Communication has transformed mutual aid into +a term of worldwide significance. As at San Francisco, when from all +directions spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in +a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and five +steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to millions of cash +contributions, so was it at Halifax. So it has always been, as is proven +by Chicago, Dayton, Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances. +The public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate sympathy. +Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships brought relief by sea. +Cities vied with each other in their responses. Every hour brought +telegraphed assistance from governments and organizations. In about +fifteen weeks approximately eight millions had been received, aside from +the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, but the +number of the givers which gives point to our study. So many rushed with +their donations to the Calvin Austin before she sailed from Boston on +her errand of relief that "the police reserves were called out to +preserve order." A great mass of the contributions involved much +personal sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying +letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it was of San +Francisco that: + + all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, of + good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide by the + common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous revelation of the + good and fine in humanity, intermittent or dormant under ordinary + conditions, but dominant and all pervading in the shadow of + disaster.[88] + +Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is perhaps full +enough to have at least outlined the social phenomena of the major sort +which a great disaster presents. These are found to be either abnormal +and handicapping, such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and +promotive, such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form it +may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social +psychology, which may either retard or promote social organization. + + [87] There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart + to a great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand + offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children. + + [88] Bicknell, Ernest P., "In the Thick of the Relief Work at San + Francisco," _Charities and the Commons_, vol. xvi (June, 1906), + p. 299. + +In addition this chapter has discussed the rôle of catastrophe in +stimulating community service, in presenting models of altruistic +conduct, in translating energy into action, in defending law and order, +and in bringing into play the great social virtues of generosity, +sympathy and mutual aid. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION + +The organization of relief--The disaster protocracy--The transition from +chaos through leadership--Vital place of communication--Utility of +association--Imitation--Social pressure--Consciousness of +kind--Discussion--Circumstantial pressure--Climate--Geographic +determinants--Classification of factors. + + +We have seen something of the disintegration which followed what has +been called the "stun of the explosion." It included the abrupt flight +from, and the emptying of, all the houses and centers of employment, the +division of families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the +utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities of +life--food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation of +transportation, the disorganization of business, and the problem of +unemployment aggravated because not only was the work gone, but also +with it the will to work. + +Social organization comes next in order and because its process was +associated with the organization of relief--the first social +activity--the sociological factors observed in the latter call for +descriptive treatment. When the human organism receives an accident to +one of its parts, automatic relief processes from within spring at once +into being, and it is so with the body politic. This "_vis medicatrix +naturae_" assumes sovereign power over all the resources of the +community. That part of the social sensorium which is most closely +organized in normal hours, first recovers consciousness in disaster. In +the case of Halifax it was the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in +Chelsea. The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, the +organization and often the resource of supplies instantly available. Its +training is of the kind for the endurance of shock.[89] It so happened +that at Halifax large numbers of men in uniform were stationed where +they could quickly respond to call. They were very soon under orders. +The military authorities realized before midday, the part which the army +should play. The firemen too were a social group which largely remained +organized, and responded to the general alarm soon after the explosion. +Their chief and deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were +leaderless, until one of the city controllers assumed command, and in +spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion spread, +these men remained at their posts. + + [89] What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of + sailors. + +Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. They are +accustomed to think quickly, to live in restricted spaces, and to meet +emergencies. Than the stage there is no better school. Each actor does +his or her part and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the +school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the first relief +station established at Halifax. This was in operation about noon on the +day of the disaster. + +Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play actors may be +called the disaster protocracy.[90] They were "the alert and effective," +the most promptly reacting units in emergency. And it would appear that +the part of society which is most closely organized and disciplined in +normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster. + + [90] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal + of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539. + +It is the events of the first few hours which are of special interest to +the sociologist. The word most descriptive of the first observable +phenomenon was leadership. The soldiers were foremost in the work of +rescue, of warning, of protection, of transportation and of food +distribution. But the earliest leadership that could be called social, +arising from the public itself, was that on the part of those who had no +family ties, much of the earliest work being done by visitors in the +city. The others as a rule ran first to their homes to discover if their +own families were in danger. From this body in a short while however +many came forward to join in the activities of relief. + +As already said those with no social, family or property ties were among +the first to begin relief work. But many of these started early simply +because they were present where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured +folk at a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the +immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the collapse of +communication they did not for an appreciable time discover that there +was an area more stricken than their own, and devoted themselves to +cleaning up glass and the like. But within a quarter of an hour a +hospital ship had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and +emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers of an incoming +train--the railroad terminal at the time being in the north end of the +city--were on hand, and were among the earliest first-aid workers. One, +a Montreal man, was known individually to have rendered first aid to at +least a half hundred of the wounded. + +It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the catastrophe, when a +semblance of coöperative action in rescue work began. Previous to this +the work had been done in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin +being dug through a second or even a third time. Then came the +recognition of the utility of association.[91] Thereafter the searchers +became parties each of which was detailed to go over a definite area. +When a particular section had been covered it was so recorded. This +process considerably expedited the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was +organized in other important directions. + + [91] Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization. + +The vital place of communication in society was recognized at once. It +is a major influence in association, and upon it in disaster depends the +immediacy as well as the adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by +the explosion and the outside world could only wait and wonder. How +little real information filtered through is shown by the fact that at +Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement was made three +hours after the explosion that the death roll would not bear more than +fifty names. Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph +company had a single line established, and with news of the disaster, +communities everywhere took up the rôle of the Samaritan. + +While the great hegira was in progress another leader, a railroad +official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and commandeered the first +unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter all that the government railroad +equipment could do was at the community's service. Meanwhile the +dislocated railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and +coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together and in less +than four hours after the explosion a large number of injured people +were being transported to Truro. + +Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals a few began to +realize the great human needs which would soon be manifest among the +concourse of thousands who waited in helpless suspense upon the Common +and the hill. Here they were _en masse_, a typical social aggregation, +responding to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. "Like +sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for consecutive +thought."[92] Yet here ministrations of one sort or another came into +spontaneous operation. Soon the military began raising white tents upon +the field. One after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an +huge encampment. The idea spread by imitation,[93] the repetition of a +model,--"the imitative response of many minds to the suggestive +invention of one." One or two here and one or two there began to prepare +the big church halls and other roomy institutional buildings for +occupancy. Hastily the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and +no sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the rumor of +a possible roof reached the homeless, than they began to repair thither. +At first each improvised shelter became a miniature clothing and food +depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the +refugees into such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is +the foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The thing to do is +social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended but it is inexorable. +It worked effectively upon all who had an unused room. Many sheltered +upwards of a dozen for weeks; some, more. + + [92] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax, + 1918). + + [93] Tarde, Gabriel, _Les lois de l'imitation_ (N. Y., 1903), + translation by E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14. + +In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded soon came about +through consciousness of kind. At first it was a very general +consciousness which seemed to draw all together into a fellowship of +suffering as victims of a common calamity. There was neither male nor +female, just nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children +lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and "shared each other's +woes," for "the consciousness of kind allays fear and engenders +comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the +dormitories, and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various +shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications came +for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions to Protestant stations +and _vice versa_. Even the politically congenial were only too ready to +segregate when occasion offered. + + [94] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 396. + +Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted volition. There +must be "common discussion of common action."[95] Propositions must be +"put forth" and talked over. There must be a "meeting of minds" and a +"show of hands," and decisions made. There had been no preparedness. The +city possessed not even a paper organization for such a contingency as a +sudden disaster; so that during the most precious hours citizens and +civic officials had to consult and map out a program as best the +circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the day of the disaster +when a tentative plan had been formulated in the City Hall. The newly +formed committees could do but little until the following dawn. + + [95] Bagehot, Walter, _Physics and Politics_ (N. Y., 1884), p. 159, + _et seq._ + +Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable causes, +small and great, conspire to incite social action. But in catastrophe +the control of circumstantial pressure[96] becomes almost sovereign in +extent. The conditions it brings about, while often delaying measures of +individual relief, account very largely for the rapidity of +organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. The common +danger constrains great numbers to "overlook many differences, to +minimize many of their antagonisms and to combine their efforts." At +Halifax the pressure of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical +and hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of communal +service. But it was the meteorological conditions which commanded the +most prompt attention to the consideration of shelter and clothing. The +months appeared to have lost station and February to have come out of +season. The following table gives the weather record for the seven days +which followed the catastrophe.[97] It is the record of a succession of +snow, wind, cold and blizzard. + +Thursday, Dec. 6th. + +9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light N. W. wind. No precipitation. +Temperature: max. 39.2, min. 16.8. + +Friday, Dec. 7th. + +9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow falling. At noon N. W. gale. +Afternoon, blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, velocity 34. +Precipitation 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. 32.2, min. 24.8. + +Saturday, Dec. 8th. + +9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W. +wind, velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow (in a. m.). Temperature: max. +29.8, min. 15. + +Sunday, Dec. 9th. + +9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets icy and almost impassable. +9 p. m. S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m. +till noon). Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6. + +Monday, Dec. 10th. + +9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, blizzard (worst in years). +Knee-deep drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 20. Precipitation 5.6 +snowfall (2 p. m. till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. 34.2, min. 16.8. + +Tuesday, Dec. 11th. + +9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No +precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6. + +Wednesday, Dec. 12th. + +9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No +precipitation. Temperature: max. 17, min. 2. + + [96] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 390. + + [97] From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of + the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station. + +In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the most rapid +repairs were made to all habitable houses or those possible of being +made so. The same was true of public buildings, hospitals, factories and +warehouses. Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of +many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and the many more +who accepted the invitation of, and entrained for various Nova Scotian +towns which became veritable "cities of refuge" to hundreds. The +climate[98] decided the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary +structures; for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding was out of +the question. Climatic conditions also seriously delayed the arrival of +relief supplies, allowed but scanty provision for many, kept some from +the depots of relief, or from surgical aid; and others standing in line +in the bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and +shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers to prevent the +maximum of exposure and neglect. It called imperatively for the most +effective system, and many of the workable methods were hit upon under +the stress of storm. An illustration of this may be found in the +adoption of many food depots instead of one central station. Regional +influence thus "fixes the possibilities of organization and collective +effectiveness."[99] The sociologist must study maps of lands and plans +of cities. The location of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of +topography as were the later administration districts. The city is +widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than a city of +similar population in a neighboring province. Six depots were +established for the public distribution of supplies,[100] situated so as +to touch the entire needy population most effectively, and to equalize +the groups to some degree. So too, in the matter of dressing stations, +accessibility was a deciding factor. But even this system had to be +supplemented. Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when halted +in the center of a street were usually immediately surrounded. Thus +social reorganization in catastrophe witnesses to an urgency resident no +less in space than in time and reëmphasizes the importance placed upon +the physical factors in sociology. + + [98] Semple, Ellen, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y., + 1911), p. 607, _et seq._ + + [99] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 389. + + [100] For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were + distributed every day. + +Thus may be said to have come about the transition from chaos to a +semblance of community organization. Not the normal civil social order +of pre-disaster days, but the establishment of a species of collective +behavior, and the organization of relationships apparently of a quite +different character. The difference was one which might be compared to +that between a great relief camp and a city. But the difference was only +superficial. Fundamentally there were to be seen the factors underlying +all social organization. These have been already illustrated, and are +classified as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct, +imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of utility of +association and custom; and as physical, including climate and +topography.[101] The conclusion was drawn that the part of society which +is most closely organized and disciplined in normality, first recovers +consciousness in catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in +every community is a practical corollary. This follows not only because +of the imperturbability and the promptitude of reaction, of an army in +crisis, but also because of the rapidity with which it can be mobilized, +its value in preserving law and order, its authoritative control and +power to punish, and because of the attending psychological effects of +orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, bespeaking a +care that is at once paternal and sympathetic. + + [101] Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely, + (a) the biological, including, besides the density of population, the + heredity and the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b) + the equipmental factor, including available economic resources, + general enlightenment, social surplus and institutional facilities for + re-education, _etc._ (_Vide_ ch. vii.) + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd) + +The reorganization of the civil social order--Division of +labor--Resumption of normal activities--State and voluntary +associations--Order of reëstablishment--Effects of environmental +change--The play of imitation--The stimulus of lookers-on--Social +conservation. + + +It is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader has already +seen, that the process of complete social organization was largely +expedited by the organization of relief, and materially reacted upon by +it. The community's "big men," the men of prominence, the men of broad +experience in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the +resources of the city and had the prestige to command them, were deeply +immersed in the relief work while the businesses and the departments of +the shattered body politic waited or went forward in a more or less +indifferent way. + +But this could be both economically and socially of a temporary nature +only. "Business and industry must be set agoing. Church and school must +resume the ordinary routine. One by one the broken threads of the former +everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected." The +division of social labor[102] is a law of society. It is traceable back +to the primitive household itself, and is a result of underlying +differences. The great "cause which determines the manner by which work +is divided is diversity of capacity." With the advent of the social +specialists at Halifax a major division of function began. The +responsibility for the relief work having been delegated to a special +social group, public thought and public men were free to turn their +energies to the restoration of a normal society. + + [102] Durkheim, Émile, _De la division du travail social_ (Paris, + 1893). + +But it was the reorganization rather than the organization of relations +which the sociologist observes to have first taken place. The stage was +all laid. It was necessary only for the actors in the drama to resume +their places. The old "parts" awaited them, although many of the +"properties" were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon one +might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, still a dominating +like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still a group of mores to serve as +media of social self-control. Indeed most of the former complexities of +social structure remained. But this was only potentially true. The +social relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed. +Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes the +significance of which will appear in later discussion. The order of the +resumption of normal activities is of unusual social interest as are +also the influences which were in play and the changes which ensued. It +may be objected that such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially +component groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude +comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the social mind is the +separation of those activities which must needs be first rehabilitated, +from those which can wait. Organizing genius was not entirely occupied +with relief in the ordinary sense of the term. + +Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's life. It +is in a sense fundamental not only to happiness and general well-being +but accompanies and conditions the cultural institutions, religious, +educational and aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial +activity was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a +semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were first on the +list, for these include systems of communication without which society +can hardly be. Reference has already been made to the speed with which a +makeshift service was established, but our purpose here is to record the +resumption of normal activity. + +Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. Many of these +had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. Clerks had been injured +and instruments damaged. In spite of these odds one was reconnected +within an hour, and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct +multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each to Boston +and New York, had been established. Upwards of a thousand messages an +hour went forth the first week. The work became normal about December +twentieth. + +The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern exchange +and of the harbor cable--broken through ships dragging anchor--a total +material damage of one hundred thousand dollars. Its personnel was also +depleted. Nevertheless telephone business may be said to have been +generally resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the +load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and twenty percent +above its average figure. Telephone service was absolutely suspended for +only about two hours,--the period of prohibition from buildings,--and +the cable telephone for about three days. Messages of a social character +were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became normal. + +The illumination service was quickly restored. The company was able to +give partial light and some service from noon on the sixth. Periods of +intermittent darkness however, were not unusual. Gas service was off +until December the ninth--the top of the gasometer having been broken +and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from the mains into the +air--when repairs were completed and on the tenth the service resumed. +On the fourteenth gas and electric light service became normal. + +Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion occurred in +the vicinity of the principal sidings and vital portions of the system. +Three miles of the main road were buried in debris, the station wrecked, +equipment damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. In +spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent out in the +early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming trains were switched to +their new tracks leading to the south end terminal. On the evening of +the day following the disaster--Friday--the first regular train for +Montreal left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear and the +first train left the old passenger station on Saturday evening. By +Monday the full passenger service was resumed, to and from the station. +Eight days after the catastrophe all branches of the service were +working and conditions were fairly normal. + +The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much damage. Some +of the employees were injured and others were unavailable. A scant +service was restored at noon on December the sixth. By six o'clock of +the seventh, tram lines in the north section were able to resume an +eight-car service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It was +not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible to resume any +semblance of car service. On the twenty-second of December, twenty-two +cars were operating--twenty-seven is the normal number,--but the +shortage of men made it difficult to operate the full number. The +service was not entirely normal for some months owing to the severe +storms all winter which tied up the lines and caused delays, and to the +shortage of men to handle the cars. + +The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors were able to +produce papers on December seventh but in limited editions and of +reduced size. This was owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the +gas service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced in +a week's time.[103] + + [103] In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the _Baltimore Sun_, by + remarkable enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant, + and did not miss a single issue. + +The postal service was completely disorganized and was not restored to +any extent until Monday the tenth of December. Owing to the innumerable +changes of address, as well as many other reasons, it was weeks before +there was a normal and reliable distribution of mails. + +The banks were open for business the morning following the catastrophe, +just as soon as the doors and windows were put in. Traffic of relief +trains coming in affected the ordinary trade for three months, more or +less, but principally outside of the city. In the city all business in +the banks went on as usual the day after the explosion. + +Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the resumption of +general business activity. Out of much wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar +loss one company restarted paint and varnish making on January +second. A large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged. +The factory and all branches of the business were running in +five weeks--January tenth. Machines were in operation with shortened +staffs at an earlier date. + +The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced on December +twentieth, and were held regularly from that time on. The Board of Trade +rooms were not badly damaged and there was no cessation of work or +meetings. The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business on +Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's Library was a few +weeks closed for the circulation of books, and used in relief service as +a food depot, thus ministering to a hunger which is more imperious than +that of mind in the hour of catastrophe. + +Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all cases the +edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows shattered. Parishes +were in some instances almost wiped out. In a single congregation four +hundred and four perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed, +the remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one hundred and +eight houses represented in the congregation only fourteen were left +standing. Hurried efforts were made to safeguard church property, but +church services were not generally resumed until the second Sunday.[104] +Even then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places were +not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and other buildings housed +many a religious gathering. While the restoration of churches waited, +clergy and church workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of +the needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. Their +intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable value in the +relief administration. Sunday schools were reassembled as accommodations +permitted, but it was many months before the attendances approximated +the normal. + + [104] On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon + Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same + afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints + Cathedral. + +The school system was badly disorganized. Three buildings were totally +destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable for some time. The loss +was approximately eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the +staff were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing and +clothing service. Early in March, about three months after the +explosion, arrangements were completed whereby nearly all the children +in the city could attend classes. The double-session system was +introduced to accomplish this. Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and +ventilation impaired. By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in +use.[105] + + [105] Quinn, J. P., _Report of Board of School Commissioners for City + of Halifax_, 1918. + +Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following schedule. + + Dec. 10 ................ classes in one institution + Jan. 7 ................ " " three emergency shelters + Jan. 8 ................ " " a church hall + Jan. 14 ................ " " five school buildings + Jan. 17 ................ " " one institution + Jan. 21 ................ " " two school buildings + Jan. 22 ................ " " one school building + Jan. 24 ................ " " one school building + Feb. 1 ................ " " one institution + Feb. 25 ................ " " two school buildings + Mar. 16 ................ " " one school building + Apr. 8 ................ " " one school building + May 8 ................ " " one school building + May 20 ................ " " two portable schools + +The community as finally reorganized differed materially from that which +had preceded. The picture of the conditions at a considerably later +period will be fully presented elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few +social effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary +environmental conditions. + +Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction work the Tramway +Company found it very difficult to get a full complement of men back +into the service. As a result they took into consideration the +advisability of employing women conductors, and finally adopted this +plan. + +At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign was in progress. +Then representative men of both political parties urged their followers +to drop the election fight and the election was deferred and later +rendered unnecessary by the withdrawal of one of the candidates. + +The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, and other +war-protective measures against the submarine menace, were given little +attention for many weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military +Service Act was postponed. + +The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the temporary relief +houses in the central and southern portion of the city brought about a +very unusual commingling of classes, as well as a readjustment of +membership in schools, parishes and various institutions. + +Club life, social life, lodge and society "evenings" were for a +considerable period tabooed, because of a general sentiment against +enjoyment under the existing conditions as well as to lack of +accommodation and of time. + +The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility for the +disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was for a long time in +evidence, but never received complete satisfaction. + +The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated the +experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant Officer had a very +strenuous time owing to the fact that so many people had changed their +addresses. + +A number of "special policemen" were recruited from citizens of all +ranks, and this force materially assisted the members of the regular +department. Owing to the large influx of workmen following the +catastrophe, as well as for other reasons the work of the detectives was +greatly increased.[106] + + [106] Hanrahan, F., _Report of Chief of Police_, Halifax, 1918. + +The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although belonging to +different denominations, united in erecting a temporary church +building--their respective churches having been destroyed--and have +since worshipped together--a demonstration of the practicability of +church union under circumstantial pressure. + +The display apartments of a furniture concern were utilized as actual +living rooms by refugees for a period, while at the same time business +was in operation throughout the rest of the establishment. + +The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days in the week, +the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the general disorganization of +the parishes was reflected for a long period in a changed attitude upon +the part of many towards Sabbath observance. + +German residents of the city were immediately placed under arrest when +the disaster occurred, but all were later given their freedom. + +The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious to the progress +of the war and other matters of world interest, for many days after the +disaster. + +The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns was an +interesting temporary effect. + +The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent expansion, +noted later, was largely effected by the social law of imitation already +noticed. Many of the conditions affecting the rate of imitation were +present. There was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and +business advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths--"a new +Halifax" for example--but above all there was a multitude of models. The +extent and scale of the rebuilding program in one area, the +civic-improvement plans which accompanied the work in that district, the +record time in which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed +at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris acted as +models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The process of speeding-up spread +like a great contagion, until the most hardened pessimist began to +marvel at the recuperation daily enacted before his eyes. + +Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that of the rapid +establishment of the morgue. This, the largest ever organized in Canada, +was fitted up by forty soldiers and mechanics in the brief period of a +day and a half. Another instance was that of the American Hospital. "At +nine a. m. Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same day it +was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with food and medicine +and, in charge of Major Giddings;" it expressed a veritable "triumph of +organizing ability." In the record time of three months, Messrs. +Cavicchi and Pagano, with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty +men and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a day removed +every vestige of the debris in the devastated area. Apartments were +built at the rate of one an hour. Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly +that visitors said there had been an outbreak of "truck fever" in the +place. + +By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality and motive were +imparted to the members of the community. Halifax became busy as never +before. New homes, new stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as +if by magic. Men worked desperately hard. + +An influence which must not be left unrecorded because of its continuity +of functioning is that of the stimulus of lookers-on. More than two +hundred cities in all parts of the world had contributed to the +reconstruction, and citizens of Halifax knew they were not unobserved. +Articles, lectures and sermons were telling forth to interested +thousands how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under ice +and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous beyond words. +During the month of December, five leading periodicals in Canada and +twelve in the United States arranged for articles and photographs +descriptive of the city's advantages commercial and residential.[107] +Halifax became a world-known city. This added still further spur to +action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was bonded to the world. + + [107] Saunders, E. A., _Report of Halifax Board of Trade_, 1918. + +There are two considerations which may appropriately bring this chapter +to a close. The first arises naturally from what has been said, namely, +that in catastrophe it is only after division of function delegates to a +special group the responsibility for relief work that public thought is +directed to the resumption of normal society. The second is a practical +deduction--that of social conservation. Every community should possess a +permanent vigilance committee. There should be an emergency procedure on +paper with duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately +drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved until the +arrival of experienced disaster authorities from a distance. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + +The contribution of social service--Its four-fold character--The +principles of relief--Rehabilitation--Phases of application--Criticisms--A +new principle--Social results--Summary for future guidance. + + +We have already seen that there are certain determining factors in +catastrophe and its social results. There is not only the level of the +general capability and culture of the community, its power to meet +crises and to readjust itself, the scarcity or plenitude of its +resources, but also the presence or absence of "men skilled in dealing +with crises."[108] In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had +such men or have had them not. The disasters of the future--with the +exception of those far remote from civilization--may depend on the +presence of such leaders. They will come from near and far. The +contribution of social service is the contribution of men skilled in +dealing with crises. Relief thus becomes "an incident of progress and a +social policy." We are now to notice this further determining factor in +catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax. + + [108] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago, + 1909), Introduction, p. 18. + +During the first week at Halifax not only did each day bring its +contribution of relief supplies in the way of food and clothing, but +each day brought also men and women of skill and experience in social +work to place freely their vision and ability at the service of the +community.[109] + + [109] J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in + Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the + Y. W. C. A., Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the + rehabilitation work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful + conclusion; Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service + Department of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly + Superintendent for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth + Richards Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social + Service Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen, + Superintendent of the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens, + Superintendent of the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to + Children; John F. Moors, president of the Associated Charities of + Boston, who was in charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem + and Chelsea fires; William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident + Association; J. Prentice Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston + Children's Aid Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public + Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts. + +The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent which has +occurred since the principles of relief have been authoritatively +written. No other community has experienced their application so fully +or so promptly. One of the workers publicly stated that "Halifax was +further ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a +month." It was said that: + + Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential principles + of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. In less + than twelve hours from the time the American Unit from Boston + arrived, the necessary features of a good working plan were accepted + by the local committee.[110] + +This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless +the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax that something +which was wanting when the citizens, astounded at the magnitude of their +task, wondered just how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky[111] of +the Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, came into the +room in the City Hall where a dozen or so were gathered in counsel, +already overwrought with fatigue, it was the coming of a friend in need. +It was soon clear that the new-comers had had unusual experience in +dealing with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. Only nine +hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was ready, and a working +plan adopted; and from it grew up a wonderful system worthy of study by +all students of emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the +midst of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was already +well devised, but as a central and deciding element, justifying its +faith by its work, and its presence by its wisdom in grappling with an +inexorable need. + + [110] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_, + vol. xxxix, no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361. + + [111] With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings. + +Of course there had already been a commendable essay toward the solution +of what had to be done. Applications for relief came pouring in two +hours after the explosion, and industrious workers had already been +dispensing to hundreds. On Friday morning volunteers were early at the +City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. A species of +organization had already begun, but under congested and the least +favorable conditions. A large number of investigators had gone forth, +giving information and relief and bringing back reports of the missing, +needy, helpless and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a program +of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all kinds was pouring into +every station where the refugees were gathered together. The Canadian +Red Cross was already active. But with the coming of the American +Unit,[112] the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their +advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,[113] the +systematic relief work may be said to have in reality begun. + + [112] The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit + of the American Red Cross. + + [113] The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing + committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter, + fuel, burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and + rebuilding. + +There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced in relief +and disaster organization. The initial service was the establishment of +a policy of centralization of authority and administration into one +official relief organization. This policy comprised first the +coördination of the relief work into one central relief committee, +second the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the hands +of one finance committee, third the granting of relief by one central +management, all records being cleared through one registration bureau, +fourth the giving of emergency relief in food, clothing and other things +immediately without waiting for the perfection of the relief +organization, and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to +carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon by the +executive committee. + +If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, the +second was that of effecting coöperation. The latter was only partially +successful. There was at first an inevitable overlapping, especially in +the matter of visiting, some families being visited and subjected to +interview a dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coördination, the +central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far as possible. An +invitation extended to the Salvation Army about December eleventh, to +place their visitors at the disposal of the general staff of visitors +was declined and it was not until January first that this organization +fully coördinated with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this +time also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to coöperate in the +registration plans. On December eighteenth the School Board gave +official coöperation by assigning fifteen school teachers as volunteer +visitors under the direction of the rehabilitation committee. Another +obstacle to the complete systematization of the relief work was the most +generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies from the +Eaton Center, and from the station established by a charitable Boston +lady. The Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation +Army and other organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed +to their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation. + +There was also at times lack of coöperation among the official +committees themselves. Friction and crises arose from time to time, +which were only stopped short of scandal. They were the consequence +either of assumption of authority upon the part of the under-committees, +of ineffectiveness of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the +principles of relief. There were also other problems, some of which it +may be useful to note. One of these was the problem of the wisest use of +local leaders who knew and could interpret the local point of view and +method of doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers, +many of whom could not be expected to understand the nature of +scientific relief service. + +A third great contribution of social service was that of education in +the principles of disaster relief. It was the problem of getting the +idea of social conservation understood and established in a community +which had not given the subject any thought, and which was quite +unfamiliar with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause of +much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and giving without +substantial inquiry. It explained also the reason for the abundant +criticism which arose. When criticism came there was, consequently, no +well-informed body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's +work. + +Educational effort on this subject may be said to have begun with a +masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation at the meeting of +the managing committee six days after the disaster. Here was set forth +and illustrated the kind of service required and the desirability of +such work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the idea of +rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. Trained +leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. Church, school and club +caught something of its spirit and one of the permanent social results +of the disaster remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It +was this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding +of the true nature of disaster psychology and of the accepted methods of +relief that at first made the community so utterly dependent upon the +visiting social workers. It may be safely concluded as a fundamental +principle that the self-dependence of a community in adversity is +furthered by the socialization of existing institutions. + +The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, that of the +emergency period; second, that of the period of transition; and third, +that of rehabilitation. These principles in order of application may be +thus briefly summarized: + +1. The coördination of all the relief agencies arising, into one central +relief service. + +2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one bonded finance +committee. + +3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at first,--the more +permanent organization to await the counsel of specialists in disaster +relief, an early call having been sent for experienced workers. + +4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass treatment, _e. g._ +bread lines, food depots, _etc._, as detrimental to a psychology of +helpfulness and as calculated to delay a return to self-support. + +5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants to follow +mass-provisioning. + +6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants for short +periods until temporary aid is discontinued. + +7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until all claimants are +registered and the aggregate of available aid ascertained, and the +needs, resources and potentialities of self-help studied. + +8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the wisdom of +careful policies and critical supervision. + +9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.[114] + +10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and the use of local +leaders in responsible positions. + +11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey of policies +and methods employed, and a discriminating record of the social results +arising therefrom, the mistakes made and other information of value for +future emergencies. This report in justice to contributors to include a +financial statement. + + [114] "During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with + in large groups with little attention to the special needs of + individuals ... in the rehabilitation stage the family or the + individual becomes the unit of consideration."--(Bicknell, E. P., + "Disaster Relief and its Problems," _National Conference of Charities + and Corrections_, sess. xxxvi, 1909, p. 12.) + +The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment of +rehabilitation policies and methods. The work of organizing for +rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin until the sixth day after +the disaster. On the eighteenth of December the first chairman was +appointed. There followed a developmental period during which little +progress was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the +object of rehabilitation. "The object of rehabilitation" says J. Byron +Deacon "is to assist families to recover from the dislocation induced by +the disaster, and to regain their accustomed social and economic status. +Emergency aid takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation +looks to future welfare."[115] This was the purpose constantly kept in +view. The division of work indicates the nature of the task attempted. +The division provided for an advisor, a chief of staff, a supervisor of +home visitors, a bureau of application and registration, an emergency +department, a department of medical social service and a visitor in +children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included. + + [115] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137. + +There was first the record and registration made and verified of all the +sufferers and those in need. Over six thousand names of registrants +resulted. Five districts or divisional areas were arranged for +convenience and thoroughness of administration. One of these covered all +cases outside of the city itself.[116] In charge of each district was a +supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department heads. +Trained workers were drawn into the service and their work and that of +the volunteer visitors was directed by capable supervisors. The +administration of relief was put upon a discriminating "case system." + + [116] The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also + suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief + organization under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C. + Johnstone. The nature of the relief work there did not differ + essentially from that in Halifax. + +There were four important phases in which the work developed; the work +of general rehabilitation, the medical social work, the children's +problem and the problem of the blind. + +The general rehabilitation service was carried on with varied success. +It secured valuable intelligence for all committees and gradually +increased in working power and efficiency. How many were put upon their +feet again through its kindly counsel and careful coöperation cannot be +estimated or told in figures. + +The problem of medical social service is to learn the social condition +of the patient, and to relate that knowledge to his medical condition in +order that restoration to health and return to normal family and +community relationships shall go hand in hand. A division of medical +social service became active a week after the disaster, its workers +becoming attached to the several emergency hospitals within the city +itself and those established in nearby towns. It had as well a working +relationship with the military and the permanent Halifax hospitals. +Three thousand patients were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals +alone. Trained medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The one +question to which they sought an answer was: "How shall these patients +be brought back again as fully as possible into normal lives and +relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort +was made to help and relieve to the fullest extent that service and +science made possible. + +The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, immediate +assistance and education. By the latter service, which represents the +more permanent value to the community, very valuable information and +guidance was given to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and +nursing interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts cannot +fail to make "follow-up" and "after-care" important considerations in +the public health and dispensary work of the future. + +Immediate assistance was given by the medical social service in six +ways: + +1. Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital. + +2. Interviews to understand medical social needs. + +3. Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind, +children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with +the rehabilitation committee, _etc._ + +4. Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns. + +5. Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care. + +6. Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical +situation. + +Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, writes of the +medical social service as follows: + + It may well be concluded that no organization or "unit" formed to + deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can hereafter be + regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, nurses, relief + workers and administrators there is also a due proportion of trained + medical social workers. If twelve years ago medical social service + received its baptism, Halifax has been its confirmation day.[117] + + [117] Davis, Michael M., Jr., "Medical Social Service in a Disaster," + _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675. + +The children's service was thorough, as it should have been. If the +measure of success in disaster relief is the treatment which the +children receive, Halifax relief was above reproach. The children's laws +of the province are carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of +Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular ability and has +wide powers. He became chairman of a strong children's committee with +which were associated, besides representatives of the children's +institutions, two child-welfare workers of high reputation. This +committee came in contact with upwards of five hundred families, +including more than fifteen hundred children. Their work dealt with the +special problems listed below. More permanent supervision was assumed by +the Government Commission about five months after the disaster. The +modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was encouraged, +the effort being to keep children with parents and wherever necessary to +subsidize families rather than institutions. + +The work of the children's committee consisted of + +1. Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's +institutions. + +2. Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody +and receiving proper care. + +3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children. + +4. Hunting for "missing" children, identifying "unclaimed" children, and +restoring children to their parents. + +5. Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost +children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the +care of children. + +6. Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of +children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received. + +7. Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from +hospitals, shelters, _etc._, the committee in most cases having sent +some one to accompany the children. + +8. Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and +compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of +permanent homes. + +9. Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded +children. + +10. Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by +improper persons. + +11. Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.[118] + + [118] Blois, Ernest H., _Report of Superintendent of Neglected and + Delinquent Children_ (Halifax, 1918), p. 110. + +The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the Halifax disaster. +Blindness frequently resulted from the blizzard of glass which caused so +great a percentage of the wounds. In large proportion the wounded were +women who were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation of +the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon which was +concentrated the skill of three superintendents of important +institutions for the blind as well as other specialists and workers. The +presence in Halifax of a school for the blind with a capable president +facilitated greatly an early grappling with the problem. The +contributions of the social workers were chiefly of the character +already indicated such as that of general medical social service. There +were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three +registrants,[119] but owing to the difficulties of registration this +figure remains inexact. + + [119] Fraser, Sir Frederick, _Report of_. + +Rehabilitation "takes into account the feelings as well as the material +requirements of the bereaved families." An additional phase for social +workers is therefore mortuary service. Here is required an exceedingly +delicate ministry for which few are qualified. It includes quiet +coöperation in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care +for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction regarding +the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. At Halifax this presented +a remarkable opportunity for service, and an experienced Young Women's +Christian Association worker from Toronto attended in such capacity. + +There is still another secondary phase which must be referred to as not +being without social and moral results,--that of relief of animals. For +the sheltering of homeless animals, the dressing of wounds, and the +humane dispatch of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had +been received. This work received the attention of the Society for the +Prevention of Cruelty. + +It will be useful as reference data to present here the nature of the +criticism to which careful supervision gave rise. It was of the most +trenchant character, and it centered about the alleged over-emphasis +which seemed to be placed on system[120] and detailed investigations +inflicted upon persons of whom many were still suffering from +deprivation and from shock, and who were unused to the cross-examination +methods of expert social diagnosticians. Often the thoroughness of the +records seemed to the sufferers to be the more emphasized part of the +proceedings. When all classes of people found themselves in need, there +were naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably as +"cases." But theirs was a choice which left but little regard for +personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable however to have to +say that the cause of social service did not receive in the community +the much larger repute which its magnificent work justified, chiefly +because the innumerable "typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes, +and multifarious office equipment"[121] were not made less obtrusive. +The merest touch of "cold professionalism" soon became fuel for the +burning disapproval which spread through the city regarding the methods +of relief.[122] Letters to the press gave vent to the indignation of the +sufferers. One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as +anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he wrote very +plainly of the "overdose of business efficiency and social service +pedantry." Why should needy families be required, he asked, to go +through a personal visit and reëxamination at the office every week, +before receiving a renewal order for food. Such things were not easily +understood or explained. It became increasingly felt that such +discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was not the will +of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously forwarded the generous +aid. It was not, so the criticism ran, for the committee to detain and +delay the needy recipients for the mere sake of preventing duplication +and for the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting in +Wards Five and Six, it was charged that "too much red tape had been +insisted upon by those in charge of the relief and in consequence of +this and other objectionable features of management, there had been many +cases of hardship and much unnecessary suffering." + + [120] The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief + at the Johnstown flood "where two windows were set apart from which + clothing and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and + those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be + getting the most of it"; and where almoners passed through the streets + handing "ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met." + + [121] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + + [122] There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied + as actually took place at the Slocum Disaster. + +As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that criticism +was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded body of public +opinion to which could be anchored the wisdom of sound and thorough +social methods. The passing of time has reënforced the rightness of the +course taken, and not a few former critics would now be ready to condemn +the methods used as not having been radical enough. Still there was an +element of justice in what was said, and social workers of the future +when thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery a +little closer, at least until the community can realize the principles +which organization must conserve. + +The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is based upon +disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a long series of trials +and errors. On the first few days after disaster the finer sensibilities +of human nature appear. Men and women say "others have lost more, we +will get on with a minimum of help." About the fifth day when the +poignancy of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, these same +people suddenly discover that there are thousands of dollars available. +Then another aspect of human nature comes into evidence. Every device is +utilized by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There has +not been a single disaster where this state of mind has not shown +itself. The way to deal with it without complete records as yet has not +been suggested. The only way a committee can protect itself against +disgruntled criticism is to know what it is doing. This is the +justification of rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to +defeat imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. It was not, +however, all adverse criticism which developed at Halifax. There were +many who were able to see the beneficent purpose behind the careful +service, and as months passed on the value of this experienced +administration came to be more generally realized. Indeed + + so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill in + the community that many reëstablished families begged for the + continuance of the department's supervision even though its aid was + no longer required. No greater testimony to the value of this + rehabilitation work could be given.[123] + + [123] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission took charge +of the entire system, it may be said that there was a change not only of +hands, but of policy as well. The large amounts made available by the +Imperial and Dominion governments and by public subscription made it +possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of modified +restitution. This change of policy the government adopted because of the +conviction upon the part of the people that they were suffering from the +vicissitudes of war, and that full restoration was in law and equity of +national obligation. The step is of special social significance for +Halifax is the first instance where on any large scale[124] the +principle of restitution became the guide, rather than that of +rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity + + implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible + into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity which has + befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall be given the + use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the family its + household furniture. For the community as a whole it means a speedy + restoration of such economical and industrial activities as have + been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of bridges, the reopening + of streets, the reëstablishment of banks, business houses, churches, + schools. It requires that protection shall be given the defenseless, + food and shelter to the homeless, suitable guardianship to the + orphan and as nearly as possible normal social and industrial + conditions to all.[125] + +It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax policy +denominated restitution, but rather "generous relief," in actual +practice a large proportion of claims were verified and paid on a +percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather than that of ascertained +need. The Commission was granted power to "pay in full all personal +property and real estate claims duly established to an amount not +exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims +of churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing +establishments, and the property of the more prosperous classes, there +was a policy of just and adequate relief declared, the agitation +continued and continues that "every dollar of loss shall be paid in +full." + + [124] Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a + position practically as good as that which they had occupied before. + Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure. + + [125] Devine, Edward T., _Principles of Relief_ (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv, + p. 462. + +Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: "It is not the policy +of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring losses and +compensating for death or personal injury." Commenting on this statement +John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the +latest scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is +intended."[126] + + [126] Moors, John F., Book Review, _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan. + 26, 1918), p. 472. + +What were the social results of this policy? This question is one of no +less interest to the community itself than to the student of sociology. +It is perhaps too early for adequate examination and comparison with the +policy which formerly held sway. While still a vital question there are +observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution certainly of the +lump-sum method of restoration.[127] They assert that for many it proved +simply a lesson in extravagance and did not safeguard the economic +future of the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods in +their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty again with uncommon +rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and furbelows multiplied. Merchants' +trade grew brisk with "explosion money." There seemed to be a temporary +exchange of positions by the social classes. The following statement +made by one closely associated with social conditions in Halifax and +written over two years after the disaster, shows only too well the +danger involved in the application of such a principle. After referring +to "the spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few who +have borne the burden of restoration" the statement continues: + + The individuals who after all make up a community have been blinded + to the bigger interests by their own individual material losses, and + the idea of material compensation on a dollar for dollar basis. As + some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster wrought much moral damage, + for which no "claims" were even presented, even by those to whom we + might look for special moral teaching in such an experience. In the + course of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition + lingering in our midst. + + [127] The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The + amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard. + +Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom of "the +disposition to proceed as though the relief committee were a +compensation board or an insurance society, and to indemnify for loss." +But as already said it is early to appraise. What in ordinary times +might be condemned might conceivably under the abnormal conditions of +war be less morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault and not +the principle.[128] Partly for reasons connected with the war it was +desired to conclude the business with dispatch, and not to set up a +banking house or a training school in thrift. There remains also the +final test, the residuum of relief, the number of those who will remain +permanently upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of +Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that "probably so large a sum never +passed into a community of equal size with so little danger to the +personal character of the citizens and so complete an absence of any +pauperizing or demoralizing influences?" + + [128] The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be + finally stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish + between the loss of property socially owned, and that of private + ownership. + +The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax may easily be +summarized. + +1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted if for no +other reason than for protection. + +2. More technical methods of coördination are desirable. + +3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise. + +4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the hands of one +vocationally trained for the purpose. + +5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of restitution and +its administration. + +6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a secret relief +distribution service, such as fraternal societies conduct for those who +though in need will not publicly accept assistance. + +7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, who will note +the precise spot where bodies are recovered, the centralization of all +morgue service, the use of metal tags instead of paper, the +sterilization and preservation of clothing and effects for purposes of +identification, and in addition the development of a morgue social +service with training and qualifications of a special character. + +8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve with members +beforehand definitely assigned to special tasks, with requisite printed +supplies in readiness would render the most effective social economy in +emergency. This reserve should be trained in the general organization of +shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of general +rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's work and in the +use of volunteers. + +To answer the requirements of what could be called in any sense a +sociological treatment of the disaster, the foregoing chapter on the +contribution of social service could with difficulty be omitted. Social +service introduces a relatively new element of leadership and control +upon which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which assures +to any community the presence of those who have special skill in dealing +with crises. The "relation of the great man to the crisis is indeed one +of the most important points in the problem of progress"[129] in +catastrophe. The subject also assumes special importance in the +development of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes which +may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken without full +consideration of the major influences which were present. Thus by +elimination we may be able to better gauge the strength of the factor of +catastrophe itself. The place of government and other social factors, +however, has yet to be discussed.[130] + + [129] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 19. + + [130] The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special + mention of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies, + which were actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the + chapter to the principles employed by those mainly responsible for + relief and administration. + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION + +Governmental agencies in catastrophe--What seems to be expected of +governments--What they actually do--Social legislation--A permanent +contribution. + + +We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are +brought to bear upon a community when, after having been overtaken by +catastrophe, it is settling back into its former habitistic +channels,--channels which not even catastrophe can altogether efface. +Some of these influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such as +the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others are ultra-communal, +such as those vigorous social forces which sweep in upon a disaster city +with the suddenness of catastrophe itself. + +There is a further influence which is of a community yet in a sense not +of it alone, but of all communities--government--that institution of +society which expresses its will by legislation, a will which may or may +not be the will of the community concerned. And because legislative +action is responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to +be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of the new and +less familiar field of social legislation. While it may be that the +latest group to function effectively at Halifax was government, social +legislation when forthcoming contributed an important and deciding +influence, and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity. + +The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making and daily +enclosing a wider and wider field. But not all governments are +sympathetic with this process. There are two standards of +legislation--the one conserves above all things the rights and +privileges of the individual, the other considers first the community as +a whole. The superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here, +that it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and becomes +the norm, rather than the rights of the individual citizen. Progress in +legislation includes its extension into all the affairs of life, +retaining as much as may be the liberty of the individual while +progressively establishing the interests of all.[131] Its evolution is +traceable from the first poor laws, all down the long succeeding line of +those dealing with education, health, labor and recreation. However much +agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the wisdom of this +mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, changing just as one ideal +or the other happens to be in the ascendancy, there is at least no doubt +as to the duty of the government to protect and safeguard its citizens. + + [131] Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation. + + The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the + philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard the + commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the domestic peace. + To discharge this duty it is necessary to maintain a police force + and a militia, and a naval establishment. Such dissent from this + proposition as we hear now and then is negligible for practical + purposes.[132] + +In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal, +provincial or municipal, according to their respective powers. + + [132] Giddings, Franklin H., _The Responsible State_ (N. Y., 1918), + ch. iv, p. 81. + +At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster was not wholly +municipal or wholly martial, but rather an admixture of authorities. +Policeman and soldier joined hands as agents of general protection. This +service government did and did at once. + +One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken[133] was that +by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, when he sent +to the Chief of Police of Halifax the following order: + + You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of any vehicle + of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose of removing the + injured and the dead of this city. + + [133] Reference has already been made to the good work of the + Government railroad officials in the quick restoration of service. + +The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. They worked +for long periods with little rest to maintain public peace and order. +The splendid service of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been +considered. They were first and foremost in the work of rescue and of +warning. Military orders to vacate the North End district as a +precautionary measure followed hard upon the explosion. Military orders +permitted the people to return. Within a few hours after the disaster +the military established a cordon around the devastated district which +no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens having +business obtained at the City Hall. This was to prevent looting as well +as to facilitate the search for the wounded pinned under the debris, and +to permit the removal of the bodies of the killed. The burned and +devastated area was policed by the military for about two months with +the concurrence of civic authority. + +But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It calls for a +procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it calls for it at once. If +we ask whether it be the function of government to take the foremost +step of leadership in this care, the question is one for Political +Science. If we ask the more sociological question whether governments +actually and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly--they do not. +Says Cooley: "Like other phases of organization, government is merely +one way of doing things, fitted by its character for doing some things, +and unfitted for doing others."[134] This proved one of the things for +which it was unfitted. Not one of the governmental authorities, civic, +provincial, or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively and +continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a peculiar commentary +that they were scarcely thought of as likely immediately to do so. It +should be said, however, that the Deputy-mayor--the Mayor being absent +from the city--was very active personally. While one of the controllers +was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor called an +emergency meeting of citizens on the morning of the disaster, and +another at three in the afternoon to consider what to do. This meeting +of citizens was presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as +already noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. The +committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards reformed upon a new +basis on the advice of the American unit. But no civic resources were +pledged to the people as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were +then or subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not assert or +assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. The City Hall was +indeed set up as the relief center temporarily, but the advice to remove +it elsewhere was not successfully opposed. How little civic authority +was retained under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the +following complaint. The Board of Control which was then the legal +representative body of the city had no member on the executive committee +of the disaster administration. One of these controllers publicly +criticised the method of the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He +"almost had to have a page to reach the Committee as representative of +the Board of Control." When the cabinet ministers from Ottawa were +sitting in session in the legislative council room, and giving a hearing +to a representative public gathering, the Mayor entered a complaint that +the City Council and Corporation had been ignored by the acting +committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They +were entrusted with the special grants and the civic authorities, Board +of Health, police, _etc._, so far as emergency matters went, coöperated +with them. But the various civic officers were not idle. No one was idle +at Halifax. They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various +departments at City Hall and with individual programs of relief. What +the civic government continued to do officially was rather in the way of +providing the stiff formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed +suggestions of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations +were issued. Among them was one urging all people excepting those on +relief work or upon especially urgent business to stay away from Halifax +for two weeks. Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with +regard to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's signature went +out the nation-wide appeal for aid that "a sorely afflicted people +should be provided with clothing and food." The subsequent time, thought +and help which City Hall contributed is of less sociological importance +to this study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described +municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of +service, rather than direction.[135] + + [134] Cooley, Charles H., _Social Organization_ (N. Y., 1912), + ch. xxxv, p. 403. + + [135] This is not to be considered as without exception in + catastrophies. A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the + Paterson fire and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government + took immediate and responsible action. This was also the case at + Baltimore when the Mayor was the "key to the situation." It should + however be added that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of + the Citizens' Committees were ex-mayors. + +Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of activity in +disaster we note that no special session of the provincial legislature +was called, as was done by the Governor of Illinois after the calamity +which overtook Chicago in 1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia +convened a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating +the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining its +powers.[136] The several articles defined its establishment as a +rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a town-planning board, as +well as its powers of expropriation, its relationship to the city +charter, certain parts of which it could amend or repeal; its powers to +enforce attendance at its courts and boards; its relationship to the +Workmen's Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, the +Commission was also invested with full and adequate discretion regarding +schools, churches and business properties. + + [136] _An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission_, Halifax, + 1918. + +Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures are of special +interest to social legislation. Among these were the power to repair, +rebuild or restore buildings, the power to repair and carry out a +town-planning scheme, the power to amend, repeal, alter or add to +provisions in the city charter, the automatic assumption of rights of +owner to insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and the +automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation claims. The act +incorporating the commission with powers to make investigation, and +administer all funds and properties constitutes Chapter VI of the year +1918. The local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the +provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the benefit of the +sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, towns and municipalities +to contribute for the relief of sufferers. + +The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude and wisdom is +comparable to that of President Harrison of the United States at the +time of the Johnstown flood. The Canadian Premier at the time of the +disaster was in Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova +Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following day. He +immediately placed resources from the Federal government at the disposal +of the local authorities to assist them in coping with the situation. +The third day after the disaster he attended an important meeting +regarding the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the city by +assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the harbor. Following the +Premier came the Minister of Public Works and he too gave much +administrative assistance. Then came five members of the Federal +Cabinet, each announcing such programs of restoration as to give the +community new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements was that +of the establishment of a large ship-building plant upon the explosion +area. The Canadian government had already as its first act made a grant +of one million dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then +forcibly urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility +towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in "its policy of +holding itself responsible for loss and damage by air-raids and +explosions." Public opinion seemed to demand that the work of +restoration and reparation be undertaken by the government of Canada as +a national enterprise. The government while disclaiming all legal +liability, acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was +announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission to take +over the whole work of rehabilitation and reconstruction,--an +announcement which brought a feeling of relief to the already +discouraged workers. + +Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that while the +Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission to receive and +administer relief funds and supplies, the Halifax Relief Commission was +appointed by the Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done +under the "Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV of the Revised +Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the War Measures Act, 1914, being +Chapter II of the Acts of Canada for the year 1914." The Federal grant +was later increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to +eighteen millions. + +There should also be here recorded the timely succour afforded by the +Imperial Government at Westminster. Following the King's gracious cable +of sympathy, the sum of five million dollars was voted by the British +Government to the relief of Halifax. The King's words were: + + Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax resulting + in great loss of life and property. Please convey to the people of + Halifax, where I have spent so many happy times, my true sympathy in + this grievous calamity. + +Reference has already been made to the policy to which the Commission +was committed. This policy may be more exactly stated by an extract from +the act incorporating the commission: + + _Whereas_, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore + constituted has recommended to the Governor-General of Canada in + Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance should be made to + persons injured in or by reason of the said disaster and the + dependents of persons killed or injured in or by reason of the said + disaster and the Governor-General of Canada in Council has been + pleased to adopt said recommendation; _etc._ + +In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening of morale and +the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, government may be +said to have contributed an important and deciding influence in the +reorganization of the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal +conditions. + +Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to have had a very +direct determining influence upon whatever picture of the community is +subsequently drawn, but social legislation itself was enriched by the +catastrophe. The association of catastrophe with progress in social +legislation has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass of +facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In this +introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters have been the +preceding reagents in effecting legislation of permanent social value. +It is instanced that city-planning in America took its rise from the +Chicago fire, that the origin of labor legislation is traceable to a +calamitous fever at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster +precipitated amendment to the Seamen's laws.[137] It has been said that +"the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in England has +rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera visitations in the middle +of the last century;"[138] and also that public health work in America +practically began with yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining +disasters, J. Byron Deacon says in this connection + + If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters is + fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound influence upon + public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation both for the + prevention of industrial accidents and for the more equitable + distribution of the burden of individual loss and community relief + which they involved.[139] + +Again E. A. Ross writes: + + A permanent extension to the administration of the state has often + dated from a calamity,--a pestilence, a famine, a murrain, a flood + or a tempest--which, paralyzing private efforts has caused + application for state aid.[140] + + [137] Parkinson, Thomas I., "Problems growing out of the Titanic + Disaster," _Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science_, vol. vi, + no. 1. + + [138] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 254. + + [139] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), p. 43. + + [140] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 253. + +The student of social legislation who reads this book will turn first to +this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation will the future +associate with so dire a calamity as that suffered at Halifax. It may be +said that not only has special disaster legislation of precedent-setting +value been enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief +legislative procedure, but social legislation of wider application and +more general character ensued. And this was along the line which the +student of social law should be led to expect. + +As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; as marine +disasters foster regulations ensuring greater safety at sea, it might +well be expected that a great explosion would bring about regulations +controlling the handling of explosives. And this is in reality what has +occurred. There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1919, by +the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting the loading and +handling of explosives in harbors, applicable to all public harbors in +Canada, to which the provisions of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act +apply; and to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not +inconsistent with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.[141] +They cover + +1. The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers. + +2. Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in +harbors of explosives-laden vessels. + +3. Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives. + +4. Regulations governing the handling of explosives. + +"The enactment of these regulations" writes the Under-Secretary of State +for Canada[142] "was suggested in large measure by the Halifax +disaster." Had these regulations been in effect and observed in Halifax +Harbor it is hardly conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could +have occurred. + + [141] _Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the + Harbors of Canada_ (Ottawa, June, 1919). + + [142] In a letter to the author. + +It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for this general +legislation of social utility originated with the Drysdale commission--a +board of enquiry appointed by the Federal Government to determine the +cause of the disaster and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth, +1918. In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs: + + that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor in + force since the war were prepared by competent naval authorities; + that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal with the + handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend that such + competent authority forthwith take up and make specific regulations + dealing with such subject. + +We, therefore, conclude that the function of government in disaster is +of primary importance, and that social legislation when forthcoming +constitutes an important and deciding influence and is itself in turn +enriched by calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed +facts the statement in the Introduction, that catastrophe is in close +association with progress in social legislation receives abundant +justification. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS + +Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover from +disaster--The case of San Francisco--The case of Halifax--Social +surplus--The equipmental factors--Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe +with generosity of public response--Catastrophe insurance--A practical +step. + + +John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation + + of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with which + countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance in + a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done by earthquakes, + floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.[143] + +This "_vis medicatrix naturae_" he explains on an economic principle. +All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption of what had +been produced previously, and which would have in due course been +consumed anyway. The rapid repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says, +on whether the community has been depopulated. + + [143] Mill, John Stuart, _Principles of Political Economy_ (London, + 1917), ch. v, p. 74. + +But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies +particularly to countries which have not been bereft of the raw +materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco recovered exceedingly +rapidly from her terrible experience of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery +has been called one of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not +depopulated. Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and +ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. The loss of +life on the other hand was about two thousand in Halifax, a city of +fifty thousand population--but one-eighth that of San Francisco--and her +list of injured ran into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon +appeared. + +There are other factors both social and economic which must not be +omitted from an account of the influences of recuperation, namely the +equipmental and other factors which produce social surplus. +Disaster-stricken communities cannot survive unless their "surplus +energy exceeds their needs." They cannot become normal until the social +surplus is restored. The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney, +is "merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals +composing a social group, or immediately available to such +individuals."[144] It includes not only "bodily vigor" but "such +material goods also as are immediately available for the restoration of +depleted bodily vigor." It is not only physiological, as life energy, +and social, as conditions of knowledge and institutional facilities, but +also socio-economic, as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of +physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor may have +been depleted, and material goods been consumed. No period of +recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such equipment is in some +degree replaced and a balance of social surplus restored. This is the +_conditio sine qua non_ of recuperation, and of the transition from a +pain-economy to a pleasure-economy,[145] after disaster. Certainly the +maintenance of the standard of living demands it. The standard of living +has been defined as the "mode of activity and scale of comfort which a +person has come to regard as indispensable to his happiness and to +secure and retain which he is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice." +Following Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with +population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a certain +character might conceivably operate to automatically heighten the +standard of living, just as the growth of population often brings about +its fall. But catastrophe often consumes great quantities of material +goods and brings about a change in incomes and in occupations.[146] +Seager notes that: + + Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to the class + of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition is a + possibility which prolonged illness or inability to obtain + employment may at any time change into a reality. The narrow margin + which their usual earnings provide above the bare necessaries of + life, coupled with their lack of accumulated savings, makes them + especially liable, when some temporary calamity reduces their + incomes, to sink permanently below the line of self-support and + self-respect.[147] + + [144] Tenney, Alvan A., "Individual and Social Surplus," _Popular + Science Monthly_, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552. + + [145] Patten, Simon N., _Theory of the Social Forces_ (Phil., 1896), + p. 75. + + [146] At San Francisco "after the fire, the proportion of families in + the lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the + higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire." (Motley, + James M., _San Francisco Relief Survey_, New York, 1913, pt. iv, + p. 228.) + + [147] Seager, Henry R., _Economics, Briefer Course_ (N. Y., 1909), + ch. xiii, p. 210. + +It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental damage was +stupendous, still the heart of the downtown business section remained +sound. The banking district held together, and the dislocation of +business machinery was less protracted on that account. To this it is +necessary to add how to a very considerable extent the material losses +were replaced by communities and countries which not only supplied the +city with the material of recuperation but with men and means as well. +Were her own workmen killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men +and carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their food and +their wages with them. The city's population was increased by +thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three hundred of whom were +registered with the committee at one time. Was her glass destroyed? +Eighty acres of transparences came for the temporary repairs and had +been placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings gone? Seven +million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber were soon available to +house the homeless. Were her people destitute? Food and clothing were +soon stacked high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty +thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty thousand from New +Zealand, one hundred thousand from Quebec, one hundred thousand from +Montreal, two hundred and fifty thousand from Australia, five million +from Great Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came +from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from the Federal +grant, eight millions were contributed. The total contributions from all +sources amounted finally to twenty-seven million dollars. + +Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining the sociological +recuperation of a smitten city. And when the experience of Halifax is +set side by side with the related experiences of other cities a +conclusion may be drawn that disaster-stricken communities can always +count upon public aid, for the reasons which have already been +discussed. But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation +between the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and the +generosity of the relief response,[148] as there is also with the +immediacy of the appeal. "It is not the facts themselves which strike +the popular imagination" says Le Bon, "but the way in which they take +place."[149] There have been disasters relatively serious, such as the +St. Quentin forest fire, where repeated appeals met with astonishingly +little response from the people. "A single great accident" continues Le +Bon, "will profoundly impress them even though the results be infinitely +less disastrous than those of a hundred small accidents put together." +It was in recognition of this principle that "it was decided to transfer +the residue of the amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the +contingent fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters, +which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous public response, +but where the suffering is as grievous."[150] + + [148] At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York + committee received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine, + Edward T., _The Principles of Relief_, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii, + p. 468.) + + [149] Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind_ + (London), ch. iii, p. 79. + + [150] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120. + +Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity and +other expressions of sympathy, the experience at Halifax suggests also a +relationship between the aid furnished by a contributing community and +that community's own previous history in regard to calamity. As an +instance may be cited the quick and splendid response which came from +St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick cities with unforgettable +memories of great disasters which they themselves had suffered. It is +also not improbable that the study of comparative catastrophe would +reveal a correlation between the relative amount of aid given and the +distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which suggest that +the relationship might be written thus: that relief in disaster varies +inversely as the square of the cost distance. The association here +suggested is given additional plausibility from the fact that attention +to certain types of news seems to vary according to this principle, and +news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid. + +Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present time, in the +absence of any scientific method of socially ameliorating the +consequences of catastrophe, relief is a fluctuating quantity, and is +poorly apportioned from the point of view of need. While such conditions +obtain, disasters must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which +break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our +generosities and philanthropies + + many people lose their normal position in the social and economic + scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, railway + wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial life. These + accidents naturally have a vast influence over the lives of their + victims; for they often render people unfit to struggle along in the + rank and file of humanity.[151] + + [151] Blackmar and Gillin, _Outlines of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1915), + pt. iv, ch. v, p. 402. + +The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread the economic +results of these disasters over the entire community in some form of +intra-city catastrophe insurance administered by the Federal government. +This alone will overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon +the more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate relief. +And even beyond this step is there not the possibility of an +international system in which each nation will insure the other? +Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came from many nations and +tongues. But while we are discussing what ought to be and eventually +will be done, one very practical step remains which may be taken at +once. At the Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction +and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as +it did, yet came from without rather than from within the country. There +is no Canadian who will close these pages without asking whether this +must always be. May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding +result of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate steps +to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, and stations of relief +strategically located in Canada--these stations to have in their keeping +left-over war-material, such as tents, stores, and other equipment +together with records of available experts who have had experience in +disasters and who may be subject to call when emergencies arise. + +And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, namely, +wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe in social change? We +have thus far concerned ourselves with the major factors of +recuperation, intra-social forces, social service, and legislation. + +We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic constitutes a no +less important factor. But the effects may not stop with mere +recuperation. Suppose a city becomes in a trice more prosperous and +progressive than ever. Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon +rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; her +industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies come looking for +sites as if dimly conscious that expansion is at hand! Suppose a city +rises Phoenix-like from the flames, a new and better city, her people +more kind, more charitable, more compassionate to little children, more +considerate of age! Suppose there come social changes which alter the +conservatism and civic habits of many years--changes which foster a +spirit of public service, and stimulate civic pride! Then there is +clearly some further influence associated with the day of disaster. +Perhaps we shall find progress innate in catastrophe itself. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + +The unchanging Halifax of the years--The causes of social +immobility--The new birthday--The indications of change: appearance, +expansion of business, population, political action, city-planning, +housing, health, education, recreation, community spirit--Carsten's +prophecy. + + +Halifax has had her fair proportion of tribute in her time. Kipling has +called her "the Warden of the Honor of the North." Pauline Johnston +sings of her pride of situation. As Edinburgh, "it is a city of many +charms; beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the world; +vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of its streets some +voice from the past 'comes sounding through the toon.'" Her public +gardens are the envy of all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare. +Her Northwest Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. Cheery +wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No city of her size is more +hospitable than she. + +But she has always been a city which has never quite entered into her +heritage commercially. Situated where by nature she might well be great, +she has always been small. Unambitious, wealthy[152] and little jealous +of the more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on being a +lover of better things. Commerce and industry were things alien[153] and +secular. She devoted herself to standards of art, music, learning, +religion and the philanthropies. Charitable and philanthropic +institutions abounded. She has had her own conservative English ways. +She affected homage to "old families," and to that illusory element +"social prestige." She welcomed each new knight which the favor of the +king conferred, and grew careless of civic prosperity and growth. She +had leaned "too long upon the army and the navy" and her citizens had +become "anaemic," "lethargic" and standstill; their "indifference" and +"inertia" were a commonplace. Halifax had been complacent and academic +rather than practical in her outlook upon the world and her general +attitude toward life. + + [152] Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of + Canada. + + [153] For years real estate was marketed "quietly." In fact, real + property was in the hands of one or two specialists only. + +Geographically she suffered by her situation on the rim of the +continent. She experienced not a little neglect and isolation because +she was an undeveloped terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers +and commercial men could not visit her _en route_ but only by special +trip. + +Again "the government has had altogether too many interests in Halifax +for the good of the place." "Government-kept towns" are not as a rule +"those which have achieved the greatest prosperity." Halifax as a +civil-service headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps +open to the charge of being at least "self-satisfied." Valuable acres of +non-taxable land have been far from stimulating to civic enterprise. + +An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of overmuch looking +backward, and sociologically the back look has been always recognized as +the foe of progress. But she has had a past to be proud of--one which +throbs with incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she +has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a hundred and +fifty years. She has been called "the stormy petrel among the +cities--always to the front in troublous times." She has served and +suffered in four hard wars. She has gloried in this wealth of years and +storied past. Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue +blood, dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies, +fêtes, levées and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial times. A +newspaper has published daily items of a generation before, and weekly +featured a reverie in the past.[154] Old in her years she remained old +in her appearance, old in her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old +firms which have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled +the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century of +service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day hour, and like a curfew +sounded in the night. + + [154] _The Acadian Recorder_, C. C. Blackadar, editor. + +Search where one will, it would be difficult to find another city which +has more completely exhibited the causes of social immobility as set +forth by sociology. For there are, it must be remembered, causes of +immobility as well as factors of social change. They may be geographical +difficulties, or elements more distinctively social--an over-emphasis of +government, discouraging innovation, too great a "volume of suggestion," +the drag of "collective customs and beliefs," a "traditionalist +educational system," the "inheritance of places and functions" tending +to arrest development, "government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed +by age."[155] All these reënforce the conservative tendencies in society +and preserve the _status quo_.[156] + + [155] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 197. + + [156] There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom + from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her + entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any + consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her + sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands + to-day safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way. + + Again communities are generally conservative in character when a large + percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises of + the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens were found + to own at least in part the homes they lived in. + + There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were + possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to + disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to + achieve desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge + in radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of + success? He would study too the distribution of people relative to + their interests. Is there a majority of those whose experiences are + narrow and whose interests are few? Or is there a majority of those + who have long enjoyed varied experiences and cultivated manifold + interests, that yet remain harmonious? He studies the character of the + choices, decisions, selections in a people's industry, law-making, + educational and religious undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in + diagnosing a population as to the degree of conservatism and to + discover what the ideal community should be.--Giddings, Franklin H., + _Inductive Sociology_ (N. Y., 1909), p. 178, _et seq._ + +Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of the +disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the _status quo_. We need not +labor the how and why. Tourists had returned year after year and found +her unaltered. "Dear, dirty old Halifax" they had called her. They had +found business as usual,--old unpainted wooden houses on every side, +unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and offensive gutters; +the best water and the poorest water system an inspector ever examined; +the purest air but the most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete +tramway,[157] a "green market," ox-carts on the main streets, crossings +ankle-deep with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead of +making the city they had been "letting it happen." The "transient, the +good-enough, the cheapest possible" had been the rule of action. + + [157] Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be + found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of + $200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving. + +Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But the old order +changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the +spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The +twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with +punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize +that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that +fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the +city's history." + +Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the +sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position +which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just +as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old +World the entrepôts of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova +Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of +any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of +substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne +commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and +not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future, +bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations. +Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa +than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and +accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has +undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the +facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of +progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger +station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will +fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion." + + [158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to + Confederation. + +There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and +untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She +has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military +property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for +its own disposal. + +Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of +old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards +is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would +have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a +period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and +clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as +elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement +of traditional thought." + +Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of +appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near +the second anniversary of the explosion: + + Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion, + exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost + forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a + great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The + move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and + if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the + city. + +The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following +reference to the change in appearance of the city: + + One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and + retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises + over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and + attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms + and thereby increasing their sales. + +The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement: + + Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the + order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible. + This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city. + +As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states: + + A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the + former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows + of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern + design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order + of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor. + +Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new +lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed +one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that +Halifax should be so changed." + +The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the +beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a +statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms: + + Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable + sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their + activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way. + Surely everything points toward prosperity. + +Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has +infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making +rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October, +1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An +effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has +never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many +prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still +another indication of the determination to progress in the recent +completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal, +Toronto, New York and Chicago. + +Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items +used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may +be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations: +(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures. +Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports, +taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices, +unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159] + + [159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material. + +With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is +significant. He says: + + The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of + Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the + approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's + office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being + practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War + commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible + explosion of 1917. + +He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western +and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by +the disaster. The Mayor further states: + + It must be remembered that it is only two years since the + devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have + considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up + that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it. + +The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the +permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase. + + Building Permits + + 1910 .................... $471,140 + 1911 .................... 508,836 + 1912 .................... 589,775 + 1913 .................... 839,635 + 1914 .................... 874,320 + 1915 .................... 1,066,938 + 1916 .................... 1,177,509 + 1917 .................... 844,079 + 1918 .................... 2,955,406 + 1919 .................... 5,194,806 + +With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919 + + The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable. + Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to + get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high + prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at + approximately double the amount originally paid. + +The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports: + + Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly + in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days. + +In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a +very considerable change: + + Bank Clearings + + 1910 .................... $95,855,319 + 1911 .................... 87,994,043 + 1912 .................... 100,466,672 + 1913 .................... 105,347,626 + 1914 .................... 100,280,107 + 1915 .................... 104,414,598 + 1916 .................... 125,997,881 + 1917 .................... 151,182,752 + 1918 .................... 216,084,415 + 1919 .................... 241,200,194 + + [160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of + currency. + +As to business failures the Secretary says: + + Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the + liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the + loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight. + + Additional Indices + + Gross Postal Revenue Tramway Receipts (gross) + + 1910 ................ $114,318 $477,109 + 1911 ................ 119,561 502,399 + 1912 ................ 132,097 539,853 + 1913 ................ 140,102 605,933 + 1914 ................ 147,943 645,341 + 1915 ................ 154,499 718,840 + 1916 ................ 167,594 559,513 + 1917 ................ 255,815 859,667 + 1918 ................ 305,412 998,702 + 1919 ................ 349,507 1,258,503 + +Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh +faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests +into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of +the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of +ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the +Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great +oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the +thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have +been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight +of land within an hour after casting off from the quay. + +In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business +generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect. +Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves +are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more +believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and +electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made +in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that +"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to +fulfilment. + +As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes: + + Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may + not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a + sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the + former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and + growth.[161] + +Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all +preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in +the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss +was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at +the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and +seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the +Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at +Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's +population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the +population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six +hundred and fifty more names than the previous year. + + [161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_ + (N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337. + + [162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they + cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community. + +In the light of this consideration the following indication of the +growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163] + + Table + + 1911 ...................... 46,619 + 1912 ...................... 46,619 + 1913 ...................... 47,109 + 1914 ...................... 47,109 + 1915 ...................... 47,473 + 1916 ...................... 50,000 + 1917 ...................... 50,000 + 1918 ...................... 50,000 + 1919 ...................... 55,000 + 1920 ...................... 65,000[164] + + [163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar, + Halifax. + + [164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be + 85,000. + +An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of +citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in +political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are: + + Political Action + + Year Purpose Eligible No. Percentage Percentage + voters voting of Indifference of Interest + + 1918 ......... For Mayor 7,632 2,769 63.8 36.2 + 1919 ......... " " 8,890 4,264 52.1 47.9 + 1920 ......... " " 11,435 5,491 51.99 48.01 + +Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually +diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller +and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the +percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous +year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign +[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to +institute new reforms."[165] + + [165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920. + +Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning, +civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation. + +In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is +awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which +comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The +present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning +Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer +constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the +scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster +"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it +seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the +Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to +help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect +of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If +that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme, +though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have +been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the +Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant +reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing +with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and +residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening +and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the +devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading +of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred +trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this +area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for +the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning +Board. + + [166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out + by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified + enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants + with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on + foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of + projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed + in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but + unfortunately many fine trees were cut down. + +The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution +of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards +instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the +"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to +city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social +problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the +welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be +neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an +authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary +consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting +successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this +principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work +designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the +Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste. + +To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and +pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as +stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking +a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to +Halifax + + more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways, + cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and + beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear.... + With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern, + as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest, + and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort, + development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people + for them.[168] + + [167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_, + vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329. + + [168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12. + +The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was +already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and +multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has +grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many +refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary +shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the +pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A +hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent +structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained. + + [169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end + has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an + observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the + influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are + springing up all over the city." + +But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city +authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the +sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last +precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts, +the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing +to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the +city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been +formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building +experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended +to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the +City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law +the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this +way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to +the general health and well-being of the community." + +Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which +when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in +England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a +record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that +record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and +their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise. + +The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most +significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the +catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride. +The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care +for health, had received scant support and could only perform +indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried +out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about +twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and +tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching +the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to +progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with +such conditions. + + [170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6. + + [171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60. + +Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete +public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is +in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended +balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health +purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty +thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars +per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per +year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the +five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per +year, or practically one dollar per capita. + + [172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A + Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr. + B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer. + +A completely equipped health centre has been established including all +the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal, +pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear, +nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of +health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues. +A public health course for nurses is included in the educational +campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and +the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist. + + [173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of + nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health. + +Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater +realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken +including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the +provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places +where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a +view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable +activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars, +which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of +a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of +the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to +improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is +feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to +modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a +psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives, +especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of +interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was +established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly +employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by +the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the +children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a +unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a +full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also +safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a +minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining +impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The +Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions +having an estimated cost of half a million dollars. + +But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the +earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen +reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health +conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all +health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that +improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the +progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so +favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and +periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the +final goal of all policies of health reform. + +The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has +been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic +attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory. +Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to +each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax +teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications. +But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and +up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where +there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is +becoming awakened to the vital rôle her educators play is being proven +by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie +University. That response has been most generous and general, while +local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the +Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter +benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred +thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing +process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at +once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and +Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city. + +In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction +regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to +provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to +fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not +lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among +these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded +children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display +of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments +already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and +physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school +nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening +technical classes. + +Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all +the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an +institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment. +Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic +minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and +in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the +children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in +citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It +rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational +sociology. + +Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of +Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she +has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility +for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as +public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A +Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the +various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174] +A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after +study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a +system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked +progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal +recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of +about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been +reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over +to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of +ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain +recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central +public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a +community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium, +gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement +Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a +close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so +there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._, +and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral +value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while +the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the +shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social +policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely +constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive +and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and +adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is +the path of progress in socialized recreation. + + [174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had + been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under + the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated + association with which the Women's Council merged. + + [175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions, + an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the + "playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster, + and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are, + it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The + records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children + show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile + arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of + the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii, + no. 10, p. 493.) + +Progress in coöperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new +sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things +which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great. +This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of +the Halifax Coöperative Society is initial evidence of a movement +towards coöperative buying. Coöperation for community ends even now is +revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of +recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in +the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers +of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are +getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a +few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau +has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of +coördination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of +the city. + + [176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918. + +The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased coöperation +upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of +the city united into a single organization for relief service under the +chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial +Association has been formed which has directed coöperative effort along +various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where +the best interests of the city were involved. + +Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the +testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic +transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty +years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after +all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale, +and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But +merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished +through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried +on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm +of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social +insurance whither all true social policies lead. + +All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a +very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent +changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly +expressed than in the words of Carstens: + + The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for + at least a generation, because so many of the living have been + blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may + leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by + those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks + that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its + citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.' + +But it is rather for social than for material progress that the +sociologist will seek and Carstens continues: + + It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may + be developed a program for the care, training and education of the + sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical + social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and + out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers + of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems + of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may + acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no + other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example + city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at + Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all + loss.[177] + + [177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_, + vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61. + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +CONCLUSION + +Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in +propositional form--The rôle of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a) +Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social +immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal +favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors +determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit +and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and +lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions. + + +If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the +facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly +accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of +catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure +of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness +in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the +various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to +follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent +a definite sociological process of development. + +At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently +terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives +peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in +extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases +consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence. +The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to +have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of +the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the +customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes +called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been +retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that +essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of +change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon +the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and +expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social +change. + +The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group +reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the +major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be +either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or +stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the +material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be +that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may +either retard or promote social reorganization. + +Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was +largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social +activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been +recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate +and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion, +imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind. +Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations. +Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of +society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality +first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only +after division of function delegates to a special group the +responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the +resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the +conservation value to society of a militia organization in every +community and also of a permanent vigilance committee. + +The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of +which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster +social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise +direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The +value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse +proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has +advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a +community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing +institutions. + +The next and latest group to function effectively was that of +government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an +important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the +calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the +statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely, +that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social +legislation. + +To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation +is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot +become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however +always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly +suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a +disaster and the generosity of the relief response. + +The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social +change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social +order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the +disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community +undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This +implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary +antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such, +the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not +alternatives. + +To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very +considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was +itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the +other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present +consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank +of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming +of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of +its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property +values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It +altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential +and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in +the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the +middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It +is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the +weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush +of the spirit of progress. + +The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community +organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and +whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on +a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity +would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be +historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars. +In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased, +industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled, +streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled +back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the +reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army +were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a +town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and +business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very +perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several +mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the +closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such +relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and +progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather +increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this +change. + +But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to +have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war +and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by +possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If +we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event. +The catastrophe was an episode of the great war. + +It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the rôle of +catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning +directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening +social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing +environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors +determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of +spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of +leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions. + +Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe +is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are +subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which +we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is +not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as +a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is +sacrifice in truth. + + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction, + namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the + shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions + of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require + a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or + rejection. + +That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction +of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That +it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian +who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help +mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and +intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do +say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is +bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those +of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a +world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will +not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the +intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179] + + [179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + + Accidents, industrial, 116, 135 + + Advancement, human, _vide_ progress + + Aesthetics, 70 + + Aggregation, social, 62 + + Altruism, 51, 58 + + Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation + + Analytic psychology, 49 + + Anxiety, 38 + + Anger, 39, 44, 45 + + Animal relief, 91 + + Army, _vide_ military + + Association, 56, 63; + utility of, 62, 142 + + Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99 + + Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134 + + Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104 + + +B + + Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67 + + Beliefs, 23, 38, 120 + + Bereavement, 47 + + Biological factors in society, 67, 142 + + Body politic, 44, 69, 144 + + Bureau, welfare, 139 + + Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113; + expansion of, 77, 124; + indices of, 125; + relief, 105, 113; + resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73 + + +C + + Capital, 139 + + Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18; + and communication, 31; + definition of, 14; + and evolution, 14, 15; + and generosity, 57, 58, 115; + and heroism, 55; + and insurance, 116; + and poetry, 22; + and population, 128; + and progress, 21, 22, 23; + and social change, 118; + and social disintegration, 31; + and social economy, 80; + and social legislation, 23, 100; + and social organization, 59, 69; + and social psychology, 35; + and suicide, 46; + and social surplus, 111; + and survival, 56; + and tragedy, 114, 115; + and war, 14 + + Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe + + Causation, social, 144 + + Centralization, policy of, 83 + + Ceremony, 120 + + Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21; + and crisis, 16, 21; + definition of, 15, 21; + factor of, 15, 16; + and fluidity, 21; + indications of, 123, 143; + and progress, 21; + resistance to, 19 + + Charity, 22, 97 + + Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137 + + Churches, _vide_ religious institutions + + Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77 + + Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control + + Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140 + + Civilization, 31, 49 + + Classes, social, 96, 139 + + Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139 + + Clinics, 134 + + Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142 + + Clubs, 76, 123 + + Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior + + Commerce, 70, 118, 122 + + Commercialized recreation, 138 + + Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73 + + Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96, + 97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143 + + Comparative catastrophe, 146 + + Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107 + + Component groups, 70 + + Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142 + + Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142 + + Consciousness of underlying difference, 69 + + Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143 + + Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120 + + Contagion of feeling, 42 + + Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146 + + Conventionality, 49 + + Coöperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138 + + Crime, 50, 76 + + Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94 + + Crisis, and catastrophe, 16; + definition of, 16; + and fluidity, 18; + and great men, 55; + and progress, 55; + and revolution, 17; + significance of, 16 + + Crises, in battles, 16; + in communities, 18; + in diseases, 16; + in life-histories, 16, 18; + men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98; + power to meet, 80; + in religions, 16; + in social institutions, 16; + in world of thought, 16 + + Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45 + + Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45 + + Courts, 96 + + Culture, 19, 21, 80 + + Curiosity, 44 + + Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145 + + Cycles, 15 + + +D + + Death rate, 133 + + Delinquency, 138 + + Delirium, oneiric, 46 + + Delusion, 35, 38 + + Determination, 44, 58 + + Diagnosis, social, 92, 121 + + Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe + + Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology + + Disaster relief, _vide_ relief + + Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134 + + Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142 + + Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59 + + Dispensary, 88, 133 + + Distributive system of society, 31 + + Diversity of capacity, 69 + + Division of labor, 69, 79, 142 + + Dynamic forces, 19 + + Dynamogenic reactions, 52 + + +E + + Economic factors in society, 68 + + Economy, social, 80, 98 + + Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137 + + Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136 + + Educational psychology, 137 + + Educational sociology, 137 + + Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143 + + Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53 + + Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60 + + Energies, 52, 58 + + Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145 + + Envy, 44 + + Erroneous recognition, 39 + + Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142 + + Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101 + + Exaltation, 45, 46 + + Expectancy, 41 + + +F + + Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144 + + Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140 + + Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54 + + Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64 + + First aid, 41, 61, 134 + + Flight instinct, 40 + + Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145 + + Flux, 19, 34 + + Folkways, 18 + + Food-getting, 39, 92 + + Fraternal societies, 76, 98 + + +G + + Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143 + + Geographic determinants, 67, 119 + + Government, 19, 31, 100, 101; + agencies of, 100; + aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107; + an institution of society, 100; + and leadership, 117; + officials, 62, 102, 106; + over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120 + + Gratitude, 45 + + Great man, 55, 69 + + Greed, 44, 51, 94 + + Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67 + + Grief, 38, 48 + + Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142 + + Group heroism, 56 + + +H + + Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117 + + Habitation, 39, 63 + + Hallucination, 35, 37, 38 + + Happiness, 70, 112 + + Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140 + + Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85 + + Herd instinct, 41, 63 + + Heroism, 55, 56 + + History, 14 + + Heredity, 67 + + Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114 + + Homogeneity, 70 + + Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140 + + Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140 + + Human nature, 93, 94 + + Hyperactivity of imagination, 46 + + Hyper-suggestibility, 44 + + Hypnosis, 45 + + +I + + Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114 + + Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145 + + Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77 + + Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145 + + Impulsive social action, 42, 48 + + Indemnity, principle of, 95 + + Indications of social change, 123, 143 + + Indices of business, 125 + + Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55 + + Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144 + + Industrial, accidents, 116, 135; + fatigue, 138; + hygiene, 135 + + Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49 + + Insanity, 46 + + Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44 + + Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational + + Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125 + + +J + + Jealousy, 44 + + Justice, 19 + + Juvenile delinquency, 138 + + +K + + Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142 + + Kindliness, 45, 55 + + +L + + Labor, 139; + division of, 69, 79; + legislation, 23, 101, 108 + + Law, 49, 50, 58, 120 + + Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145 + + Legislation, ameliorative, 101; + boundaries of, 101; + and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143; + health, 108; + ideals of, 101; + labor, 23, 101, 108; + mining, 23, 108; + marine, 23, 108, 109; + promotive, 133; + progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143; + social, 23, 100 + + Like-mindedness, 63, 70 + + Like response, 41 + + Limitation of field of consciousness, 42 + + Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145 + + +M + + Magic, 20, 78 + + Martial law, 101 + + Maternity, 48, 135 + + Mass relief, 85 + + Medical inspection, 136 + + Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140 + + Mental hygiene, 134 + + Mental unity, 41 + + Meteorological pressure, 65 + + Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122, + 143, 145 + + Ministerial association, 139 + + Models, 21, 77, 78 + + Modes of affective experience, 44 + + Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145 + + Morality, 20, 97 + + Mores, 70 + + Morgue service, 39, 91, 98 + + Mortality, 112 + + Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104 + + Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58 + + +N + + Navy, _vide_ military + + News-notice, 115 + + Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142 + + +O + + Obstruction and the human will, 52 + + Occupational change, 113 + + Oneiric delirium, 46 + + Organization, _vide_ social, relief + + Orientation, 123 + + Original tendencies, 39 + + +P + + Pain economy, 112 + + Pain, 53, 54 + + Parental instinct, 40, 41 + + Pensions, 90 + + Percentage of indifference, 129 + + Percentage of interest, 129 + + Personal crises, 18 + + Phenomena, of bereavement, 47; + of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45; + diverse, 35; + of emotion, 44; + of endurance, 52, 53; + post-catastrophic, 48; + of repression, 49 + + Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116 + + Physical factors in society, 67, 142 + + Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52 + + Pity, 39 + + Pleasure economy, 112 + + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior + + Plural leadership, 49 + + Police, 76, 101, 102 + + Political action, 64, 76, 129 + + Political Science, 103 + + Poor laws, 101 + + Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144 + + Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48 + + Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145 + + Preparedness, 64 + + Press, 72 + + Pressure, social, 63, 77 + + Primitive household, 69 + + Principles of relief, _vide_ relief + + Production, 19 + + Profiteering, psychology of, 51 + + Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109 + + Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146; + and change, 21; + degree of, 21; + and evolution, 14, 15; + meaning of, 21; + and relief, 80; + in social legislation, 23 + + Protocracy, 60, 70 + + Psychiatry, 134 + + Psychological factors in society, 67, 142 + + Psychology, analytic, 49; + crowd, 35, 41, 45; + disaster, 35, 56; + of helpfulness, 56, 85; + of helplessness, 49; + of insanity, 46; + of profiteering, 51; + of relief, 49, 94; + social, 35; + and sociology, 19, 35 + + Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93 + + Public safety, 132, 136 + + Public utilities, 71 + + Pugnacity, instinct of, 40 + + +R + + Reconditioning of instincts, 18 + + Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137 + + Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143 + + Regional influence, 66 + + Regulative system of society, 31 + + Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107 + + Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121 + + Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139 + + Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94; + division of labor in, 69; + fluctuation of, 116; + leadership in, 61, 103, 116; + medical, 61, 62, 65; + military in, 51, 60, 63, 68; + organization of, 59; + psychology of, 49, 94; + principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96; + procedure in, 79; + relation to progress, 80; + residuum of, 97; + reserve, 98; + secret service in, 98; + shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90; + stages in, 85 + + Repression, 49, 50 + + Reproductive system of society, 31 + + Resentment, 45, 49 + + Residuum of relief, 97 + + Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75 + + Restitution, principle of, 94, 95 + + Retrogressive evolution, 15 + + Revolution, 17, 22 + + Ritual, 20 + + Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63 + + +S + + Sabbath observance, 77 + + Safety, public, 132, 136 + + Sanitation, 66, 133, 134 + + Schools, _vide_ educational institutions + + Science, 33, 88 + + Security, feelings of, 41 + + Self-control, social, 70 + + Segregation, 64 + + Self-preservation, 31, 40 + + Sensation, 36, 38, 54 + + Sense perception, 37, 38 + + Sensorium, social, 59 + + Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143 + + Shibboleths, 77 + + Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141 + + Social, action, 64; + aggregation, 62; + age, 139; + choices, 121; + consciousness, 60; + conservation, 79, 84, 143; + conservatism, 19, 117, 120; + contrasts, 32; + control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146; + economy, 80, 98; + effects, 75, 96; + factors, 59, 67, 142; + immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145; + insurance, 105, 116, 125; + legislation, 23, 100; + memory, 23, 55; + mind, 49, 70; + order, 143; + organization, 35, 59, 142; + policy, 80, 139; + pressure, 63, 77; + psychology, 35; + reorganization, 69; + sensorium, 59; + service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143; + specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143; + standards, 32; + surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143 + + Social change, _vide_ change + + Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145 + + Socialized recreation, 138, 139 + + Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100 + + Societies, 76, 99 + + Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143 + + Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142 + + Sociology, 33, 35, 120; + attractions of study, 13; + educational, 137; + and psychology, 19, 35; + virgin fields in, 13, 23 + + Sorrow, 45, 47 + + Standards, social, 32 + + Standards of living, 112, 113, 133 + + State, 101 + + Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility + + Statistics, vital, 135 + + Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57; + of heroism, 55; + of leaders, 21; + of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145; + of models, 78; + repetition of, 45 + + Struggle for existence, 41 + + Sub-normal, 136 + + Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142 + + Suicide, 46 + + Supervised playgrounds, 136 + + Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143 + + Survival, 56 + + Sustaining system of society, 31 + + Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58 + + +T + + Taboo, 49, 71 + + Tender emotion, 45 + + Themistes, 18 + + Topography, 67, 142 + + Tradition, 32, 120 + + Transportation, 43 + + Trade-unions, 51 + + +U + + Under-nutrition, 113 + + Unemployment, 59, 125 + + Unit in relief, 60 + + Unity, mental, 41 + + Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142 + + Utilities, public, 71 + + +V + + Variation, social, _vide_ social change + + Vicissitudes, 14, 21 + + Vigilance committee, 19, 143 + + Vigor, economic, 70 + + Vocational training, 98, 136 + + Volition, 55, 64 + + Voluntary associations, 73, 84 + + +W + + War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144 + + Wealth, 111 + + Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139 + + Will, 22, 44, 52, 53 + + Workmen's compensation, 105 + + Worship, 19, 77 + + +Z + + Zeal, 44 + + + + +VITA + + +Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of +Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High +School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at +Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's +Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of +primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and +Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney, +Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British +Empire Club of the University. + + + + + [ Transcriber's Note: + + The following is a list of corrections made to the original. + The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one. + + dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more + dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more + + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk + + seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on + seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on + + an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged + and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged + + "So hypochrondriac fancies represent + "So hypochondriac fancies represent + + fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the + fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the + + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._, + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._, + + sentiment.[73] + sentiment."[73] + + pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was + pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was + + could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering + could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering + + may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social + may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social + + depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the + depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the + + comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the + comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the + + precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6 + precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6. + + of_ Halifax, 1918. + of Halifax_, 1918. + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd) + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + + relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort + relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort + + subsidize familes rather than institutions. + subsidize families rather than institutions. + + 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children. + 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children. + + exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims + exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims + + John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the + John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the + + We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are + We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are + + In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal. + In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal, + + committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They + committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They + + muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of + municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of + + But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies + But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies + + and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as + and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as + + ch viii, p. 197. + ch. viii, p. 197. + + The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to + The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to + + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction, + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction, + + Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77 + Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77 + + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior + + ] + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by +Samuel Henry Prince + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + +***** This file should be named 37580-8.txt or 37580-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/5/8/37580/ + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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+ } + + #tnote, + #tnote-bottom, + h1, + h2, + .footnotes, + .page-break + { + page-break-before: always; + } + + #tnote-bottom + { + page-break-after: always; + } +} + +@media handheld +{ + body + { + margin: 0; + padding: 0; + width: 95%; + } + + .poetry + { + max-width: 90%; + width: 90%; + margin-left: 10%; + } + + .poetry .indent30 + { + margin-left: 4em; + } + + #corrections li + { + margin: 0; + } +} +--> +</style> +<!--[if lt IE 8]> +<style type="text/css"> +a[title].pagenum +{ + position: static; +} +</style> +<![endif]--> +</head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Catastrophe and Social Change + Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster + +Author: Samuel Henry Prince + +Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + + + + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<div id="tnote"> +<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Notes:</b></p> + +<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully +as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation +and non-standard punctuation.</p> + +<p>Some corrections of spelling and punctuation have been made. +<span class="screen">They are marked <ins title="transcriber's note">like +this</ins> in the text. The original text appears when hovering the cursor +over the marked text.</span> A <a href="#tn-bottom">list of amendments</a> is +at the end of the text.</p> + +<p>Some of the entries in the <a href="#Page_147">index</a> are not in alphabetical order; they +have been kept as printed.</p> +</div> + +<h1>CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL +CHANGE</h1> + +<p class="center">BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF<br/> +THE HALIFAX DISASTER</p> + +<p class="center" style="margin: 3em auto;"><small>BY</small><br/> +SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.)</p> + +<p class="center small-caps">submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements<br/> +for the degree of doctor of philosophy<br/> +in the<br/> +Faculty of Political Science<br/> +Columbia University</p> + +<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em;">NEW YORK<br/> +1920</p> + +<p class="center page-break italic" style="line-height: 1.4em;">Halifax<br/> +is not a large city<br/> +but there are those who love it<br/> +who would choose to dwell therein<br/> +before all cities beneath<br/> +the skies</p> + +<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em; line-height: 1.4em;"><b>To</b><br/> +<span class="small-caps">All Such</span><br/> +CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE,<br/> +<small>I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE<br/> +THESE LINES</small></p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_7" title="7"> </a>PREFACE</h2> + +<p><span class="small-caps">The</span> following pages embody the result of an observational +study of the social phenomena attendant upon one of +the greatest catastrophies in history—the Halifax Disaster. +The idea of the work was suggested while carrying out a +civic community study of the disaster city under the direction +of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University.</p> + +<p>The account deals first with the shock and disintegration +as the writer observed it. Individual and group reactions +are next examined in the light of sociological theory. +The <a href="#Chapter_3">chapters on Social Organization</a> are an effort to picture +that process as it actually occurred.</p> + +<p>The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important +contribution which Social Economy was able to +make in the direction of systematic rehabilitation. Special +reference is made to private initiative and governmental +control in emergency relief. This monograph is in no +sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the +literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable +social movements in great emergencies.</p> + +<p>Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, +as the title suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, +between which stands a great catastrophe, and its thesis is +the place of catastrophe in social change.</p> + +<p>In the preparation of this work, which the author believes +to be the first attempt to present a purely scientific +and sociological treatment of any great disaster, he has received +invaluable assistance. A few grateful lines can +ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the Department +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_8" title="8"> </a> +of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes +its inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor +A. A. Tenney it owes its present form and structure +and any literary excellence it may possess. Professor R. E. +Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout and has +contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay +has read the <a href="#Chapter_6">chapter on Social Legislation</a>, and Professor +R. S. Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, +<a href="#Chapter_2">that on Disaster Psychology</a>. The author is under special +tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to Professor Tenney, +who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer vacation +to read and revise the manuscript and proof.</p> + +<p>Without the walls of the University there are also those +who have given aid. The author gratefully acknowledges +the assistance of Dr. Edward T. Devine of New York, +of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas Mackay, +of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John +Public Library. He has enjoyed the coöperation of many +friends and fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to +thank particularly, Miss L. F. Barnaby, of the Halifax +Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the Halifax Welfare +Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr. +W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. +Monaghan, Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, +Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr. R. M. Hattie, Secretary +of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr. Franklin B. +Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission, +Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax +Board of Trade, Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of +Neglected and Delinquent Children, and last of all and most +of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J. Johnstone, editor +of the <cite>Dartmouth Independent</cite>.</p> + +<p class="right">S. H. P.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">Columbia University, New York, October, 1920.</span></p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_9" title="9"> </a>CONTENTS</h2> + +<table id="toc" summary="Contents"> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">Introduction</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="right">PAGE</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The “catastrophe” in sociological literature</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The “catastrophic view” <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vs.</i> progress in evolution</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Factors in social change</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The stimuli factors</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>What crises mean</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Communities and great vicissitudes</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Causes of immobility</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Catastrophe and progress</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Historic cases suggested for study</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER I<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Disintegration</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The City of Halifax</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Terrific nature of the explosion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Destruction of life and property</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The subsequent fire and storms</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Annihilation of homes</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Arresting of business</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Disintegration of the social order</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER II<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Psychology</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Shock reaction</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Hallucination</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Primitive instincts</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Crowd psychology</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Phenomena of emotion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>How men react when bereft completely</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Post-catastrophic phenomena</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality, custom +and law</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Fatigue and the human will</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td><a class="pagenum" name="Page_10" title="10"> </a>The stimuli of heroism</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Mutual aid</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER III<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Organization</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The organization of relief</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The disaster protocracy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The transition from chaos through leadership</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Utility of association</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Vital place of communication</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Imitation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social pressure</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Consciousness of kind</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Discussion</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Circumstantial pressure</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Climate</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Geographic determinants</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Classification of factors</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER IV<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Organization (Continued)</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The reorganization of the civil social order</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Division of labor</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Resumption of normal activities</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>State and voluntary associations</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Order of reëstablishment</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Effects of environmental change</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The play of imitation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The stimulus of lookers-on</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social conservation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER V<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Economy</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The contribution of social service</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Its four-fold character</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The principles of relief</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Rehabilitation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_86">86</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Phases of application</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Criticisms</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_92">92</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>A new principle</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social results</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Summary for future guidance</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading"><a class="pagenum" name="Page_11" title="11"> </a>CHAPTER VI<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Legislation</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Governmental agencies in catastrophe</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>What seems to be expected of governments</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>What they actually do</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social legislation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>A permanent contribution</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER VII<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Surplus</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover +from disaster</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The case of San Francisco</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The case of Halifax</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Social surplus</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The equipmental factors</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of public response</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Catastrophe insurance</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>A practical step</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER VIII<br/> + Catastrophe and Social Change</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The unchanging Halifax of the years</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The causes of social immobility</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The new birthday</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The indications of change—appearance, expansion of business, +population, political action, city-planning, housing, health, education, +recreation, community spirit</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Carsten's prophecy</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER IX<br/> + Conclusion</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Recapitulation</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The various steps in the study presented in propositional form</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_142">142</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>The rôle of catastrophe</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>Index</td> + <td class="right"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<blockquote class="page-break"> +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_12" title="12"> </a>“This awful catastrophe is not the end but +the beginning. History does not end so. It is +the way its chapters open.”—<i>St. Augustine.</i></p> +</blockquote> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_13" title="13"> </a>INTRODUCTION</h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The “catastrophe” in sociological literature—The “catastrophic view” +<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vs.</i> progress in evolution—Factors in social change—The stimuli +factors—What crises mean—Communities and great vicissitudes—Causes +of immobility—Catastrophe and progress—Historic cases suggested +for study.</p> + +<p>There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one +of the attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. +But of all such fields none is more interesting than the +factor of catastrophe in social change.</p> + +<p>And strangely enough, if there are but few references to +the problem in all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not +because catastrophies are few. Indeed it would seem that +with the advent of the industrial age, disasters grow more +frequent every year.<a name="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Many are small, no doubt, touching +but the life of a village or a borough—a broken dyke, a +bridge swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again +write themselves on the pages of History—an Ohio flood, +an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San Francisco earthquake, +a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes its +records of social change—some to be effaced in a twelve-month—some +to outlast a generation. Records they are, +for the most part unread. How to read them is the problem. +And it may be that when readers have grown in +number and the script is better known, we shall be able to +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_14" title="14"> </a> +seize the moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably +its power for social good.</p> + +<p>To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The +dictionary calls catastrophe “an event producing a subversion +of the order or system of things,” and such as “may +or may not be a cause of misery to man.”<a name="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> It is desirable +however to limit the use of the term, in primary investigations +at least, to those disasters which affect communities +rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more +amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, +famine, and financial panic are too general in character, and +function on too grand a scale for satisfactory treatment, +at least until the ground is cleared. It is necessary also to +limit this investigation to those social changes which follow +upon catastrophies, rather than precede them. For +there are social effects which result from living in anticipation +of disaster, such as are observable among communities +in volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, +it would be likely to lead the investigator too far afield into +the realm of speculation. Nevertheless a general point of +view is necessary to give meaning to even a limited treatment +of the theme. For this purpose there may be contrasted +the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by +that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of +progress through evolution. The former looks upon history +as a series of vicissitudes mercifully ending one day +in final cataclysm. The spirit of apocalyptic expectancy prevails. +Social conditions rest hopelessly static. Faith is +pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can endure. +Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, +pictured like an escalade with resident forces lifting the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_15" title="15"> </a> +world to better days. Progress becomes a smooth continuous +growth. On the other hand the newer philosophy +sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive +evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.<a name="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +There are great stretches of smooth and even current in +the stream, but always along the course are seen the rapid +and the water-fall, the eddy and reversing tide. The latter +is the general subject of this dissertation, and its thesis +is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and +specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must +be left to abler hands.</p> + +<p>The conception of social change as used in this monograph +also needs definition. By social change is meant those rapid +mutations which accompany sudden interferences with the +equilibrium of society, break up the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status-quo</i>, dissipate +mental inertia and overturn other tendencies resistant to +structural modification. The various forces which initiate +such disturbances are factors in social change. These +factors may be intra-social,—within the group—such factors +as operate in the regular social process, imitation and adaptation, +for example; or they may be extra-social, “stimuli” +factors—from without the group—such as, accidental, extraneous +or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may +be one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or +rapid changes of environment.<a name="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_16" title="16"> </a>These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study +by scientific method. However important the accumulation +of impulses toward social transformation may be, there +is often a single “precipitating factor” which acts as the +“igniting spark” or “the knocking away of the stay-block,” +or “the turning of a lever.”<a name="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> It is among such +extra-social or “stimuli” factors that catastrophe falls +as a precipitating agent in social change.</p> + +<p>The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires +attention, and it will be clarifying to our thought at +this point to distinguish carefully between crisis and +catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature of the former +really is. The word “crisis” is of Greek origin, meaning +a point of culmination and separation, an instant when +change one way or another is impending. Crises are those +critical moments which are, as we say, big with destiny. +Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of victory turns. +Diseases have them—the seventh day in pneumonia, or the +fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford +numerous illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.<a name="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> +There are critical years of stress and strain—the ages +of fourteen and forty in life-histories, the latter being according +to Sir Robertson Nicoll the most dangerous hour +of existence. Other crises are “hours of insight” in the +world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of +action,—that “tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the +flood leads on to fortune,” hours of doubt in religion “when +all the gods are dead.” “Crisis,” Professor Shailer <ins title="Matthews">Mathews</ins> +observes, “is something more than a relative term. +It describes a situation which is no ordinary member of a +line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures +radical change in the immediate future.” He distinguishes +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_17" title="17"> </a> +between a crisis and a revolution. “The difference between +a revolution and a crisis is the difference between +the fire and the moment when someone with a lighted match +in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be lighted.” +The term covers the situation preceding change, whether +this situation be the culmination of a process or the result +of some particular stimulus. “It is not necessarily precipitated +by great issues. Quite as often it is occasioned +by events .... which are so related to a new situation +as to set in motion an entire group of forces as a match +kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid.”<a name="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The +failure to distinguish between that which occasions the +crisis and the crisis itself has been the source of some confusion +in thinking. “Defeat in battle, floods, drought, +pestilence and famine,” are not strictly crises, but they +super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything which +brings about “a disturbance of habit,” though it be simply +“an incident, a stimulation or a suggestion.” In short, +crises are the result either of a slowly maturing process or of +sudden strain or shock; and the nature of the reaction in +the crisis-hour is nothing more than the effort towards the +reëstablishment of habits, new or old, when the former +functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been +pointed out, is closely correlated with attention.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; +it is not at work. But when something happens to disturb +the run of habit, the attention is called into play, and devises +a new mode of behavior which will meet the crisis. That +is, the attention establishes new and adequate habits, or it is +its function so to do.<a name="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent"><a class="pagenum" name="Page_18" title="18"> </a>What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as +the reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings +has been the first to make the sociological application:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are +the most stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are +not unchanging. Under new and widening experience they +suffer attrition and are modified. Instincts and with them +emotion and imagination which largely fills the vast realm +between instinct and reason are reconditioned. The word +means simply that reflexes and higher processes subjected to +new experiences are in a degree or entirely detached from old +stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to time also +traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by crisis. +Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized, discussed. +It is rationally deliberated.<a name="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, +as when revolutions break. The alternate truth that the +catastrophies themselves are re-agents to generate the +crisis-situation has not been so commonly noted. Nevertheless +the disintegration of the normal by shock and +calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle.</p> + +<p>Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of +individual men rather than in the case of communities that +the observations have been recorded. Our biographies teem +with instances of personal crises precipitated by a great shock +or disappointment—Hawthorne's dismissal from the custom +house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the refusal +of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of +Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott.</p> + +<p>Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic +of the crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity<a name="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_19" title="19"> </a> +into which the individual is thrown. Life becomes like +molten metal. It enters a state of flux<a name="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> from which it +must reset upon a principle, a creed, or purpose. It is +shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old customs +crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a +state of potentiality for reverse directions. The subject +may “fall down” or he may “fall up.” The presence of +dynamic forces in such a state means change. But the +precise rôle of the individual mind in a period of crisis is +a problem not for sociology but for psychology.</p> + +<p>The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social +change is also true, however, of the community. Fluidity +is not the usual state of society.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Most of the “functions” of society have no tendency to disturb +the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, +so long as births and death balance, production so far +as it is balanced by consumption, exchange so long as the +argosies of commerce carry goods and not ideas, education so +far as it passes on the traditional culture, these together with +recreation, social intercourse, worship, social control, government +and the administration of justice are essentially statical. +They might conceivably go on forever without producing +change.<a name="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility, +conservatism and “determined resistance to +change.” The chief reason for this immobility is habit:<a name="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<blockquote> +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_20" title="20"> </a>When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most +resemble the instincts of animals. And the great part of our +life is lived in the region of habit. The habits like the instincts +are safe and serviceable. They have been tried and are +associated with a feeling of security. There consequently +grows up in the folk mind a determined resistance to change +... a state of rapid and constant change implies loss of +settled habits and disorganization. As a result, all societies +view change with suspicion, and the attempt to revise certain +habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is possible under +such conditions for a society to become stationary or to attempt +to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the present +status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is particularly +marked among savages. In the absence of science +and a proper estimate of the value of change they rely on +ritual and magic and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the +past. Change is consequently introduced with a maximum of +resistance ... Indeed the only world in which change is at a +premium and is systematically sought is the modern scientific +world.<a name="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of +custom by catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered +right and left. Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. +There comes a sudden chance for permanent social change.</p> + +<p>Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. +The destruction of a mill may change the economic outlook +of a village. The loss of a bridge may result in an entirely +different school system for an isolated community; a cloud-burst +may move a town. Great visitations, like the Chicago +fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social +processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a +single instance the latter city. Its quick recovery has been +called one of the wonders of the age. In the very midst of +surrounding desolation and business extinction, the Californian +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_21" title="21"> </a> +city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition, and its +citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all +world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which +succeed relatively small disturbances are often such as to +elude an estimate. The reason has been well suggested +that “big crises bring changes about most easily because +they affect all individuals alike at the same time.” In other +words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see, +therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only +is fluidity fundamental to social change, but the degree of +fluidity seems to vary directly as the shock and extent of the +catastrophe.</p> + +<p>There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe +upon social progress. The following words are quotable +in this connection:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people +has a certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, +and the most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous +life. Our proverb “Necessity is the mother of invention” is +the formulation in folk-thought of this principle of social +change.<a name="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion +as to the principle concerned—namely, that progress +is a natural and an assured result of change. The point is +that catastrophe always means social change. There is not +always progress. It is well to guard against confusion here. +Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress +means “amelioration, perfectionment.” The latter will +be seen to depend on other things—the nature of the shock, +the models presented, the community culture and morale, +the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on. The single case of +Galveston, Texas,<a name="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> is sufficient to disprove the too optimistic +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_22" title="22"> </a> +hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform. +Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, +and in spite of superior commercial advantages was outgrown +by a rival fifty miles away. At the same time the +case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in mind. Here also +was a flood-stricken city and she became “the Gem City of +the West.” The principle<a name="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> thus appears to be that progress +in catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, +some of which are subject to social control.</p> + +<p>It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope +of eventual social control over disaster-stricken cities, and +the transmutation of seeming evil into tremendous good. +And this is in addition to the many practical social lessons +which we have already been intelligent enough to preserve, +such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient +charity organization.</p> + +<p>How much of man's advancement has been directly or +indirectly due to disaster?<a name="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The question asks itself and +it is a question as yet without an answer. When the answer +is at last written, will there not be many surprises? Pitt-Rivers +tells us that “the idea of a large boat might have +been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated +down the rivers before the eyes of men.”<a name="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> A terrible +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_23" title="23"> </a> +storm at sea gave America its first rice.<a name="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> City-planning may +be said to have taken its rise in America as a result of the +Chicago fire, and the rôle of catastrophe in the progress of +social legislation is a study in itself. The impetus thus +received is immeasurable. Historically, labor-legislation +took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever in the +cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine +disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the +Triangle fire which led to the appropriation of funds for +a factory investigation commission in the State of New +York. The sinking of the Titanic has greatly reduced the +hazards of the sea.</p> + +<p>It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days +to come who invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not +entirely without ground for the faith which is in them; and +that catastrophies are frequently only re-agents of further +progress. But this is merely introductory. Thought becomes +scientific only when its conclusions are checked up +and under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to +such procedure it must still remain opinion or belief.</p> + +<p>The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field +in sociology. Knowledge will grow scientific only after +the most faithful examination of many catastrophies. But +it must be realized that the data of the greatest value is left +ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the social +memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the +event. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that +sociological studies of Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San +Francisco, and other disaster cities should be initiated at once.<a name="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_24" title="24"> </a>Of such a series—if the work can be done—this little +volume on Halifax is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that +the many inadequacies of treatment will receive the generous +allowances permitted a pioneer.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_25" title="25"> </a><a name="Chapter_1">CHAPTER I</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Disintegration</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The City of Halifax—Terrific nature of the explosion—Destruction of +life and property—The subsequent fire and storms—Annihilation of +homes—Arresting of business—Disintegration of the social order.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">Halifax</span> is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of +Canada on her Atlantic seaboard. It is situated at the head +of Chebucto <ins title="Bay">Bay,</ins> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline +of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with a magnificent +harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three +finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely +ride at anchor. The possession of this harbor, together +with ample defences, and a fortunate situation with regard +to northern Europe established the Garrison City, early in +the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the Dominion. +Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third +shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the +transports came, and the giant freighters to join their convoy. +Cruisers and men-of-war put in to use its great dry-dock, +or take on coal. Here too, cleared the supply and munition +boats—some laden with empty shells, others with high explosives +destined for the distant fields of battle. How much +of the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went +during those fateful years is not publicly known.<a name="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Certainly +there was too much to breed a sense of safety, but no +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_26" title="26"> </a> +one gave the matter second thought. All were intent upon +the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day was +each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung +across the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly +the sea and sky. The forts were fully manned. The +gunners ready. The people knew these things, and no one +dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure in +her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic.</p> + +<p>About midway in the last two years of war—to be exact +December, 1917,—a French munitioner<a name="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> heavily laden +with trinitrotoluol, the most powerful of known explosives, +reached Halifax from New York. On the early morning +of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her +own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the +basin—an oval expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called +Turple Head. Suddenly an empty Belgian relief ship<a name="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> +swept through the Narrows directly in her pathway. There +was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers. +The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook +the world!</p> + +<p>War came to America that morning. Two thousand +slain, six thousand injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five +millions of dollars in property destroyed, three hundred +acres left a smoking waste, churches, schools, factories +blown down or burned—such was the appalling havoc of the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_27" title="27"> </a> +greatest single explosion in the history of the world.<a name="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> It +was an episode which baffles description. It is difficult to +gain from words even an approximate idea of the catastrophe +and what followed in its trail.</p> + +<p>It was all of a sudden—a single devastating blast; then +the sound as of the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. +Men and women cowered under the shower of debris and +glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank, +and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men +looked dumbly into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack +of doom. To some death was quick and merciful in its +coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <ins title="an">and</ins> fro +before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged +themselves forth into the light—naked, blackened, unrecognizable +human shapes. They lay prone upon the +streetside, under the shadow of the great death-cloud which +still dropped soot and oil and water. It was truly a sight +to make the angels weep.</p> + +<p>Men who had been at the front said they had seen +nothing so bad in Flanders. Over there men were torn with +shrapnel, but the victims were in all cases men. Here +father and mother, daughter and little child, all fell in +“one red burial blent.” A returned soldier said of it: “I +have been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the +top. Friends and comrades have been shot in my presence. +I have seen scores of dead men lying upon the battlefield, +but the sight .... was a thousand times worse and far +more pathetic.”<a name="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> A well-known relief worker who had +been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after +those disasters said “I am impressed by the fact that this is +much the saddest disaster I have seen.” It has been compared +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_28" title="28"> </a> +to the scenes pictured by Lord Lytton in his tale of +the last days of Pompeii:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing +down upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers +in fierce flames. But every other sickening detail was present—that +of crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling +homes, and cruel flame and fire. And there were showers, not +it is true of ashes from the vortex of the volcano, but of soot +and oil and water, of death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and +deck and boiler, of glass and wood and of the shattered ship.<a name="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss “in all five +of the ways it is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, +permanent injury, temporary injury, personal property loss, +and real property loss.”<a name="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Here were to be found in one +dread assembling the combined horrors of war, earthquake, +fire, flood, famine and storm—a combination seen for the +first time in the records of human disaster.</p> + +<p>It was an earthquake<a name="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> so violent that when the explosion +occurred the old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. +The citadel trembled, the whole horizon seemed to move +with the passing of the earth waves. These were caught +and registered, their tracings<a name="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> carefully preserved, but the +mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster +and collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim +brought death and burial at one and the same time.</p> + +<p>It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_29" title="29"> </a> +tidal wave, fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and +embankment into the lower streets, and receding, left boats +and wreckage high and dry, but carried to a watery doom +score upon score of human lives. Nearly two hundred men +were drowned.</p> + +<p>It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for +a second filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves +secretly within the lightning discharge of gas, only +to burst out in gusts of sudden flame. Numberless buildings +were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught to the +northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was +crimson; below, a living crematorium—church and school, +factory and home burned together in one fierce conflagration; +and the brave firemen knew that there were men and +women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past self-help. +Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but +in vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, +but often failed to save alive the captives of the flame. And +so the last dread process went on,—earth to earth, ashes to +ashes, dust to dust. And when the fires at last abated, the +north end of the City of Halifax looked like some blackened +hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the +spring.</p> + +<p>But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments +was the tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting +ship. It wrought instant havoc everywhere. Trees were +torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like toothpicks. +Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses. +Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses +collapsed on all sides. Steamers were slammed against the +docks. Then followed a veritable air-raid, when the sky +rained iron fragments upon the helpless city. Like a meteoric +shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand roofs, and +with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_30" title="30"> </a>Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Dies +Irae</cite>. Scarce was the catastrophe an hour old when the +news was flashed around that a second explosion was approaching. +It was the powder magazine in the Navy-yard, +and the flames were perilously near. Through the +crowded streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to +come. “Flee!.... Flee!.... Get into the open +ground” was the cry. Shops were abandoned unguarded, +goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till +was closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, +driven like animals before a prairie fire—yet this was not all; +for “the plight of the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, +the cripples, the nursing mothers, the pregnant can +not be described.”</p> + +<p>It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the +Younger tells:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children +and the shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; +others their parents, others their wives and husbands ... one +lamenting his own fate, another that of his family. Some +praying to die from the very fear of dying, many lifting their +hands to the gods, but the greater part imagining that there +were no gods left anywhere, and that the last and eternal night +was come upon the world.<a name="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">It has been said that “Moscow was no more deserted before +Napoleon than were the shattered streets of Halifax when +this flight had been carried out.”<a name="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> And when the hegira +was over, and when there had ensued a partial recovery +from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony had +yet to be undergone—a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, +rain, floods and zero weather were even then upon +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_31" title="31"> </a> +the way. They came in close procession and as if to crown +and complete the terrors of the great catastrophe thunder +rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly the +snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax—“a +calamity the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination +of the world.”<a name="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>The description here concluded, brief and inadequate +as it is, will sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the +catastrophic shock, and explain how utter and complete was +the social disintegration which followed.</p> + +<p>There was the disintegration of the home and the family,—the +reproductive system of society—its members sundered +and helpless to avert it. There was the disintegration +of the regulative system—government was in perplexity, +and streets were without patrol. There was the disintegration +of the sustaining system—a dislocation of transportation, +a disorganization of business while the wheels of industry +ceased in their turning. There was a derangement +of the distributive system<a name="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>—of all the usual services, of illumination, +water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was +impossible to communicate with the outside world. There +were no cars, no mails, no wires. There was a time when +the city ceased to be a city, its citizens a mass of unorganized +units—struggling for safety, shelter, covering and bread. +As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; “The whole elements of +civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied +and complicated machinery of social life was left save the +primal law of self preservation.”<a name="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_32" title="32"> </a> +of the disaster night and the beautiful evening before.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no +happy throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the +fire-side. The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead +of laughter, weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing +pain; instead of Elysian dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears +and sorrow were in the way and all the daughters of music +were brought low ... Halifax had become in a trice a city +of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.<a name="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories +that first night, to have seen men, women and children, +of all stations, huddled together on the stages of theatres, +the chancels of churches, in stables, box-cars and basements +was to have beheld a rift in the social structure such as no +community had ever known. Old traditional social lines +were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe +smashed through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also +smashed through fixed traditions, social divisions and old +standards, making a rent which would not easily repair. +Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid, official and bellboy +met for the first time as victims of a common calamity.</p> + +<p>Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when +Mr. Ratshesky of the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he +could report: “An awful sight presented itself, buildings +shattered on all sides—chaos apparent.” In a room in +the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled “men +and women trying to organize different departments of relief, +while other rooms were filled to utmost capacity with +people pleading for doctors, nurses, food, and clothing for +themselves and members of their families. Everything was +in turmoil.”<a name="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> This account faithfully expresses the disintegration +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_33" title="33"> </a> +which came with the great shock of what had +come to pass. It is this disintegration and the resultant +phenomena which are of utmost importance for the student +of social science to observe. To be quite emotionally free in +the observation of such phenomena, however, is almost impossible. +It has been said of sociological investigations that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">observation is made under bias because the facts under review +are those of human life and touch human interest. A man can +count the legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because +he thinks there are too many or too few. But when he observes +the life of the society in which he moves, lives and has his being, +or some other society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or +disapproves, is edified or horrified, by what he observes. When +he does that he passes a moral judgment.<a name="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In +our present study it is natural that our sympathy reactions +should be especially strong. “<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quamquam animus meminisse +horret, incipiam</i>” must be our motto. As students +we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from them, +and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's +patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect +of large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must +learn well when the abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies +and when social processes are seen magnified by a thousand +diameters. Only thus can we hope for advances that will +endure.</p> + +<p>In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the +reorganization of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society +itself as it reacts under the stimulus of catastrophe, and +adjusts itself to the circumstantial pressure of new conditions.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_34" title="34"> </a>Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the <a href="#Chapter_2">next +chapter</a>, to glance at a number of social phenomena which +should be recorded and examined in the light of social +psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of each +chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose +if thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted +in disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of +the usual methods of social control and dissolution of the +customary; that through the catastrophe the community +was thrown into the state of flux which, as was suggested +in the <a href="#Page_13">introduction</a>, is the logical and natural prerequisite +for social change; and finally that the shock was of a +character such as “to affect all individuals alike at the same +time,” and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable +to social change.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_35" title="35"> </a><a name="Chapter_2">CHAPTER II</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Psychology</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">Shock reaction—Hallucination—Primitive instincts—Crowd psychology—Phenomena +of emotion—How men react when bereft completely—Post-catastrophic +phenomena—Human nature in the absence of repression +by conventionality, custom and law—Fatigue and the human +will—The stimuli of heroism—Mutual aid.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">Social</span> Psychology is a subject of primary importance +to the student of society. Like Sociology itself its field +is far from being exhausted. One looks in vain for a treatment +of disaster psychology. In such a study the diverse +phenomena involved would be of interest to the psychologist. +Their effects in retarding or promoting social organization +would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects +in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the +major subjective reactions as they were to be seen in the +Halifax catastrophe.</p> + +<p>It is improbable that any single community has ever +presented so composite a picture of human traits in such +bold relief as appeared in the City of Halifax upon the day +of the explosion. Human phenomena which many knew +of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that +he who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions +there was abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, +primitive instincts, and crowd psychology as well of +other phenomena all of which have important sociological +significance tending either to prolong disintegration, or to +hasten social recovery.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_36" title="36"> </a>The first of these phenomena was the “stun” of the +catastrophe itself. The shock reaction at Halifax has been +variously described. It has been graphically likened “to +being suddenly stricken with blindness and paralysis.” It +was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. “We +died a thousand horrible deaths” ran one description, “the +nervous shock and terror were as hard to bear as were the +wounds.” “The people are dazed,” wrote another observer, +“they have almost ceased to exercise the sensation +of pain.” This physiological reaction animals and men +shared alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses +was as of beasts which had suddenly gone mad.</p> + +<p>A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction +is the abnormal action of the glands. The disturbance of +the sympathetic nervous system produced by the emotional +stress and strain of a great excitement or a great disappointment +is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of +glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness +was precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of +the disaster.<a name="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Among cases observed were those of diabetes, +tuberculosis and hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous +instability to which reference is subsequently made. Such +an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism—exaggerated action of +the thyroid gland—is said to have followed the Kishineff +massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids +on London.<a name="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> As to diabetes, it has been shown that</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a +step toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear +in persons under emotional strain ... so common is this +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_37" title="37"> </a>particular result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone +has said that “when stocks go down in New York, diabetes +goes up.”<a name="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have +to note the presence of hallucination in disaster.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. +For example, the patient sees an object which has +no real existence, or hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations +are termed visual, auditory, tactile, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> according to the sense to +which the false impression appears to belong.<a name="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. +It is sense-perception colored by association. It +is the power of a dominant idea that, unbidden, enters the +field of consciousness and takes possession of even the +senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to dominate +most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality—the +expected Germans. For a long time there had been +under public discussion the question as to whether or not +the city would be shelled by Zeppelin raiders, or possibly by +a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been darkened by +military orders. The failure to draw window shades had +been subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked +upward when there came the crash, and when seeing the +strange unusual cloud beheld the Zeppelin of fancy. A +man residing on the outskirts of the town of Dartmouth +“heard” a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth +Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here +perhaps the vista is most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. +The instant after the explosion a citizen standing here +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_38" title="38"> </a> +“saw” clearly a German fleet manoeuvering in the distance.<a name="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> +That shells had actually come few on the instant +doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not +to run elsewhere, as “two shots never fall in the same place.”</p> + +<p>This—a German assault—was the great mental explanation +that came into the majority of minds. There was one +other—that of the end of the world. Many fell to their +knees in prayer. One woman was found in the open yard +by her broken home repeating the general confession of the +church. Few would have been surprised if out of the +smoky cloud-ridden skies there should have appeared the +archangels announcing the consummation of mundane affairs. +Indeed there were instances, not a few, of those +who “saw” in the death-cloud “the clear outlines of a +face.” Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were +manifested to a degree.</p> + +<p>Hallucination has been described as “seeing” something +which has no basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, +which is rather a misinterpretation of what is seen. “Delusions +are closely allied to hallucinations and generally accompany +the latter. The distinction lies in the fact that +delusions are not false sensations but false beliefs.”<a name="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> +Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous +shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve +the judgment of perception. This was especially noticeable +at Halifax in the hospital identification, particularly of +children. A distracted father looked into a little girl's +face four different times but did not recognize her as his +own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_39" title="39"> </a> +was also noted. A fond parent time and time +again “discovered” his lost child, “seeing” to complete +satisfaction special marks and features on its little body. +But often there were present those who knew better, and +the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon +was repeated in numberless instances at the morgue. +Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <ins title="whereever">wherever</ins> +refugees were gathered together, the overwrought +searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and +suddenly “recognize” a missing relative or friend.<a name="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Regretfully +the attendant fulfilled the same thankless task +from day to day. There had been no recognition at all. +The observer had seen “not the object itself but the image +evoked in the mind.”<a name="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>The primitive instincts of man were for a long time +vaguely and loosely defined, until James and later McDougall +essayed to give them name and number. But only +with Thorndike's critical examination has it become clear +how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation +back to the elemental or “primal movers of all human +activity.” Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing +save a set of original tendencies to respond to stimuli +in more or less definite directions. When he speaks of +instincts it is to mean only a “series of situations and responses” +or “a set of tendencies for various situations to +arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, <i>etc.</i> with which +certain bodily movements usually go.” Among them, there +are those resulting in “food-getting and habitation,” in +“fear, fighting and anger” and in “human intercourse.”<a name="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> +But McDougall's classification preserves the old phrases, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_40" title="40"> </a> +and men are likely to go on speaking of the “instinct of +flight,” the “instinct of pugnacity,” “parental instinct,” +“gregarious instinct” and the others.<a name="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> For the sociologist +it is enough that all agree that men are held under some +powerful grip of nature and driven at times almost inevitably +to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their social +effects.</p> + +<p>In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most +plainly and less subject to the re-conditioning influences +of ordinary life. This was especially noticeable at Halifax. +The instinct of flight for self-preservation was +reflected in the reaction of thousands. “Almost without +thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation +I backed from the window to a small store-room and +stood there dazed.”<a name="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The experience so described may be +said to have been general. This instinct was to be seen +again in the action of the crew of the explosives-laden ship. +Scarcely had the collision occurred when the whole complement +lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the +nearest shore—which happened to be that opposite to Halifax—and +“scooted for the woods.” As the ship, although +set on fire immediately after the impact, did not actually +blow up until some twenty minutes later, much might have +been done by men less under the domination of instinct, in +the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable +catastrophe.<a name="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine +example of difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_41" title="41"> </a> +also in other instances, some suggestive of that early combat +when animals and men struggled for mere physical +existence.</p> + +<p>The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and +was reflected not only in the sacrifices made and the privations +endured by parents for their young, but in every act +of relief, which arose in involuntary response to the cry +of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the phenomenon +often noticed in disasters that “immediately and +spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to +the work of rescue and first aid.”<a name="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The gregarious instinct—the instinct to herd—showed +itself in the spontaneous groupings which came about and +which seemed somehow to be associated with feelings of +security from further harm. The refugees found comfort +in the group. They rarely remained alone.</p> + +<p>These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less +degree of complication were to be remarked of the actions +not only of individuals but of groups as well. In the latter +the typical phenomena of crowd psychology were manifested +upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be what +it is—“the like response of many to a socially inciting event +or suggestion such as sudden danger.” Out of a mere +agglomeration of individuals and under the stress of emotional +excitement there arose that mental unity, which Le +Bon emphasizes.<a name="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> There was noticeable the feeling of +safety associated with togetherness which Trotter suggests.<a name="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +There was the suggestibility, with its preceding conditions +which Sidis<a name="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> has clarified, namely, expectancy, inhibition, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_42" title="42"> </a> +and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were +the triple characteristics which Giddings notes: “Crowds +are subject to swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive +to suggestion .... and always manifest a tendency to +carry suggested ideas immediately into action.”<a name="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<p>Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none +more apt than those furnished by the reactions following +the Halifax tragedy. Only Pliny's narrative of the flight +from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the story of the “Day of +Fear” in France,<a name="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> or that depicting the days of the comet<a name="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> +are comparable thereto.</p> + +<p>At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. +Some ran to the streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in +the shops ran home. This was in the area of wounds and +bruises. Farther north was the area of death. Thither +the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass +and splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came +the orders of the soldiers, whose barracks were situated +in the very heart of the danger district, for the people to +fly southward, Common-ward, to the open spaces—anywhere. +Another explosion was imminent. Then came +further outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic +account:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and +fled. Hammers, shovels and bandages were thrown aside. +Stores were left wide open with piles of currency on their +counters. Homes were vacated in a twinkling. Little tots +couldn't understand why they were being dragged along so +fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did, either to +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_43" title="43"> </a>catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to see +again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them +the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some +carried children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled +together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled +in their night dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies +blackened with soot and grime. These had come from the +destroyed section of the North End. What a storm-tossed +motley throng, and as varied in its aspect and as poignant in +its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian refugees fleeing +before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the great +majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies +and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they +thought was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where +possibly its shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the +Common were black with terrified thousands. Thousands more +trudged along St. Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among +its trees and winding curves.... Many cut down boughs and +made themselves fires—for they were bitterly cold. Here they +were—poorly clad, badly wounded, and with not one loaf of +bread in all their number, so hastily did they leave, when galloping +horsemen announced the danger was over and it was safe +to return.<a name="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes +a crowd was noted.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some +massed in groups, some running anxiously back and forth like +ants when their hill has been crushed. There were blanched +faces and trembling hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation +and every bearer of tidings was immediately surrounded.<a name="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_44" title="44"> </a> +the subsequent scenes which were witnessed in supply stations +and shelters, the association which Sidis draws between +calamity and hyper-suggestibility in the body politic +was abundantly endorsed.</p> + +<p>We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of +emotion which accompany a great catastrophe. This is +not the less difficult because the term emotion is not given +consistent use even by psychologists. One interprets it +as merely the affective side of the instinctive process—those +“modes of affective experience,” such as “anger, fear, +curiosity,” which accompany the excitement of “the principal +powerful instincts.”<a name="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Another sees it as also an impulsive, +not merely a receptive state. It is “the way the body +feels when it is prepared for a certain reaction,” and includes +“an impulse toward the particular reaction.”<a name="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of +the emotions as complicated states of feeling more or less +allied to one another and to the human will.<a name="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Among them +are jealousy and envy—“discomfort at seeing others approved +and at being out-done by them.”<a name="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> This appeared +repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included +in disaster psychology. Again greed<a name="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>—more strictly +a social instinct than an emotion—was common. How common +will receive further exemplification in a <a href="#Page_80">later chapter</a>.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_45" title="45"> </a>Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment +while evident, were of less significance. Gratitude +was early shown and there were many formal expressions +of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced by a feeling +that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving their +due in whatever aid was obtained.</p> + +<p>Of special interest is the rôle of the tender emotions, +kindliness, sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions +which may be expected when these occur in unusual exaltation +through the repetition of stimuli or otherwise. +Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the +feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns +us here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation +is multiplex. Of this multiplex stimulation in collective +psychology Graham Wallas has written:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the +rapid repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, +when it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is +extreme conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.<a name="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> +Reaction is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in +dreams, less rationally and morally than they do if the whole +of their nature is brought into play.<a name="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which +the presence of a crowd induces may be given wider application, +and is indeed a most illuminating thought, describing +exactly the psycho-emotional reactions produced by the +stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed at +Halifax.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_46" title="46"> </a>A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced +upon a young doctor who operated continuously for +many hours in the removal of injured eyes. The emotional +tension he went through is expressed in his words to a +witness: “If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder +somebody.”</p> + +<p>Another instance where conscious control of feeling and +action was diminished was that of a soldier. He was so +affected by what he passed through during the explosion and +his two days' participation in relief work, that he quite unwittingly +took a seat in a train departing for Montreal. +Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings +he recovered his memory. Over and over again he +had been picturing the dreadful scenes which he had experienced. +This condition includes a hyperactivity of the +imagination “characterized by oneirism [oneiric delirium] +reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which +immediately preceded the hypogenic shock.”<a name="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>The nature of sympathy<a name="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> may not be clearly comprehended +but of its effects there is no doubt. It may lead to +the relief of pain or induce the exactly opposite effect; or +it may bring about so lively a distress as to quite incapacitate +a man from giving help. Again it may lead to the avoidance +of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no +account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter +the devastated area. Others by a process understood in +the psychology of insanity secured the desired avoidance by +suicide. The association of suicide with catastrophe has +been already remarked in the case of San Francisco. A +Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored +hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_47" title="47"> </a> +his emotional experiences too strong. He lost his mental +balance and was discovered dead one morning near his +office door. He had hanged himself during the night. +Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness +and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted +to follow them in death.</p> + +<p>Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional +states. Sorrow is painful because “the impulse is baffled +and cannot attain more than the most scanty and imperfect +satisfaction in little acts, such as the leaving of flowers on +the grave;”<a name="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> although the intensity is increased by +other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of +stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior +other than that which commonly attends the experience +of grief. A phenomenon associated with wholesale +bereavement is the almost entire absence of tears. A +witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the +end of the second day that he saw tears for the first time.<a name="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> +At Halifax, where the loss of life was many times greater, +there was little crying. There seemed to be indeed a miserable +but strong consolation in the fact that all were alike +involved in the same calamity.<a name="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>There was “no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and +eager desire to help some one less fortunate.” Another +observer said: “I have never seen such kindly feeling. I +have never seen such tender sympathy. I have never heard +an impatient word.” And this was amongst men “who were +covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who +have not had a night's sleep, and who go all day long without +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_48" title="48"> </a> +thought of food.” Another visitor remarked “there is +not a more courageous, sane and reasonable people. Everyone +is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives +and children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, +boys and girls whose homes have been destroyed, are working +to relieve the distress.” A Montreal clergyman reported +that “Halifax people have been meeting with dry +eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings +and the exposures which followed the explosion.” +Grief is after all “a passive emotion,” a “reaction of helplessness.” +It is “a state of mind appropriate to a condition +of affairs where nothing is to be done”—<a name="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> and there +was much to be done at Halifax.</p> + +<p>There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional +parturition. As was to be expected the shock meant the +immediate provision of a maternity hospital. Babies were +born in cellars and among ruins. Premature births were +common, one indeed taking place in the midst of the huddled +thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common +for permission to return to their abandoned homes. +Nor were all the ills for which the shock was responsible +immediately discernible. There were many post-catastrophic +phenomena. Three months after the explosion many +found themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, +which the doctors attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. +It was a condition closely allied to “war-neurasthenia.” +Another disaster after-effect also may be here recorded. +This was the not unnatural way in which people +“lived on edge,” for a long period after the disaster. +There was a readiness and suggestibility to respond to +rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at least the schools +were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth into +pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of +reports of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_49" title="49"> </a> +of the sociological fact that “the more expectant, +or overwrought the public mind, the easier it is to set up a +great perturbation. After a series of public calamities +.... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or +<ins title="sentiment.">sentiment.”</ins><a name="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations +of behavior associated with the psychology of disaster +relief. (1) The preference upon the part of the +refugee for plural leadership and decision. (2) The aggravation +of helplessness through the open distribution of +relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion +of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of +lassitude and depression after a period of strain. (5) The +desire for privacy during interviews. (6) The vital importance +of prompt decision in preventing an epidemic of +complaint.<a name="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested +in the phenomena of repression, inhibition and taboo. +The real motives of action are often very different +from the apparent motives which overlie them. Instinctive +tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, +but they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. +These resistances are either within our minds or in society. +The latter are summed up in conventionality, custom and +law, all so relatively recent<a name="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> in time as to supply a very +thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have held +sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, +custom and law possess in a community until in some +extraordinary catastrophe their power is broken, or what +is the same thing the ability to enforce them is paralyzed. +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_50" title="50"> </a> +This fact is especially true of repressive enactments, and +most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe shatters +the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went +on strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all +towns to repair to the unguarded center, but an unexpected +reserve of crookedness came to light within the city itself. +Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of plunder and sacrilege +which had taken place “when the pillars of the world tottered +to and fro.” At the time of the St. John Fire +“loafers and thieves held high carnival. All night long they +roamed the streets and thieved upon the misfortunes of +others.”<a name="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> + +<p>With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum +in the confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces +of respectability and law practically unknown, men appeared +for what they were as the following statement only +too well discloses:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls +or vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered +over the bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. +Men taking advantage of the flight from the city because +of the possibility of another explosion went into houses and +shops, and took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold +of. Then there were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, +who rifled the pockets of the dead and dying, and snatched +rings from icy fingers. A woman lying unconscious on the +street had her fur coat snatched from her back.... One of +the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a shop-keeper +from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time a +cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it +to a young man standing by to hold while he took the victim +to a place of refuge. When he returned the box was there, +but the young man and the money had disappeared.</p> + +<p>Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_51" title="51"> </a>their rents upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax +Trades and Labor Council adopted a resolution urging that +the Mayor be authorized to request all persons to report landlords +who “have taken advantage of conditions created by the +explosion.” ... Plumbers refused to hold their union rules +in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the regular eight +hours unless they received their extra rates for overtime; and +the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude and refused +to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the +chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when +many men and women were working twelve and fourteen hours +a day without a cent or thought of remuneration. One +Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as “squeezing the uttermost +farthing out of the anguished necessities of the homeless +men, women and children.” Truckmen charged exorbitant +prices for the transferring of goods and baggage. Merchants +boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving child +thirty cents for a loaf of bread.</p> + +<p>On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued +a proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be +dealt with under the provisions of the law.<a name="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. +The military placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted +preventing entrance to the ruins to those who were not +supplied with a special pass. Orders were issued to shoot +any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation, the +warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation +gradually became effectual.</p> + +<p>The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, +may result in two different types of responses—that of +greed on the one hand or altruistic emotion on the other. +One individual is spurred to increased activity by the opportunity +of business profit, another by the sense of social +needs. Why this is so—indeed the whole field of profiteering—would +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_52" title="52"> </a> +be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it +is due to the varying degrees of socialization represented +in the different individuals or whether it is not also partly +due to the fact that philanthropy functions best in a sphere +out of line with a man's own particular occupation, the +truth remains that some display an altogether unusual type +of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and +perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which +appears normal in a realm of conduct where associations +based on habit are so strongly ingrained.</p> + +<p>The human will as we have seen is in close association +with the emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic +value of the strong emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is +first of all essential to remember the rôle of adrenin in +counteracting the effects of fatigue. Wonderful phenomena +of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated for +“adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would +put the members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal +of the nervous system.” This is “living on one's will” or +on “one's nerve.” There are “reservoirs” of power ready +to pour forth streams of energy if the occasion presents itself. +Strong emotions may become an “arsenal of augmented +strength.” This fact William James was quick to +see when he said “on any given day there are energies +slumbering within us which the incitements of that day do +not call forth.”<a name="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> But it was left to Cannon to unfold the +physiological reasons,<a name="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> and for Woodworth to explain how +the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new +energies.<a name="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Indeed the will<a name="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> is just the inner driving force +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_53" title="53"> </a> +of the individual and an effort of will is only “the development +of fresh motor power.”<a name="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Following the lines of least +resistance the will experiences no unusual exercise. +Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from life +everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies.</p> + +<p>The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was +shown at Halifax in the remarkable way in which sick +soldiers abandoned their beds and turned them over to the +victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was seen again +in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids +and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the +houses—a behavior like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp +during the bombardment of that city in October 1914, when +those who fled to Holland showed extraordinary resistance +to fatigue.<a name="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The resistance to fatigue and suffering received +more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of +rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at +their own power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain +under the excitement of catastrophe. It was only on Monday +(the fifth day) that collapses from work began to appear. +Among the more generally known instances of unusual endurance +was that of a private, who with one of his eyes +knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. +Another was that of a chauffeur who with a broken +rib conveyed the wounded trip after trip to the hospital, +only relinquishing the work when he collapsed. An unknown +man was discovered at work in the midst of the ruins +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_54" title="54"> </a> +although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped +with lesser injuries worked day and night while the +crisis lasted. Many did not go home for days, so manifold +and heavy were the tasks. There was no pause for +comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent +signs, the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the +workers were surprised to find themselves aged and thin. +The excitement, the stimulus of an overwhelming need had +banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the congestion +which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were +men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest +or sleep. One of the telephone terminal room staff stuck +to his post for ninety-two hours, probably the record case +of the disaster for endurance under pressure. Magnificent +effort, <ins title="conspicious">conspicuous</ins> enough for special notice was the work +of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the +midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; +and the instance of the business girls who in the same +weather worked for many hours with bottles of hot water +hung about their waists. An effect which could not <ins title="escape,">escape</ins> +observation was the strange insensibility to suffering +on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, +women and little children endured the crudest operations +without experiencing the common effects of pain. They +seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general shock. +Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, +the cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often +without a tremor. This resistance to suffering was due +not only to the increase of energy already described but also +to the fact that the prostrating effect of pain is largely relative +to the diversion of attention,—as “headaches disappear +promptly upon the alarm of fire” and “toothaches +vanish at the moment of a burglar's scare.” Much pain is +due to the super-sensitivity of an area through hyperaemia, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_55" title="55"> </a> +or increased blood supply, following concentrated attention. +Thus it is actually possible by volition to control +the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an +electric shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. +This reasoning is also applicable to the absence of sympathetic +reactions among many disaster workers. They were +found often to be “curiously detached and not greatly +moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in +the ruins and at the inquiry stations.”<a name="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> + +<p>Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal +which ensues become the stimuli of heroism and bring +into play the great social virtues of generosity and of kindliness—which, +in one of its forms, is mutual aid. The new +conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford +the occasion for their release. It is said that battle does +to the individual what the developing solution does to the +photographic plate,—brings out what is in the man. This +may also be said of catastrophe. Every community has its +socialized individuals, the dependable, the helpful, the considerate, +as well as the “non-socialized survivors of +savagery,” who are distributed about the zero point of the +social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of +the “presence of extraordinary individuals in a group.” +The relation of them to a crisis is one of the most important +points in the problem of progress.</p> + +<p>At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals +as well as families who refused assistance that others might +be relieved. Individual acts of finest model were written +ineffaceably upon the social memory of the inhabitants. +There was the case of a child who released with her teeth +the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile of debris. +A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting +them all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_56" title="56"> </a> +operator at the cost of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning +message over the line and stopped an incoming train in +the nick of time.</p> + +<p>Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding +of the powder magazine in the naval yard an entire +battery volunteered. This was why the second explosion +did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as well as +soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. +A conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working +on board of a ship laden with explosives. Fully realizing the +impending danger, because of the nearness of the burning +munitioner, they used what precious minutes of life remained +them to protect their own ship's explosives from +ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but +a brave captain loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished +the blaze which might soon have repeated in part +the devastations already wrought.</p> + +<p>No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the +psychology of helpfulness—that self-help to which the best +relief workers always appeal, as well as of the mutual aid +upon which emergency relief must largely depend. Mutual +aid while not a primary social fact is inherent in the association +of members of society, as it also “obtains among cells +and organs of the vital organism.” As it insured survival +in the earlier stages of evolution<a name="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> so it reveals itself when +survival is again threatened by catastrophe.</p> + +<p>The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a +volume. Not only was it evidenced in the instances of +families and friends but also in the realm of business. +Cafés served lunches without charge. Drug stores gave +out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks +to swell the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_57" title="57"> </a> +service was that of the Grocers' Guild announcing +that its members would</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they +would coöperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs +free of charge to any point in the city, and that their +stocks were at the disposal of the committee at the actual cost +to them.<a name="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation +of the City of Comrades.</p> + +<p>Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled +opening of the springs of generosity.<a name="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Communication +has transformed mutual aid into a term of worldwide significance. +As at San Francisco, when from all directions +spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in +a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and +five steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to +millions of cash contributions, so was it at Halifax. So +it has always been, as is proven by Chicago, Dayton, +Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances. The +public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate +sympathy. Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships +brought relief by sea. Cities vied with each other in their +responses. Every hour brought telegraphed assistance from +governments and organizations. In about fifteen weeks +approximately eight millions had been received, aside from +the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, +but the number of the givers which gives point to our study. +So many rushed with their donations to the Calvin Austin +before she sailed from Boston on her errand of relief that +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_58" title="58"> </a> +“the police reserves were called out to preserve order.” A +great mass of the contributions involved much personal +sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying +letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it +was of San Francisco that:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, +of good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide +by the common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous +revelation of the good and fine in humanity, intermittent or +dormant under ordinary conditions, but dominant and all pervading +in the shadow of disaster.<a name="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is +perhaps full enough to have at least outlined the social +phenomena of the major sort which a great disaster presents. +These are found to be either abnormal and handicapping, +such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and promotive, +such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form +it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <ins title="phenonema">phenomena</ins> +of social psychology, which may either retard or promote +social organization.</p> + +<p>In addition this chapter has discussed the rôle of catastrophe +in stimulating community service, in presenting models +of altruistic conduct, in translating energy into action, in +defending law and order, and in bringing into play the great +social virtues of generosity, sympathy and mutual aid.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_59" title="59"> </a><a name="Chapter_3">CHAPTER III</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Organization</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The organization of relief—The disaster protocracy—The transition +from chaos through leadership—Vital place of communication—Utility +of association—Imitation—Social pressure—Consciousness of +kind—Discussion—Circumstantial pressure—Climate—Geographic determinants—Classification +of factors.</p> + +<p>We have seen something of the disintegration which +followed what has been called the “stun of the explosion.” +It included the abrupt flight from, and the emptying of, all +the houses and centers of employment, the division of +families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the +utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities +of life—food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation +of transportation, the disorganization of business, and the +problem of unemployment aggravated because not only was +the work gone, but also with it the will to work.</p> + +<p>Social organization comes next in order and because its +process was associated with the organization of relief—the +first social activity—the sociological factors observed in the +latter call for descriptive treatment. When the human +organism receives an accident to one of its parts, automatic +relief processes from within spring at once into being, and +it is so with the body politic. This “<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vis medicatrix +naturae</i>” assumes sovereign power over all the resources +of the community. That part of the social sensorium which +is most closely organized in normal hours, first recovers +consciousness in disaster. In the case of Halifax it was +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_60" title="60"> </a> +the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in Chelsea. +The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, +the organization and often the resource of supplies instantly +available. Its training is of the kind for the endurance of +shock.<a name="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> It so happened that at Halifax large numbers of +men in uniform were stationed where they could quickly +respond to call. They were very soon under orders. The +military authorities realized before midday, the part which +the army should play. The firemen too were a social group +which largely remained organized, and responded to the +general alarm soon after the explosion. Their chief and +deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were leaderless, +until one of the city controllers assumed command, and +in spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion +spread, these men remained at their posts.</p> + +<p>Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. +They are accustomed to think quickly, to live in +restricted spaces, and to meet emergencies. Than the stage +there is no better school. Each actor does his or her part +and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the +school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the +first relief station established at Halifax. This was in +operation about noon on the day of the disaster.</p> + +<p>Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play +actors may be called the disaster protocracy.<a name="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> They were +“the alert and effective,” the most promptly reacting units +in emergency. And it would appear that the part of +society which is most closely organized and disciplined in +normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_61" title="61"> </a>It is the events of the first few hours which are of +special interest to the sociologist. The word most descriptive +of the first observable phenomenon was leadership. The +soldiers were foremost in the work of rescue, of warning, +of protection, of transportation and of food distribution. +But the earliest leadership that could be called social, arising +from the public itself, was that on the part of those who +had no family ties, much of the earliest work being done +by visitors in the city. The others as a rule ran first to their +homes to discover if their own families were in danger. +From this body in a short while however many came forward +to join in the activities of relief.</p> + +<p>As already said those with no social, family or property +ties were among the first to begin relief work. But many +of these started early simply because they were present +where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured folk at +a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the +immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the +collapse of communication they did not for an appreciable +time discover that there was an area more stricken than +their own, and devoted themselves to cleaning up glass and +the like. But within a quarter of an hour a hospital ship +had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and +emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers +of an incoming train—the railroad terminal at the time +being in the north end of the city—were on hand, and were +among the earliest first-aid workers. One, a Montreal man, +was known individually to have rendered first aid to at +least a half hundred of the wounded.</p> + +<p>It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the +catastrophe, when a semblance of coöperative action in +rescue work began. Previous to this the work had been done +in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin being dug +through a second or even a third time. Then came the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_62" title="62"> </a> +recognition of the utility of association.<a name="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Thereafter the +searchers became parties each of which was detailed to go +over a definite area. When a particular section had been +covered it was so recorded. This process considerably expedited +the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was organized +in other important directions.</p> + +<p>The vital place of communication in society was recognized +at once. It is a major influence in association, and +upon it in disaster depends the immediacy as well as the +adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by the explosion +and the outside world could only wait and wonder. +How little real information filtered through is shown by +the fact that at Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement +was made three hours after the explosion that +the death roll would not bear more than fifty names. +Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph +company had a single line established, and with news of +the disaster, communities everywhere took up the rôle of +the Samaritan.</p> + +<p>While the great hegira was in progress another leader, +a railroad official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and +commandeered the first unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter +all that the government railroad equipment could do +was at the community's service. Meanwhile the dislocated +railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and +coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together +and in less than four hours after the explosion a large +number of injured people were being transported to Truro.</p> + +<p>Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals +a few began to realize the great human needs which would +soon be manifest among the concourse of thousands who +waited in helpless suspense upon the Common and the hill. +Here they were <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i>, a typical social aggregation, responding +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_63" title="63"> </a> +to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. +“Like sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for +consecutive thought.”<a name="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Yet here ministrations of one sort +or another came into spontaneous operation. Soon the +military began raising white tents upon the field. One +after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an huge +encampment. The idea spread by imitation,<a name="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> the repetition +of a model,—“the imitative response of many minds to +the suggestive invention of one.” One or two here and one +or two there began to prepare the big church halls and +other roomy institutional buildings for occupancy. Hastily +the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and no +sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the +rumor of a possible roof reached the homeless, than +they began to repair thither. At first each improvised shelter +became a miniature clothing and food depot <ins title="at">as</ins> well as a +habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the refugees into +such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is the +foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The +thing to do is social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended +but it is inexorable. It worked effectively upon +all who had an unused room. Many sheltered upwards of +a dozen for weeks; some, more.</p> + +<p>In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded +soon came about through consciousness of kind. At first +it was a very general consciousness which seemed to draw +all together into a fellowship of suffering as victims of a +common calamity. There was neither male nor female, just +nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children +lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and +“shared each other's woes,” for “the consciousness of +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_64" title="64"> </a> +kind allays fear and engenders <ins title="comradeship.">comradeship.”</ins><a name="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Then followed +requests for changes of location in the dormitories, +and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various +shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications +came for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions +to Protestant stations and <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vice versa</i>. Even the +politically congenial were only too ready to segregate when +occasion offered.</p> + +<p>Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted +volition. There must be “common discussion of +common action.”<a name="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> Propositions must be “put forth” and +talked over. There must be a “meeting of minds” and a +“show of hands,” and decisions made. There had been +no preparedness. The city possessed not even a paper +organization for such a contingency as a sudden disaster; +so that during the most precious hours citizens and civic +officials had to consult and map out a program as best +the circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the +day of the disaster when a tentative plan had been formulated +in the City Hall. The newly formed committees +could do but little until the following dawn.</p> + +<p>Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable +causes, small and great, conspire to incite social +action. But in catastrophe the control of circumstantial +pressure<a name="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> becomes almost sovereign in extent. The conditions +it brings about, while often delaying measures of individual +relief, account very largely for the rapidity of +organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. +The common danger constrains great numbers to “overlook +many differences, to minimize many of their antagonisms +and to combine their efforts.” At Halifax the pressure +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_65" title="65"> </a> +of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical and +hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of +communal service. But it was the meteorological conditions +which commanded the most prompt attention to the +consideration of shelter and clothing. The months appeared +to have lost station and February to have come out +of season. The following table gives the weather record for +the seven days which followed the catastrophe.<a name="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> It is the +record of a succession of snow, wind, cold and blizzard.</p> + +<table id="weather-record" summary="Weather record for the seven days after the catastrophe"> +<tr> + <th>Thursday, Dec. 6th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light + N. W. wind. No precipitation. Temperature: + max. 39.2, min. 16.8.</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th>Friday, Dec. 7th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow + falling. At noon N. W. gale. Afternoon, + blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. + N. W. wind, velocity 34. Precipitation + 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. + 32.2, min. 24.8.</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th>Saturday, Dec. 8th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent + sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, + velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow + (in a. m.). Temperature: max. 29.8, + min. 15.</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th>Sunday, Dec. 9th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets + icy and almost impassable. 9 p. m. + S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation + .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m. till noon). + Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6.</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th>Monday, Dec. 10th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, + blizzard (worst in years). Knee-deep + drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity + 20. Precipitation 5.6 snowfall (2 p. m. + till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. + 34.2, min. 16.8.</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th><a class="pagenum" name="Page_66" title="66"> </a>Tuesday, Dec. 11th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. + 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No + precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, + min. <ins title="6.6">6.6.</ins></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <th>Wednesday, Dec. 12th.</th> + <td>9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 + p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No precipitation. + Temperature: max. 17, + min. 2.</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the +most rapid repairs were made to all habitable houses or +those possible of being made so. The same was true of +public buildings, hospitals, factories and warehouses. +Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of +many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and +the many more who accepted the invitation of, and entrained +for various Nova Scotian towns which became veritable +“cities of refuge” to hundreds. The climate<a name="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> decided +the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary structures; +for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding +was out of the question. Climatic conditions also seriously +delayed the arrival of relief supplies, allowed but scanty +provision for many, kept some from the depots of relief, +or from surgical aid; and others standing in line in the +bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and +shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers +to prevent the maximum of exposure and neglect. It called +imperatively for the most effective system, and many +of the workable methods were hit upon under the stress of +storm. An illustration of this may be found in the adoption +of many food depots instead of one central station. +Regional influence thus “fixes the possibilities of organization +and collective effectiveness.”<a name="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> The sociologist must +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_67" title="67"> </a> +study maps of lands and plans of cities. The location +of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of topography +as were the later administration districts. The city is +widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than +a city of similar population in a neighboring province. Six +depots were established for the public distribution of supplies,<a name="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> +situated so as to touch the entire needy population +most effectively, and to equalize the groups to some degree. +So too, in the matter of dressing stations, accessibility was +a deciding factor. But even this system had to be supplemented. +Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when +halted in the center of a street were usually immediately +surrounded. Thus social reorganization in catastrophe +witnesses to an urgency resident no less in space than in +time and reëmphasizes the importance placed upon the +physical factors in sociology.</p> + +<p>Thus may be said to have come about the transition from +chaos to a semblance of community organization. Not the +normal civil social order of pre-disaster days, but the establishment +of a species of collective behavior, and the organization +of relationships apparently of a quite different +character. The difference was one which might be compared +to that between a great relief camp and a city. But +the difference was only superficial. Fundamentally there +were to be seen the factors underlying all social organization. +These have been already illustrated, and are classified +as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct, +imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of +utility of association and custom; and as physical, including +climate and topography.<a name="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> The conclusion was drawn +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_68" title="68"> </a> +that the part of society which is most closely organized and +disciplined in normality, first recovers consciousness in +catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in every +community is a practical corollary. This follows not only +because of the imperturbability and the promptitude of +reaction, of an army in crisis, but also because of the +rapidity with which it can be mobilized, its value in preserving +law and order, its authoritative control and power to +punish, and because of the attending psychological effects +of orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, +bespeaking a care that is at once paternal and sympathetic.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_69" title="69"> </a><a name="Chapter_4">CHAPTER IV</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Organization</span> (Cont'd)</small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The reorganization of the civil social order—Division of labor—Resumption +of normal activities—State and voluntary associations—Order +of reëstablishment—Effects of environmental change—The +play of imitation—The stimulus of lookers-on—Social conservation.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">It</span> is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader +has already seen, that the process of complete social organization +was largely expedited by the organization of relief, +and materially reacted upon by it. The community's “big +men,” the men of prominence, the men of broad experience +in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the resources +of the city and had the prestige to command them, +were deeply immersed in the relief work while the businesses +and the departments of the shattered body politic waited or +went forward in a more or less indifferent way.</p> + +<p>But this could be both economically and socially of a +temporary nature only. “Business and industry must be +set agoing. Church and school must resume the ordinary +routine. One by one the broken threads of the former +everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected.” +The division of social labor<a name="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> is a law of +society. It is traceable back to the primitive household +itself, and is a result of underlying differences. The +great “cause which determines the manner by which work +is divided is diversity of capacity.” With the advent of the +social specialists at Halifax a major division of function +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_70" title="70"> </a> +began. The responsibility for the relief work having been +delegated to a special social group, public thought and +public men were free to turn their energies to the restoration +of a normal society.</p> + +<p>But it was the reorganization rather than the organization +of relations which the sociologist observes to have first +taken place. The stage was all laid. It was necessary only +for the actors in the drama to resume their places. The +old “parts” awaited them, although many of the “properties” +were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon +one might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, +still a dominating like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still +a group of mores to serve as media of social self-control. +Indeed most of the former complexities of social structure +remained. But this was only potentially true. The social +relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed. +Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes +the significance of which will appear in later discussion. +The order of the resumption of normal activities is of unusual +social interest as are also the influences which were in play +and the changes which ensued. It may be objected that +such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially component +groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude +comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the +social mind is the separation of those activities which must +needs be first rehabilitated, from those which can wait. +Organizing genius was not entirely occupied with relief in +the ordinary sense of the term.</p> + +<p>Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's +life. It is in a sense fundamental not only to +happiness and general well-being but accompanies and conditions +the cultural institutions, religious, educational and +aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial activity +was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_71" title="71"> </a> +semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were +first on the list, for these include systems of communication +without which society can hardly be. Reference has already +been made to the speed with which a makeshift service +was established, but our purpose here is to record the resumption +of normal activity.</p> + +<p>Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. +Many of these had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. +Clerks had been injured and instruments damaged. +In spite of these odds one was reconnected within an hour, +and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct +multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each +to Boston and New York, had been established. Upwards +of a thousand messages an hour went forth the first week. +The work became normal about December twentieth.</p> + +<p>The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern +exchange and of the harbor cable—broken through ships +dragging anchor—a total material damage of one hundred +thousand dollars. Its personnel was also depleted. Nevertheless +telephone business may be said to have been generally +resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the +load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and +twenty percent above its average figure. Telephone service +was absolutely suspended for only about two hours,—the +period of prohibition from buildings,—and the cable telephone +for about three days. Messages of a social character +were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became +normal.</p> + +<p>The illumination service was quickly restored. The +company was able to give partial light and some service +from noon on the sixth. Periods of intermittent darkness +however, were not unusual. Gas service was off until December +the ninth—the top of the gasometer having been +broken and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_72" title="72"> </a> +the mains into the air—when repairs were completed and on +the tenth the service resumed. On the fourteenth gas and +electric light service became normal.</p> + +<p>Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion +occurred in the vicinity of the principal sidings and +vital portions of the system. Three miles of the main +road were buried in debris, the station wrecked, equipment +damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. +In spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent +out in the early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming +trains were switched to their new tracks leading to the +south end terminal. On the evening of the day following +the disaster—Friday—the first regular train for Montreal +left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear +and the first train left the old passenger station on +Saturday evening. By Monday the full passenger service +was resumed, to and from the station. Eight days after +the catastrophe all branches of the service were working +and conditions were fairly normal.</p> + +<p>The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much +damage. Some of the employees were injured and others +were unavailable. A scant service was restored at noon on +December the sixth. By six o'clock of the seventh, tram +lines in the north section were able to resume an eight-car +service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It +was not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible +to resume any semblance of car service. On the twenty-second +of December, twenty-two cars were operating—twenty-seven +is the normal number,—but the shortage of +men made it difficult to operate the full number. The +service was not entirely normal for some months owing to +the severe storms all winter which tied up the lines and +caused delays, and to the shortage of men to handle the cars.</p> + +<p>The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_73" title="73"> </a> +were able to produce papers on December seventh +but in limited editions and of reduced size. This was +owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the gas +service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced +in a week's time.<a name="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>The postal service was completely disorganized and was +not restored to any extent until Monday the tenth of December. +Owing to the innumerable changes of address, as +well as many other reasons, it was weeks before there was +a normal and reliable distribution of mails.</p> + +<p>The banks were open for business the morning following +the catastrophe, just as soon as the doors and windows were +put in. Traffic of relief trains coming in affected the +ordinary trade for three months, more or less, but principally +outside of the city. In the city all business in the +banks went on as usual the day after the explosion.</p> + +<p>Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the +resumption of general business activity. Out of much +wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar loss one company +restarted paint and varnish making on January second. A +large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged. The +factory and all branches of the business were running in +five weeks—January tenth. Machines were in operation with +shortened staffs at an earlier date.</p> + +<p>The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced +on December twentieth, and were held regularly from that +time on. The Board of Trade rooms were not badly +damaged and there was no cessation of work or meetings. +The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business +on Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's +Library was a few weeks closed for the circulation of books, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_74" title="74"> </a> +and used in relief service as a food depot, thus ministering +to a hunger which is more imperious than that of mind in +the hour of catastrophe.</p> + +<p>Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all +cases the edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows +shattered. Parishes were in some instances almost +wiped out. In a single congregation four hundred and four +perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed, the +remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one +hundred and eight houses represented in the congregation +only fourteen were left standing. Hurried efforts were +made to safeguard church property, but church services were +not generally resumed until the second Sunday.<a name="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Even +then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places +were not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and +other buildings housed many a religious gathering. While +the restoration of churches waited, clergy and church +workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of the +needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. +Their intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable +value in the relief administration. Sunday +schools were reassembled as accommodations permitted, but +it was many months before the attendances approximated +the normal.</p> + +<p>The school system was badly disorganized. Three +buildings were totally destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable +for some time. The loss was approximately +eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the staff +were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing +and clothing service. Early in March, about three months +after the explosion, arrangements were completed whereby +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_75" title="75"> </a> +nearly all the children in the city could attend classes. The +double-session system was introduced to accomplish this. +Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and ventilation impaired. +By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in +use.<a name="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> + +<p>Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following +schedule.</p> + +<table id="schools" summary="Schedule of progress in reopening schools"> +<tr> + <td class="right">Dec. 10</td> + <td>classes in one institution</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 7</td> + <td>classes in three emergency shelters</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 8</td> + <td>classes in a church hall</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 14</td> + <td>classes in five school buildings</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 17</td> + <td>classes in one institution</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 21</td> + <td>classes in two school buildings</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 22</td> + <td>classes in one school building</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Jan. 24</td> + <td>classes in one school building</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Feb. 1</td> + <td>classes in one institution</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Feb. 25</td> + <td>classes in two school buildings</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Mar. 16</td> + <td>classes in one school building</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">Apr. 8</td> + <td>classes in one school building</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">May 8</td> + <td>classes in one school building</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td class="right">May 20</td> + <td>classes in two portable schools</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>The community as finally reorganized differed materially +from that which had preceded. The picture of the +conditions at a considerably later period will be fully presented +elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few social +effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary environmental +conditions.</p> + +<p>Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction +work the Tramway Company found it very difficult to get +a full complement of men back into the service. As a result +they took into consideration the advisability of employing +women conductors, and finally adopted this plan.</p> + +<p>At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign +was in progress. Then representative men of both political +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_76" title="76"> </a> +parties urged their followers to drop the election fight and +the election was deferred and later rendered unnecessary +by the withdrawal of one of the candidates.</p> + +<p>The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, +and other war-protective measures against the +submarine menace, were given little attention for many +weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military Service +Act was postponed.</p> + +<p>The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the +temporary relief houses in the central and southern portion +of the city brought about a very unusual commingling of +classes, as well as a readjustment of membership in schools, +parishes and various institutions.</p> + +<p>Club life, social life, lodge and society “evenings” were +for a considerable period tabooed, because of a general +sentiment against enjoyment under the existing conditions +as well as to lack of accommodation and of time.</p> + +<p>The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility +for the disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was +for a long time in evidence, but never received complete +satisfaction.</p> + +<p>The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated +the experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant +Officer had a very strenuous time owing to the fact that so +many people had changed their addresses.</p> + +<p>A number of “special policemen” were recruited from +citizens of all ranks, and this force materially assisted the +members of the regular department. Owing to the large +influx of workmen following the catastrophe, as well as +for other reasons the work of the detectives was greatly +increased.<a name="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> + +<p>The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although +belonging to different denominations, united in erecting a +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_77" title="77"> </a> +temporary church building—their respective churches having +been destroyed—and have since worshipped together—a +demonstration of the practicability of church union under +circumstantial pressure.</p> + +<p>The display apartments of a furniture concern were +utilized as actual living rooms by refugees for a period, +while at the same time business was in operation throughout +the rest of the establishment.</p> + +<p>The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days +in the week, the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the +general disorganization of the parishes was reflected for a +long period in a changed attitude upon the part of many +towards Sabbath observance.</p> + +<p>German residents of the city were immediately placed +under arrest when the disaster occurred, but all were later +given their freedom.</p> + +<p>The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious +to the progress of the war and other matters of world interest, +for many days after the disaster.</p> + +<p>The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns +was an interesting temporary effect.</p> + +<p>The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent +expansion, noted later, was largely effected by the +social law of imitation already noticed. Many of the conditions +affecting the rate of imitation were present. There +was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and business +advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths—“a +new Halifax” for example—but above all there was a multitude +of models. The extent and scale of the rebuilding +program in one area, the civic-improvement plans which +accompanied the work in that district, the record time in +which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed +at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris +acted as models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_78" title="78"> </a> +process of speeding-up spread like a great contagion, until the +most hardened pessimist began to marvel at the recuperation +daily enacted before his eyes.</p> + +<p>Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that +of the rapid establishment of the morgue. This, the largest +ever organized in Canada, was fitted up by forty soldiers and +mechanics in the brief period of a day and a half. Another +instance was that of the American Hospital. “At nine a. m. +Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same +day it was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with +food and medicine and, in charge of Major Giddings;” it expressed +a veritable “triumph of organizing ability.” In the +record time of three months, Messrs. Cavicchi and Pagano, +with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty men +and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a +day removed every vestige of the debris in the devastated +area. Apartments were built at the rate of one an hour. +Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly that visitors said there +had been an outbreak of “truck fever” in the place.</p> + +<p>By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality +and motive were imparted to the members of the community. +Halifax became busy as never before. New homes, new +stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as if by magic. +Men worked desperately hard.</p> + +<p>An influence which must not be left unrecorded because +of its continuity of functioning is that of the stimulus of +lookers-on. More than two hundred cities in all parts of +the world had contributed to the reconstruction, and citizens +of Halifax knew they were not unobserved. Articles, lectures +and sermons were telling forth to interested thousands +how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under +ice and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous +beyond words. During the month of December, five leading +periodicals in Canada and twelve in the United States +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_79" title="79"> </a> +arranged for articles and photographs descriptive of the +city's advantages commercial and residential.<a name="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Halifax became +a world-known city. This added still further spur +to action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was +bonded to the world.</p> + +<p>There are two considerations which may appropriately +bring this chapter to a close. The first arises naturally +from what has been said, namely, that in catastrophe it is +only after division of function delegates to a special group +the responsibility for relief work that public thought is +directed to the resumption of normal society. The second +is a practical deduction—that of social conservation. Every +community should possess a permanent vigilance committee. +There should be an emergency procedure on paper with +duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately +drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved +until the arrival of experienced disaster authorities +from a distance.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_80" title="80"> </a><a name="Chapter_5">CHAPTER V</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social <ins title="Organization (Cont'd)">Economy</ins></span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The contribution of social service—Its four-fold character—The principles +of relief—Rehabilitation—Phases of application—Criticisms—A +new principle—Social results—Summary for future guidance.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">We</span> have already seen that there are certain determining +factors in catastrophe and its social results. There is not +only the level of the general capability and culture of the +community, its power to meet crises and to readjust itself, +the scarcity or plenitude of its resources, but also the presence +or absence of “men skilled in dealing with crises.”<a name="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> +In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had such +men or have had them not. The disasters of the future—with +the exception of those far remote from civilization—may +depend on the presence of such leaders. They will +come from near and far. The contribution of social service +is the contribution of men skilled in dealing with crises. +Relief thus becomes “an incident of progress and a social +policy.” We are now to notice this further determining +factor in catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax.</p> + +<p>During the first week at Halifax not only did each day +bring its contribution of relief supplies in the way of food +and clothing, but each day brought also men and women of +skill and experience in social work to place freely their +vision and ability at the service of the community.<a name="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_81" title="81"> </a>The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent +which has occurred since the principles of relief have been +authoritatively written. No other community has experienced +their application so fully or so promptly. One +of the workers publicly stated that “Halifax was further +ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a +month.” It was said that:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential +principles of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. +In less than twelve hours from the time the American Unit +from Boston arrived, the necessary features of a good working +plan were accepted by the local committee.<a name="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless +the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax +that something which was wanting when the citizens, +astounded at the magnitude of their task, wondered just +how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky<a name="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> of the +Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, +came into the room in the City Hall where a dozen or so +were gathered in counsel, already overwrought with fatigue, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_82" title="82"> </a> +it was the coming of a friend in need. It was soon clear +that the new-comers had had unusual experience in dealing +with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. +Only nine hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was +ready, and a working plan adopted; and from it grew up +a wonderful system worthy of study by all students of +emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the midst +of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was +already well devised, but as a central and deciding element, +justifying its faith by its work, and its presence by its +wisdom in grappling with an inexorable need.</p> + +<p>Of course there had already been a commendable essay +toward the solution of what had to be done. Applications for +relief came pouring in two hours after the explosion, and +industrious workers had already been dispensing to hundreds. +On Friday morning volunteers were early at the +City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. +A species of organization had already begun, but under congested +and the least favorable conditions. A large number +of investigators had gone forth, giving information and +relief and bringing back reports of the missing, needy, helpless +and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a +program of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all +kinds was pouring into every station where the refugees +were gathered together. The Canadian Red Cross was +already active. But with the coming of the American Unit,<a name="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> +the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their +advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,<a name="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> +the systematic relief work may be said to have in +reality begun.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_83" title="83"> </a>There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced +in relief and disaster organization. The initial +service was the establishment of a policy of centralization +of authority and administration into one official relief +organization. This policy comprised first the coördination +of the relief work into one central relief committee, second +the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the +hands of one finance committee, third the granting of relief +by one central management, all records being cleared +through one registration bureau, fourth the giving of emergency +relief in food, clothing and other things immediately +without waiting for the perfection of the relief organization, +and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to +carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon +by the executive committee.</p> + +<p>If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, +the second was that of effecting coöperation. The +latter was only partially successful. There was at first an +inevitable overlapping, especially in the matter of visiting, +some families being visited and subjected to interview a +dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coördination, +the central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far +as possible. An invitation extended to the Salvation Army +about December eleventh, to place their visitors at the disposal +of the general staff of visitors was declined and it was +not until January first that this organization fully coördinated +with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this time +also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to coöperate +in the registration plans. On December eighteenth the +School Board gave official coöperation by assigning fifteen +school teachers as volunteer visitors under the direction of +the rehabilitation committee. Another obstacle to the complete +systematization of the relief work was the most +generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_84" title="84"> </a> +from the Eaton Center, and from the station established +by a charitable Boston lady. The Protestant and Roman +Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation Army and other +organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed to +their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation.</p> + +<p>There was also at times lack of coöperation among the +official committees themselves. Friction and crises arose +from time to time, which were only stopped short of +scandal. They were the consequence either of assumption +of authority upon the part of the under-committees, of ineffectiveness +of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the +principles of relief. There were also other problems, some +of which it may be useful to note. One of these was the +problem of the wisest use of local leaders who knew and +could interpret the local point of view and method of +doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers, +many of whom could not be expected to understand +the nature of scientific relief service.</p> + +<p>A third great contribution of social service was that of +education in the principles of disaster relief. It was the +problem of getting the idea of social conservation understood +and established in a community which had not given +the subject any thought, and which was quite unfamiliar +with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause +of much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and +giving without substantial inquiry. It explained also the +reason for the abundant criticism which arose. When +criticism came there was, consequently, no well-informed +body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's +work.</p> + +<p>Educational effort on this subject may be said to have +begun with a masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation +at the meeting of the managing committee six +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_85" title="85"> </a> +days after the disaster. Here was set forth and illustrated +the kind of service required and the desirability of such +work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the +idea of rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. +Trained leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. +Church, school and club caught something of its +spirit and one of the permanent social results of the disaster +remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It was +this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding +of the true nature of disaster psychology and of +the accepted methods of relief that at first made the community +so utterly dependent upon the visiting social workers. +It may be safely concluded as a fundamental principle that +the self-dependence of a community in adversity is furthered +by the socialization of existing institutions.</p> + +<p>The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, +that of the emergency period; second, that of the period of +transition; and third, that of rehabilitation. These principles +in order of application may be thus briefly summarized:</p> + +<p>1. The coördination of all the relief agencies arising, into +one central relief service.</p> + +<p>2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one +bonded finance committee.</p> + +<p>3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at +first,—the more permanent organization to await the counsel +of specialists in disaster relief, an early call having been sent +for experienced workers.</p> + +<p>4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass +treatment, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">e. g.</i> bread lines, food depots, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, as detrimental +to a psychology of helpfulness and as calculated to delay +a return to self-support.</p> + +<p>5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants +to follow mass-provisioning.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_86" title="86"> </a>6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants +for short periods until temporary aid is discontinued.</p> + +<p>7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until +all claimants are registered and the aggregate of available +aid ascertained, and the needs, resources and potentialities of +self-help studied.</p> + +<p>8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the +wisdom of careful policies and critical supervision.</p> + +<p>9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.<a name="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> + +<p>10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and +the use of local leaders in responsible positions.</p> + +<p>11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey +of policies and methods employed, and a discriminating record +of the social results arising therefrom, the mistakes +made and other information of value for future emergencies. +This report in justice to contributors to include a financial +statement.</p> + +<p>The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment +of rehabilitation policies and methods. The work +of organizing for rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin +until the sixth day after the disaster. On the eighteenth of +December the first chairman was appointed. There followed +a developmental period during which little progress +was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the +object of rehabilitation. “The object of rehabilitation” +says J. Byron Deacon “is to assist families to recover from +the dislocation induced by the disaster, and to regain their +accustomed social and economic status. Emergency aid +takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation looks +to future welfare.”<a name="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> This was the purpose constantly kept +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_87" title="87"> </a> +in view. The division of work indicates the nature of the +task attempted. The division provided for an advisor, a +chief of staff, a supervisor of home visitors, a bureau of +application and registration, an emergency department, a +department of medical social service and a visitor in +children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included.</p> + +<p>There was first the record and registration made and +verified of all the sufferers and those in need. Over six +thousand names of registrants resulted. Five districts or +divisional areas were arranged for convenience and thoroughness +of administration. One of these covered all cases +outside of the city itself.<a name="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> In charge of each district was +a supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department +heads. Trained workers were drawn into the service +and their work and that of the volunteer visitors was +directed by capable supervisors. The administration of relief +was put upon a discriminating “case system.”</p> + +<p>There were four important phases in which the work +developed; the work of general rehabilitation, the medical +social work, the children's problem and the problem of the +blind.</p> + +<p>The general rehabilitation service was carried on with +varied success. It secured valuable intelligence for all committees +and gradually increased in working power and efficiency. +How many were put upon their feet again through +its kindly counsel and careful coöperation cannot be estimated +or told in figures.</p> + +<p>The problem of medical social service is to learn the +social condition of the patient, and to relate that knowledge +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_88" title="88"> </a> +to his medical condition in order that restoration to health +and return to normal family and community relationships +shall go hand in hand. A division of medical social service +became active a week after the disaster, its workers becoming +attached to the several emergency hospitals within the +city itself and those established in nearby towns. It had +as well a working relationship with the military and the +permanent Halifax hospitals. Three thousand patients +were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals alone. Trained +medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The +one question to which they sought an answer was: “How +shall these patients be brought back again as fully as possible +into normal lives and <ins title="relationships.?">relationships?</ins>” Having obtained +an answer as best they could, the effort was made to help +and relieve to the fullest extent that service and science +made possible.</p> + +<p>The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, +immediate assistance and education. By the latter service, +which represents the more permanent value to the community, +very valuable information and guidance was given +to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and nursing +interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts +cannot fail to make “follow-up” and “after-care” +important considerations in the public health and dispensary +work of the future.</p> + +<p>Immediate assistance was given by the medical social +service in six ways:</p> + +<ol> +<li>Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital.</li> +<li>Interviews to understand medical social needs.</li> +<li>Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind, children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with the rehabilitation committee, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i></li> +<li><a class="pagenum" name="Page_89" title="89"> </a>Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns.</li> +<li>Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care.</li> +<li>Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical situation.</li> +</ol> + +<p class="no-indent">Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, +writes of the medical social service as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>It may well be concluded that no organization or “unit” +formed to deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can +hereafter be regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, +nurses, relief workers and administrators there is also a due +proportion of trained medical social workers. If twelve years +ago medical social service received its baptism, Halifax has +been its confirmation day.<a name="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The children's service was thorough, as it should have +been. If the measure of success in disaster relief is the +treatment which the children receive, Halifax relief was +above reproach. The children's laws of the province are +carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of +Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular +ability and has wide powers. He became chairman of a +strong children's committee with which were associated, +besides representatives of the children's institutions, two +child-welfare workers of high reputation. This committee +came in contact with upwards of five hundred families, +including more than fifteen hundred children. Their +work dealt with the special problems listed below. More +permanent supervision was assumed by the Government +Commission about five months after the disaster. The +modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was +encouraged, the effort being to keep children with parents +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_90" title="90"> </a> +and wherever necessary to subsidize <ins title="familes">families</ins> rather than institutions.</p> + +<p>The work of the children's committee consisted of</p> + +<ol> +<li>Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's institutions.</li> +<li>Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody and receiving proper care.</li> +<li>Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><ins title="etc">etc.</ins></i>, for children.</li> +<li>Hunting for “missing” children, identifying “unclaimed” children, and restoring children to their parents.</li> +<li>Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the care of children.</li> +<li>Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received.</li> +<li>Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from hospitals, shelters, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, the committee in most cases having sent some one to accompany the children.</li> +<li>Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of permanent homes.</li> +<li>Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded children.</li> +<li>Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by improper persons.</li> +<li>Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.<a name="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></li> +</ol> + +<p>The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the +Halifax disaster. Blindness frequently resulted from the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_91" title="91"> </a> +blizzard of glass which caused so great a percentage of the +wounds. In large proportion the wounded were women who +were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation +of the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon +which was concentrated the skill of three superintendents of +important institutions for the blind as well as other specialists +and workers. The presence in Halifax of a school for +the blind with a capable president facilitated greatly an +early grappling with the problem. The contributions of +the social workers were chiefly of the character already +indicated such as that of general medical social service. +There were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three +registrants,<a name="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> but owing to the difficulties of registration +this figure remains inexact.</p> + +<p>Rehabilitation “takes into account the feelings as well +as the material requirements of the bereaved families.” An +additional phase for social workers is therefore mortuary +service. Here is required an exceedingly delicate ministry +for which few are qualified. It includes quiet coöperation +in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care +for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction +regarding the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. +At Halifax this presented a remarkable opportunity for +service, and an experienced Young Women's Christian Association +worker from Toronto attended in such capacity.</p> + +<p>There is still another secondary phase which must be referred +to as not being without social and moral results,—that +of relief of animals. For the sheltering of homeless +animals, the dressing of wounds, and the humane dispatch +of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had been received. +This work received the attention of the Society +for the Prevention of Cruelty.</p> + +<p>It will be useful as reference data to present here the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_92" title="92"> </a> +nature of the criticism to which careful supervision gave +rise. It was of the most trenchant character, and it centered +about the alleged over-emphasis which seemed to be +placed on system<a name="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> and detailed investigations inflicted +upon persons of whom many were still suffering from deprivation +and from shock, and who were unused to the +cross-examination methods of expert social diagnosticians. +Often the thoroughness of the records seemed to the sufferers +to be the more emphasized part of the proceedings. When +all classes of people found themselves in need, there were +naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably +as “cases.” But theirs was a choice which left but little +regard for personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable +however to have to say that the cause of social service +did not receive in the community the much larger repute +which its magnificent work justified, chiefly because the innumerable +“typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes, +and multifarious office equipment”<a name="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> were not made less +obtrusive. The merest touch of “cold professionalism” +soon became fuel for the burning disapproval which spread +through the city regarding the methods of relief.<a name="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Letters +to the press gave vent to the indignation of the sufferers. +One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as +anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he +wrote very plainly of the “overdose of business efficiency +and social service pedantry.” Why should needy families +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_93" title="93"> </a> +be required, he asked, to go through a personal visit and +reëxamination at the office every week, before receiving a +renewal order for food. Such things were not easily understood +or explained. It became increasingly felt that such +discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was +not the will of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously +forwarded the generous aid. It was not, so the criticism +ran, for the committee to detain and delay the needy recipients +for the mere sake of preventing duplication and for +the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting +in Wards Five and Six, it was charged that “too much +red tape had been insisted upon by those in charge of the +relief and in consequence of this and other objectionable +features of management, there had been many cases of hardship +and much unnecessary suffering.”</p> + +<p>As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that +criticism was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded +body of public opinion to which could be anchored +the wisdom of sound and thorough social methods. +The passing of time has reënforced the rightness of the +course taken, and not a few former critics would now +be ready to condemn the methods used as not having been +radical enough. Still there was an element of justice in +what was said, and social workers of the future when +thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery +a little closer, at least until the community can realize the +principles which organization must conserve.</p> + +<p>The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is +based upon disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a +long series of trials and errors. On the first few days after +disaster the finer sensibilities of human nature appear. Men +and women say “others have lost more, we will get on with +a minimum of help.” About the fifth day when the poignancy +of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_94" title="94"> </a> +these same people suddenly discover that there are +thousands of dollars available. Then another aspect of +human nature comes into evidence. Every device is utilized +by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There +has not been a single disaster where this state of mind has +not shown itself. The way to deal with it without complete +records as yet has not been suggested. The only way +a committee can protect itself against disgruntled criticism +is to know what it is doing. This is the justification of +rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to defeat +imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. +It was not, however, all adverse criticism which developed +at Halifax. There were many who were able to see the +beneficent purpose behind the careful service, and as months +passed on the value of this experienced administration came +to be more generally realized. Indeed</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill +in the community that many reëstablished families begged for +the continuance of the department's supervision even though +its aid was no longer required. No greater testimony to the +value of this rehabilitation work could be given.<a name="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission +took charge of the entire system, it may be said that +there was a change not only of hands, but of policy as well. +The large amounts made available by the Imperial and +Dominion governments and by public subscription made it +possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of +modified restitution. This change of policy the government +adopted because of the conviction upon the part +of the people that they were suffering from the vicissitudes +of war, and that full restoration was in law and +equity of national obligation. The step is of special social +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_95" title="95"> </a> +significance for Halifax is the first instance where on any +large scale<a name="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> the principle of restitution became the guide, +rather than that of rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible +into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity +which has befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall +be given the use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the +family its household furniture. For the community as a whole +it means a speedy restoration of such economical and industrial +activities as have been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of +bridges, the reopening of streets, the reëstablishment of banks, +business houses, churches, schools. It requires that protection +shall be given the defenseless, food and shelter to the homeless, +suitable guardianship to the orphan and as nearly as possible +normal social and industrial conditions to all.<a name="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax +policy denominated restitution, but rather “generous relief,” +in actual practice a large proportion of claims were verified +and paid on a percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather +than that of ascertained need. The Commission was granted +power to “pay in full all personal property and real estate +claims duly established to an amount not exceeding five +thousand <ins title="dollars.">dollars.”</ins> And while in case of the larger claims of +churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing +establishments, and the property of the more prosperous +classes, there was a policy of just and adequate relief +declared, the agitation continued and continues that “every +dollar of loss shall be paid in full.”</p> + +<p>Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: “It is +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_96" title="96"> </a> +not the policy of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring +losses and compensating for death or personal +injury.” Commenting on this statement John <ins title="R.">F.</ins> Moors +says: “It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the latest +scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is intended.”<a name="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> + +<p>What were the social results of this policy? This question +is one of no less interest to the community itself than +to the student of sociology. It is perhaps too early for +adequate examination and comparison with the policy +which formerly held sway. While still a vital question +there are observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution +certainly of the lump-sum method of restoration.<a name="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> +They assert that for many it proved simply a lesson in extravagance +and did not safeguard the economic future of +the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods +in their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty +again with uncommon rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and +furbelows multiplied. Merchants' trade grew brisk with +“explosion money.” There seemed to be a temporary exchange +of positions by the social classes. The following +statement made by one closely associated with social conditions +in Halifax and written over two years after the +disaster, shows only too well the danger involved in the +application of such a principle. After referring to “the +spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few +who have borne the burden of restoration” the statement +continues:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The individuals who after all make up a community have +been blinded to the bigger interests by their own individual material +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_97" title="97"> </a>losses, and the idea of material compensation on a dollar +for dollar basis. As some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster +wrought much moral damage, for which no “claims” were +even presented, even by those to whom we might look for +special moral teaching in such an experience. In the course +of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition +lingering in our midst.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom +of “the disposition to proceed as though the relief committee +were a compensation board or an insurance society, and to +indemnify for loss.” But as already said it is early to appraise. +What in ordinary times might be condemned might +conceivably under the abnormal conditions of war be less +morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault +and not the principle.<a name="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> Partly for reasons connected with +the war it was desired to conclude the business with dispatch, +and not to set up a banking house or a training school in +thrift. There remains also the final test, the residuum of +relief, the number of those who will remain permanently +upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of +Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that “probably so large +a sum never passed into a community of equal size with so +little danger to the personal character of the citizens and so +complete an absence of any pauperizing or demoralizing influences?”</p> + +<p>The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax +may easily be summarized.</p> + +<p>1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted +if for no other reason than for protection.</p> + +<p>2. More technical methods of coördination are desirable.</p> + +<p>3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_98" title="98"> </a>4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the +hands of one vocationally trained for the purpose.</p> + +<p>5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of +restitution and its administration.</p> + +<p>6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a +secret relief distribution service, such as fraternal societies +conduct for those who though in need will not publicly +accept assistance.</p> + +<p>7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, +who will note the precise spot where bodies are recovered, +the centralization of all morgue service, the use of metal +tags instead of paper, the sterilization and preservation of +clothing and effects for purposes of identification, and in +addition the development of a morgue social service with +training and qualifications of a special character.</p> + +<p>8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve +with members beforehand definitely assigned to special +tasks, with requisite printed supplies in readiness would +render the most effective social economy in emergency. +This reserve should be trained in the general organization of +shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of +general rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's +work and in the use of volunteers.</p> + +<p>To answer the requirements of what could be called in +any sense a sociological treatment of the disaster, the +foregoing chapter on the contribution of social service +could with difficulty be omitted. Social service introduces +a relatively new element of leadership and control upon +which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which +assures to any community the presence of those who have +special skill in dealing with crises. The “relation of the +great man to the crisis is indeed one of the most important +points in the problem of progress”<a name="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> in catastrophe. The +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_99" title="99"> </a> +subject also assumes special importance in the development +of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes +which may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken +without full consideration of the major influences +which were present. Thus by elimination we may be able +to better gauge the strength of the factor of catastrophe +itself. The place of government and other social factors, +however, has yet to be discussed.<a name="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_100" title="100"> </a><a name="Chapter_6">CHAPTER VI</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Legislation</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">Governmental agencies in catastrophe—What seems to be expected of +governments—What they actually do—Social legislation—A permanent +contribution.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <ins title="influence">influences</ins> +which are brought to bear upon a community when, +after having been overtaken by catastrophe, it is settling +back into its former habitistic channels,—channels which +not even catastrophe can altogether efface. Some of these +influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such +as the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others +are ultra-communal, such as those vigorous social forces +which sweep in upon a disaster city with the suddenness of +catastrophe itself.</p> + +<p>There is a further influence which is of a community yet +in a sense not of it alone, but of all communities—government—that +institution of society which expresses its will by +legislation, a will which may or may not be the will of the +community concerned. And because legislative action is +responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to +be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of +the new and less familiar field of social legislation. While +it may be that the latest group to function effectively at +Halifax was government, social legislation when forthcoming +contributed an important and deciding influence, +and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity.</p> + +<p>The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_101" title="101"> </a> +and daily enclosing a wider and wider field. But not +all governments are sympathetic with this process. There +are two standards of legislation—the one conserves above +all things the rights and privileges of the individual, the +other considers first the community as a whole. The +superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here, that +it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and +becomes the norm, rather than the rights of the individual +citizen. Progress in legislation includes its extension into +all the affairs of life, retaining as much as may be the liberty +of the individual while progressively establishing the interests +of all.<a name="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> Its evolution is traceable from the first poor +laws, all down the long succeeding line of those dealing with +education, health, labor and recreation. However much +agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the +wisdom of this mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, +changing just as one ideal or the other happens to be in the +ascendancy, there is at least no doubt as to the duty of the +government to protect and safeguard its citizens.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the +philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard +the commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the +domestic peace. To discharge this duty it is necessary to +maintain a police force and a militia, and a naval establishment. +Such dissent from this proposition as we hear now and then +is negligible for practical purposes.<a name="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, +<ins title="federal.">federal,</ins> provincial or municipal, according to their respective +powers.</p> + +<p>At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster +was not wholly municipal or wholly martial, but rather an +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_102" title="102"> </a> +admixture of authorities. Policeman and soldier joined +hands as agents of general protection. This service government +did and did at once.</p> + +<p>One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken<a name="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> was +that by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova +Scotia, when he sent to the Chief of Police of Halifax the +following order:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of +any vehicle of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose +of removing the injured and the dead of this city.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. +They worked for long periods with little rest +to maintain public peace and order. The splendid service +of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been considered. +They were first and foremost in the work of +rescue and of warning. Military orders to vacate the North +End district as a precautionary measure followed hard upon +the explosion. Military orders permitted the people to +return. Within a few hours after the disaster the military +established a cordon around the devastated district which +no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens +having business obtained at the City Hall. This was to +prevent looting as well as to facilitate the search for the +wounded pinned under the debris, and to permit the removal +of the bodies of the killed. The burned and devastated +area was policed by the military for about two months with +the concurrence of civic authority.</p> + +<p>But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It +calls for a procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it +calls for it at once. If we ask whether it be the function of +government to take the foremost step of leadership in this +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_103" title="103"> </a> +care, the question is one for Political Science. If we ask +the more sociological question whether governments actually +and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly—they do not. +Says Cooley: “Like other phases of organization, government +is merely one way of doing things, fitted by its character +for doing some things, and unfitted for doing others.”<a name="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> +This proved one of the things for which it was unfitted. +Not one of the governmental authorities, civic, provincial, +or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively +and continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a +peculiar commentary that they were scarcely thought of as +likely immediately to do so. It should be said, however, +that the Deputy-mayor—the Mayor being absent from the +city—was very active personally. While one of the controllers +was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor +called an emergency meeting of citizens on the +morning of the disaster, and another at three in the afternoon +to consider what to do. This meeting of citizens was +presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as already +noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. +The committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards +reformed upon a new basis on the advice of the American +unit. But no civic resources were pledged to the people +as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were then or +subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not +assert or assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. +The City Hall was indeed set up as the relief center +temporarily, but the advice to remove it elsewhere was not +successfully opposed. How little civic authority was retained +under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the +following complaint. The Board of Control which was +then the legal representative body of the city had no member +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_104" title="104"> </a> +on the executive committee of the disaster administration. +One of these controllers publicly criticised the method of +the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He “almost had to +have a page to reach the Committee as representative of the +Board of Control.” When the cabinet ministers from +Ottawa were sitting in session in the legislative council +room, and giving a hearing to a representative public gathering, +the Mayor entered a complaint that the City Council +and Corporation had been ignored by the acting committees. +The <ins title="Citizen's">Citizens'</ins> Committee exercised the general control. +They were entrusted with the special grants and the civic +authorities, Board of Health, police, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, so far as emergency +matters went, coöperated with them. But the various +civic officers were not idle. No one was idle at Halifax. +They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various +departments at City Hall and with individual programs +of relief. What the civic government continued to do +officially was rather in the way of providing the stiff +formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed suggestions +of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations +were issued. Among them was one urging all +people excepting those on relief work or upon especially +urgent business to stay away from Halifax for two weeks. +Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with regard +to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's +signature went out the nation-wide appeal for aid that “a +sorely afflicted people should be provided with clothing and +food.” The subsequent time, thought and help which City +Hall contributed is of less sociological importance to this +study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <ins title="muncipal">municipal</ins> +aid in disaster as falling under the general category +of service, rather than direction.<a name="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_105" title="105"> </a>Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of +activity in disaster we note that no special session of the +provincial legislature was called, as was done by the Governor +of Illinois after the calamity which overtook Chicago in +1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia convened +a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating +the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining +its powers.<a name="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> The several articles defined its establishment +as a rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a +town-planning board, as well as its powers of expropriation, +its relationship to the city charter, certain parts of which +it could amend or repeal; its powers to enforce attendance +at its courts and boards; its relationship to the Workmen's +Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, +the Commission was also invested with full and adequate +discretion regarding schools, churches and business properties.</p> + +<p>Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures +are of special interest to social legislation. Among these +were the power to repair, rebuild or restore buildings, the +power to repair and carry out a town-planning scheme, the +power to amend, repeal, alter or add to provisions in the city +charter, the automatic assumption of rights of owner to +insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and +the automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation +claims. The act incorporating the commission with powers +to make investigation, and administer all funds and properties +constitutes Chapter VI of the year 1918. The +local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_106" title="106"> </a> +provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the +benefit of the sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, +towns and municipalities to contribute for the relief of +sufferers.</p> + +<p>The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude +and wisdom is comparable to that of President Harrison +of the United States at the time of the Johnstown flood. +The Canadian Premier at the time of the disaster was in +Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova +Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following +day. He immediately placed resources from the +Federal government at the disposal of the local authorities +to assist them in coping with the situation. The third day +after the disaster he attended an important meeting regarding +the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the +city by assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the +harbor. Following the Premier came the Minister of Public +Works and he too gave much administrative assistance. +Then came five members of the Federal Cabinet, each announcing +such programs of restoration as to give the community +new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements +was that of the establishment of a large ship-building +plant upon the explosion area. The Canadian government +had already as its first act made a grant of one million +dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then forcibly +urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility +towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in +“its policy of holding itself responsible for loss and damage +by air-raids and explosions.” Public opinion seemed to +demand that the work of restoration and reparation be undertaken +by the government of Canada as a national enterprise. +The government while disclaiming all legal liability, +acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was +announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_107" title="107"> </a> +to take over the whole work of rehabilitation and +reconstruction,—an announcement which brought a feeling +of relief to the already discouraged workers.</p> + +<p>Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that +while the Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission +to receive and administer relief funds and supplies, +the Halifax Relief Commission was appointed by the +Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done +under the “Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV +of the Revised Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the +War Measures Act, 1914, being Chapter II of the Acts of +Canada for the year 1914.” The Federal grant was later +increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to +eighteen millions.</p> + +<p>There should also be here recorded the timely succour +afforded by the Imperial Government at Westminster. Following +the King's gracious cable of sympathy, the sum of +five million dollars was voted by the British Government to +the relief of Halifax. The King's words were:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax +resulting in great loss of life and property. Please convey to +the people of Halifax, where I have spent so many happy +times, my true sympathy in this grievous calamity.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Reference has already been made to the policy to which +the Commission was committed. This policy may be +more exactly stated by an extract from the act incorporating +the commission:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p><em>Whereas</em>, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore +constituted has recommended to the Governor-General +of Canada in Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance +should be made to persons injured in or by reason of +the said disaster and the dependents of persons killed or injured +in or by reason of the said disaster and the Governor-General +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_108" title="108"> </a>of Canada in Council has been pleased to adopt said +recommendation; <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening +of morale and the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, +government may be said to have contributed an +important and deciding influence in the reorganization of +the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal +conditions.</p> + +<p>Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to +have had a very direct determining influence upon whatever +picture of the community is subsequently drawn, +but social legislation itself was enriched by the catastrophe. +The association of catastrophe with progress in social legislation +has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass +of facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In +this introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters +have been the preceding reagents in effecting legislation of +permanent social value. It is instanced that city-planning +in America took its rise from the Chicago fire, that the +origin of labor legislation is traceable to a calamitous fever +at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster precipitated +amendment to the Seamen's laws.<a name="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> It has been said that +“the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in +England has rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera +visitations in the middle of the last century;”<a name="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> and also +that public health work in America practically began with +yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining disasters, J. +Byron Deacon says in this connection</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters +is fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_109" title="109"> </a>influence upon public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation +both for the prevention of industrial accidents and for +the more equitable distribution of the burden of individual +loss and community relief which they involved.<a name="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Again E. A. Ross writes:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>A permanent extension to the administration of the state +has often dated from a calamity,—a pestilence, a famine, a +murrain, a flood or a tempest—which, paralyzing private +efforts has caused application for state aid.<a name="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The student of social legislation who reads this book will +turn first to this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation +will the future associate with so dire a calamity as that +suffered at Halifax. It may be said that not only has +special disaster legislation of precedent-setting value been +enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief legislative +procedure, but social legislation of wider application and +more general character ensued. And this was along the +line which the student of social law should be led to expect.</p> + +<p>As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; +as marine disasters foster regulations ensuring greater +safety at sea, it might well be expected that a great explosion +would bring about regulations controlling the handling +of explosives. And this is in reality what has occurred. +There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of +June, 1919, by the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting +the loading and handling of explosives in harbors, +applicable to all public harbors in Canada, to which the provisions +of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act apply; and +to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not inconsistent +with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.<a name="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> +They cover</p> + +<ol> +<li><a class="pagenum" name="Page_110" title="110"> </a>The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers.</li> +<li>Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in harbors of explosives-laden vessels.</li> +<li>Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives.</li> +<li>Regulations governing the handling of explosives.</li> +</ol> + +<p class="no-indent">“The enactment of these regulations” writes the Under-Secretary +of State for Canada<a name="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> “was suggested in large +measure by the Halifax disaster.” Had these regulations +been in effect and observed in Halifax Harbor it is hardly +conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could have occurred.</p> + +<p>It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for +this general legislation of social utility originated with the +Drysdale commission—a board of enquiry appointed by the +Federal Government to determine the cause of the disaster +and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth, 1918. +In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor +in force since the war were prepared by competent naval +authorities; that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal +with the handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend +that such competent authority forthwith take up and +make specific regulations dealing with such subject.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>We, therefore, conclude that the function of government +in disaster is of primary importance, and that social legislation +when forthcoming constitutes an important and deciding +influence and is itself in turn enriched by calamity. +Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the +statement in the <a href="#Page_13">Introduction</a>, that catastrophe is in close +association with progress in social legislation receives abundant +justification.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_111" title="111"> </a><a name="Chapter_7">CHAPTER VII</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Surplus</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover +from disaster—The case of San Francisco—The case of Halifax—Social +surplus—The equipmental factors—Correlation of tragedy in +catastrophe with generosity of public response—Catastrophe insurance—A +practical step.</p> + +<p>John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with +which countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance +in a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done +by earthquakes, floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.<a name="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">This “<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vis medicatrix naturae</i>” he explains on an economic +principle. All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption +of what had been produced previously, and which +would have in due course been consumed anyway. The rapid +repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says, on whether the +community has been depopulated.</p> + +<p>But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <ins title="aplies">applies</ins> +particularly to countries which have not been bereft of +the raw materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco +recovered exceedingly rapidly from her terrible experience +of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery has been called one +of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not depopulated. +Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and +ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_112" title="112"> </a> +The loss of life on the other hand was about two thousand +in Halifax, a city of fifty thousand population—but one-eighth +that of San Francisco—and her list of injured ran +into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon appeared.</p> + +<p>There are other factors both social and economic which +must not be omitted from an account of the influences of +recuperation, namely the equipmental and other factors which +produce social surplus. Disaster-stricken communities cannot +survive unless their “surplus energy exceeds their needs.” +They cannot become normal until the social surplus is restored. +The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney, +is “merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals +composing a social group, or immediately available +to such individuals.”<a name="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> It includes not only “bodily vigor” +but “such material goods also as are immediately available +for the restoration of depleted bodily vigor.” It is not only +physiological, as life energy, and social, as conditions of +knowledge and institutional facilities, but also socio-economic, +as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of +physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor +may have been depleted, and material goods been consumed. +No period of recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such +equipment is in some degree replaced and a balance of social +surplus restored. This is the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">conditio sine qua non</i> of recuperation, +and of the transition from a pain-economy to a +pleasure-economy,<a name="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> after disaster. Certainly the maintenance +of the standard of living demands it. The standard of +living has been defined as the “mode of activity and scale +of comfort which a person has come to regard as indispensable +to his happiness and to secure and retain which he +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_113" title="113"> </a> +is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice.” Following +Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with +population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a +certain character might conceivably operate to automatically +heighten the standard of living, just as the growth of population +often brings about its fall. But catastrophe often consumes +great quantities of material goods and brings about +a change in incomes and in occupations.<a name="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Seager notes that:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to +the class of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition +is a possibility which prolonged illness or inability to +obtain employment may at any time change into a reality. The +narrow margin which their usual earnings provide above the +bare necessaries of life, coupled with their lack of accumulated +savings, makes them especially liable, when some temporary +calamity reduces their incomes, to sink permanently below the +line of self-support and self-respect.<a name="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental +damage was stupendous, still the heart of the downtown +business section remained sound. The banking district +held together, and the dislocation of business machinery +was less protracted on that account. To this it is necessary +to add how to a very considerable extent the material +losses were replaced by communities and countries which +not only supplied the city with the material of recuperation +but with men and means as well. Were her own workmen +killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men and +carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_114" title="114"> </a> +food and their wages with them. The city's population was +increased by thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three +hundred of whom were registered with the committee at +one time. Was her glass destroyed? Eighty acres of +transparences came for the temporary repairs and had been +placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings +gone? Seven million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber +were soon available to house the homeless. Were her +people destitute? Food and clothing were soon stacked +high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty +thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty +thousand from New Zealand, one hundred thousand from +Quebec, one hundred thousand from Montreal, two hundred +and fifty thousand from Australia, five million from Great +Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came +from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from +the Federal grant, eight millions were contributed. The +total contributions from all sources amounted finally to +twenty-seven million dollars.</p> + +<p>Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining +the sociological recuperation of a smitten city. And when +the experience of Halifax is set side by side with the related +experiences of other cities a conclusion may be drawn that +disaster-stricken communities can always count upon public +aid, for the reasons which have already been discussed. +But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation between +the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and +the generosity of the relief response,<a name="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> as there is also with +the immediacy of the appeal. “It is not the facts themselves +which strike the popular imagination” says Le Bon, “but +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_115" title="115"> </a> +the way in which they take place.”<a name="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> There have been disasters +relatively serious, such as the St. Quentin forest fire, +where repeated appeals met with astonishingly little response +from the people. “A single great accident” continues Le +Bon, “will profoundly impress them even though the results +be infinitely less disastrous than those of a hundred small +accidents put together.” It was in recognition of this principle +that “it was decided to transfer the residue of the +amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the contingent +fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters, +which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous +public response, but where the suffering is as grievous.”<a name="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> + +<p>Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity +and other expressions of sympathy, the experience at +Halifax suggests also a relationship between the aid furnished +by a contributing community and that community's +own previous history in regard to calamity. As an instance +may be cited the quick and splendid response which +came from St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick +cities with unforgettable memories of great disasters which +they themselves had suffered. It is also not improbable that +the study of comparative catastrophe would reveal a correlation +between the relative amount of aid given and the +distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which +suggest that the relationship might be written thus: that +relief in disaster varies inversely as the square of the cost +distance. The association here suggested is given additional +plausibility from the fact that attention to certain +types of news seems to vary according to this principle, +and news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid.</p> + +<p>Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_116" title="116"> </a> +time, in the absence of any scientific method of socially +ameliorating the consequences of catastrophe, relief is a +fluctuating quantity, and is poorly apportioned from the +point of view of need. While such conditions obtain, disasters +must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which +break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our +generosities and philanthropies</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">many people lose their normal position in the social and +economic scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, +railway wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial +life. These accidents naturally have a vast influence over the +lives of their victims; for they often render people unfit to +struggle along in the rank and file of humanity.<a name="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread +the economic results of these disasters over the entire community +in some form of intra-city catastrophe insurance administered +by the Federal government. This alone will +overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon the +more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate +relief. And even beyond this step is there not the possibility +of an international system in which each nation will insure +the other? Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came +from many nations and tongues. But while we are discussing +what ought to be and eventually will be done, one very +practical step remains which may be taken at once. At the +Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction +and technical leadership, welcome <ins title="at">as</ins> it was, and saving the +situation as it did, yet came from without rather than from +within the country. There is no Canadian who will close +these pages without asking whether this must always be. +May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding result +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_117" title="117"> </a> +of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate +steps to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, +and stations of relief strategically located in Canada—these +stations to have in their keeping left-over war-material, +such as tents, stores, and other equipment together with records +of available experts who have had experience in disasters +and who may be subject to call when emergencies +arise.</p> + +<p>And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, +namely, wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe +in social change? We have thus far concerned ourselves +with the major factors of recuperation, intra-social forces, +social service, and legislation.</p> + +<p>We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic +constitutes a no less important factor. But the effects may +not stop with mere recuperation. Suppose a city becomes +in a trice more prosperous and progressive than ever. +Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon +rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; +her industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies +come looking for sites as if dimly conscious that expansion +is at hand! Suppose a city rises Phoenix-like from the +flames, a new and better city, her people more kind, more +charitable, more compassionate to little children, more considerate +of age! Suppose there come social changes which +alter the conservatism and civic habits of many years—changes +which foster a spirit of public service, and stimulate +civic pride! Then there is clearly some further influence +associated with the day of disaster. Perhaps we shall find +progress innate in catastrophe itself.</p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_118" title="118"> </a><a name="Chapter_8">CHAPTER VIII</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Change</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">The unchanging Halifax of the years—The causes of social immobility—The +new birthday—The indications of change: appearance, expansion +of business, population, political action, city-planning, housing, health, +education, recreation, community spirit—Carsten's prophecy.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">Halifax</span> has had her fair proportion of tribute in her +time. Kipling has called her “the Warden of the Honor +of the North.” Pauline Johnston sings of her pride of +situation. As Edinburgh, “it is a city of many charms; +beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the +world; vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of +its streets some voice from the past ‘comes sounding +through the toon.’” Her public gardens are the envy of +all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare. Her Northwest +Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. +Cheery wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No +city of her size is more hospitable than she.</p> + +<p>But she has always been a city which has never quite +entered into her heritage commercially. Situated where +by nature she might well be great, she has always been +small. Unambitious, wealthy<a name="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> and little jealous of the +more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on +being a lover of better things. Commerce and industry +were things alien<a name="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> and secular. She devoted herself to +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_119" title="119"> </a> +standards of art, music, learning, religion and the philanthropies. +Charitable and philanthropic institutions abounded. +She has had her own conservative English ways. She +affected homage to “old families,” and to that illusory +element “social prestige.” She welcomed each new knight +which the favor of the king conferred, and grew careless +of civic prosperity and growth. She had leaned “too long +upon the army and the navy” and her citizens had become +“anaemic,” “lethargic” and standstill; their “indifference” +and “inertia” were a commonplace. Halifax had been +complacent and academic rather than practical in her outlook +upon the world and her general attitude toward life.</p> + +<p>Geographically she suffered by her situation on the +rim of the continent. She experienced not a little neglect +and isolation because she was an undeveloped +terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers and commercial +men could not visit her <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en route</i> but only by special +trip.</p> + +<p>Again “the government has had altogether too many interests +in Halifax for the good of the place.” “Government-kept +towns” are not as a rule “those which have +achieved the greatest prosperity.” Halifax as a civil-service +headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps +open to the charge of being at least “self-satisfied.” +Valuable acres of non-taxable land have been far from stimulating +to civic enterprise.</p> + +<p>An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of +overmuch looking backward, and sociologically the back look +has been always recognized as the foe of progress. But +she has had a past to be proud of—one which throbs with +incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she +has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a +hundred and fifty years. She has been called “the stormy +petrel among the cities—always to the front in troublous +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_120" title="120"> </a> +times.” She has served and suffered in four hard wars. +She has gloried in this wealth of years and storied past. +Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue blood, +dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies, +fêtes, levées and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial +times. A newspaper has published daily items of a generation +before, and weekly featured a reverie in the past.<a name="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Old in +her years she remained old in her appearance, old in +her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old firms which +have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled +the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century +of service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day +hour, and like a curfew sounded in the night.</p> + +<p>Search where one will, it would be difficult to find +another city which has more completely exhibited the causes +of social immobility as set forth by sociology. For there +are, it must be remembered, causes of immobility as well +as factors of social change. They may be geographical +difficulties, or elements more distinctively social—an over-emphasis +of government, discouraging innovation, too great +a “volume of suggestion,” the drag of “collective customs +and beliefs,” a “traditionalist educational system,” the “inheritance +of places and functions” tending to arrest development, +“government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed +by age.”<a name="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> All these reënforce the conservative tendencies +in society and preserve the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>.<a name="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_121" title="121"> </a>Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of +the disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>. +We need not labor the how and why. Tourists had returned +year after year and found her unaltered. “Dear, +dirty old Halifax” they had called her. They had found +business as usual,—old unpainted wooden houses on every +side, unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and +offensive gutters; the best water and the poorest water +system an inspector ever examined; the purest air but the +most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete tramway,<a name="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> a +“green market,” ox-carts on the main streets, crossings ankle-deep +with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead +of making the city they had been “letting it happen.” +The “transient, the good-enough, the cheapest possible” +had been the rule of action.</p> + +<p>Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But +the old order changeth. The spell of the past is broken. +A change has come over the spirit of her dreams. There are +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_122" title="122"> </a> +signs that a new birthday has come. The twenty-first day +of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with punctilious +regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to +realize that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from +December—that fatal Sixth. “Sad as was the day, it +may be the greatest day in the city's history.”</p> + +<p>Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to +see the sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her +geographical position which once meant isolation<a name="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> will henceforth +be her best asset. Just as the geographical expansion +of Europe made the outposts of the Old World the entrepôts +of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova +Scotia—the province with the greatest number of natural +resources of any in the Dominion—to the newly awakening +city appears full of substantial promise. It will be largely +hers to handle the water-borne commerce of a great country. +Henceforth the ocean will become a link and not a limit. +World-over connections are the certainties of the future, +bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity +of nations. Closer to South America than the United +States, closer to South Africa than England, closer to Liverpool +than New York, Halifax sees and accepts her destiny, +forgets the inconvenience and loss she has undergone and +the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the +facilities of her “triple haven” might be multiplied and the +march of progress begin. “The new terminals with their impressive +passenger station, will not only be an attractive front +door for Halifax, but will fit her to be one of the great +portals of the Dominion.”</p> + +<p>There has come upon the city a strange impatience of +unbuilt spaces and untaxed areas sacred for decades to +military barracks and parades. She has urged for some +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_123" title="123"> </a> +immediate solution, with the result that military property +will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for +its own disposal.</p> + +<p>Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the +retention of old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and +century-old church-yards is not yet apparent; although suggestions +have been made which would have astounded the +Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a period of +orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and +clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. +“Here as elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking +and the rearrangement of traditional thought.”</p> + +<p>Indications of change are already abundant. The first +to note is that of appearance. For illustration may be +quoted an editorial published near the second anniversary of +the explosion:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion, +exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. +One almost forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. +Still there is a great deal to be done in the way of improvement +to our streets. The move in the direction of permanent streets +is an excellent one and if carried out as designed will be an +improvement and saving to the city.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes +the following reference to the change in appearance of the +city:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale +and retail business of Halifax is the improved condition +of premises over a few years ago; retail stores are now having +up-to-date and attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving +their show-rooms and thereby increasing their sales.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_124" title="124"> </a>are on the order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform +as possible. This will go a long way toward improving +the appearance of the city.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure +from the former square box style of dwelling, also +the method of placing rows of houses exactly in the same +style. Today homelike houses of modern design, set back +from the street with lawns in front are the order of the day—bungalows +are particularly in favor.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are +spreading, new lights are being tried out, a new tram company +has taken hold. Indeed one citizen is credited with the +words: “It is almost a sacrilege that Halifax should be so +changed.”</p> + +<p>The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public +opinion and the beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence +of the new note is a statement by one of the progressive Halifax +firms:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking +up valuable sites in our business districts. The banks are +increasing their activities. Some of the biggest industries are +coming our way. Surely everything points toward prosperity.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, +which has infected a much wider region than Halifax itself +is the plan now making rapid progress for an Old +Home Summer, to be held from June to October, 1924. The +project has already received legislative recognition. An +effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such +as has never been attempted before. The committee in +charge is made up of many prominent citizens and the +“1924 Club” grows. One may observe still another indication +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_125" title="125"> </a> +of the determination to progress in the recent completion +of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with +Montreal, Toronto, New York and Chicago.</p> + +<p>Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, +yet the items used in their computations are the only ones +upon which variations may be even roughly gauged. Roger +Babson puts as the leading considerations: (1) Building +and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures. +Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, +exports, taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and +hours, commodity prices, unfilled orders, immigration and +unemployment.<a name="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> + +<p>With regard to the first the following statement issued +by the Mayor is significant. He says:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in +the City of Halifax. It has been a record year for building. +Permits to the approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued +to the engineer's office, the largest amount by far in its +history, the amount being practically ten times that of 1913, or +the year before the Great War commenced. A part of this only +can be attributed to the terrible explosion of 1917.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">He refers to the great amount of construction going on in +the western and northwestern parts of the city which were +relatively untouched by the disaster. The Mayor further +states:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>It must be remembered that it is only two years since the +devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city +have considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in +building up that portion which only a year ago had not a +house upon it.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The following tabulation gives the building figures according +to the permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a +remarkable recent increase.</p> + +<div><a class="pagenum" name="Page_126" title="126"> </a></div> +<table id="permits" summary="Building Permits 1910–1919"> +<caption>Building Permits</caption> +<tr> + <td>1910</td> + <td class="right">$471,140</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1911</td> + <td class="right">508,836</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1912</td> + <td class="right">589,775</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1913</td> + <td class="right">839,635</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1914</td> + <td class="right">874,320</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1915</td> + <td class="right">1,066,938</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1916</td> + <td class="right">1,177,509</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1917</td> + <td class="right">844,079</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1918</td> + <td class="right">2,955,406</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1919</td> + <td class="right">5,194,806</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December +1919</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable. +Business property has taken a jump in value, and it +is difficult to get for business purposes property well situated +unless at very high prices. Property has been known to change +hands within a year at approximately double the amount +originally paid.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained +greatly in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war +days.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>In the matter of bank clearings<a name="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> the following table indicates +a very considerable change:</p> + +<table id="clearings" summary="Bank Clearings"> +<caption>Bank Clearings</caption> +<tr> + <td>1910</td> + <td class="right">$95,855,319</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1911</td> + <td class="right">87,994,043</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1912</td> + <td class="right">100,466,672</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1913</td> + <td class="right">105,347,626</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1914</td> + <td class="right">100,280,107</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1915</td> + <td class="right">104,414,598</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1916</td> + <td class="right">125,997,881</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1917</td> + <td class="right">151,182,752</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1918</td> + <td class="right">216,084,415</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1919</td> + <td class="right">241,200,194</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_127" title="127"> </a>As to business failures the Secretary says:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Business failures have been few—practically the whole +amount of the liabilities will be made up of one failure, +and it is believed the loss to creditors in this particular case +will be slight.</p> +</blockquote> + +<table id="indices" summary="Additional Indices"> +<caption>Additional Indices</caption> +<tr> + <td> </td> + <th>Gross Postal Revenue</th> + <th>Tramway Receipts (gross)</th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1910</td> + <td class="right">$114,318</td> + <td class="right">$477,109</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1911</td> + <td class="right">119,561</td> + <td class="right">502,399</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1912</td> + <td class="right">132,097</td> + <td class="right">539,853</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1913</td> + <td class="right">140,102</td> + <td class="right">605,933</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1914</td> + <td class="right">147,943</td> + <td class="right">645,341</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1915</td> + <td class="right">154,499</td> + <td class="right">718,840</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1916</td> + <td class="right">167,594</td> + <td class="right">559,513</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1917</td> + <td class="right">255,815</td> + <td class="right">859,667</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1918</td> + <td class="right">305,412</td> + <td class="right">998,702</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1919</td> + <td class="right">349,507</td> + <td class="right">1,258,503</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the +beginnings of fresh faith in the city's future is the coming +of new large business interests into the city. Among the +largest construction work is the building of the Halifax +shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay +of ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending +plant of the Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually +make of Halifax a great oil-distribution port. There is the +continuation of the thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern +terminal facilities, which have been constructed so close to +the ocean that a ship may be out of sight of land within an +hour after casting off from the quay.</p> + +<p>In short there has been, as has been said, an “impetus +given to business generally.” That the impetus will continue +there is every prospect. Halifax may experience +a temporary wave of depression when such waves are flowing +elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more +believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_128" title="128"> </a> +and electric trains is not very far away. The +prophecy of Samuel Cunard made in 1840—when he inaugurated +the first Trans-Atlantic line—that “Halifax +would be the entering port of Canada”—seems destined to +fulfilment.</p> + +<p>As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San +Francisco may not materially change the existing numbers +of the population after a sufficient period of time has elapsed +for a reassembling of the former units, and a return to the +normal conditions of life and growth.<a name="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p class="no-indent">Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax +eclipsed all preceding disasters to single communities on the +Continent of America in the toll of human life.<a name="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> In the +San Francisco earthquake the loss was four hundred and +ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at the Iroquois +theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and seventy-five; +at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the +Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that +the disaster at Halifax probably passed this latter figure, +decreasing the city's population by four per cent. Notwithstanding +this heavy draught upon the population, the +1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six +hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.</p> + +<p>In the light of this consideration the following indication +of the growth of population is also of contributory interest.<a name="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p> + +<div><a class="pagenum" name="Page_129" title="129"> </a></div> +<table id="growth" summary="Growth of Population"> +<caption>Table</caption> +<tr> + <td>1911</td> + <td class="right">46,619</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1912</td> + <td class="right">46,619</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1913</td> + <td class="right">47,109</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1914</td> + <td class="right">47,109</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1915</td> + <td class="right">47,473</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1916</td> + <td class="right">50,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1917</td> + <td class="right">50,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1918</td> + <td class="right">50,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1919</td> + <td class="right">55,000</td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1920<a name="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></td> + <td class="right">65,000</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon +the part of citizens is revealed by the comparison of the +numbers participating in political action by means of the +vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:</p> + +<table id="action" summary="Political Action"> +<caption>Political Action</caption> +<tr> + <th>Year</th> + <th>Purpose</th> + <th>Eligible voters</th> + <th>No. voting</th> + <th>Percentage of Indifference</th> + <th>Percentage of Interest</th> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1918</td> + <td class="center">For Mayor</td> + <td class="right">7,632</td> + <td class="right">2,769</td> + <td class="right wide">63.8<span class="invisible">0</span></td> + <td class="right wide">36.2<span class="invisible">0</span></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1919</td> + <td class="center">For Mayor</td> + <td class="right">8,890</td> + <td class="right">4,264</td> + <td class="right wide">52.1<span class="invisible">0</span></td> + <td class="right wide">47.9<span class="invisible">0</span></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td>1920</td> + <td class="center">For Mayor</td> + <td class="right">11,435</td> + <td class="right">5,491</td> + <td class="right wide">51.99</td> + <td class="right wide">48.01</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p>Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and +a gradually diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference +is smaller and the percentage of interest is larger +for 1920 than for 1919, and the percentage of interest for +1919 is larger than that for the previous year. The number +of eligible voters also shows increase. “The campaign [for +1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier +to institute new reforms.”<a name="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p> + +<p>Of further sociological interest is the change affecting +city-planning, civic improvement, housing, health, education +and recreation.</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_130" title="130"> </a>In the realm of city-planning<a name="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> and civic improvement, +Halifax is awaking to the importance of taking advantage +of an opportunity which comes to a city but seldom save +through the avenue of disaster. The present Town-planning +Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning +Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city +engineer constitute the committee. The limits of the area +to be brought under the scheme were still undecided when +the explosion came. The disaster “hastened the resolution” +of the Board. “When the disaster came it seemed +that things would have to come to a head.” Mr. Thomas +Adams, the Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, +was brought to Halifax to help determine what should +be done. “The disaster simply had the effect of bringing +to a point certain things which were pending at the time. +If that event had not occurred we would by this time be +into a scheme, though possibly not so far as we are.” Today +the limits of the area have been defined and the scheme +is nearly ready for presentation to the Council for adoption. +The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant reports +that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing +with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping +and residential districts, the provision for future streets, +street-widening and building lines, and suggestions for park +and aerodrome sites. In the devastated area he has remarked +progress in street-opening, in grading of the slope +and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_131" title="131"> </a> +trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be +planted in this area. The whole area is under the control of +the Relief Commission, for the Act appointing the Commission +gave it the powers of a Town-planning Board.</p> + +<p>The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened +the resolution of the existing committee, but to have produced +two planning-boards instead of one. Each must +keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the “City +Beautiful” idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to +city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum +the social problems of community life, to accomplish +Aristotle's ideal—“the welfare and happiness of everyone.” +In so doing civic beauty will not be neglected. “Scientific, +sensible and sane city-planning” says an authority “with +utility and public convenience as its primary consideration +produces beauty—the beauty that is the result of adapting +successfully a thing to its purpose.” It is in accordance +with this principle of civic art that the terminal area is +being developed—a work designed by the same architect +who planned the Chateau Laurier and the Ottawa Plaza with +such aesthetic taste.</p> + +<p>To “deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered +with trees and pleasant driveways, after the manner of +Paris,” and to a “waterfront as stately as Genoa's, a terminal +station with a noble facade, overlooking a square +and space of flowers,”<a name="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> the future will also bring to Halifax</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="no-indent">more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways, +cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness +and beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will +disappear.... With time will come all these things which +stamp a city as modern, as caring for the comfort of its +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_132" title="132"> </a>people, their pleasure and rest, and health and safety. All +these things come with time, effort, development of city pride, +and the concentrated desire of a people for them.<a name="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax +problem. It was already an acute one when the blow of +the catastrophe fell and multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. +The Relief Commission has grappled with its +end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many refugees +who were first accommodated in lodgings and in +temporary shelters.<a name="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The old sombre frame-constructed +buildings of the pre-disaster days are being replaced with +attractive hydrostone. A hard-working wage-earning community +is stepping out of indifferent structures into homes +both comfortable and well-ordained.</p> + +<p>But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, +had not the city authorities caught something of the reconstruction +spirit and felt the sharp urge of increasing +difficulties. Action has been at last precipitated. However, +lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts, the +city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate +housing to be a supreme need of the community and vitally +associated with the city's health and welfare. A Housing +Committee of five members has been formed, having as +chairman a man of widely recognized building experience and +as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended to +make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical +way, the City Council having reversed its former decisions +and accepted by by-law the obligation which the government +act requires. It is hoped in this way to promote the +erection of modern dwellings and to “contribute to the +general health and well-being of the community.”</p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_133" title="133"> </a>Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government +aid, which when finally accepted in 1890, began the +remarkable housing reform in England, has entered the +City of Halifax, and will eventually write a record of increased +health, comfort and contentment. How soon that +record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves +and their response to a leadership that is forceful as +well as wise.</p> + +<p>The matter of health organization in Halifax affords +perhaps the most significant contrast with the pre-disaster +days. Prior to the catastrophe public health organization +was not a matter for civic pride. The dispensary, which +is often regarded as the index of a city's care for health, +had received scant support and could only perform indifferent +service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not +be carried out for want of inspectors. The death rate<a name="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> had +averaged about twenty percent for a period of ten years, +and the infant and tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously +high—the former reaching the figure of one hundred +and eighty-two.<a name="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> There was no spur to progressive administration. +The city was too ill-equipped to cope with +such conditions.</p> + +<p>Today Halifax has the finest public health program and +most complete public health organization in the Dominion. +The fact that this is so is in very close relation to the +catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended balance of relief +moneys<a name="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> has been redirected by request for health purposes +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_134" title="134"> </a> +in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty +thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand +dollars per year of the Canadian government money and +five thousand dollars per year each, of the city and provincial +money are to be expended in the five-year campaign. +The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per year, or +practically one dollar per capita.</p> + +<p>A completely equipped health centre has been established +including all the essential remedial and educational agencies, +namely, pre-natal, pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, +venereal disease, eye, ear, nose and throat clinics. There +will also be provision for the growth of health ideas through +mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues. A public +health course for nurses is included in the educational campaign.<a name="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> +A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been +held, and the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.</p> + +<p>Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a +greater realization of responsibility. Progressive steps +have been already taken including the appointment +of a Doctor of Public Health, and the provision of +district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places +where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected +with a view of effecting improvements. A single +instance of commendable activity along sanitary lines is the +prohibition of movable lunch cars, which have been seen +on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of a lot +of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention +of the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present +Council to improve conditions throughout the city generally +as quickly as is feasible to do so. Another illustration of the +direction of attention to modern social methods is the present +discussion of plans for a psychiatric clinic for mental +hygiene and the discovery of defectives, especially those +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_135" title="135"> </a> +attending the schools. Still another indication of interest +in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was established +in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly +employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being +amplified by the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement +of the children's hospital,—a centralization plan +of hospital service being a unique and distinctive feature. In +the way of industrial hygiene a full-time nurse is employed in +the ship-building plant and here also safety policies have been +introduced and have reduced accidents to a minimum. The +movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining +impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. +The Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged +and extended, the additions having an estimated cost of +half a million dollars.</p> + +<p>But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission +but also the earlier vigorous policy of disaster +medical relief, which is seen reflected in the growing sense +of community-responsibility for health conditions. Halifax +has come to see the principle fundamental to all health +reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and +that improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation +with the progress of health organization. It remains to +be seen whether so favored a community will also lead the +way in the registration and periodic health examination of +every individual citizen which is the final goal of all policies +of health reform.</p> + +<p>The standards of education have always been high in +Halifax. She has been the educational center of the +Maritime Provinces. Her academic attainments have +brought to her much distinction and not a little glory. Her +public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration +to each successive generation. To secure appointment to +the Halifax teaching staff the applicant must possess the +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_136" title="136"> </a> +highest qualifications. But however much educational leaders +may desire them, modern methods and up-to-date equipment +await in large measure the public will. Only where +there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax +is becoming awakened to the vital rôle her educators +play is being proven by the response to the campaign for the +expansion of Dalhousie University. That response has been +most generous and general, while local contributions have +been amplified by large benefactions from the Carnegie +Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter +benefactions together amounting to one million dollars—four +hundred thousand will be expended upon buildings and +equipment. The modernizing process is shown again in +the decision of the university to establish at once a Faculty +of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and +Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.</p> + +<p>In the old teaching methods all are given the same course +of instruction regardless of the individual mental differences. +Today the effort is to provide an education to fit the mind +rather than to force the mind to fit the education. In the +public schools of Halifax there are not lacking indications +which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among +these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes +for retarded children, experimentation with the social-recitation +system, the display of Safety-First League posters +and the development of those departments already established, +<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">viz.</i> vocational and domestic training, manual and +physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, +school nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use +of school plants in evening technical classes.</p> + +<p>Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest +degree all the opportunities which child-training affords. +The school system is an institution of society to +mediate between a child and his environment. Children +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_137" title="137"> </a> +must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their +plastic minds must receive practice in resistance to domination +by feeling and in the use of the intellect as the servant +and guide of life. To the children of Halifax is due +eventually a thorough training in citizenship. This is the +last call of the new future in education. It rests upon the +twin pillars of educational psychology and educational +sociology.</p> + +<p>Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein +the City of Halifax has taken a forward step. In making +her plans for the future she has not forgotten that the rebuilt +city should contain every facility for children to grow +up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as public provision +for the leisure time of the adult population. A Recreation +Commission has been formed made up of representatives +of the various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial +governments.<a name="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> A playground expert was called in +by the city government, who after study of the situation and +conference with local groups, recommended a system of +recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked +progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the +“municipal recreation system of Halifax has made a record +for itself.” A hill of about fifteen acres in the heart +of the devastated area has been reserved for a park and playground. +The city has built and turned over to the Commission +a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of +ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans +contain recommendations for minimum play-space for every +school child, a central public recreation area, an open-air +hillside stadium, as well as a community center with auditorium, +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_138" title="138"> </a> +community theatre, natatorium, gymnasium, and +public baths. The real significance of this movement Halifax +has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is +a close relationship between health organization and mortality +tables, so there is a close association between open +spaces, street play, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, and juvenile, as well as other forms +of delinquency.<a name="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The moral value of organized recreation +was itself demonstrated in the war, while the increasing +menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the shorter +working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a +social policy. This policy is not however fully carried out +with merely constructive and promotive action. It must be +followed by restrictive and regulatory control of commercialized +recreation, and wise and adequate systems of inspection +for amusement in all its forms. This is the path of progress +in socialized recreation.</p> + +<p>Progress in coöperation has also to be noticed. There +has been a new sense of unity in dealing with common problems. +The number of things which perforce had to be +done together during the catastrophe was great. This doing +of things together will be continued. The establishment of +the Halifax Coöperative Society is initial evidence of a +movement towards coöperative buying. Coöperation for +community ends even now is revealing itself in the new +interest for the common control of recreation, health conditions, +<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> “The disaster,” runs an article in the press, +“has given our social movement an impetus. The social +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_139" title="139"> </a> +workers of the different creeds and classes have discovered +each other and are getting together.”<a name="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> The organization of +social service which only a few years back took a beginning +in the form of an unpretentious bureau has shot ahead with +amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of coördination +upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies +of the city.</p> + +<p>The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased +coöperation upon the part of the churches. Following the +disaster the churches of the city united into a single organization +for relief service under the chairmanship of the +Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial Association +has been formed which has directed coöperative +effort along various lines and has exercised pressure upon +those in authority where the best interests of the city were +involved.</p> + +<p>Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life +through the testing experience of a great catastrophe. She +has undergone a civic transformation, such as could hardly +otherwise have happened in fifty years. She has caught +the spirit of the social age. This spirit after all means only +that the community is just a family on a larger scale, and +the interests of each member are interwoven with those of +all. But merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It +must be cherished through an inevitable period of reaction +and passivity, and then carried on still further into the relations +of capital and labor, into the realm of socialized recreation +and into those multiform spheres of social insurance +whither all true social policies lead.</p> + +<p>All these converging lines taken not singly but together +constitute a very real basis of faith in the city's future, and +of hope for permanent changes for the better. Perhaps +this attitude cannot be more fittingly expressed than in the +words of Carstens:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_140" title="140"> </a>The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon +the city for at least a generation, because so many of the living +have been blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that +the disaster may leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently +believed by those who took part in the relief work +during the first few weeks that Halifax will gain as well as +lose. The sturdy qualities of its citizens will bring ‘beauty +out of ashes.’</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>But it is rather for social than for material progress that +the sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, +there may be developed a program for the care, training and +education of the sightless as good if not better than any now +existing, that medical social service will be permanently grafted +upon the hospital and out-patient service of the community, +and that the staff of teachers of the stricken city, by direct contact +with the intimate problems of the families of the children +they have in their class-rooms may acquire a broader view +of their work. If there should result no other benefits, and +there are likely to be many, as for example city-planning, +housing and health, the death and suffering at Halifax will +not have been in vain, will not have been all loss.<a name="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_141" title="141"> </a><a name="Chapter_9">CHAPTER IX</a><br/> +<small><span class="small-caps">Conclusion</span></small></h2> + +<p class="hanging-indent">Recapitulation—The various steps in the study presented in propositional +form—The rôle of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a) Directly prepares +the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social immobility; +(2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal +favorability for change—(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors determining +the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit and +morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and +lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.</p> + +<p><span class="small-caps">If</span> the preceding narrative has been successful in setting +forth the facts as they were observed, the reader has now +before him a fairly accurate picture of a community as it +reacts under the stimulus of catastrophe and proceeds to +adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure of new conditions. +It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness +in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one +by one the various steps in our study. These steps while +primarily intended to follow the natural order in point of +time will also be seen to represent a definite sociological process +of development.</p> + +<p>At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been +sufficiently terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. +This fact gives peculiar value to the investigation. The +more a shock is limited in extent the more its analysis grows +in complexity. In such cases consideration must necessarily +be given to the frontiers of influence. The <a href="#Chapter_1">chapter <ins title="discribing">describing</ins> +the shock</a> also found the immediate reaction to have been +a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of +the usual methods of social control—in short, a dissolution +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_142" title="142"> </a> +of the customary. This turmoil into which society was +thrown is sometimes called “fluidity,” and, for lack of a +better one, this term has been retained. It would thus appear +that if it were later observed that essential social +changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of +change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous +thought upon the subject as set forth in our more theoretical +<a href="#Page_13">introduction</a> and expressed in the proposition that +fluidity is fundamental to social change.</p> + +<p>The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual +and group reactions were then examined in greater +detail, and the phenomena of the major sort were singled +out and classified. These were found to be either abnormal +and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or stimulative +and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted +the material of the <a href="#Chapter_2">second chapter</a>. Put in propositional +form it would be that catastrophe is attended +by phenomena of social psychology which may either retard +or promote social reorganization.</p> + +<p><a href="#Chapter_3">Social organization</a> came next in order, and because its +progress was largely expedited by the organization of relief,—the +first social activity,—the sociological factors observed +in the latter have been recorded. These factors were +classified as physical, including climate and topography, and +psychological, such as leadership, suggestion, imitation, discussion, +recognition of utility and consciousness of kind. +Reference was also made to biological and equipmental +considerations. Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: +first, that part of society which is most closely +organized and disciplined in normality first recovers social +consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only after +division of function delegates to a special group the responsibility +for relief work that public thought is directed +to the resumption of a normal society. These conclusions +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_143" title="143"> </a> +emphasize the conservation value to society of a militia +organization in every community and also of a permanent +vigilance committee.</p> + +<p>The <a href="#Chapter_5">fifth chapter</a> introduced a relatively new element, +the presence of which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, +that of a disaster social service. Its contribution +was that of skillful service and wise direction; its +permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The +value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse +proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community +has advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly +that self-dependence of a community in adversity is furthered +by the socialization of the existing institutions.</p> + +<p>The next and latest group to function effectively was that +of government, but <a href="#Chapter_6">social legislation</a> when forth-coming, +contributed an important and deciding influence, and was +itself in turn enriched by the calamity. Brought to the +test of comparison with observed facts the statement in the +introduction receives abundant justification; namely, that +catastrophe is in close association with progress in social +legislation.</p> + +<p>To the influences already mentioned an additional factor +of recuperation is added,—the <a href="#Chapter_7">socio-economic one</a>. Disaster-stricken +communities cannot become normal until the +social surplus is restored. They may however always count +upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly suggested +a correlation between the magnitude or striking character +of a disaster and the generosity of the relief response.</p> + +<p>The <a href="#Chapter_8">last chapter</a> is devoted to a cataloging of the indications +of social change from the standpoint of the community +as a whole. The old social order is contrasted with that +obtaining two years subsequent to the disaster. It here appeared +that the city of Halifax had as a community undergone +and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_144" title="144"> </a> +This implies, according to the theory of social causation, an +extraordinary antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor +of catastrophe as such, the scientific reader may very +properly ask whether there are not alternatives.</p> + +<p>To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, +other very considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but +that catastrophe was itself the precipitating factor there is +little room for doubt. Of the other factors two only are +of sufficient weight for our present consideration. The +earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank of importance +is that which Halifax residents understand as the +coming of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so +sudden in the nature of its announcement, and meant for +many so much depreciation in property values, that it had +something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It altered +very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential +and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused +a jolt in the body politic, such as had not visited it for years—not +since the middle of the nineteenth century brought the +revolutionizing steam. It is not to be denied that this factor +has contributed not a little to the weakening of immobility, +and the preparation of the ground for an inrush of the spirit +of progress.</p> + +<p>The other factor was the war. The war functioned +mightily in community organization for service. It brought +prosperity to many a door, and whetted the appetite of many +a merchant to put the business of peace on a war basis. But +it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity would +have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would +not be historically justifiable. Halifax has been through +three important wars. In each, “trade was active, prices +were high, the population increased, industry was stimulated +by the demand, rents doubled and trebled, streets were uncommonly +busy.” But in each case also Halifax settled +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_145" title="145"> </a> +back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax +began to feel the reaction consequent upon the close of a +war. The large navy and army were withdrawn and Halifax +and its inhabitants “bore the appearance of a town at the +close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle +and business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration +at times very perceptible. Money gradually disappeared +and the failure of several mercantile establishments added +to the general distress.” But the closing of the war, now +a hundred years later, has exhibited no such relapse. On +the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and +progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, +but rather increase. There is clearly some further influence +associated with this change.</p> + +<p>But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed +be said to have been the factor,—if we mean by it the +fact that through the war and as a direct result of war-service +the city was laid half in ruins by possibly the greatest +single catastrophe on the American Continent. If we +mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining +event. The catastrophe was an episode of the great +war.</p> + +<p>It only remains to add by way of clearer definition +that the rôle of catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. +Functioning directly, it prepares the ground-work +for social change by (1) weakening social immobility; +(2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing environal +favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion +factors determining the nature of the social change, such as +(1) the release of spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; +(3) the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on; (4) the +socialization of institutions.</p> + +<p>Our final principle<a name="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> thus appears to be that progress in +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_146" title="146"> </a> +catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors +some of which are subject to social control. If there is one +thing more than another which we would emphasize in conclusion +it is this final principle. Progress is not necessarily +a natural or assured result of change. It comes only +as a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice +which is sacrifice in truth.</p> + +<p>That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one +in the direction of progress we think to be based on reason +and not alone on hope. That it is also our fervent hope, +we need hardly add. But every Haligonian who cherishes +for his city the vision which this book contains, may help +mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword +and intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come +tomorrow. We do say a wonderful beginning has been made +since yesterday. And this is bright for the future. In no +better words can we conclude than in those of one of her +greatest lovers: “Changes must come to Halifax. This +is a world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that +the changes will not disfigure his beloved city, but only +heighten and enhance the intimate and haunting charms +she borrows from the sea.”<a name="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_147" title="147"> </a>INDEX</h2> + +<div id="index"> +<h3>A</h3> + +<p>Accidents, industrial, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + +<p>Advancement, human, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_progress">progress</a></p> + +<p>Aesthetics, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Aggregation, social, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p> + +<p>Altruism, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<p>Ameliorative legislation, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_legislation">legislation</a></p> + +<p>Analytic psychology, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Anxiety, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> + +<p>Anger, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Animal relief, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p> + +<p>Army, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_military">military</a></p> + +<p>Association, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>; + utility of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Associations, state and voluntary, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> + +<p>Attention, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Authority, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p> + +<h3>B</h3> + +<p><a name="index_behavior">Behavior</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> + +<p>Beliefs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p>Bereavement, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> + +<p>Biological factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Body politic, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Bureau, welfare, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Business, disorganization of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>; + expansion of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>; + indices of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>; + relief, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>; + resumption of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p> + +<h3>C</h3> + +<p>Capital, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_catastrophe">Catastrophe</a>, and crisis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>; + and communication, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>; + definition of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>; + and evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>; + and generosity, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>; + and heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + and insurance, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>; + and poetry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>; + and population, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>; + and progress, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>; + and social change, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>; + and social disintegration, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>; + and social economy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>; + and social legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_148" title="148"> </a> + and social organization, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; + and social psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; + and suicide, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>; + and social surplus, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>; + and survival, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>; + and tragedy, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>; + and war, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p> + +<p>Cataclysm, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_catastrophe">catastrophe</a></p> + +<p>Causation, social, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Centralization, policy of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p> + +<p>Ceremony, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_change">Change</a>, social, and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + and crisis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + definition of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + factor of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + and fluidity, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + indications of, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + and progress, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + resistance to, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> + +<p>Charity, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> + +<p>Child welfare, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + +<p>Churches, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_religious_institutions">religious institutions</a></p> + +<p>Circumstantial pressure, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<p>Civic authority, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_municipal_control">municipal control</a></p> + +<p>Civic improvement, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Civilization, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Classes, social, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Clergy, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Clinics, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Climatic factors in society, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Clubs, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p> + +<p>Collective behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_behavior">behavior</a></p> + +<p>Commerce, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></p> + +<p>Commercialized recreation, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> + +<p>Communication, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p> + +<p>Community, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Comparative catastrophe, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> + +<p>Compensation, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> + +<p>Component groups, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_149" title="149"> </a>Consciousness, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Consciousness of kind, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Consciousness of underlying difference, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p>Conservation, social, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Conservatism in society, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p>Contagion of feeling, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> + +<p>Control, social, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p> + +<p>Conventionality, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Coöperation, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> + +<p>Crime, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p> + +<p>Criticism, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p> + +<p>Crisis, and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + definition of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + and fluidity, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>; + and great men, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + and progress, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + and revolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>; + significance of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> + +<p>Crises, in battles, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + in communities, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>; + in diseases, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + in life-histories, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>; + men skilled in dealing with, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>; + power to meet, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>; + in religions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + in social institutions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; + in world of thought, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p> + +<p>Crowd, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Crowd psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Courts, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p> + +<p>Culture, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p> + +<p>Curiosity, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Custom, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Cycles, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> + +<h3>D</h3> + +<p>Death rate, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p> + +<p>Delinquency, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> + +<p>Delirium, oneiric, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Delusion, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> + +<p>Determination, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<p>Diagnosis, social, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> + +<p>Disaster, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_catastrophe">catastrophe</a></p> + +<p>Disaster psychology, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_psychology">psychology</a></p> + +<p>Disaster relief, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p> + +<p>Disease, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Discussion, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Disintegration of society, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> + +<p>Dispensary, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p> + +<p>Distributive system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> + +<p>Diversity of capacity, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p>Division of labor, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Dynamic forces, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_150" title="150"> </a>Dynamogenic reactions, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p> + +<h3>E</h3> + +<p>Economic factors in society, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></p> + +<p>Economy, social, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> + +<p>Education, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_educational_institutions">Educational institutions</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Educational psychology, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + +<p>Educational sociology, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + +<p>Emergency, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Emotion, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> + +<p>Endurance, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> + +<p>Energies, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<p>Environmental effects, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Envy, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Erroneous recognition, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> + +<p>Equipmental factors in society, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> + +<p>Exaltation, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Expectancy, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<h3>F</h3> + +<p>Factors in social change, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Family, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Fatigue, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> + +<p>Fear, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> + +<p>First aid, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Flight instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> + +<p>Fluidity, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Flux, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p> + +<p>Folkways, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p>Food-getting, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p> + +<p>Fraternal societies, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> + +<h3>G</h3> + +<p>Generosity, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Geographic determinants, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p> + +<p>Government, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>; + agencies of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; + aid in disaster, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>; + an institution of society, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; + and leadership, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>; + officials, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>; + over-emphasis of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p>Gratitude, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Great man, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p>Greed, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p> + +<p>Gregarious instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> + +<p>Grief, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_151" title="151"> </a>Group, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Group heroism, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> + +<h3>H</h3> + +<p>Habit, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></p> + +<p>Habitation, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> + +<p>Hallucination, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> + +<p>Happiness, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p>Health, public, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Helpfulness, psychology of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> + +<p>Herd instinct, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> + +<p>Heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> + +<p>History, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p> + +<p>Heredity, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p> + +<p>Homes, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></p> + +<p>Homogeneity, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Housing, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Hospitals, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Human nature, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p> + +<p>Hyperactivity of imagination, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Hyper-suggestibility, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Hypnosis, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Imagination, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></p> + +<p>Imitation, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Imitation, conditions <ins title="effecting">affecting</ins> rate of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_immobility">Immobility of society</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Impulsive social action, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> + +<p>Indemnity, principle of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> + +<p>Indications of social change, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Indices of business, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p> + +<p>Individual reactions, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> + +<p>Industry, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Industrial, accidents, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>; + fatigue, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>; + hygiene, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + +<p>Inhibitions, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Insanity, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Instincts, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Institutions, social, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_religious_institutions">religious</a>, <a href="#index_educational_institutions">educational</a></p> + +<p>Insurance, social, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p> + +<h3>J</h3> + +<p>Jealousy, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Justice, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> + +<p>Juvenile delinquency, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p> + +<h3>K</h3> + +<p>Kind, consciousness of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Kindliness, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p> + +<h3><a class="pagenum" name="Page_152" title="152"> </a>L</h3> + +<p>Labor, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>; + division of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>; + legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p> + +<p>Law, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p>Leadership, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_legislation">Legislation</a>, ameliorative, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>; + boundaries of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>; + and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + health, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>; + ideals of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>; + labor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>; + mining, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>; + marine, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>; + promotive, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>; + progress in, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + social, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> + +<p>Like-mindedness, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Like response, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p>Limitation of field of consciousness, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p> + +<p>Lookers-on, stimulus of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<h3>M</h3> + +<p>Magic, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> + +<p>Martial law, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> + +<p>Maternity, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + +<p>Mass relief, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> + +<p>Medical inspection, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Medical social service, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p> + +<p>Mental hygiene, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Mental unity, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p>Meteorological pressure, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_military">Military and naval organization</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Ministerial association, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Models, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p> + +<p>Modes of affective experience, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> + +<p>Morale, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Morality, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> + +<p>Mores, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Morgue service, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p> + +<p>Mortality, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_municipal_control">Municipal control</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p> + +<p>Mutual aid, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<h3>N</h3> + +<p>Navy, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_military">military</a></p> + +<p>News-notice, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p> + +<p>Normality, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<h3>O</h3> + +<p>Obstruction and the human will, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_153" title="153"> </a>Occupational change, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p> + +<p>Oneiric delirium, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Organization, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_social_organization">social</a>, <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p> + +<p>Orientation, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p> + +<p>Original tendencies, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> + +<h3>P</h3> + +<p>Pain economy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p>Pain, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> + +<p>Parental instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p>Pensions, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></p> + +<p>Percentage of indifference, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> + +<p>Percentage of interest, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> + +<p>Personal crises, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p>Phenomena, of bereavement, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>; + of crowd psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>; + diverse, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; + of emotion, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>; + of endurance, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>; + post-catastrophic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>; + of repression, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Philanthropy, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p> + +<p>Physical factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Physiological reactions, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p> + +<p>Pity, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p> + +<p>Pleasure economy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p> + +<p>Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_behavior"><ins title="behaviour">behavior</ins></a></p> + +<p>Plural leadership, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Police, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p> + +<p>Political action, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p> + +<p>Political Science, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></p> + +<p>Poor laws, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> + +<p>Population, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Post-catastrophic phenomena, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p> + +<p>Precipitating agent, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Preparedness, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> + +<p>Press, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p> + +<p>Pressure, social, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<p>Primitive household, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p> + +<p>Principles of relief, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p> + +<p>Production, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p> + +<p>Profiteering, psychology of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> + +<p>Procedure, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_progress">Progress</a>, in catastrophe, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; + and change, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + degree of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + and evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>; + meaning of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + and relief, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>; + in social legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> + +<p>Protocracy, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Psychiatry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Psychological factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_psychology">Psychology</a>, analytic, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>; + crowd, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>; + disaster, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>; + of helpfulness, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>; + of helplessness, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>; +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_154" title="154"> </a> + of insanity, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>; + of profiteering, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>; + of relief, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>; + social, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; + and sociology, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p> + +<p>Public opinion, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p> + +<p>Public safety, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Public utilities, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p>Pugnacity, instinct of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> + +<h3>R</h3> + +<p>Reconditioning of instincts, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p>Recreation, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p> + +<p>Recuperation of society, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Regional influence, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p> + +<p>Regulative system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> + +<p>Rehabilitation, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p> + +<p>Religion, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_religious_institutions">Religious institutions</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_relief">Relief</a>, administration of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>; + division of labor in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; + fluctuation of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>; + leadership in, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>; + medical, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>; + military in, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; + organization of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>; + psychology of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>; + principles of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>; + procedure in, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>; + relation to progress, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>; + residuum of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>; + reserve, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>; + secret service in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>; + shelter, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>; + stages in, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p> + +<p>Repression, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p> + +<p>Reproductive system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> + +<p>Resentment, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p> + +<p>Residuum of relief, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p> + +<p>Resumption of normal society, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p> + +<p>Restitution, principle of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p> + +<p>Retrogressive evolution, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p> + +<p>Revolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p> + +<p>Ritual, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p> + +<p>Rumor, responsiveness to, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p> + +<h3>S</h3> + +<p>Sabbath observance, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<p>Safety, public, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Sanitation, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p> + +<p>Schools, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_educational_institutions">educational institutions</a></p> + +<p>Science, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></p> + +<p>Security, feelings of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_155" title="155"> </a>Self-control, social, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Segregation, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> + +<p>Self-preservation, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p> + +<p>Sensation, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p> + +<p>Sense perception, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p> + +<p>Sensorium, social, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p> + +<p>Service, social, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Shibboleths, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<p>Shock, reaction, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p> + +<p>Social, action, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>; + aggregation, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>; + age, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>; + choices, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; + consciousness, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>; + conservation, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + conservatism, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>; + contrasts, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; + control, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; + economy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>; + effects, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>; + factors, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; + immobility, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>; + insurance, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>; + legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; + memory, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + mind, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>; + order, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + <a name="index_social_organization">organization</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; + policy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>; + pressure, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>; + psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; + reorganization, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; + sensorium, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>; + service, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + specialists, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; + standards, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; + surplus, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p><a name="index_social_change">Social change</a>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_change">change</a></p> + +<p>Socialization, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p> + +<p>Socialized recreation, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Society, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p> + +<p>Societies, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p> + +<p>Socio-economic factors, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Sociological factors, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Sociology, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>; + attractions of study, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>; + educational, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>; + and psychology, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; + virgin fields in, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p> + +<p>Sorrow, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p> + +<p>Standards, social, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p> + +<p>Standards of living, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p> + +<p>State, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p> + +<p>Static conditions of society, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_immobility">immobility</a></p> + +<p>Statistics, vital, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p> + +<p>Stimulus, of catastrophe, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>; +<a class="pagenum" name="Page_156" title="156"> </a> + of heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>; + of leaders, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>; + of lookers-on, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>; + of models, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; + repetition of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Struggle for existence, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p>Sub-normal, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Suggestibility, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Suicide, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p> + +<p>Supervised playgrounds, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Surplus, social, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Survival, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p> + +<p>Sustaining system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p> + +<p>Sympathy, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p> + +<h3>T</h3> + +<p>Taboo, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<p>Tender emotion, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p> + +<p>Themistes, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p> + +<p>Topography, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Tradition, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p> + +<p>Transportation, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></p> + +<p>Trade-unions, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p> + +<h3>U</h3> + +<p>Under-nutrition, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p> + +<p>Unemployment, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p> + +<p>Unit in relief, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p> + +<p>Unity, mental, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p> + +<p>Utility, of association, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p> + +<p>Utilities, public, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p> + +<h3>V</h3> + +<p>Variation, social, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_social_change">social change</a></p> + +<p>Vicissitudes, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p> + +<p>Vigilance committee, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p> + +<p>Vigor, economic, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p> + +<p>Vocational training, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p> + +<p>Volition, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p> + +<p>Voluntary associations, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p> + +<h3>W</h3> + +<p>War, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p> + +<p>Wealth, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></p> + +<p>Welfare, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p> + +<p>Will, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p> + +<p>Workmen's compensation, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p> + +<p>Worship, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p> + +<h3>Z</h3> + +<p>Zeal, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p> +</div> + +<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_158" title="158"> </a>VITA</h2> + +<p><span class="small-caps">Born</span> at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, +Canada. Son of Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. +Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High School, the University +of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at Ridley +College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. +Paul's Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia +University. Subject of primary interest, Sociology; of +secondary interest, Statistics and Social Legislation. Graduate +courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney, Chaddock, +Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the +British Empire Club of the University.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> +“Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of lives, +have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no fewer +than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property valued +at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past experience +is that each year no less than half a dozen such catastrophies will occur.” +(Deacon J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite>, N. Y., 1918, p. 7.) This quotation refers +to the United States alone. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> +Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo +express receipts used to call quaintly “Acts of God, Indians and other +public enemies of the government.” +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> +If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there not +reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and short-time +changes which her observers note? May it not well be that the ever-swinging +pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that the +miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it +wholesome and sweet? +</p> + +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“The old order changeth yielding place to the new.<br/></div> +<div class="line indent1">And God fulfils Himself in many ways<br/></div> +<div class="line indent1">Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.”<br/></div> +<div class="line right">—Tennyson, Alfred, <cite>The Passing of Arthur</cite>.<br/></div> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1905), ch. viii, +p. 189. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> +Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 198. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> +Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> +Mathews, Shailer, <cite>The Church in the Changing Order</cite> (N. Y., 1907), +ch. i, p. 1. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> +Thomas, William I., <cite>Source Book of Social Origins</cite> (Chicago, 1909), +Introduction, p. 17. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> +Giddings, Franklin H., “Pluralistic Behaviour,” <cite>American Journal +of Sociology</cite>, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> +The phrases “The world in a welter,” “nations in the melting pot,” +“life in the smelting oven,” are commonly heard and suggest a solution +stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to crystallization. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> +Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote: +</p> + +<div class="poetry width20"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line indent30">I lost<br/></div> +<div class="line">All feeling of conviction and in fine<br/></div> +<div class="line">Sick, wearied out with contrarieties<br/></div> +<div class="line">Yielded up moral questions in despair.<br/></div> +<div class="line right">—<cite>Prelude</cite>, bk. xi.<br/></div> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> +Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 200. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> +To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1) +Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of population +owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4) +Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> +Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, pp. 20, 21. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> +Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 18. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> +“It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North America. +In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing enormous damage +and loss of life. While the city has had a certain growth since that +time, it has been far outstripped by Houston, Dallas, and other Texas +cities.”—Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a letter to the author. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> +Another principle is suggested for study by the following sentence +in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p. 206<ins title=")">):</ins> “Brusk revolution in the +conditions of life or thought produces not sudden, but gradual changes +in society.” This might easily be elaborated. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> +The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a recent +article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks “whether often, if not +always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the poet] +the will to create.”—Marks, Jeanette, “Disaster and Poetry,” <cite>North +American Review</cite>, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> +Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 23. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> +In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South +Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of +seed. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> +It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume treats +specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of many +disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his conclusions. +He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax in 1917, and +at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of the expeditions +to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street explosion +occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> +During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of munitions +passed over the railroad piers of Halifax. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> +The <i>Mont Blanc</i>, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis +Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons +gross, 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam, +speed 7½ to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy. +Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons benzol, employed +in carrying munitions to France. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> +The <i>Imo</i>, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners +Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons register, +steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to 12 knots, outward +bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying food to Belgium. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> +The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of +dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> +Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> +McGlashen, Rev. J. A., <cite>The Patriot</cite> (Dartmouth, N. S.). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> +Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> +“The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was practically +the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the ground.” +(MacMechan, Archibald, “Halifax in Ruins,” <cite>The Canadian Courier</cite>, +vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> +The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the +hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> +Pliny, <cite>Letters</cite> (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> +Smith, Stanley K., <cite>The Halifax Horror</cite> (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii, p. 24. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> +Bell, McKelvie, <cite>A Romance of the Halifax Disaster</cite> (Halifax, 1918), +p. 57. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> +Spencer, Herbert, <cite>The Principles of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1908), pt. ii, +p. 499 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> +Lytton, Lord, <cite>The Last Days of Pompeii</cite> (London, 1896), p. 405. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> +Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> +Ratshesky, A. C., “Report of Halifax Relief Expedition,” <cite>The +State</cite> (Boston, 1918), p. 11. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> +Keller, A. G., “Sociology and Science,” <cite>The Nation</cite> (N. Y., May 4, +1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> +For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an explosion +at short range, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> Roussy and Llermette, <cite>The Psychoneuroses of War</cite> +(London, 1918), ch. x. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> +Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society, +London. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> +Crile, George W., <cite>The Origin and Nature of the Emotions</cite> (Phila., +1915), p. 163. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> +Hart, Bernard, <cite>The Psychology of Insanity</cite> (Cambridge, 1916), +ch. iii, p. 30. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> +</p> + +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“So <ins title="hypochrondriac">hypochondriac</ins> fancies represent<br/></div> +<div class="line">Ships, armies, battles in the firmament<br/></div> +<div class="line">Till steady eyes the exhalations solve<br/></div> +<div class="line">And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve.”<br/></div> +<div class="line right">—Defoe, <cite>Journal of the Plague Year</cite>.<br/></div> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> +Hart, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_42">op. cit.</a></i>, ch. iii, p. 31. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> +For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> Le Bon, +Gustave, <cite>The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind</cite> (London), bk. i, +ch. i, p. 51. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> +<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p. 51. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> +Thorndike, Edward L., <cite>The Original Nature of Man</cite> (N. Y., 1913), +ch. v, p. 43 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> +McDougall, William, <cite>An Introduction to Social Psychology</cite> (Boston, +1917), ch. iii, p. 49 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> +Sheldon, J., <cite>The Busy East</cite> (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> +The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: “The master +and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in +not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a probable +explosion.” (Drysdale Commission, <i>Judgment of</i>, sec. viii.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> +Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> +Le Bon, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_45">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 26. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> +Trotter, William, <cite>Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War</cite> (London, +1919), p. 31. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> +Sidis, Boris, <cite>The Psychology of Suggestion</cite> (N. Y., 1919), ch. vi, +p. 56 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> +Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>Principles of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1916), bk. ii, +ch. ii, p. 136. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> +Stephens, Henry M., <cite>A History of the French Revolution</cite> (N. Y., +1886), vol. i, p. 179. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> +Wells, H. G., <cite>In the Days of the Comet</cite> (N. Y., 1906). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> +Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> +<cite>St. John Globe</cite>, Correspondence, Dec., 1917. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> +McDougall, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_48">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 46. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> +Woodworth, Robert S., <cite>Dynamic Psychology</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. iii, +p. 54. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> +“Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and probably +identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same stimulus, +namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some end.” (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, +p. 149.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> +Thorndike, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_47">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 101. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> +“To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to +hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them +away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying +to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <ins title="greed.">greed.”</ins> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p. 102.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> +M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards “the hypnosis produced by +emotional shock—and this occurs not only in war but in other great +catastrophies as well—as genetically a defence reaction, like natural +sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic against +exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called death-shamming +of animals.” (Dide, M., <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les émotions et la guerre</cite> (Paris, +1918), Review of, <cite>Psychological Bulletin</cite>, vol. xv, no. 12, Dec., 1918, p. 441.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> +Wallas, Graham, <cite>The Great Society</cite> (N. Y., 1917), p. 136. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> +<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p. 440. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> +Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by McDougall +a pseudo-instinct. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> +McDougall, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_48">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 152. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> +O'Connor, Chas. J., <cite>San Francisco Relief Survey</cite> (N. Y., 1913), pt. i, +p. 6. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> +“The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their +character of loneliness.”—(James, William, <cite>Memories and Studies</cite>, +N. Y., 1911, p. 224.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> +Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 58. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Social Psychology</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv, p. 66. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> +A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's discussion +of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> +It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth +considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of +civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> +Stewart, George, <cite>The Story of the Great Fire in St. John</cite> (Toronto, +1877), p. 35. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> +Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> +James, William, <cite>The Energies of Men</cite> (N. Y., 1920), p. 11. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> +Cannon, Walter B., <cite>Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage</cite>, +ch. xi, p. 184, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> +Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 147. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> +Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the +internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers. +(Conklin, Edwin G., <cite>Heredity and Environment in the Development +of Man</cite> [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> +Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 149. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> +Sano, F., “Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche notate +durante il bombardamento di Anversa,” <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Rivista di psichologia</cite>, anno +xi, pp. 119–128. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> +Smith, Stanley K., <cite>The Halifax Horror</cite> (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv, p. 44. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> +Kropotkin, Prince, <cite>Mutual Aid</cite> (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> +Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> +There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart to a +great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand +offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> +Bicknell, Ernest P., “In the Thick of the Relief Work at San +Francisco,” <cite>Charities and the Commons</cite>, vol. xvi (June, 1906), p. 299. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> +What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of sailors. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> +Giddings, Franklin H., “Pluralistic Behaviour,” <cite>American Journal +of Sociology</cite>, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> +Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> +Bell, McKelvie, <cite>A Romance of the Halifax Disaster</cite> (Halifax, 1918). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> +Tarde, Gabriel, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les lois de l'imitation</cite> (N. Y., 1903), translation by +E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> +Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 396. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> +Bagehot, Walter, <cite>Physics and Politics</cite> (N. Y., 1884), p. 159, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> +Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 390. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> +From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of +the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> +Semple, Ellen, <cite>Influences of Geographic Environment</cite> (N. Y., 1911), +p. 607, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> +Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 389. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> +For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were distributed +every day. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> +Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely, (a) the +biological, including, besides the density of population, the heredity and +the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b) the equipmental +factor, including available economic resources, general enlightenment, +social surplus and institutional facilities for re-education, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vide</i> +<a href="#Chapter_7">ch. vii</a>.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> +Durkheim, Émile, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De la division du travail social</cite> (Paris, 1893). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> +In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the <cite>Baltimore Sun</cite>, by remarkable +enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant, and did not +miss a single issue. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> +On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon +Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same +afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints +Cathedral. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> +Quinn, J. P., <cite>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of <ins title="[not italicized in the original]">Halifax</ins></cite>, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> +Hanrahan, F., <cite>Report of Chief of Police</cite>, Halifax, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> +Saunders, E. A., <cite>Report of Halifax Board of Trade</cite>, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> +Thomas, William I., <cite>Source Book of Social Origins</cite> (Chicago, 1909), +Introduction, p. 18. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> +J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in +Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the Y. W. C. A., +Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the rehabilitation +work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful conclusion; +Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service Department +of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly Superintendent +for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth Richards +Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social Service +Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen, Superintendent of +the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens, Superintendent of +the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children; John F. +Moors, president of the Associated Charities of Boston, who was in +charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem and Chelsea fires; +William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident Association; J. Prentice +Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston Children's Aid +Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public Safety Committee +of the State of Massachusetts. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> +Carstens, C. C., “From the Ashes of Halifax,” <cite>Survey</cite>, vol. xxxix, +no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> +With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> +The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit +of the American Red Cross. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> +The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing +committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter, fuel, +burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and rebuilding. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> +“During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with in +large groups with little attention to the special needs of individuals ... +in the rehabilitation stage the family or the individual becomes the unit +of consideration.”—(Bicknell, E. P., “Disaster Relief and its Problems,” +<cite>National Conference of Charities and Corrections</cite>, sess. xxxvi, 1909, +p. 12.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> +Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> +The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also +suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief organization +under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C. Johnstone. +The nature of the relief work there did not differ essentially +from that in Halifax. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> +Davis, Michael M., Jr., “Medical Social Service in a Disaster,” +<cite>Survey</cite>, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> +Blois, Ernest H., <cite>Report of Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent +Children</cite> (Halifax, 1918), p. 110. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> +Fraser, Sir Frederick, <i>Report of</i>. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> +The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief at the +Johnstown flood “where two windows were set apart from which clothing +and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and +those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be getting +the most of it”; and where almoners passed through the streets handing +“ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met.” +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> +Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> +There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied as +actually took place at the Slocum Disaster. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> +Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> +Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a +position practically as good as that which they had occupied before. +Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> +Devine, Edward T., <cite>Principles of Relief</cite> (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv, p. 462. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> +Moors, John F., Book Review, <cite>Survey</cite>, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan. 26, +1918), p. 472. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> +The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The +amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> +The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be finally +stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish between the +loss of property socially owned, and that of private ownership. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> +Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 19. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> +The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special mention +of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies, which were +actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the chapter to the +principles employed by those mainly responsible for relief and administration. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> +Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> +Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>The Responsible State</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv, +p. 81. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> +Reference has already been made to the good work of the Government +railroad officials in the quick restoration of service. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> +Cooley, Charles H., <cite>Social Organization</cite> (N. Y., 1912), ch. xxxv, +p. 403. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> +This is not to be considered as without exception in catastrophies. +A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the Paterson fire +and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government took immediate +and responsible action. This was also the case at Baltimore when the +Mayor was the “key to the situation.” It should however be added +that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of the Citizens' +Committees were ex-mayors. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> +<cite>An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission</cite>, Halifax, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> +Parkinson, Thomas I., “Problems growing out of the Titanic +Disaster,” <cite>Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science</cite>, vol. vi, no. 1. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1905), ch. viii, +p. 254. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> +Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N. Y., 1918), p. 43. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> +Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 253. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> +<cite>Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the +Harbors of Canada</cite> (Ottawa, June, 1919). +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> +In a letter to the author. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> +Mill, John Stuart, <cite>Principles of Political Economy</cite> (London, 1917), +ch. v, p. 74. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> +Tenney, Alvan A., “Individual and Social Surplus,” <cite>Popular Science +Monthly</cite>, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> +Patten, Simon N., <cite>Theory of the Social Forces</cite> (Phil., 1896), p. 75. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> +At San Francisco “after the fire, the proportion of families in the +lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the +higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire.” +(Motley, James M., <cite>San Francisco Relief Survey</cite>, New York, 1913, +pt. iv, p. 228.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> +Seager, Henry R., <cite>Economics, Briefer Course</cite> (N. Y., 1909), ch. xiii, +p. 210. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> +At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York committee +received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine, Edward T., +<cite>The Principles of Relief</cite>, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii, p. 468.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> +Le Bon, Gustave, <cite>The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind</cite> (London), +ch. iii, p. 79. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> +Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> +Blackmar and Gillin, <cite>Outlines of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1915), pt. iv, +ch. v, p. 402. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> +Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of Canada. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> +For years real estate was marketed “quietly.” In fact, real property +was in the hands of one or two specialists only. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> +<cite>The Acadian Recorder</cite>, C. C. Blackadar, editor. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1905), <ins title="ch">ch.</ins> viii, +p. 197. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> +There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom +from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her +entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any +consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her +sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands to-day +safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way. +</p> +<p> +Again communities are generally conservative in character when a +large percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises +of the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens +were found to own at least in part the homes they lived in. +</p> +<p> +There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were +possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to +disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to achieve +desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge in +radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of success? +He would study too the distribution of people relative to their interests. +Is there a majority of those whose experiences are narrow and whose +interests are few? Or is there a majority of those who have long enjoyed +varied experiences and cultivated manifold interests, that yet remain +harmonious? He studies the character of the choices, decisions, +selections in a people's industry, law-making, educational and religious +undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in diagnosing a population +as to the degree of conservatism and to discover what the ideal community +should be.—Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>Inductive Sociology</cite> (N. Y., +1909), p. 178, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> +Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be +found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of +$200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> +Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to +Confederation. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> +Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> +The reader will of course remember the general inflation of currency. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> +Hoffman, Frederick L., <cite>Insurance, Science and Economics</cite> (N. Y., +1911), ch. ix, p. 337. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> +In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they cannot +be said to have been all associated with a single community. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> +Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar, +Halifax. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> +The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be 85,000. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> +Halifax <cite>Morning Chronicle</cite>, April 29, 1920. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> +The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out by +military engineers with narrow streets—the “ideal was a fortified enclosure +designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants +with the minimum of space.” In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set +on foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of projections +and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed in the +center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but unfortunately +many fine trees were cut down. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> +MacMechan, Archibald, “Changing Halifax,” <cite>Canadian Magazine</cite>, +vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> +Crowell, H. C., <cite>The Busy East</cite>, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> +A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end +has followed the disaster. “It is reasonable to assume,” writes an +observer, “that the standard of living will ascend. Already the influence +of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are +springing up all over the city.” +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> +London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> +New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> +These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A +Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed—Dr. B. Franklin +Royer is the executive officer. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> +Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of nurses +in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> +It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had +been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under +the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated association +with which the Women's Council merged. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> +In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions, an +increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the +“playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster, +and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are, +it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The +records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children +show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile arrests +in 1918 over 1917.”—(Leland, Arthur, “Recreation as a Part of the City +Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada,” <cite>Playground</cite>, vol. xiii, no. 10, p. 493.) +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> +Halifax <cite>Evening Mail</cite>, March 22, 1918. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> +Carstens, C. C., “From the Ashes of Halifax,” <cite>Survey</cite>, vol. xxxix, +no. 13, p. 61. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> +The two additional propositions suggested in <ins title="the the">the</ins> <a href="#Page_13">Introduction</a>, +namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the shock +of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions of life +accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require a study +of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or rejection. +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> +<p><a name="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> +MacMechan, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_29">op. cit.</a></i>, p. 336. +</p> +</div> +</div> + + +<div id="tnote-bottom"> +<p class="center"><a name="tn-bottom"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></a></p> +<p>The following is a list of corrections made to the original. The +first passage is the original passage, the second the corrected one.</p> + +<ul id="corrections"> +<li><a href="#Page_16">Page 16</a>:<br/> +all the gods are dead.” “Crisis,” Professor Shailer <span class="correction">Matthews</span><br/> +all the gods are dead.” “Crisis,” Professor Shailer <span class="correction">Mathews</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_25">Page 25</a>:<br/> +of Chebucto <span class="correction">Bay</span> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline<br/> +of Chebucto <span class="correction">Bay,</span> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_27">Page 27</a>:<br/> +coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <span class="correction">an</span> fro<br/> +coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <span class="correction">and</span> fro +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_39">Page 39</a>:<br/> +Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <span class="correction">whereever</span><br/> +Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <span class="correction">wherever</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_49">Page 49</a>:<br/> +<span class="correction">sentiment.</span>[73]<br/> +<span class="correction">sentiment.”</span>[73] +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a>:<br/> +effort, <span class="correction">conspicious</span> enough for special notice was the work<br/> +effort, <span class="correction">conspicuous</span> enough for special notice was the work +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a>:<br/> +hung about their waists. An effect which could not <span class="correction">escape,</span><br/> +hung about their waists. An effect which could not <span class="correction">escape</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_58">Page 58</a>:<br/> +it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <span class="correction">phenonema</span><br/> +it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <span class="correction">phenomena</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_63">Page 63</a>:<br/> +became a miniature clothing and food depot <span class="correction">at</span> well as a<br/> +became a miniature clothing and food depot <span class="correction">as</span> well as a +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_64">Page 64</a>:<br/> +kind allays fear and engenders <span class="correction">comradeship.</span>[94] Then followed<br/> +kind allays fear and engenders <span class="correction">comradeship.”</span>[94] Then followed +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_66">Page 66</a>:<br/> +min. <span class="correction">6.6</span><br/> +min. <span class="correction">6.6.</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_80">Page 80</a>:<br/> +<span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social</span> <span class="correction"><span class="small-caps">Organization</span> (Cont'd)</span><br/> +<span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social <span class="correction">Economy</span></span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_88">Page 88</a>:<br/> +into normal lives and <span class="correction">relationships.?</span>” Having obtained<br/> +into normal lives and <span class="correction">relationships?</span>” Having obtained +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>:<br/> +and wherever necessary to subsidize <span class="correction">familes</span> rather than institutions.<br/> +and wherever necessary to subsidize <span class="correction">families</span> rather than institutions. +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>:<br/> +3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><span class="correction">etc</span></i>, for children.<br/> +3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><span class="correction">etc.</span></i>, for children. +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_95">Page 95</a>:<br/> +thousand <span class="correction">dollars.</span> And while in case of the larger claims of<br/> +thousand <span class="correction">dollars.”</span> And while in case of the larger claims of +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_96">Page 96</a>:<br/> +injury.” Commenting on this statement John <span class="correction">R.</span> Moors<br/> +injury.” Commenting on this statement John <span class="correction">F.</span> Moors +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_100">Page 100</a>:<br/> +<span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <span class="correction">influence</span><br/> +<span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <span class="correction">influences</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>:<br/> +<span class="correction">federal.</span> provincial or municipal, according to their respective<br/> +<span class="correction">federal,</span> provincial or municipal, according to their respective +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_104">Page 104</a>:<br/> +The <span class="correction">Citizen's</span> Committee exercised the general control.<br/> +The <span class="correction">Citizens'</span> Committee exercised the general control. +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_104">Page 104</a>:<br/> +study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <span class="correction">muncipal</span><br/> +study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <span class="correction">municipal</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_111">Page 111</a>:<br/> +But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <span class="correction">aplies</span><br/> +But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <span class="correction">applies</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_116">Page 116</a>:<br/> +and technical leadership, welcome <span class="correction">at</span> it was, and saving the<br/> +and technical leadership, welcome <span class="correction">as</span> it was, and saving the +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_141">Page 141</a>:<br/> +be given to the frontiers of influence. The chapter <span class="correction">discribing</span><br/> +be given to the frontiers of influence. The chapter <span class="correction">describing</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_151">Page 151</a>:<br/> +Imitation, conditions <span class="correction">effecting</span> rate of, 77<br/> +Imitation, conditions <span class="correction">affecting</span> rate of, 77 +</li> +<li><a href="#Page_153">Page 153</a>:<br/> +Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <span class="correction">behaviour</span><br/> +Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <span class="correction">behavior</span> +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_17">Footnote 17:</a><br/> +in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p. 206<span class="correction">)</span> “Brusk revolution in the<br/> +in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p. 206<span class="correction">):</span> “Brusk revolution in the +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_43">Footnote 43</a>:<br/> +“So <span class="correction">hypochrondriac</span> fancies represent<br/> +“So <span class="correction">hypochondriac</span> fancies represent +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_64">Footnote 64:</a><br/> +to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <span class="correction">greed.</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p. 102.)<br/> +to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <span class="correction">greed.”</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p. 102.) +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_105">Footnote 105:</a><br/> +Quinn, J. P., <i>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of</i> <span class="correction">Halifax</span>, 1918.<br/> +Quinn, J. P., <i>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of <span class="correction">Halifax</span></i>, 1918. +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_155">Footnote 155:</a><br/> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1905), <span class="correction">ch</span> viii,<br/> +Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N. Y., 1905), <span class="correction">ch.</span> viii, +</li> +<li><a href="#Footnote_178">Footnote 178:</a><br/> +The two additional propositions suggested in <span class="correction">the the</span> Introduction,<br/> +The two additional propositions suggested in <span class="correction">the</span> Introduction, +</li> +</ul> +</div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by +Samuel Henry Prince + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + +***** This file should be named 37580-h.htm or 37580-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/5/8/37580/ + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Catastrophe and Social Change + Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster + +Author: Samuel Henry Prince + +Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + + + + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + + + + + + [ Transcriber's Notes: + + Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully + as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation + and non-standard punctuation. Some corrections of spelling and + punctuation have been made. They are listed at the end of the text. + + Some of the entries in the index are not in alphabetical order; they + have been kept as printed. + + Italic text has been marked with _underscores_. + ] + + + + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + + BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF + THE HALIFAX DISASTER + + BY + SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.) + + SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS + FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY + IN THE + FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE + COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY + + NEW YORK + 1920 + + + + + Halifax + is not a large city + but there are those who love it + who would choose to dwell therein + before all cities beneath + the skies + + To + All Such + CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE, + I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE + THESE LINES + + + + +PREFACE + + +The following pages embody the result of an observational study of the +social phenomena attendant upon one of the greatest catastrophies in +history--the Halifax Disaster. The idea of the work was suggested while +carrying out a civic community study of the disaster city under the +direction of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University. + +The account deals first with the shock and disintegration as the writer +observed it. Individual and group reactions are next examined in the +light of sociological theory. The chapters on Social Organization are an +effort to picture that process as it actually occurred. + +The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important +contribution which Social Economy was able to make in the direction of +systematic rehabilitation. Special reference is made to private +initiative and governmental control in emergency relief. This monograph +is in no sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the +literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable social +movements in great emergencies. + +Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, as the title +suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, between which stands +a great catastrophe, and its thesis is the place of catastrophe in +social change. + +In the preparation of this work, which the author believes to be the +first attempt to present a purely scientific and sociological treatment +of any great disaster, he has received invaluable assistance. A few +grateful lines can ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the +Department of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes its +inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor A. A. Tenney +it owes its present form and structure and any literary excellence it +may possess. Professor R. E. Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout +and has contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay +has read the chapter on Social Legislation, and Professor R. S. +Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, that on Disaster Psychology. +The author is under special tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to +Professor Tenney, who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer +vacation to read and revise the manuscript and proof. + +Without the walls of the University there are also those who have given +aid. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dr. Edward T. +Devine of New York, of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas +Mackay, of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John Public +Library. He has enjoyed the cooperation of many friends and +fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to thank particularly, Miss L. F. +Barnaby, of the Halifax Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the +Halifax Welfare Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr. +W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. Monaghan, +Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr. +R. M. Hattie, Secretary of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr. +Franklin B. Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health +Commission, Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax Board of Trade, +Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children, +and last of all and most of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J. +Johnstone, editor of the _Dartmouth Independent_. + + S. H. P. + +COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1920. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + INTRODUCTION + PAGE + + The "catastrophe" in sociological literature 13 + + The "catastrophic view" _vs._ progress in evolution 14 + + Factors in social change 15 + + The stimuli factors 16 + + What crises mean 16 + + Communities and great vicissitudes 19 + + Causes of immobility 19 + + Catastrophe and progress 21 + + Historic cases suggested for study 23 + + + CHAPTER I + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION + + The City of Halifax 25 + + Terrific nature of the explosion 26 + + Destruction of life and property 26 + + The subsequent fire and storms 29 + + Annihilation of homes 31 + + Arresting of business 31 + + Disintegration of the social order 32 + + + CHAPTER II + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY + + Shock reaction 36 + + Hallucination 37 + + Primitive instincts 39 + + Crowd psychology 41 + + Phenomena of emotion 44 + + How men react when bereft completely 47 + + Post-catastrophic phenomena 48 + + Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality, + custom and law 49 + + Fatigue and the human will 52 + + The stimuli of heroism 55 + + Mutual aid 56 + + + CHAPTER III + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION + + The organization of relief 59 + + The disaster protocracy 60 + + The transition from chaos through leadership 61 + + Utility of association 62 + + Vital place of communication 62 + + Imitation 63 + + Social pressure 63 + + Consciousness of kind 63 + + Discussion 64 + + Circumstantial pressure 64 + + Climate 65 + + Geographic determinants 67 + + Classification of factors 67 + + + CHAPTER IV + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (CONTINUED) + + The reorganization of the civil social order 69 + + Division of labor 69 + + Resumption of normal activities 70 + + State and voluntary associations 71 + + Order of reestablishment 71 + + Effects of environmental change 75 + + The play of imitation 77 + + The stimulus of lookers-on 78 + + Social conservation 79 + + + CHAPTER V + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + + The contribution of social service 80 + + Its four-fold character 83 + + The principles of relief 85 + + Rehabilitation 86 + + Phases of application 87 + + Criticisms 92 + + A new principle 95 + + Social results 96 + + Summary for future guidance 97 + + + CHAPTER VI + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION + + Governmental agencies in catastrophe 102 + + What seems to be expected of governments 103 + + What they actually do 103 + + Social legislation 104 + + A permanent contribution 109 + + + CHAPTER VII + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS + + Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities + recover from disaster 111 + + The case of San Francisco 111 + + The case of Halifax 112 + + Social surplus 112 + + The equipmental factors 113 + + Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of + public response 114 + + Catastrophe insurance 116 + + A practical step 117 + + + CHAPTER VIII + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + + The unchanging Halifax of the years 118 + + The causes of social immobility 119 + + The new birthday 122 + + The indications of change--appearance, expansion of business, + population, political action, city-planning, housing, health, + education, recreation, community spirit 123 + + Carsten's prophecy 140 + + + CHAPTER IX + + CONCLUSION + + Recapitulation 141 + + The various steps in the study presented in propositional form 142 + + The role of catastrophe 145 + + Index 147 + + + + + "This awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does + not end so. It is the way its chapters open."--_St. Augustine._ + + + + +INTRODUCTION + +The "catastrophe" in sociological literature--The "catastrophic view" +_vs._ progress in evolution--Factors in social change--The stimuli +factors--What crises mean--Communities and great vicissitudes--Causes of +immobility--Catastrophe and progress--Historic cases suggested for +study. + + +There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one of the +attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. But of all such +fields none is more interesting than the factor of catastrophe in social +change. + +And strangely enough, if there are but few references to the problem in +all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not because catastrophies are +few. Indeed it would seem that with the advent of the industrial age, +disasters grow more frequent every year.[1] Many are small, no doubt, +touching but the life of a village or a borough--a broken dyke, a bridge +swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again write themselves on the +pages of History--an Ohio flood, an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San +Francisco earthquake, a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes +its records of social change--some to be effaced in a twelve-month--some +to outlast a generation. Records they are, for the most part unread. How +to read them is the problem. And it may be that when readers have grown +in number and the script is better known, we shall be able to seize the +moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably its power for social +good. + + [1] "Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of + lives, have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no + fewer than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property + valued at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past + experience is that each year no less than half a dozen such + catastrophies will occur." (Deacon J. Byron, _Disasters_, N. Y., 1918, + p. 7.) This quotation refers to the United States alone. + +To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The dictionary +calls catastrophe "an event producing a subversion of the order or +system of things," and such as "may or may not be a cause of misery to +man."[2] It is desirable however to limit the use of the term, in +primary investigations at least, to those disasters which affect +communities rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more +amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, famine, and +financial panic are too general in character, and function on too grand +a scale for satisfactory treatment, at least until the ground is +cleared. It is necessary also to limit this investigation to those +social changes which follow upon catastrophies, rather than precede +them. For there are social effects which result from living in +anticipation of disaster, such as are observable among communities in +volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, it would be +likely to lead the investigator too far afield into the realm of +speculation. Nevertheless a general point of view is necessary to give +meaning to even a limited treatment of the theme. For this purpose there +may be contrasted the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by +that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of progress +through evolution. The former looks upon history as a series of +vicissitudes mercifully ending one day in final cataclysm. The spirit of +apocalyptic expectancy prevails. Social conditions rest hopelessly +static. Faith is pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can +endure. Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, pictured like +an escalade with resident forces lifting the world to better days. +Progress becomes a smooth continuous growth. On the other hand the newer +philosophy sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive +evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.[3] There +are great stretches of smooth and even current in the stream, but always +along the course are seen the rapid and the water-fall, the eddy and +reversing tide. The latter is the general subject of this dissertation, +and its thesis is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and +specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must be left to +abler hands. + + [2] Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo + express receipts used to call quaintly "Acts of God, Indians and other + public enemies of the government." + + [3] If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there + not reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and + short-time changes which her observers note? May it not well be that + the ever-swinging pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that + the miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it + wholesome and sweet? + + "The old order changeth yielding place to the new. + And God fulfils Himself in many ways + Lest one good custom should corrupt the world." + --Tennyson, Alfred, _The Passing of Arthur_. + +The conception of social change as used in this monograph also needs +definition. By social change is meant those rapid mutations which +accompany sudden interferences with the equilibrium of society, break up +the _status-quo_, dissipate mental inertia and overturn other tendencies +resistant to structural modification. The various forces which initiate +such disturbances are factors in social change. These factors may be +intra-social,--within the group--such factors as operate in the regular +social process, imitation and adaptation, for example; or they may be +extra-social, "stimuli" factors--from without the group--such as, +accidental, extraneous or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may be +one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or rapid changes of +environment.[4] + + [4] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 189. + +These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study by scientific +method. However important the accumulation of impulses toward social +transformation may be, there is often a single "precipitating factor" +which acts as the "igniting spark" or "the knocking away of the +stay-block," or "the turning of a lever."[5] It is among such +extra-social or "stimuli" factors that catastrophe falls as a +precipitating agent in social change. + + [5] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 198. + +The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires attention, +and it will be clarifying to our thought at this point to distinguish +carefully between crisis and catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature +of the former really is. The word "crisis" is of Greek origin, meaning a +point of culmination and separation, an instant when change one way or +another is impending. Crises are those critical moments which are, as we +say, big with destiny. Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of +victory turns. Diseases have them--the seventh day in pneumonia, or the +fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford numerous +illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.[6] There are +critical years of stress and strain--the ages of fourteen and forty in +life-histories, the latter being according to Sir Robertson Nicoll the +most dangerous hour of existence. Other crises are "hours of insight" in +the world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of +action,--that "tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood +leads on to fortune," hours of doubt in religion "when all the gods are +dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more +than a relative term. It describes a situation which is no ordinary +member of a line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures +radical change in the immediate future." He distinguishes between a +crisis and a revolution. "The difference between a revolution and a +crisis is the difference between the fire and the moment when someone +with a lighted match in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be +lighted." The term covers the situation preceding change, whether this +situation be the culmination of a process or the result of some +particular stimulus. "It is not necessarily precipitated by great +issues. Quite as often it is occasioned by events .... which are so +related to a new situation as to set in motion an entire group of forces +as a match kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid."[7] The +failure to distinguish between that which occasions the crisis and the +crisis itself has been the source of some confusion in thinking. "Defeat +in battle, floods, drought, pestilence and famine," are not strictly +crises, but they super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything +which brings about "a disturbance of habit," though it be simply "an +incident, a stimulation or a suggestion." In short, crises are the +result either of a slowly maturing process or of sudden strain or shock; +and the nature of the reaction in the crisis-hour is nothing more than +the effort towards the reestablishment of habits, new or old, when the +former functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been +pointed out, is closely correlated with attention. + + [6] Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases. + + [7] Mathews, Shailer, _The Church in the Changing Order_ (N. Y., + 1907), ch. i, p. 1. + + When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is + not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit, + the attention is called into play, and devises a new mode of + behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention + establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function so to + do.[8] + + [8] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago, + 1909), Introduction, p. 17. + +What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as the +reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings has been +the first to make the sociological application: + + Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are the most + stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are not + unchanging. Under new and widening experience they suffer attrition + and are modified. Instincts and with them emotion and imagination + which largely fills the vast realm between instinct and reason are + reconditioned. The word means simply that reflexes and higher + processes subjected to new experiences are in a degree or entirely + detached from old stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to + time also traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by + crisis. Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized, + discussed. It is rationally deliberated.[9] + + [9] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal + of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401. + +Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, as when +revolutions break. The alternate truth that the catastrophies themselves +are re-agents to generate the crisis-situation has not been so commonly +noted. Nevertheless the disintegration of the normal by shock and +calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle. + +Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of individual +men rather than in the case of communities that the observations have +been recorded. Our biographies teem with instances of personal crises +precipitated by a great shock or disappointment--Hawthorne's dismissal +from the custom house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the +refusal of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of +Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott. + +Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic of the +crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity[10] into which +the individual is thrown. Life becomes like molten metal. It enters a +state of flux[11] from which it must reset upon a principle, a creed, or +purpose. It is shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old +customs crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a state of +potentiality for reverse directions. The subject may "fall down" or he +may "fall up." The presence of dynamic forces in such a state means +change. But the precise role of the individual mind in a period of +crisis is a problem not for sociology but for psychology. + + [10] The phrases "The world in a welter," "nations in the melting + pot," "life in the smelting oven," are commonly heard and suggest a + solution stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to + crystallization. + + [11] Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote: + + I lost + All feeling of conviction and in fine + Sick, wearied out with contrarieties + Yielded up moral questions in despair. + --_Prelude_, bk. xi. + +The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social change is also +true, however, of the community. Fluidity is not the usual state of +society. + + Most of the "functions" of society have no tendency to disturb the + _status quo_. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, so long + as births and death balance, production so far as it is balanced by + consumption, exchange so long as the argosies of commerce carry + goods and not ideas, education so far as it passes on the + traditional culture, these together with recreation, social + intercourse, worship, social control, government and the + administration of justice are essentially statical. They might + conceivably go on forever without producing change.[12] + + [12] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 200. + +Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility, +conservatism and "determined resistance to change." The chief reason for +this immobility is habit:[13] + + When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most resemble + the instincts of animals. And the great part of our life is lived in + the region of habit. The habits like the instincts are safe and + serviceable. They have been tried and are associated with a feeling + of security. There consequently grows up in the folk mind a + determined resistance to change ... a state of rapid and constant + change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a + result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to + revise certain habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is + possible under such conditions for a society to become stationary or + to attempt to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the + present status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is + particularly marked among savages. In the absence of science and a + proper estimate of the value of change they rely on ritual and magic + and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the past. Change is + consequently introduced with a maximum of resistance ... Indeed the + only world in which change is at a premium and is systematically + sought is the modern scientific world.[14] + +But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of custom by +catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered right and left. +Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. There comes a sudden chance for +permanent social change. + + [13] To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1) + Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of + population owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4) + Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government. + + [14] Thomas, _op. cit._, pp. 20, 21. + +Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. The destruction of +a mill may change the economic outlook of a village. The loss of a +bridge may result in an entirely different school system for an isolated +community; a cloud-burst may move a town. Great visitations, like the +Chicago fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social +processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a single instance +the latter city. Its quick recovery has been called one of the wonders +of the age. In the very midst of surrounding desolation and business +extinction, the Californian city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition, +and its citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all +world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which succeed +relatively small disturbances are often such as to elude an estimate. +The reason has been well suggested that "big crises bring changes about +most easily because they affect all individuals alike at the same time." +In other words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see, +therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only is fluidity +fundamental to social change, but the degree of fluidity seems to vary +directly as the shock and extent of the catastrophe. + +There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe upon social +progress. The following words are quotable in this connection: + + It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people has a + certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, and the + most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous life. Our proverb + "Necessity is the mother of invention" is the formulation in + folk-thought of this principle of social change.[15] + +We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion as to the +principle concerned--namely, that progress is a natural and an assured +result of change. The point is that catastrophe always means social +change. There is not always progress. It is well to guard against +confusion here. Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress +means "amelioration, perfectionment." The latter will be seen to depend +on other things--the nature of the shock, the models presented, the +community culture and morale, the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on. +The single case of Galveston, Texas,[16] is sufficient to disprove the +too optimistic hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform. +Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, and in spite +of superior commercial advantages was outgrown by a rival fifty miles +away. At the same time the case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in +mind. Here also was a flood-stricken city and she became "the Gem City +of the West." The principle[17] thus appears to be that progress in +catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, some of +which are subject to social control. + + [15] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 18. + + [16] "It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North + America. In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing + enormous damage and loss of life. While the city has had a certain + growth since that time, it has been far outstripped by Houston, + Dallas, and other Texas cities."--Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a + letter to the author. + + [17] Another principle is suggested for study by the following + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk + revolution in the conditions of life or thought produces not sudden, + but gradual changes in society." This might easily be elaborated. + +It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope of eventual +social control over disaster-stricken cities, and the transmutation of +seeming evil into tremendous good. And this is in addition to the many +practical social lessons which we have already been intelligent enough +to preserve, such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient +charity organization. + +How much of man's advancement has been directly or indirectly due to +disaster?[18] The question asks itself and it is a question as yet +without an answer. When the answer is at last written, will there not be +many surprises? Pitt-Rivers tells us that "the idea of a large boat +might have been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated down +the rivers before the eyes of men."[19] A terrible storm at sea gave +America its first rice.[20] City-planning may be said to have taken its +rise in America as a result of the Chicago fire, and the role of +catastrophe in the progress of social legislation is a study in itself. +The impetus thus received is immeasurable. Historically, +labor-legislation took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever +in the cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine +disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the Triangle fire +which led to the appropriation of funds for a factory investigation +commission in the State of New York. The sinking of the Titanic has +greatly reduced the hazards of the sea. + + [18] The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a + recent article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks "whether often, if + not always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the + poet] the will to create."--Marks, Jeanette, "Disaster and Poetry," + _North American Review_, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93. + + [19] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 23. + + [20] In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South + Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of + seed. + +It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days to come who +invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not entirely without ground +for the faith which is in them; and that catastrophies are frequently +only re-agents of further progress. But this is merely introductory. +Thought becomes scientific only when its conclusions are checked up and +under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to such procedure it +must still remain opinion or belief. + +The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field in sociology. +Knowledge will grow scientific only after the most faithful examination +of many catastrophies. But it must be realized that the data of the +greatest value is left ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the +social memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the event. It +is, therefore, of the utmost importance that sociological studies of +Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and other disaster cities +should be initiated at once.[21] + + [21] It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume + treats specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of + many disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his + conclusions. He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax + in 1917, and at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of + the expeditions to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street + explosion occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects. + +Of such a series--if the work can be done--this little volume on Halifax +is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that the many inadequacies of +treatment will receive the generous allowances permitted a pioneer. + + + + +CHAPTER I + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION + +The City of Halifax--Terrific nature of the explosion--Destruction of +life and property--The subsequent fire and storms--Annihilation of +homes--Arresting of business--Disintegration of the social order. + + +Halifax is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of Canada on her Atlantic +seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on +the southeastern shoreline of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with +a magnificent harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three +finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely ride at +anchor. The possession of this harbor, together with ample defences, and +a fortunate situation with regard to northern Europe established the +Garrison City, early in the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the +Dominion. Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third +shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the transports came, +and the giant freighters to join their convoy. Cruisers and men-of-war +put in to use its great dry-dock, or take on coal. Here too, cleared the +supply and munition boats--some laden with empty shells, others with +high explosives destined for the distant fields of battle. How much of +the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went during those +fateful years is not publicly known.[22] Certainly there was too much to +breed a sense of safety, but no one gave the matter second thought. All +were intent upon the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day +was each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung across +the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly the sea and sky. +The forts were fully manned. The gunners ready. The people knew these +things, and no one dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure +in her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic. + + [22] During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of + munitions passed over the railroad piers of Halifax. + +About midway in the last two years of war--to be exact December, +1917,--a French munitioner[23] heavily laden with trinitrotoluol, the +most powerful of known explosives, reached Halifax from New York. On the +early morning of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her +own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the basin--an oval +expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called Turple Head. Suddenly an +empty Belgian relief ship[24] swept through the Narrows directly in her +pathway. There was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers. +The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook the world! + + [23] The _Mont Blanc_, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis + Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons gross, + 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam, + speed 7-1/2 to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy. + Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons + benzol, employed in carrying munitions to France. + + [24] The _Imo_, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners + Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons + register, steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to + 12 knots, outward bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying + food to Belgium. + +War came to America that morning. Two thousand slain, six thousand +injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five millions of dollars in +property destroyed, three hundred acres left a smoking waste, churches, +schools, factories blown down or burned--such was the appalling havoc of +the greatest single explosion in the history of the world.[25] It was an +episode which baffles description. It is difficult to gain from words +even an approximate idea of the catastrophe and what followed in its +trail. + + [25] The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of + dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor. + +It was all of a sudden--a single devastating blast; then the sound as of +the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. Men and women cowered under the +shower of debris and glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank, +and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men looked dumbly +into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack of doom. To some death was +quick and merciful in its coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to +and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged +themselves forth into the light--naked, blackened, unrecognizable human +shapes. They lay prone upon the streetside, under the shadow of the +great death-cloud which still dropped soot and oil and water. It was +truly a sight to make the angels weep. + +Men who had been at the front said they had seen nothing so bad in +Flanders. Over there men were torn with shrapnel, but the victims were +in all cases men. Here father and mother, daughter and little child, all +fell in "one red burial blent." A returned soldier said of it: "I have +been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the top. Friends and +comrades have been shot in my presence. I have seen scores of dead men +lying upon the battlefield, but the sight .... was a thousand times +worse and far more pathetic."[26] A well-known relief worker who had +been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after those +disasters said "I am impressed by the fact that this is much the saddest +disaster I have seen." It has been compared to the scenes pictured by +Lord Lytton in his tale of the last days of Pompeii: + + True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing down + upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers in fierce + flames. But every other sickening detail was present--that of + crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling homes, and cruel + flame and fire. And there were showers, not it is true of ashes from + the vortex of the volcano, but of soot and oil and water, of + death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and deck and boiler, of glass + and wood and of the shattered ship.[27] + +Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss "in all five of the ways it +is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, permanent injury, +temporary injury, personal property loss, and real property loss."[28] +Here were to be found in one dread assembling the combined horrors of +war, earthquake, fire, flood, famine and storm--a combination seen for +the first time in the records of human disaster. + + [26] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + + [27] McGlashen, Rev. J. A., _The Patriot_ (Dartmouth, N. S.). + + [28] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158. + +It was an earthquake[29] so violent that when the explosion occurred the +old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. The citadel trembled, the +whole horizon seemed to move with the passing of the earth waves. These +were caught and registered, their tracings[30] carefully preserved, but +the mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster and +collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim brought death and +burial at one and the same time. + + [29] "The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was + practically the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the + ground." (MacMechan, Archibald, "Halifax in Ruins," _The Canadian + Courier_, vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.) + + [30] The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the + hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05. + +It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic tidal wave, +fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and embankment into the +lower streets, and receding, left boats and wreckage high and dry, but +carried to a watery doom score upon score of human lives. Nearly two +hundred men were drowned. + +It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for a second +filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves secretly within +the lightning discharge of gas, only to burst out in gusts of sudden +flame. Numberless buildings were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught +to the northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was crimson; +below, a living crematorium--church and school, factory and home burned +together in one fierce conflagration; and the brave firemen knew that +there were men and women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past +self-help. Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but in +vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, but often failed +to save alive the captives of the flame. And so the last dread process +went on,--earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. And when the +fires at last abated, the north end of the City of Halifax looked like +some blackened hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the +spring. + +But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments was the +tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting ship. It wrought instant havoc +everywhere. Trees were torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like +toothpicks. Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses. +Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses collapsed on all +sides. Steamers were slammed against the docks. Then followed a +veritable air-raid, when the sky rained iron fragments upon the helpless +city. Like a meteoric shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand +roofs, and with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea. + +Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this _Dies Irae_. Scarce +was the catastrophe an hour old when the news was flashed around that a +second explosion was approaching. It was the powder magazine in the +Navy-yard, and the flames were perilously near. Through the crowded +streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to come. "Flee!.... +Flee!.... Get into the open ground" was the cry. Shops were abandoned +unguarded, goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till was +closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, driven like +animals before a prairie fire--yet this was not all; for "the plight of +the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, the cripples, the +nursing mothers, the pregnant can not be described." + +It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the Younger tells: + + You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children and the + shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; others their + parents, others their wives and husbands ... one lamenting his own + fate, another that of his family. Some praying to die from the very + fear of dying, many lifting their hands to the gods, but the greater + part imagining that there were no gods left anywhere, and that the + last and eternal night was come upon the world.[31] + +It has been said that "Moscow was no more deserted before Napoleon than +were the shattered streets of Halifax when this flight had been carried +out."[32] And when the hegira was over, and when there had ensued a +partial recovery from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony +had yet to be undergone--a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, rain, +floods and zero weather were even then upon the way. They came in close +procession and as if to crown and complete the terrors of the great +catastrophe thunder rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly +the snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax--"a calamity +the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination of the world."[33] + + [31] Pliny, _Letters_ (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495. + + [32] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii, + p. 24. + + [33] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax, + 1918), p. 57. + +The description here concluded, brief and inadequate as it is, will +sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the catastrophic shock, and +explain how utter and complete was the social disintegration which +followed. + +There was the disintegration of the home and the family,--the +reproductive system of society--its members sundered and helpless to +avert it. There was the disintegration of the regulative +system--government was in perplexity, and streets were without patrol. +There was the disintegration of the sustaining system--a dislocation of +transportation, a disorganization of business while the wheels of +industry ceased in their turning. There was a derangement of the +distributive system[34]--of all the usual services, of illumination, +water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was impossible to +communicate with the outside world. There were no cars, no mails, no +wires. There was a time when the city ceased to be a city, its citizens +a mass of unorganized units--struggling for safety, shelter, covering +and bread. As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; "The whole elements of +civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied and +complicated machinery of social life was left save the primal law of +self preservation."[35] + + [34] Spencer, Herbert, _The Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1908), + pt. ii, p. 499 _et seq._ + + [35] Lytton, Lord, _The Last Days of Pompeii_ (London, 1896), p. 405. + +A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts of the +disaster night and the beautiful evening before. + + What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no happy + throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the fire-side. + The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead of laughter, + weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing pain; instead of Elysian + dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears and sorrow were in the way and all + the daughters of music were brought low ... Halifax had become in a + trice a city of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.[36] + +To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories that first +night, to have seen men, women and children, of all stations, huddled +together on the stages of theatres, the chancels of churches, in +stables, box-cars and basements was to have beheld a rift in the social +structure such as no community had ever known. Old traditional social +lines were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe smashed +through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also smashed through fixed +traditions, social divisions and old standards, making a rent which +would not easily repair. Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid, +official and bellboy met for the first time as victims of a common +calamity. + + [36] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when Mr. Ratshesky of +the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he could report: "An awful sight +presented itself, buildings shattered on all sides--chaos apparent." In +a room in the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled "men and +women trying to organize different departments of relief, while other +rooms were filled to utmost capacity with people pleading for doctors, +nurses, food, and clothing for themselves and members of their families. +Everything was in turmoil."[37] This account faithfully expresses the +disintegration which came with the great shock of what had come to pass. +It is this disintegration and the resultant phenomena which are of +utmost importance for the student of social science to observe. To be +quite emotionally free in the observation of such phenomena, however, is +almost impossible. It has been said of sociological investigations that + + observation is made under bias because the facts under review are + those of human life and touch human interest. A man can count the + legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because he thinks there + are too many or too few. But when he observes the life of the + society in which he moves, lives and has his being, or some other + society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or disapproves, is + edified or horrified, by what he observes. When he does that he + passes a moral judgment.[38] + +Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In our present +study it is natural that our sympathy reactions should be especially +strong. "_Quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam_" must be our +motto. As students we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from +them, and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's +patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect of +large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must learn well when the +abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies and when social processes are +seen magnified by a thousand diameters. Only thus can we hope for +advances that will endure. + + [37] Ratshesky, A. C., "Report of Halifax Relief Expedition," _The + State_ (Boston, 1918), p. 11. + + [38] Keller, A. G., "Sociology and Science," _The Nation_ (N. Y., May + 4, 1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275. + +In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the reorganization +of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society itself as it reacts under +the stimulus of catastrophe, and adjusts itself to the circumstantial +pressure of new conditions. + +Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the next chapter, to glance +at a number of social phenomena which should be recorded and examined in +the light of social psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of +each chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose if +thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted in +disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of the usual methods +of social control and dissolution of the customary; that through the +catastrophe the community was thrown into the state of flux which, as +was suggested in the introduction, is the logical and natural +prerequisite for social change; and finally that the shock was of a +character such as "to affect all individuals alike at the same time," +and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable to social change. + + + + +CHAPTER II + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY + +Shock reaction--Hallucination--Primitive instincts--Crowd +psychology--Phenomena of emotion--How men react when bereft +completely--Post-catastrophic phenomena--Human nature in the absence of +repression by conventionality, custom and law--Fatigue and the human +will--The stimuli of heroism--Mutual aid. + + +Social Psychology is a subject of primary importance to the student of +society. Like Sociology itself its field is far from being exhausted. +One looks in vain for a treatment of disaster psychology. In such a +study the diverse phenomena involved would be of interest to the +psychologist. Their effects in retarding or promoting social +organization would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects +in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the major subjective +reactions as they were to be seen in the Halifax catastrophe. + +It is improbable that any single community has ever presented so +composite a picture of human traits in such bold relief as appeared in +the City of Halifax upon the day of the explosion. Human phenomena which +many knew of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that he +who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions there was +abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, primitive instincts, +and crowd psychology as well of other phenomena all of which have +important sociological significance tending either to prolong +disintegration, or to hasten social recovery. + +The first of these phenomena was the "stun" of the catastrophe itself. +The shock reaction at Halifax has been variously described. It has been +graphically likened "to being suddenly stricken with blindness and +paralysis." It was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. "We +died a thousand horrible deaths" ran one description, "the nervous shock +and terror were as hard to bear as were the wounds." "The people are +dazed," wrote another observer, "they have almost ceased to exercise the +sensation of pain." This physiological reaction animals and men shared +alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses was as of beasts +which had suddenly gone mad. + +A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction is the abnormal +action of the glands. The disturbance of the sympathetic nervous system +produced by the emotional stress and strain of a great excitement or a +great disappointment is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of +glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness was +precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of the disaster.[39] +Among cases observed were those of diabetes, tuberculosis and +hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous instability to which reference +is subsequently made. Such an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism--exaggerated +action of the thyroid gland--is said to have followed the Kishineff +massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids on London.[40] +As to diabetes, it has been shown that + + emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a step + toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear in + persons under emotional strain ... so common is this particular + result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone has said that + "when stocks go down in New York, diabetes goes up."[41] + + [39] For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an + explosion at short range, _vide_ Roussy and Llermette, _The + Psychoneuroses of War_ (London, 1918), ch. x. + + [40] Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society, + London. + + [41] Crile, George W., _The Origin and Nature of the Emotions_ + (Phila., 1915), p. 163. + +Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have to note the presence +of hallucination in disaster. + + Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. For + example, the patient sees an object which has no real existence, or + hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations are termed visual, + auditory, tactile, _etc._ according to the sense to which the false + impression appears to belong.[42] + +Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. It is +sense-perception colored by association. It is the power of a dominant +idea that, unbidden, enters the field of consciousness and takes +possession of even the senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to +dominate most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality--the +expected Germans. For a long time there had been under public discussion +the question as to whether or not the city would be shelled by Zeppelin +raiders, or possibly by a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been +darkened by military orders. The failure to draw window shades had been +subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked upward when there +came the crash, and when seeing the strange unusual cloud beheld the +Zeppelin of fancy. A man residing on the outskirts of the town of +Dartmouth "heard" a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth +Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here perhaps the vista is +most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. The instant after the +explosion a citizen standing here "saw" clearly a German fleet +manoeuvering in the distance.[43] That shells had actually come few on +the instant doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not to +run elsewhere, as "two shots never fall in the same place." + + [42] Hart, Bernard, _The Psychology of Insanity_ (Cambridge, 1916), + ch. iii, p. 30. + + [43] "So hypochondriac fancies represent + Ships, armies, battles in the firmament + Till steady eyes the exhalations solve + And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve." + --Defoe, _Journal of the Plague Year_. + +This--a German assault--was the great mental explanation that came into +the majority of minds. There was one other--that of the end of the +world. Many fell to their knees in prayer. One woman was found in the +open yard by her broken home repeating the general confession of the +church. Few would have been surprised if out of the smoky cloud-ridden +skies there should have appeared the archangels announcing the +consummation of mundane affairs. Indeed there were instances, not a few, +of those who "saw" in the death-cloud "the clear outlines of a face." +Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were manifested to a degree. + +Hallucination has been described as "seeing" something which has no +basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, which is rather a +misinterpretation of what is seen. "Delusions are closely allied to +hallucinations and generally accompany the latter. The distinction lies +in the fact that delusions are not false sensations but false +beliefs."[44] Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous +shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve the judgment +of perception. This was especially noticeable at Halifax in the hospital +identification, particularly of children. A distracted father looked +into a little girl's face four different times but did not recognize her +as his own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence +was also noted. A fond parent time and time again "discovered" his lost +child, "seeing" to complete satisfaction special marks and features on +its little body. But often there were present those who knew better, and +the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon was repeated in +numberless instances at the morgue. Wearied and white after frantic and +fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the +overwrought searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and +suddenly "recognize" a missing relative or friend.[45] Regretfully the +attendant fulfilled the same thankless task from day to day. There had +been no recognition at all. The observer had seen "not the object itself +but the image evoked in the mind."[46] + + [44] Hart, _op. cit._, ch. iii, p. 31. + + [45] For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, _vide_ + Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind_ (London), + bk. i, ch. i, p. 51. + + [46] _Ibid._, p. 51. + +The primitive instincts of man were for a long time vaguely and loosely +defined, until James and later McDougall essayed to give them name and +number. But only with Thorndike's critical examination has it become +clear how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation +back to the elemental or "primal movers of all human activity." +Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing save a set of +original tendencies to respond to stimuli in more or less definite +directions. When he speaks of instincts it is to mean only a "series of +situations and responses" or "a set of tendencies for various situations +to arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, _etc._ with which certain +bodily movements usually go." Among them, there are those resulting in +"food-getting and habitation," in "fear, fighting and anger" and in +"human intercourse."[47] But McDougall's classification preserves the +old phrases, and men are likely to go on speaking of the "instinct of +flight," the "instinct of pugnacity," "parental instinct," "gregarious +instinct" and the others.[48] For the sociologist it is enough that all +agree that men are held under some powerful grip of nature and driven at +times almost inevitably to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their +social effects. + + [47] Thorndike, Edward L., _The Original Nature of Man_ (N. Y., 1913), + ch. v, p. 43 _et seq._ + + [48] McDougall, William, _An Introduction to Social Psychology_ + (Boston, 1917), ch. iii, p. 49 _et seq._ + +In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most plainly and less +subject to the re-conditioning influences of ordinary life. This was +especially noticeable at Halifax. The instinct of flight for +self-preservation was reflected in the reaction of thousands. "Almost +without thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation +I backed from the window to a small store-room and stood there +dazed."[49] The experience so described may be said to have been +general. This instinct was to be seen again in the action of the crew of +the explosives-laden ship. Scarcely had the collision occurred when the +whole complement lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the +nearest shore--which happened to be that opposite to Halifax--and +"scooted for the woods." As the ship, although set on fire immediately +after the impact, did not actually blow up until some twenty minutes +later, much might have been done by men less under the domination of +instinct, in the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable +catastrophe.[50] + + [49] Sheldon, J., _The Busy East_ (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March, + 1918. + + [50] The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: "The master + and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in + not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a + probable explosion." (Drysdale Commission, _Judgment of_, sec. viii.) + +The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine example of +difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as also in other instances, +some suggestive of that early combat when animals and men struggled for +mere physical existence. + +The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and was reflected not +only in the sacrifices made and the privations endured by parents for +their young, but in every act of relief, which arose in involuntary +response to the cry of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the +phenomenon often noticed in disasters that "immediately and +spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to the work of rescue +and first aid."[51] + + [51] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151. + +The gregarious instinct--the instinct to herd--showed itself in the +spontaneous groupings which came about and which seemed somehow to be +associated with feelings of security from further harm. The refugees +found comfort in the group. They rarely remained alone. + +These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less degree of +complication were to be remarked of the actions not only of individuals +but of groups as well. In the latter the typical phenomena of crowd +psychology were manifested upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be +what it is--"the like response of many to a socially inciting event or +suggestion such as sudden danger." Out of a mere agglomeration of +individuals and under the stress of emotional excitement there arose +that mental unity, which Le Bon emphasizes.[52] There was noticeable the +feeling of safety associated with togetherness which Trotter +suggests.[53] There was the suggestibility, with its preceding +conditions which Sidis[54] has clarified, namely, expectancy, +inhibition, and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were the +triple characteristics which Giddings notes: "Crowds are subject to +swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive to suggestion .... and +always manifest a tendency to carry suggested ideas immediately into +action."[55] + + [52] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26. + + [53] Trotter, William, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_ + (London, 1919), p. 31. + + [54] Sidis, Boris, _The Psychology of Suggestion_ (N. Y., 1919), + ch. vi, p. 56 _et seq._ + + [55] Giddings, Franklin H., _Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1916), + bk. ii, ch. ii, p. 136. + +Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none more apt than +those furnished by the reactions following the Halifax tragedy. Only +Pliny's narrative of the flight from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the +story of the "Day of Fear" in France,[56] or that depicting the days of +the comet[57] are comparable thereto. + + [56] Stephens, Henry M., _A History of the French Revolution_ (N. Y., + 1886), vol. i, p. 179. + + [57] Wells, H. G., _In the Days of the Comet_ (N. Y., 1906). + +At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. Some ran to the +streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in the shops ran home. This was +in the area of wounds and bruises. Farther north was the area of death. +Thither the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass and +splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came the orders of the +soldiers, whose barracks were situated in the very heart of the danger +district, for the people to fly southward, Common-ward, to the open +spaces--anywhere. Another explosion was imminent. Then came further +outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic account: + + The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and fled. Hammers, + shovels and bandages were thrown aside. Stores were left wide open + with piles of currency on their counters. Homes were vacated in a + twinkling. Little tots couldn't understand why they were being + dragged along so fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did, + either to catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to + see again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them + the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some carried + children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled + together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled in their night + dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies blackened with soot + and grime. These had come from the destroyed section of the North + End. What a storm-tossed motley throng, and as varied in its aspect + and as poignant in its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian + refugees fleeing before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the + great majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies + and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they thought + was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where possibly its + shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the Common were black + with terrified thousands. Thousands more trudged along St. + Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among its trees and winding + curves.... Many cut down boughs and made themselves fires--for they + were bitterly cold. Here they were--poorly clad, badly wounded, and + with not one loaf of bread in all their number, so hastily did they + leave, when galloping horsemen announced the danger was over and it + was safe to return.[58] + + [58] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + +The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes a crowd +was noted. + + The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some massed in + groups, some running anxiously back and forth like ants when their + hill has been crushed. There were blanched faces and trembling + hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation and every bearer of + tidings was immediately surrounded.[59] + + [59] _St. John Globe_, Correspondence, Dec., 1917. + +Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in the subsequent +scenes which were witnessed in supply stations and shelters, the +association which Sidis draws between calamity and hyper-suggestibility +in the body politic was abundantly endorsed. + +We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of emotion which +accompany a great catastrophe. This is not the less difficult because +the term emotion is not given consistent use even by psychologists. One +interprets it as merely the affective side of the instinctive +process--those "modes of affective experience," such as "anger, fear, +curiosity," which accompany the excitement of "the principal powerful +instincts."[60] Another sees it as also an impulsive, not merely a +receptive state. It is "the way the body feels when it is prepared for a +certain reaction," and includes "an impulse toward the particular +reaction."[61] + + [60] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 46. + + [61] Woodworth, Robert S., _Dynamic Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), + ch. iii, p. 54. + +It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of the emotions as +complicated states of feeling more or less allied to one another and to +the human will.[62] Among them are jealousy and envy--"discomfort at +seeing others approved and at being out-done by them."[63] This appeared +repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included in +disaster psychology. Again greed[64]--more strictly a social instinct +than an emotion--was common. How common will receive further +exemplification in a later chapter. + + [62] "Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and + probably identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same + stimulus, namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some + end." (_Ibid._, p. 149.) + + [63] Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 101. + + [64] "To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to + hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them + away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._, + p. 102.) + +Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment while +evident, were of less significance. Gratitude was early shown and there +were many formal expressions of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced +by a feeling that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving +their due in whatever aid was obtained. + +Of special interest is the role of the tender emotions, kindliness, +sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions which may be expected when +these occur in unusual exaltation through the repetition of stimuli or +otherwise. Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the +feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns us +here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation is multiplex. +Of this multiplex stimulation in collective psychology Graham Wallas has +written: + + The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the rapid + repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, when + it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is extreme + conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.[65] Reaction + is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in dreams, less + rationally and morally than they do if the whole of their nature is + brought into play.[66] + + [65] M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards "the hypnosis produced by + emotional shock--and this occurs not only in war but in other great + catastrophies as well--as genetically a defence reaction, like natural + sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic + against exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called + death-shamming of animals." (Dide, M., _Les emotions et la guerre_ + (Paris, 1918), Review of, _Psychological Bulletin_, vol. xv, no. 12, + Dec., 1918, p. 441.) + + [66] Wallas, Graham, _The Great Society_ (N. Y., 1917), p. 136. + +What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which the presence of +a crowd induces may be given wider application, and is indeed a most +illuminating thought, describing exactly the psycho-emotional reactions +produced by the stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed +at Halifax. + +A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced upon a young +doctor who operated continuously for many hours in the removal of +injured eyes. The emotional tension he went through is expressed in his +words to a witness: "If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder +somebody." + +Another instance where conscious control of feeling and action was +diminished was that of a soldier. He was so affected by what he passed +through during the explosion and his two days' participation in relief +work, that he quite unwittingly took a seat in a train departing for +Montreal. Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings +he recovered his memory. Over and over again he had been picturing the +dreadful scenes which he had experienced. This condition includes a +hyperactivity of the imagination "characterized by oneirism [oneiric +delirium] reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which +immediately preceded the hypogenic shock."[67] + + [67] _Ibid._, p. 440. + +The nature of sympathy[68] may not be clearly comprehended but of its +effects there is no doubt. It may lead to the relief of pain or induce +the exactly opposite effect; or it may bring about so lively a distress +as to quite incapacitate a man from giving help. Again it may lead to +the avoidance of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no +account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter the +devastated area. Others by a process understood in the psychology of +insanity secured the desired avoidance by suicide. The association of +suicide with catastrophe has been already remarked in the case of San +Francisco. A Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored +hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of his emotional +experiences too strong. He lost his mental balance and was discovered +dead one morning near his office door. He had hanged himself during the +night. Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness +and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted to follow +them in death. + + [68] Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by + McDougall a pseudo-instinct. + +Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional states. Sorrow +is painful because "the impulse is baffled and cannot attain more than +the most scanty and imperfect satisfaction in little acts, such as the +leaving of flowers on the grave;"[69] although the intensity is +increased by other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of +stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior other than +that which commonly attends the experience of grief. A phenomenon +associated with wholesale bereavement is the almost entire absence of +tears. A witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the end of +the second day that he saw tears for the first time.[70] At Halifax, +where the loss of life was many times greater, there was little crying. +There seemed to be indeed a miserable but strong consolation in the fact +that all were alike involved in the same calamity.[71] + + [69] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 152. + + [70] O'Connor, Chas. J., _San Francisco Relief Survey_ (N. Y., 1913), + pt. i, p. 6. + + [71] "The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their + character of loneliness."--(James, William, _Memories and Studies_, + N. Y., 1911, p. 224.) + +There was "no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and eager desire to +help some one less fortunate." Another observer said: "I have never seen +such kindly feeling. I have never seen such tender sympathy. I have +never heard an impatient word." And this was amongst men "who were +covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who have not had a +night's sleep, and who go all day long without thought of food." Another +visitor remarked "there is not a more courageous, sane and reasonable +people. Everyone is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives and +children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, boys and girls whose +homes have been destroyed, are working to relieve the distress." A +Montreal clergyman reported that "Halifax people have been meeting with +dry eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings and +the exposures which followed the explosion." Grief is after all "a +passive emotion," a "reaction of helplessness." It is "a state of mind +appropriate to a condition of affairs where nothing is to be done"--[72] +and there was much to be done at Halifax. + + [72] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 58. + +There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional parturition. As +was to be expected the shock meant the immediate provision of a +maternity hospital. Babies were born in cellars and among ruins. +Premature births were common, one indeed taking place in the midst of +the huddled thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common for +permission to return to their abandoned homes. Nor were all the ills for +which the shock was responsible immediately discernible. There were many +post-catastrophic phenomena. Three months after the explosion many found +themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, which the doctors +attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. It was a condition closely +allied to "war-neurasthenia." Another disaster after-effect also may be +here recorded. This was the not unnatural way in which people "lived on +edge," for a long period after the disaster. There was a readiness and +suggestibility to respond to rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at +least the schools were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth +into pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of reports +of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded of the +sociological fact that "the more expectant, or overwrought the public +mind, the easier it is to set up a great perturbation. After a series of +public calamities .... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or +sentiment."[73] + + [73] Ross, Edward A., _Social Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv, + p. 66. + +There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations of +behavior associated with the psychology of disaster relief. (1) The +preference upon the part of the refugee for plural leadership and +decision. (2) The aggravation of helplessness through the open +distribution of relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion +of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of lassitude and +depression after a period of strain. (5) The desire for privacy during +interviews. (6) The vital importance of prompt decision in preventing an +epidemic of complaint.[74] + + [74] A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's + discussion of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax. + +Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested in the phenomena +of repression, inhibition and taboo. The real motives of action are +often very different from the apparent motives which overlie them. +Instinctive tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, but +they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. These resistances +are either within our minds or in society. The latter are summed up in +conventionality, custom and law, all so relatively recent[75] in time as +to supply a very thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have +held sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, custom +and law possess in a community until in some extraordinary catastrophe +their power is broken, or what is the same thing the ability to enforce +them is paralyzed. This fact is especially true of repressive +enactments, and most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe +shatters the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went on +strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all towns to repair +to the unguarded center, but an unexpected reserve of crookedness came +to light within the city itself. Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of +plunder and sacrilege which had taken place "when the pillars of the +world tottered to and fro." At the time of the St. John Fire "loafers +and thieves held high carnival. All night long they roamed the streets +and thieved upon the misfortunes of others."[76] + + [75] It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth + considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of + civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes. + + [76] Stewart, George, _The Story of the Great Fire in St. John_ + (Toronto, 1877), p. 35. + +With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum in the +confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces of respectability and +law practically unknown, men appeared for what they were as the +following statement only too well discloses: + + Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls or + vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered over the + bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. Men + taking advantage of the flight from the city because of the + possibility of another explosion went into houses and shops, and + took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold of. Then there + were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, who rifled the pockets of + the dead and dying, and snatched rings from icy fingers. A woman + lying unconscious on the street had her fur coat snatched from her + back.... One of the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a + shop-keeper from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time + a cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it to a + young man standing by to hold while he took the victim to a place of + refuge. When he returned the box was there, but the young man and + the money had disappeared. + + Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised their rents + upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax Trades and Labor + Council adopted a resolution urging that the Mayor be authorized to + request all persons to report landlords who "have taken advantage of + conditions created by the explosion." ... Plumbers refused to hold + their union rules in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the + regular eight hours unless they received their extra rates for + overtime; and the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude + and refused to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the + chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when many men and + women were working twelve and fourteen hours a day without a cent or + thought of remuneration. One Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as + "squeezing the uttermost farthing out of the anguished necessities + of the homeless men, women and children." Truckmen charged + exorbitant prices for the transferring of goods and baggage. + Merchants boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving + child thirty cents for a loaf of bread. + + On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued a + proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be dealt with + under the provisions of the law.[77] + + [77] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. The military +placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted preventing entrance to the +ruins to those who were not supplied with a special pass. Orders were +issued to shoot any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation, +the warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation +gradually became effectual. + +The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, may result in two +different types of responses--that of greed on the one hand or +altruistic emotion on the other. One individual is spurred to increased +activity by the opportunity of business profit, another by the sense of +social needs. Why this is so--indeed the whole field of +profiteering--would be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it is +due to the varying degrees of socialization represented in the different +individuals or whether it is not also partly due to the fact that +philanthropy functions best in a sphere out of line with a man's own +particular occupation, the truth remains that some display an altogether +unusual type of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and +perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which appears normal +in a realm of conduct where associations based on habit are so strongly +ingrained. + +The human will as we have seen is in close association with the +emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic value of the strong +emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is first of all essential to +remember the role of adrenin in counteracting the effects of fatigue. +Wonderful phenomena of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated +for "adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would put the +members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal of the nervous +system." This is "living on one's will" or on "one's nerve." There are +"reservoirs" of power ready to pour forth streams of energy if the +occasion presents itself. Strong emotions may become an "arsenal of +augmented strength." This fact William James was quick to see when he +said "on any given day there are energies slumbering within us which the +incitements of that day do not call forth."[78] But it was left to +Cannon to unfold the physiological reasons,[79] and for Woodworth to +explain how the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new +energies.[80] Indeed the will[81] is just the inner driving force of the +individual and an effort of will is only "the development of fresh motor +power."[82] Following the lines of least resistance the will experiences +no unusual exercise. Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from +life everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies. + + [78] James, William, _The Energies of Men_ (N. Y., 1920), p. 11. + + [79] Cannon, Walter B., _Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and + Rage_, ch. xi, p. 184, _et seq._ + + [80] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 147. + + [81] Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the + internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers. + (Conklin, Edwin G., _Heredity and Environment in the Development of + Man_ [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.) + + [82] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 149. + +The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was shown at Halifax +in the remarkable way in which sick soldiers abandoned their beds and +turned them over to the victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was +seen again in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids +and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the houses--a behavior +like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp during the bombardment of that +city in October 1914, when those who fled to Holland showed +extraordinary resistance to fatigue.[83] The resistance to fatigue and +suffering received more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of +rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at their own +power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain under the excitement of +catastrophe. It was only on Monday (the fifth day) that collapses from +work began to appear. Among the more generally known instances of +unusual endurance was that of a private, who with one of his eyes +knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. Another +was that of a chauffeur who with a broken rib conveyed the wounded trip +after trip to the hospital, only relinquishing the work when he +collapsed. An unknown man was discovered at work in the midst of the +ruins although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped with +lesser injuries worked day and night while the crisis lasted. Many did +not go home for days, so manifold and heavy were the tasks. There was no +pause for comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent signs, +the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the workers were surprised +to find themselves aged and thin. The excitement, the stimulus of an +overwhelming need had banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the +congestion which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were +men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest or sleep. One of +the telephone terminal room staff stuck to his post for ninety-two +hours, probably the record case of the disaster for endurance under +pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was +the work of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the +midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; and the +instance of the business girls who in the same weather worked for many +hours with bottles of hot water hung about their waists. An effect which +could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering +on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, women and little +children endured the crudest operations without experiencing the common +effects of pain. They seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general +shock. Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, the +cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often without a tremor. +This resistance to suffering was due not only to the increase of energy +already described but also to the fact that the prostrating effect of +pain is largely relative to the diversion of attention,--as "headaches +disappear promptly upon the alarm of fire" and "toothaches vanish at the +moment of a burglar's scare." Much pain is due to the super-sensitivity +of an area through hyperaemia, or increased blood supply, following +concentrated attention. Thus it is actually possible by volition to +control the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an electric +shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. This reasoning is +also applicable to the absence of sympathetic reactions among many +disaster workers. They were found often to be "curiously detached and +not greatly moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in +the ruins and at the inquiry stations."[84] + + [83] Sano, F., "Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche + notate durante il bombardamento di Anversa," _Rivista di psichologia_, + anno xi, pp. 119-128. + + [84] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv, + p. 44. + +Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal which ensues become +the stimuli of heroism and bring into play the great social virtues of +generosity and of kindliness--which, in one of its forms, is mutual aid. +The new conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford the +occasion for their release. It is said that battle does to the +individual what the developing solution does to the photographic +plate,--brings out what is in the man. This may also be said of +catastrophe. Every community has its socialized individuals, the +dependable, the helpful, the considerate, as well as the "non-socialized +survivors of savagery," who are distributed about the zero point of the +social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of the +"presence of extraordinary individuals in a group." The relation of them +to a crisis is one of the most important points in the problem of +progress. + +At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals as well as +families who refused assistance that others might be relieved. +Individual acts of finest model were written ineffaceably upon the +social memory of the inhabitants. There was the case of a child who +released with her teeth the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile +of debris. A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting them +all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph operator at the cost +of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning message over the line and +stopped an incoming train in the nick of time. + +Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding of the powder +magazine in the naval yard an entire battery volunteered. This was why +the second explosion did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as +well as soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. A +conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working on board of a ship +laden with explosives. Fully realizing the impending danger, because of +the nearness of the burning munitioner, they used what precious minutes +of life remained them to protect their own ship's explosives from +ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but a brave captain +loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished the blaze which might +soon have repeated in part the devastations already wrought. + +No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the psychology of +helpfulness--that self-help to which the best relief workers always +appeal, as well as of the mutual aid upon which emergency relief must +largely depend. Mutual aid while not a primary social fact is inherent +in the association of members of society, as it also "obtains among +cells and organs of the vital organism." As it insured survival in the +earlier stages of evolution[85] so it reveals itself when survival is +again threatened by catastrophe. + + [85] Kropotkin, Prince, _Mutual Aid_ (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14. + +The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a volume. Not only +was it evidenced in the instances of families and friends but also in +the realm of business. Cafes served lunches without charge. Drug stores +gave out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks to swell +the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community service was that of +the Grocers' Guild announcing that its members would + + fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they would + cooperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs free of + charge to any point in the city, and that their stocks were at the + disposal of the committee at the actual cost to them.[86] + +By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation of the City +of Comrades. + + [86] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled opening of the +springs of generosity.[87] Communication has transformed mutual aid into +a term of worldwide significance. As at San Francisco, when from all +directions spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in +a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and five +steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to millions of cash +contributions, so was it at Halifax. So it has always been, as is proven +by Chicago, Dayton, Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances. +The public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate sympathy. +Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships brought relief by sea. +Cities vied with each other in their responses. Every hour brought +telegraphed assistance from governments and organizations. In about +fifteen weeks approximately eight millions had been received, aside from +the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, but the +number of the givers which gives point to our study. So many rushed with +their donations to the Calvin Austin before she sailed from Boston on +her errand of relief that "the police reserves were called out to +preserve order." A great mass of the contributions involved much +personal sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying +letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it was of San +Francisco that: + + all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, of + good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide by the + common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous revelation of the + good and fine in humanity, intermittent or dormant under ordinary + conditions, but dominant and all pervading in the shadow of + disaster.[88] + +Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is perhaps full +enough to have at least outlined the social phenomena of the major sort +which a great disaster presents. These are found to be either abnormal +and handicapping, such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and +promotive, such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form it +may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social +psychology, which may either retard or promote social organization. + + [87] There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart + to a great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand + offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children. + + [88] Bicknell, Ernest P., "In the Thick of the Relief Work at San + Francisco," _Charities and the Commons_, vol. xvi (June, 1906), + p. 299. + +In addition this chapter has discussed the role of catastrophe in +stimulating community service, in presenting models of altruistic +conduct, in translating energy into action, in defending law and order, +and in bringing into play the great social virtues of generosity, +sympathy and mutual aid. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION + +The organization of relief--The disaster protocracy--The transition from +chaos through leadership--Vital place of communication--Utility of +association--Imitation--Social pressure--Consciousness of +kind--Discussion--Circumstantial pressure--Climate--Geographic +determinants--Classification of factors. + + +We have seen something of the disintegration which followed what has +been called the "stun of the explosion." It included the abrupt flight +from, and the emptying of, all the houses and centers of employment, the +division of families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the +utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities of +life--food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation of +transportation, the disorganization of business, and the problem of +unemployment aggravated because not only was the work gone, but also +with it the will to work. + +Social organization comes next in order and because its process was +associated with the organization of relief--the first social +activity--the sociological factors observed in the latter call for +descriptive treatment. When the human organism receives an accident to +one of its parts, automatic relief processes from within spring at once +into being, and it is so with the body politic. This "_vis medicatrix +naturae_" assumes sovereign power over all the resources of the +community. That part of the social sensorium which is most closely +organized in normal hours, first recovers consciousness in disaster. In +the case of Halifax it was the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in +Chelsea. The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, the +organization and often the resource of supplies instantly available. Its +training is of the kind for the endurance of shock.[89] It so happened +that at Halifax large numbers of men in uniform were stationed where +they could quickly respond to call. They were very soon under orders. +The military authorities realized before midday, the part which the army +should play. The firemen too were a social group which largely remained +organized, and responded to the general alarm soon after the explosion. +Their chief and deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were +leaderless, until one of the city controllers assumed command, and in +spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion spread, +these men remained at their posts. + + [89] What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of + sailors. + +Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. They are +accustomed to think quickly, to live in restricted spaces, and to meet +emergencies. Than the stage there is no better school. Each actor does +his or her part and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the +school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the first relief +station established at Halifax. This was in operation about noon on the +day of the disaster. + +Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play actors may be +called the disaster protocracy.[90] They were "the alert and effective," +the most promptly reacting units in emergency. And it would appear that +the part of society which is most closely organized and disciplined in +normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster. + + [90] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal + of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539. + +It is the events of the first few hours which are of special interest to +the sociologist. The word most descriptive of the first observable +phenomenon was leadership. The soldiers were foremost in the work of +rescue, of warning, of protection, of transportation and of food +distribution. But the earliest leadership that could be called social, +arising from the public itself, was that on the part of those who had no +family ties, much of the earliest work being done by visitors in the +city. The others as a rule ran first to their homes to discover if their +own families were in danger. From this body in a short while however +many came forward to join in the activities of relief. + +As already said those with no social, family or property ties were among +the first to begin relief work. But many of these started early simply +because they were present where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured +folk at a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the +immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the collapse of +communication they did not for an appreciable time discover that there +was an area more stricken than their own, and devoted themselves to +cleaning up glass and the like. But within a quarter of an hour a +hospital ship had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and +emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers of an incoming +train--the railroad terminal at the time being in the north end of the +city--were on hand, and were among the earliest first-aid workers. One, +a Montreal man, was known individually to have rendered first aid to at +least a half hundred of the wounded. + +It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the catastrophe, when a +semblance of cooperative action in rescue work began. Previous to this +the work had been done in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin +being dug through a second or even a third time. Then came the +recognition of the utility of association.[91] Thereafter the searchers +became parties each of which was detailed to go over a definite area. +When a particular section had been covered it was so recorded. This +process considerably expedited the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was +organized in other important directions. + + [91] Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization. + +The vital place of communication in society was recognized at once. It +is a major influence in association, and upon it in disaster depends the +immediacy as well as the adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by +the explosion and the outside world could only wait and wonder. How +little real information filtered through is shown by the fact that at +Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement was made three +hours after the explosion that the death roll would not bear more than +fifty names. Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph +company had a single line established, and with news of the disaster, +communities everywhere took up the role of the Samaritan. + +While the great hegira was in progress another leader, a railroad +official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and commandeered the first +unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter all that the government railroad +equipment could do was at the community's service. Meanwhile the +dislocated railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and +coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together and in less +than four hours after the explosion a large number of injured people +were being transported to Truro. + +Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals a few began to +realize the great human needs which would soon be manifest among the +concourse of thousands who waited in helpless suspense upon the Common +and the hill. Here they were _en masse_, a typical social aggregation, +responding to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. "Like +sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for consecutive +thought."[92] Yet here ministrations of one sort or another came into +spontaneous operation. Soon the military began raising white tents upon +the field. One after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an +huge encampment. The idea spread by imitation,[93] the repetition of a +model,--"the imitative response of many minds to the suggestive +invention of one." One or two here and one or two there began to prepare +the big church halls and other roomy institutional buildings for +occupancy. Hastily the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and +no sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the rumor of +a possible roof reached the homeless, than they began to repair thither. +At first each improvised shelter became a miniature clothing and food +depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the +refugees into such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is +the foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The thing to do is +social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended but it is inexorable. +It worked effectively upon all who had an unused room. Many sheltered +upwards of a dozen for weeks; some, more. + + [92] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax, + 1918). + + [93] Tarde, Gabriel, _Les lois de l'imitation_ (N. Y., 1903), + translation by E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14. + +In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded soon came about +through consciousness of kind. At first it was a very general +consciousness which seemed to draw all together into a fellowship of +suffering as victims of a common calamity. There was neither male nor +female, just nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children +lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and "shared each other's +woes," for "the consciousness of kind allays fear and engenders +comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the +dormitories, and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various +shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications came +for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions to Protestant stations +and _vice versa_. Even the politically congenial were only too ready to +segregate when occasion offered. + + [94] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 396. + +Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted volition. There +must be "common discussion of common action."[95] Propositions must be +"put forth" and talked over. There must be a "meeting of minds" and a +"show of hands," and decisions made. There had been no preparedness. The +city possessed not even a paper organization for such a contingency as a +sudden disaster; so that during the most precious hours citizens and +civic officials had to consult and map out a program as best the +circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the day of the disaster +when a tentative plan had been formulated in the City Hall. The newly +formed committees could do but little until the following dawn. + + [95] Bagehot, Walter, _Physics and Politics_ (N. Y., 1884), p. 159, + _et seq._ + +Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable causes, +small and great, conspire to incite social action. But in catastrophe +the control of circumstantial pressure[96] becomes almost sovereign in +extent. The conditions it brings about, while often delaying measures of +individual relief, account very largely for the rapidity of +organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. The common +danger constrains great numbers to "overlook many differences, to +minimize many of their antagonisms and to combine their efforts." At +Halifax the pressure of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical +and hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of communal +service. But it was the meteorological conditions which commanded the +most prompt attention to the consideration of shelter and clothing. The +months appeared to have lost station and February to have come out of +season. The following table gives the weather record for the seven days +which followed the catastrophe.[97] It is the record of a succession of +snow, wind, cold and blizzard. + +Thursday, Dec. 6th. + +9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light N. W. wind. No precipitation. +Temperature: max. 39.2, min. 16.8. + +Friday, Dec. 7th. + +9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow falling. At noon N. W. gale. +Afternoon, blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, velocity 34. +Precipitation 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. 32.2, min. 24.8. + +Saturday, Dec. 8th. + +9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W. +wind, velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow (in a. m.). Temperature: max. +29.8, min. 15. + +Sunday, Dec. 9th. + +9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets icy and almost impassable. +9 p. m. S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m. +till noon). Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6. + +Monday, Dec. 10th. + +9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, blizzard (worst in years). +Knee-deep drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 20. Precipitation 5.6 +snowfall (2 p. m. till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. 34.2, min. 16.8. + +Tuesday, Dec. 11th. + +9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No +precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6. + +Wednesday, Dec. 12th. + +9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No +precipitation. Temperature: max. 17, min. 2. + + [96] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 390. + + [97] From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of + the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station. + +In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the most rapid +repairs were made to all habitable houses or those possible of being +made so. The same was true of public buildings, hospitals, factories and +warehouses. Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of +many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and the many more +who accepted the invitation of, and entrained for various Nova Scotian +towns which became veritable "cities of refuge" to hundreds. The +climate[98] decided the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary +structures; for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding was out of +the question. Climatic conditions also seriously delayed the arrival of +relief supplies, allowed but scanty provision for many, kept some from +the depots of relief, or from surgical aid; and others standing in line +in the bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and +shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers to prevent the +maximum of exposure and neglect. It called imperatively for the most +effective system, and many of the workable methods were hit upon under +the stress of storm. An illustration of this may be found in the +adoption of many food depots instead of one central station. Regional +influence thus "fixes the possibilities of organization and collective +effectiveness."[99] The sociologist must study maps of lands and plans +of cities. The location of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of +topography as were the later administration districts. The city is +widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than a city of +similar population in a neighboring province. Six depots were +established for the public distribution of supplies,[100] situated so as +to touch the entire needy population most effectively, and to equalize +the groups to some degree. So too, in the matter of dressing stations, +accessibility was a deciding factor. But even this system had to be +supplemented. Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when halted +in the center of a street were usually immediately surrounded. Thus +social reorganization in catastrophe witnesses to an urgency resident no +less in space than in time and reemphasizes the importance placed upon +the physical factors in sociology. + + [98] Semple, Ellen, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y., + 1911), p. 607, _et seq._ + + [99] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 389. + + [100] For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were + distributed every day. + +Thus may be said to have come about the transition from chaos to a +semblance of community organization. Not the normal civil social order +of pre-disaster days, but the establishment of a species of collective +behavior, and the organization of relationships apparently of a quite +different character. The difference was one which might be compared to +that between a great relief camp and a city. But the difference was only +superficial. Fundamentally there were to be seen the factors underlying +all social organization. These have been already illustrated, and are +classified as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct, +imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of utility of +association and custom; and as physical, including climate and +topography.[101] The conclusion was drawn that the part of society which +is most closely organized and disciplined in normality, first recovers +consciousness in catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in +every community is a practical corollary. This follows not only because +of the imperturbability and the promptitude of reaction, of an army in +crisis, but also because of the rapidity with which it can be mobilized, +its value in preserving law and order, its authoritative control and +power to punish, and because of the attending psychological effects of +orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, bespeaking a +care that is at once paternal and sympathetic. + + [101] Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely, + (a) the biological, including, besides the density of population, the + heredity and the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b) + the equipmental factor, including available economic resources, + general enlightenment, social surplus and institutional facilities for + re-education, _etc._ (_Vide_ ch. vii.) + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd) + +The reorganization of the civil social order--Division of +labor--Resumption of normal activities--State and voluntary +associations--Order of reestablishment--Effects of environmental +change--The play of imitation--The stimulus of lookers-on--Social +conservation. + + +It is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader has already +seen, that the process of complete social organization was largely +expedited by the organization of relief, and materially reacted upon by +it. The community's "big men," the men of prominence, the men of broad +experience in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the +resources of the city and had the prestige to command them, were deeply +immersed in the relief work while the businesses and the departments of +the shattered body politic waited or went forward in a more or less +indifferent way. + +But this could be both economically and socially of a temporary nature +only. "Business and industry must be set agoing. Church and school must +resume the ordinary routine. One by one the broken threads of the former +everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected." The +division of social labor[102] is a law of society. It is traceable back +to the primitive household itself, and is a result of underlying +differences. The great "cause which determines the manner by which work +is divided is diversity of capacity." With the advent of the social +specialists at Halifax a major division of function began. The +responsibility for the relief work having been delegated to a special +social group, public thought and public men were free to turn their +energies to the restoration of a normal society. + + [102] Durkheim, Emile, _De la division du travail social_ (Paris, + 1893). + +But it was the reorganization rather than the organization of relations +which the sociologist observes to have first taken place. The stage was +all laid. It was necessary only for the actors in the drama to resume +their places. The old "parts" awaited them, although many of the +"properties" were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon one +might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, still a dominating +like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still a group of mores to serve as +media of social self-control. Indeed most of the former complexities of +social structure remained. But this was only potentially true. The +social relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed. +Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes the +significance of which will appear in later discussion. The order of the +resumption of normal activities is of unusual social interest as are +also the influences which were in play and the changes which ensued. It +may be objected that such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially +component groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude +comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the social mind is the +separation of those activities which must needs be first rehabilitated, +from those which can wait. Organizing genius was not entirely occupied +with relief in the ordinary sense of the term. + +Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's life. It +is in a sense fundamental not only to happiness and general well-being +but accompanies and conditions the cultural institutions, religious, +educational and aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial +activity was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a +semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were first on the +list, for these include systems of communication without which society +can hardly be. Reference has already been made to the speed with which a +makeshift service was established, but our purpose here is to record the +resumption of normal activity. + +Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. Many of these +had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. Clerks had been injured +and instruments damaged. In spite of these odds one was reconnected +within an hour, and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct +multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each to Boston +and New York, had been established. Upwards of a thousand messages an +hour went forth the first week. The work became normal about December +twentieth. + +The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern exchange +and of the harbor cable--broken through ships dragging anchor--a total +material damage of one hundred thousand dollars. Its personnel was also +depleted. Nevertheless telephone business may be said to have been +generally resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the +load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and twenty percent +above its average figure. Telephone service was absolutely suspended for +only about two hours,--the period of prohibition from buildings,--and +the cable telephone for about three days. Messages of a social character +were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became normal. + +The illumination service was quickly restored. The company was able to +give partial light and some service from noon on the sixth. Periods of +intermittent darkness however, were not unusual. Gas service was off +until December the ninth--the top of the gasometer having been broken +and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from the mains into the +air--when repairs were completed and on the tenth the service resumed. +On the fourteenth gas and electric light service became normal. + +Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion occurred in +the vicinity of the principal sidings and vital portions of the system. +Three miles of the main road were buried in debris, the station wrecked, +equipment damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. In +spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent out in the +early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming trains were switched to +their new tracks leading to the south end terminal. On the evening of +the day following the disaster--Friday--the first regular train for +Montreal left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear and the +first train left the old passenger station on Saturday evening. By +Monday the full passenger service was resumed, to and from the station. +Eight days after the catastrophe all branches of the service were +working and conditions were fairly normal. + +The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much damage. Some +of the employees were injured and others were unavailable. A scant +service was restored at noon on December the sixth. By six o'clock of +the seventh, tram lines in the north section were able to resume an +eight-car service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It was +not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible to resume any +semblance of car service. On the twenty-second of December, twenty-two +cars were operating--twenty-seven is the normal number,--but the +shortage of men made it difficult to operate the full number. The +service was not entirely normal for some months owing to the severe +storms all winter which tied up the lines and caused delays, and to the +shortage of men to handle the cars. + +The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors were able to +produce papers on December seventh but in limited editions and of +reduced size. This was owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the +gas service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced in +a week's time.[103] + + [103] In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the _Baltimore Sun_, by + remarkable enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant, + and did not miss a single issue. + +The postal service was completely disorganized and was not restored to +any extent until Monday the tenth of December. Owing to the innumerable +changes of address, as well as many other reasons, it was weeks before +there was a normal and reliable distribution of mails. + +The banks were open for business the morning following the catastrophe, +just as soon as the doors and windows were put in. Traffic of relief +trains coming in affected the ordinary trade for three months, more or +less, but principally outside of the city. In the city all business in +the banks went on as usual the day after the explosion. + +Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the resumption of +general business activity. Out of much wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar +loss one company restarted paint and varnish making on January +second. A large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged. +The factory and all branches of the business were running in +five weeks--January tenth. Machines were in operation with shortened +staffs at an earlier date. + +The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced on December +twentieth, and were held regularly from that time on. The Board of Trade +rooms were not badly damaged and there was no cessation of work or +meetings. The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business on +Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's Library was a few +weeks closed for the circulation of books, and used in relief service as +a food depot, thus ministering to a hunger which is more imperious than +that of mind in the hour of catastrophe. + +Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all cases the +edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows shattered. Parishes +were in some instances almost wiped out. In a single congregation four +hundred and four perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed, +the remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one hundred and +eight houses represented in the congregation only fourteen were left +standing. Hurried efforts were made to safeguard church property, but +church services were not generally resumed until the second Sunday.[104] +Even then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places were +not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and other buildings housed +many a religious gathering. While the restoration of churches waited, +clergy and church workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of +the needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. Their +intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable value in the +relief administration. Sunday schools were reassembled as accommodations +permitted, but it was many months before the attendances approximated +the normal. + + [104] On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon + Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same + afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints + Cathedral. + +The school system was badly disorganized. Three buildings were totally +destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable for some time. The loss +was approximately eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the +staff were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing and +clothing service. Early in March, about three months after the +explosion, arrangements were completed whereby nearly all the children +in the city could attend classes. The double-session system was +introduced to accomplish this. Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and +ventilation impaired. By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in +use.[105] + + [105] Quinn, J. P., _Report of Board of School Commissioners for City + of Halifax_, 1918. + +Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following schedule. + + Dec. 10 ................ classes in one institution + Jan. 7 ................ " " three emergency shelters + Jan. 8 ................ " " a church hall + Jan. 14 ................ " " five school buildings + Jan. 17 ................ " " one institution + Jan. 21 ................ " " two school buildings + Jan. 22 ................ " " one school building + Jan. 24 ................ " " one school building + Feb. 1 ................ " " one institution + Feb. 25 ................ " " two school buildings + Mar. 16 ................ " " one school building + Apr. 8 ................ " " one school building + May 8 ................ " " one school building + May 20 ................ " " two portable schools + +The community as finally reorganized differed materially from that which +had preceded. The picture of the conditions at a considerably later +period will be fully presented elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few +social effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary +environmental conditions. + +Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction work the Tramway +Company found it very difficult to get a full complement of men back +into the service. As a result they took into consideration the +advisability of employing women conductors, and finally adopted this +plan. + +At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign was in progress. +Then representative men of both political parties urged their followers +to drop the election fight and the election was deferred and later +rendered unnecessary by the withdrawal of one of the candidates. + +The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, and other +war-protective measures against the submarine menace, were given little +attention for many weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military +Service Act was postponed. + +The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the temporary relief +houses in the central and southern portion of the city brought about a +very unusual commingling of classes, as well as a readjustment of +membership in schools, parishes and various institutions. + +Club life, social life, lodge and society "evenings" were for a +considerable period tabooed, because of a general sentiment against +enjoyment under the existing conditions as well as to lack of +accommodation and of time. + +The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility for the +disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was for a long time in +evidence, but never received complete satisfaction. + +The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated the +experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant Officer had a very +strenuous time owing to the fact that so many people had changed their +addresses. + +A number of "special policemen" were recruited from citizens of all +ranks, and this force materially assisted the members of the regular +department. Owing to the large influx of workmen following the +catastrophe, as well as for other reasons the work of the detectives was +greatly increased.[106] + + [106] Hanrahan, F., _Report of Chief of Police_, Halifax, 1918. + +The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although belonging to +different denominations, united in erecting a temporary church +building--their respective churches having been destroyed--and have +since worshipped together--a demonstration of the practicability of +church union under circumstantial pressure. + +The display apartments of a furniture concern were utilized as actual +living rooms by refugees for a period, while at the same time business +was in operation throughout the rest of the establishment. + +The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days in the week, +the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the general disorganization of +the parishes was reflected for a long period in a changed attitude upon +the part of many towards Sabbath observance. + +German residents of the city were immediately placed under arrest when +the disaster occurred, but all were later given their freedom. + +The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious to the progress +of the war and other matters of world interest, for many days after the +disaster. + +The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns was an +interesting temporary effect. + +The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent expansion, +noted later, was largely effected by the social law of imitation already +noticed. Many of the conditions affecting the rate of imitation were +present. There was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and +business advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths--"a new +Halifax" for example--but above all there was a multitude of models. The +extent and scale of the rebuilding program in one area, the +civic-improvement plans which accompanied the work in that district, the +record time in which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed +at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris acted as +models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The process of speeding-up spread +like a great contagion, until the most hardened pessimist began to +marvel at the recuperation daily enacted before his eyes. + +Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that of the rapid +establishment of the morgue. This, the largest ever organized in Canada, +was fitted up by forty soldiers and mechanics in the brief period of a +day and a half. Another instance was that of the American Hospital. "At +nine a. m. Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same day it +was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with food and medicine +and, in charge of Major Giddings;" it expressed a veritable "triumph of +organizing ability." In the record time of three months, Messrs. +Cavicchi and Pagano, with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty +men and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a day removed +every vestige of the debris in the devastated area. Apartments were +built at the rate of one an hour. Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly +that visitors said there had been an outbreak of "truck fever" in the +place. + +By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality and motive were +imparted to the members of the community. Halifax became busy as never +before. New homes, new stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as +if by magic. Men worked desperately hard. + +An influence which must not be left unrecorded because of its continuity +of functioning is that of the stimulus of lookers-on. More than two +hundred cities in all parts of the world had contributed to the +reconstruction, and citizens of Halifax knew they were not unobserved. +Articles, lectures and sermons were telling forth to interested +thousands how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under ice +and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous beyond words. +During the month of December, five leading periodicals in Canada and +twelve in the United States arranged for articles and photographs +descriptive of the city's advantages commercial and residential.[107] +Halifax became a world-known city. This added still further spur to +action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was bonded to the world. + + [107] Saunders, E. A., _Report of Halifax Board of Trade_, 1918. + +There are two considerations which may appropriately bring this chapter +to a close. The first arises naturally from what has been said, namely, +that in catastrophe it is only after division of function delegates to a +special group the responsibility for relief work that public thought is +directed to the resumption of normal society. The second is a practical +deduction--that of social conservation. Every community should possess a +permanent vigilance committee. There should be an emergency procedure on +paper with duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately +drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved until the +arrival of experienced disaster authorities from a distance. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + +The contribution of social service--Its four-fold character--The +principles of relief--Rehabilitation--Phases of application--Criticisms--A +new principle--Social results--Summary for future guidance. + + +We have already seen that there are certain determining factors in +catastrophe and its social results. There is not only the level of the +general capability and culture of the community, its power to meet +crises and to readjust itself, the scarcity or plenitude of its +resources, but also the presence or absence of "men skilled in dealing +with crises."[108] In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had +such men or have had them not. The disasters of the future--with the +exception of those far remote from civilization--may depend on the +presence of such leaders. They will come from near and far. The +contribution of social service is the contribution of men skilled in +dealing with crises. Relief thus becomes "an incident of progress and a +social policy." We are now to notice this further determining factor in +catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax. + + [108] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago, + 1909), Introduction, p. 18. + +During the first week at Halifax not only did each day bring its +contribution of relief supplies in the way of food and clothing, but +each day brought also men and women of skill and experience in social +work to place freely their vision and ability at the service of the +community.[109] + + [109] J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in + Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the + Y. W. C. A., Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the + rehabilitation work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful + conclusion; Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service + Department of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly + Superintendent for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth + Richards Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social + Service Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen, + Superintendent of the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens, + Superintendent of the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to + Children; John F. Moors, president of the Associated Charities of + Boston, who was in charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem + and Chelsea fires; William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident + Association; J. Prentice Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston + Children's Aid Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public + Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts. + +The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent which has +occurred since the principles of relief have been authoritatively +written. No other community has experienced their application so fully +or so promptly. One of the workers publicly stated that "Halifax was +further ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a +month." It was said that: + + Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential principles + of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. In less + than twelve hours from the time the American Unit from Boston + arrived, the necessary features of a good working plan were accepted + by the local committee.[110] + +This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless +the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax that something +which was wanting when the citizens, astounded at the magnitude of their +task, wondered just how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky[111] of +the Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, came into the +room in the City Hall where a dozen or so were gathered in counsel, +already overwrought with fatigue, it was the coming of a friend in need. +It was soon clear that the new-comers had had unusual experience in +dealing with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. Only nine +hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was ready, and a working +plan adopted; and from it grew up a wonderful system worthy of study by +all students of emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the +midst of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was already +well devised, but as a central and deciding element, justifying its +faith by its work, and its presence by its wisdom in grappling with an +inexorable need. + + [110] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_, + vol. xxxix, no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361. + + [111] With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings. + +Of course there had already been a commendable essay toward the solution +of what had to be done. Applications for relief came pouring in two +hours after the explosion, and industrious workers had already been +dispensing to hundreds. On Friday morning volunteers were early at the +City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. A species of +organization had already begun, but under congested and the least +favorable conditions. A large number of investigators had gone forth, +giving information and relief and bringing back reports of the missing, +needy, helpless and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a program +of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all kinds was pouring into +every station where the refugees were gathered together. The Canadian +Red Cross was already active. But with the coming of the American +Unit,[112] the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their +advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,[113] the +systematic relief work may be said to have in reality begun. + + [112] The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit + of the American Red Cross. + + [113] The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing + committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter, + fuel, burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and + rebuilding. + +There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced in relief +and disaster organization. The initial service was the establishment of +a policy of centralization of authority and administration into one +official relief organization. This policy comprised first the +coordination of the relief work into one central relief committee, +second the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the hands +of one finance committee, third the granting of relief by one central +management, all records being cleared through one registration bureau, +fourth the giving of emergency relief in food, clothing and other things +immediately without waiting for the perfection of the relief +organization, and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to +carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon by the +executive committee. + +If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, the +second was that of effecting cooperation. The latter was only partially +successful. There was at first an inevitable overlapping, especially in +the matter of visiting, some families being visited and subjected to +interview a dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coordination, the +central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far as possible. An +invitation extended to the Salvation Army about December eleventh, to +place their visitors at the disposal of the general staff of visitors +was declined and it was not until January first that this organization +fully coordinated with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this +time also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to cooperate in the +registration plans. On December eighteenth the School Board gave +official cooperation by assigning fifteen school teachers as volunteer +visitors under the direction of the rehabilitation committee. Another +obstacle to the complete systematization of the relief work was the most +generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies from the +Eaton Center, and from the station established by a charitable Boston +lady. The Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation +Army and other organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed +to their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation. + +There was also at times lack of cooperation among the official +committees themselves. Friction and crises arose from time to time, +which were only stopped short of scandal. They were the consequence +either of assumption of authority upon the part of the under-committees, +of ineffectiveness of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the +principles of relief. There were also other problems, some of which it +may be useful to note. One of these was the problem of the wisest use of +local leaders who knew and could interpret the local point of view and +method of doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers, +many of whom could not be expected to understand the nature of +scientific relief service. + +A third great contribution of social service was that of education in +the principles of disaster relief. It was the problem of getting the +idea of social conservation understood and established in a community +which had not given the subject any thought, and which was quite +unfamiliar with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause of +much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and giving without +substantial inquiry. It explained also the reason for the abundant +criticism which arose. When criticism came there was, consequently, no +well-informed body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's +work. + +Educational effort on this subject may be said to have begun with a +masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation at the meeting of +the managing committee six days after the disaster. Here was set forth +and illustrated the kind of service required and the desirability of +such work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the idea of +rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. Trained +leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. Church, school and club +caught something of its spirit and one of the permanent social results +of the disaster remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It +was this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding +of the true nature of disaster psychology and of the accepted methods of +relief that at first made the community so utterly dependent upon the +visiting social workers. It may be safely concluded as a fundamental +principle that the self-dependence of a community in adversity is +furthered by the socialization of existing institutions. + +The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, that of the +emergency period; second, that of the period of transition; and third, +that of rehabilitation. These principles in order of application may be +thus briefly summarized: + +1. The coordination of all the relief agencies arising, into one central +relief service. + +2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one bonded finance +committee. + +3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at first,--the more +permanent organization to await the counsel of specialists in disaster +relief, an early call having been sent for experienced workers. + +4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass treatment, _e. g._ +bread lines, food depots, _etc._, as detrimental to a psychology of +helpfulness and as calculated to delay a return to self-support. + +5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants to follow +mass-provisioning. + +6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants for short +periods until temporary aid is discontinued. + +7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until all claimants are +registered and the aggregate of available aid ascertained, and the +needs, resources and potentialities of self-help studied. + +8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the wisdom of +careful policies and critical supervision. + +9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.[114] + +10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and the use of local +leaders in responsible positions. + +11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey of policies +and methods employed, and a discriminating record of the social results +arising therefrom, the mistakes made and other information of value for +future emergencies. This report in justice to contributors to include a +financial statement. + + [114] "During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with + in large groups with little attention to the special needs of + individuals ... in the rehabilitation stage the family or the + individual becomes the unit of consideration."--(Bicknell, E. P., + "Disaster Relief and its Problems," _National Conference of Charities + and Corrections_, sess. xxxvi, 1909, p. 12.) + +The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment of +rehabilitation policies and methods. The work of organizing for +rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin until the sixth day after +the disaster. On the eighteenth of December the first chairman was +appointed. There followed a developmental period during which little +progress was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the +object of rehabilitation. "The object of rehabilitation" says J. Byron +Deacon "is to assist families to recover from the dislocation induced by +the disaster, and to regain their accustomed social and economic status. +Emergency aid takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation +looks to future welfare."[115] This was the purpose constantly kept in +view. The division of work indicates the nature of the task attempted. +The division provided for an advisor, a chief of staff, a supervisor of +home visitors, a bureau of application and registration, an emergency +department, a department of medical social service and a visitor in +children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included. + + [115] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137. + +There was first the record and registration made and verified of all the +sufferers and those in need. Over six thousand names of registrants +resulted. Five districts or divisional areas were arranged for +convenience and thoroughness of administration. One of these covered all +cases outside of the city itself.[116] In charge of each district was a +supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department heads. +Trained workers were drawn into the service and their work and that of +the volunteer visitors was directed by capable supervisors. The +administration of relief was put upon a discriminating "case system." + + [116] The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also + suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief + organization under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C. + Johnstone. The nature of the relief work there did not differ + essentially from that in Halifax. + +There were four important phases in which the work developed; the work +of general rehabilitation, the medical social work, the children's +problem and the problem of the blind. + +The general rehabilitation service was carried on with varied success. +It secured valuable intelligence for all committees and gradually +increased in working power and efficiency. How many were put upon their +feet again through its kindly counsel and careful cooperation cannot be +estimated or told in figures. + +The problem of medical social service is to learn the social condition +of the patient, and to relate that knowledge to his medical condition in +order that restoration to health and return to normal family and +community relationships shall go hand in hand. A division of medical +social service became active a week after the disaster, its workers +becoming attached to the several emergency hospitals within the city +itself and those established in nearby towns. It had as well a working +relationship with the military and the permanent Halifax hospitals. +Three thousand patients were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals +alone. Trained medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The one +question to which they sought an answer was: "How shall these patients +be brought back again as fully as possible into normal lives and +relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort +was made to help and relieve to the fullest extent that service and +science made possible. + +The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, immediate +assistance and education. By the latter service, which represents the +more permanent value to the community, very valuable information and +guidance was given to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and +nursing interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts cannot +fail to make "follow-up" and "after-care" important considerations in +the public health and dispensary work of the future. + +Immediate assistance was given by the medical social service in six +ways: + +1. Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital. + +2. Interviews to understand medical social needs. + +3. Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind, +children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with +the rehabilitation committee, _etc._ + +4. Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns. + +5. Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care. + +6. Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical +situation. + +Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, writes of the +medical social service as follows: + + It may well be concluded that no organization or "unit" formed to + deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can hereafter be + regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, nurses, relief + workers and administrators there is also a due proportion of trained + medical social workers. If twelve years ago medical social service + received its baptism, Halifax has been its confirmation day.[117] + + [117] Davis, Michael M., Jr., "Medical Social Service in a Disaster," + _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675. + +The children's service was thorough, as it should have been. If the +measure of success in disaster relief is the treatment which the +children receive, Halifax relief was above reproach. The children's laws +of the province are carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of +Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular ability and has +wide powers. He became chairman of a strong children's committee with +which were associated, besides representatives of the children's +institutions, two child-welfare workers of high reputation. This +committee came in contact with upwards of five hundred families, +including more than fifteen hundred children. Their work dealt with the +special problems listed below. More permanent supervision was assumed by +the Government Commission about five months after the disaster. The +modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was encouraged, +the effort being to keep children with parents and wherever necessary to +subsidize families rather than institutions. + +The work of the children's committee consisted of + +1. Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's +institutions. + +2. Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody +and receiving proper care. + +3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children. + +4. Hunting for "missing" children, identifying "unclaimed" children, and +restoring children to their parents. + +5. Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost +children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the +care of children. + +6. Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of +children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received. + +7. Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from +hospitals, shelters, _etc._, the committee in most cases having sent +some one to accompany the children. + +8. Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and +compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of +permanent homes. + +9. Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded +children. + +10. Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by +improper persons. + +11. Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.[118] + + [118] Blois, Ernest H., _Report of Superintendent of Neglected and + Delinquent Children_ (Halifax, 1918), p. 110. + +The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the Halifax disaster. +Blindness frequently resulted from the blizzard of glass which caused so +great a percentage of the wounds. In large proportion the wounded were +women who were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation of +the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon which was +concentrated the skill of three superintendents of important +institutions for the blind as well as other specialists and workers. The +presence in Halifax of a school for the blind with a capable president +facilitated greatly an early grappling with the problem. The +contributions of the social workers were chiefly of the character +already indicated such as that of general medical social service. There +were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three +registrants,[119] but owing to the difficulties of registration this +figure remains inexact. + + [119] Fraser, Sir Frederick, _Report of_. + +Rehabilitation "takes into account the feelings as well as the material +requirements of the bereaved families." An additional phase for social +workers is therefore mortuary service. Here is required an exceedingly +delicate ministry for which few are qualified. It includes quiet +cooperation in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care +for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction regarding +the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. At Halifax this presented +a remarkable opportunity for service, and an experienced Young Women's +Christian Association worker from Toronto attended in such capacity. + +There is still another secondary phase which must be referred to as not +being without social and moral results,--that of relief of animals. For +the sheltering of homeless animals, the dressing of wounds, and the +humane dispatch of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had +been received. This work received the attention of the Society for the +Prevention of Cruelty. + +It will be useful as reference data to present here the nature of the +criticism to which careful supervision gave rise. It was of the most +trenchant character, and it centered about the alleged over-emphasis +which seemed to be placed on system[120] and detailed investigations +inflicted upon persons of whom many were still suffering from +deprivation and from shock, and who were unused to the cross-examination +methods of expert social diagnosticians. Often the thoroughness of the +records seemed to the sufferers to be the more emphasized part of the +proceedings. When all classes of people found themselves in need, there +were naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably as +"cases." But theirs was a choice which left but little regard for +personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable however to have to +say that the cause of social service did not receive in the community +the much larger repute which its magnificent work justified, chiefly +because the innumerable "typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes, +and multifarious office equipment"[121] were not made less obtrusive. +The merest touch of "cold professionalism" soon became fuel for the +burning disapproval which spread through the city regarding the methods +of relief.[122] Letters to the press gave vent to the indignation of the +sufferers. One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as +anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he wrote very +plainly of the "overdose of business efficiency and social service +pedantry." Why should needy families be required, he asked, to go +through a personal visit and reexamination at the office every week, +before receiving a renewal order for food. Such things were not easily +understood or explained. It became increasingly felt that such +discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was not the will +of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously forwarded the generous +aid. It was not, so the criticism ran, for the committee to detain and +delay the needy recipients for the mere sake of preventing duplication +and for the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting in +Wards Five and Six, it was charged that "too much red tape had been +insisted upon by those in charge of the relief and in consequence of +this and other objectionable features of management, there had been many +cases of hardship and much unnecessary suffering." + + [120] The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief + at the Johnstown flood "where two windows were set apart from which + clothing and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and + those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be + getting the most of it"; and where almoners passed through the streets + handing "ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met." + + [121] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.). + + [122] There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied + as actually took place at the Slocum Disaster. + +As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that criticism +was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded body of public +opinion to which could be anchored the wisdom of sound and thorough +social methods. The passing of time has reenforced the rightness of the +course taken, and not a few former critics would now be ready to condemn +the methods used as not having been radical enough. Still there was an +element of justice in what was said, and social workers of the future +when thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery a +little closer, at least until the community can realize the principles +which organization must conserve. + +The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is based upon +disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a long series of trials +and errors. On the first few days after disaster the finer sensibilities +of human nature appear. Men and women say "others have lost more, we +will get on with a minimum of help." About the fifth day when the +poignancy of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, these same +people suddenly discover that there are thousands of dollars available. +Then another aspect of human nature comes into evidence. Every device is +utilized by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There has +not been a single disaster where this state of mind has not shown +itself. The way to deal with it without complete records as yet has not +been suggested. The only way a committee can protect itself against +disgruntled criticism is to know what it is doing. This is the +justification of rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to +defeat imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. It was not, +however, all adverse criticism which developed at Halifax. There were +many who were able to see the beneficent purpose behind the careful +service, and as months passed on the value of this experienced +administration came to be more generally realized. Indeed + + so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill in + the community that many reestablished families begged for the + continuance of the department's supervision even though its aid was + no longer required. No greater testimony to the value of this + rehabilitation work could be given.[123] + + [123] Johnstone, _op. cit._ + +When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission took charge +of the entire system, it may be said that there was a change not only of +hands, but of policy as well. The large amounts made available by the +Imperial and Dominion governments and by public subscription made it +possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of modified +restitution. This change of policy the government adopted because of the +conviction upon the part of the people that they were suffering from the +vicissitudes of war, and that full restoration was in law and equity of +national obligation. The step is of special social significance for +Halifax is the first instance where on any large scale[124] the +principle of restitution became the guide, rather than that of +rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity + + implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible + into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity which has + befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall be given the + use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the family its + household furniture. For the community as a whole it means a speedy + restoration of such economical and industrial activities as have + been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of bridges, the reopening + of streets, the reestablishment of banks, business houses, churches, + schools. It requires that protection shall be given the defenseless, + food and shelter to the homeless, suitable guardianship to the + orphan and as nearly as possible normal social and industrial + conditions to all.[125] + +It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax policy +denominated restitution, but rather "generous relief," in actual +practice a large proportion of claims were verified and paid on a +percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather than that of ascertained +need. The Commission was granted power to "pay in full all personal +property and real estate claims duly established to an amount not +exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims +of churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing +establishments, and the property of the more prosperous classes, there +was a policy of just and adequate relief declared, the agitation +continued and continues that "every dollar of loss shall be paid in +full." + + [124] Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a + position practically as good as that which they had occupied before. + Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure. + + [125] Devine, Edward T., _Principles of Relief_ (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv, + p. 462. + +Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: "It is not the policy +of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring losses and +compensating for death or personal injury." Commenting on this statement +John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the +latest scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is +intended."[126] + + [126] Moors, John F., Book Review, _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan. + 26, 1918), p. 472. + +What were the social results of this policy? This question is one of no +less interest to the community itself than to the student of sociology. +It is perhaps too early for adequate examination and comparison with the +policy which formerly held sway. While still a vital question there are +observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution certainly of the +lump-sum method of restoration.[127] They assert that for many it proved +simply a lesson in extravagance and did not safeguard the economic +future of the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods in +their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty again with uncommon +rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and furbelows multiplied. Merchants' +trade grew brisk with "explosion money." There seemed to be a temporary +exchange of positions by the social classes. The following statement +made by one closely associated with social conditions in Halifax and +written over two years after the disaster, shows only too well the +danger involved in the application of such a principle. After referring +to "the spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few who +have borne the burden of restoration" the statement continues: + + The individuals who after all make up a community have been blinded + to the bigger interests by their own individual material losses, and + the idea of material compensation on a dollar for dollar basis. As + some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster wrought much moral damage, + for which no "claims" were even presented, even by those to whom we + might look for special moral teaching in such an experience. In the + course of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition + lingering in our midst. + + [127] The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The + amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard. + +Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom of "the +disposition to proceed as though the relief committee were a +compensation board or an insurance society, and to indemnify for loss." +But as already said it is early to appraise. What in ordinary times +might be condemned might conceivably under the abnormal conditions of +war be less morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault and not +the principle.[128] Partly for reasons connected with the war it was +desired to conclude the business with dispatch, and not to set up a +banking house or a training school in thrift. There remains also the +final test, the residuum of relief, the number of those who will remain +permanently upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of +Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that "probably so large a sum never +passed into a community of equal size with so little danger to the +personal character of the citizens and so complete an absence of any +pauperizing or demoralizing influences?" + + [128] The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be + finally stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish + between the loss of property socially owned, and that of private + ownership. + +The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax may easily be +summarized. + +1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted if for no +other reason than for protection. + +2. More technical methods of coordination are desirable. + +3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise. + +4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the hands of one +vocationally trained for the purpose. + +5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of restitution and +its administration. + +6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a secret relief +distribution service, such as fraternal societies conduct for those who +though in need will not publicly accept assistance. + +7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, who will note +the precise spot where bodies are recovered, the centralization of all +morgue service, the use of metal tags instead of paper, the +sterilization and preservation of clothing and effects for purposes of +identification, and in addition the development of a morgue social +service with training and qualifications of a special character. + +8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve with members +beforehand definitely assigned to special tasks, with requisite printed +supplies in readiness would render the most effective social economy in +emergency. This reserve should be trained in the general organization of +shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of general +rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's work and in the +use of volunteers. + +To answer the requirements of what could be called in any sense a +sociological treatment of the disaster, the foregoing chapter on the +contribution of social service could with difficulty be omitted. Social +service introduces a relatively new element of leadership and control +upon which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which assures +to any community the presence of those who have special skill in dealing +with crises. The "relation of the great man to the crisis is indeed one +of the most important points in the problem of progress"[129] in +catastrophe. The subject also assumes special importance in the +development of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes which +may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken without full +consideration of the major influences which were present. Thus by +elimination we may be able to better gauge the strength of the factor of +catastrophe itself. The place of government and other social factors, +however, has yet to be discussed.[130] + + [129] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 19. + + [130] The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special + mention of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies, + which were actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the + chapter to the principles employed by those mainly responsible for + relief and administration. + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION + +Governmental agencies in catastrophe--What seems to be expected of +governments--What they actually do--Social legislation--A permanent +contribution. + + +We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are +brought to bear upon a community when, after having been overtaken by +catastrophe, it is settling back into its former habitistic +channels,--channels which not even catastrophe can altogether efface. +Some of these influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such as +the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others are ultra-communal, +such as those vigorous social forces which sweep in upon a disaster city +with the suddenness of catastrophe itself. + +There is a further influence which is of a community yet in a sense not +of it alone, but of all communities--government--that institution of +society which expresses its will by legislation, a will which may or may +not be the will of the community concerned. And because legislative +action is responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to +be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of the new and +less familiar field of social legislation. While it may be that the +latest group to function effectively at Halifax was government, social +legislation when forthcoming contributed an important and deciding +influence, and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity. + +The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making and daily +enclosing a wider and wider field. But not all governments are +sympathetic with this process. There are two standards of +legislation--the one conserves above all things the rights and +privileges of the individual, the other considers first the community as +a whole. The superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here, +that it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and becomes +the norm, rather than the rights of the individual citizen. Progress in +legislation includes its extension into all the affairs of life, +retaining as much as may be the liberty of the individual while +progressively establishing the interests of all.[131] Its evolution is +traceable from the first poor laws, all down the long succeeding line of +those dealing with education, health, labor and recreation. However much +agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the wisdom of this +mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, changing just as one ideal +or the other happens to be in the ascendancy, there is at least no doubt +as to the duty of the government to protect and safeguard its citizens. + + [131] Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation. + + The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the + philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard the + commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the domestic peace. + To discharge this duty it is necessary to maintain a police force + and a militia, and a naval establishment. Such dissent from this + proposition as we hear now and then is negligible for practical + purposes.[132] + +In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal, +provincial or municipal, according to their respective powers. + + [132] Giddings, Franklin H., _The Responsible State_ (N. Y., 1918), + ch. iv, p. 81. + +At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster was not wholly +municipal or wholly martial, but rather an admixture of authorities. +Policeman and soldier joined hands as agents of general protection. This +service government did and did at once. + +One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken[133] was that +by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, when he sent +to the Chief of Police of Halifax the following order: + + You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of any vehicle + of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose of removing the + injured and the dead of this city. + + [133] Reference has already been made to the good work of the + Government railroad officials in the quick restoration of service. + +The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. They worked +for long periods with little rest to maintain public peace and order. +The splendid service of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been +considered. They were first and foremost in the work of rescue and of +warning. Military orders to vacate the North End district as a +precautionary measure followed hard upon the explosion. Military orders +permitted the people to return. Within a few hours after the disaster +the military established a cordon around the devastated district which +no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens having +business obtained at the City Hall. This was to prevent looting as well +as to facilitate the search for the wounded pinned under the debris, and +to permit the removal of the bodies of the killed. The burned and +devastated area was policed by the military for about two months with +the concurrence of civic authority. + +But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It calls for a +procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it calls for it at once. If +we ask whether it be the function of government to take the foremost +step of leadership in this care, the question is one for Political +Science. If we ask the more sociological question whether governments +actually and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly--they do not. +Says Cooley: "Like other phases of organization, government is merely +one way of doing things, fitted by its character for doing some things, +and unfitted for doing others."[134] This proved one of the things for +which it was unfitted. Not one of the governmental authorities, civic, +provincial, or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively and +continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a peculiar commentary +that they were scarcely thought of as likely immediately to do so. It +should be said, however, that the Deputy-mayor--the Mayor being absent +from the city--was very active personally. While one of the controllers +was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor called an +emergency meeting of citizens on the morning of the disaster, and +another at three in the afternoon to consider what to do. This meeting +of citizens was presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as +already noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. The +committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards reformed upon a new +basis on the advice of the American unit. But no civic resources were +pledged to the people as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were +then or subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not assert or +assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. The City Hall was +indeed set up as the relief center temporarily, but the advice to remove +it elsewhere was not successfully opposed. How little civic authority +was retained under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the +following complaint. The Board of Control which was then the legal +representative body of the city had no member on the executive committee +of the disaster administration. One of these controllers publicly +criticised the method of the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He +"almost had to have a page to reach the Committee as representative of +the Board of Control." When the cabinet ministers from Ottawa were +sitting in session in the legislative council room, and giving a hearing +to a representative public gathering, the Mayor entered a complaint that +the City Council and Corporation had been ignored by the acting +committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They +were entrusted with the special grants and the civic authorities, Board +of Health, police, _etc._, so far as emergency matters went, cooperated +with them. But the various civic officers were not idle. No one was idle +at Halifax. They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various +departments at City Hall and with individual programs of relief. What +the civic government continued to do officially was rather in the way of +providing the stiff formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed +suggestions of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations +were issued. Among them was one urging all people excepting those on +relief work or upon especially urgent business to stay away from Halifax +for two weeks. Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with +regard to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's signature went +out the nation-wide appeal for aid that "a sorely afflicted people +should be provided with clothing and food." The subsequent time, thought +and help which City Hall contributed is of less sociological importance +to this study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described +municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of +service, rather than direction.[135] + + [134] Cooley, Charles H., _Social Organization_ (N. Y., 1912), + ch. xxxv, p. 403. + + [135] This is not to be considered as without exception in + catastrophies. A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the + Paterson fire and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government + took immediate and responsible action. This was also the case at + Baltimore when the Mayor was the "key to the situation." It should + however be added that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of + the Citizens' Committees were ex-mayors. + +Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of activity in +disaster we note that no special session of the provincial legislature +was called, as was done by the Governor of Illinois after the calamity +which overtook Chicago in 1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia +convened a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating +the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining its +powers.[136] The several articles defined its establishment as a +rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a town-planning board, as +well as its powers of expropriation, its relationship to the city +charter, certain parts of which it could amend or repeal; its powers to +enforce attendance at its courts and boards; its relationship to the +Workmen's Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, the +Commission was also invested with full and adequate discretion regarding +schools, churches and business properties. + + [136] _An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission_, Halifax, + 1918. + +Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures are of special +interest to social legislation. Among these were the power to repair, +rebuild or restore buildings, the power to repair and carry out a +town-planning scheme, the power to amend, repeal, alter or add to +provisions in the city charter, the automatic assumption of rights of +owner to insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and the +automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation claims. The act +incorporating the commission with powers to make investigation, and +administer all funds and properties constitutes Chapter VI of the year +1918. The local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the +provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the benefit of the +sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, towns and municipalities +to contribute for the relief of sufferers. + +The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude and wisdom is +comparable to that of President Harrison of the United States at the +time of the Johnstown flood. The Canadian Premier at the time of the +disaster was in Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova +Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following day. He +immediately placed resources from the Federal government at the disposal +of the local authorities to assist them in coping with the situation. +The third day after the disaster he attended an important meeting +regarding the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the city by +assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the harbor. Following the +Premier came the Minister of Public Works and he too gave much +administrative assistance. Then came five members of the Federal +Cabinet, each announcing such programs of restoration as to give the +community new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements was that +of the establishment of a large ship-building plant upon the explosion +area. The Canadian government had already as its first act made a grant +of one million dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then +forcibly urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility +towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in "its policy of +holding itself responsible for loss and damage by air-raids and +explosions." Public opinion seemed to demand that the work of +restoration and reparation be undertaken by the government of Canada as +a national enterprise. The government while disclaiming all legal +liability, acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was +announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission to take +over the whole work of rehabilitation and reconstruction,--an +announcement which brought a feeling of relief to the already +discouraged workers. + +Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that while the +Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission to receive and +administer relief funds and supplies, the Halifax Relief Commission was +appointed by the Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done +under the "Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV of the Revised +Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the War Measures Act, 1914, being +Chapter II of the Acts of Canada for the year 1914." The Federal grant +was later increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to +eighteen millions. + +There should also be here recorded the timely succour afforded by the +Imperial Government at Westminster. Following the King's gracious cable +of sympathy, the sum of five million dollars was voted by the British +Government to the relief of Halifax. The King's words were: + + Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax resulting + in great loss of life and property. Please convey to the people of + Halifax, where I have spent so many happy times, my true sympathy in + this grievous calamity. + +Reference has already been made to the policy to which the Commission +was committed. This policy may be more exactly stated by an extract from +the act incorporating the commission: + + _Whereas_, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore + constituted has recommended to the Governor-General of Canada in + Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance should be made to + persons injured in or by reason of the said disaster and the + dependents of persons killed or injured in or by reason of the said + disaster and the Governor-General of Canada in Council has been + pleased to adopt said recommendation; _etc._ + +In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening of morale and +the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, government may be +said to have contributed an important and deciding influence in the +reorganization of the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal +conditions. + +Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to have had a very +direct determining influence upon whatever picture of the community is +subsequently drawn, but social legislation itself was enriched by the +catastrophe. The association of catastrophe with progress in social +legislation has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass of +facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In this +introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters have been the +preceding reagents in effecting legislation of permanent social value. +It is instanced that city-planning in America took its rise from the +Chicago fire, that the origin of labor legislation is traceable to a +calamitous fever at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster +precipitated amendment to the Seamen's laws.[137] It has been said that +"the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in England has +rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera visitations in the middle +of the last century;"[138] and also that public health work in America +practically began with yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining +disasters, J. Byron Deacon says in this connection + + If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters is + fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound influence upon + public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation both for the + prevention of industrial accidents and for the more equitable + distribution of the burden of individual loss and community relief + which they involved.[139] + +Again E. A. Ross writes: + + A permanent extension to the administration of the state has often + dated from a calamity,--a pestilence, a famine, a murrain, a flood + or a tempest--which, paralyzing private efforts has caused + application for state aid.[140] + + [137] Parkinson, Thomas I., "Problems growing out of the Titanic + Disaster," _Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science_, vol. vi, + no. 1. + + [138] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 254. + + [139] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), p. 43. + + [140] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 253. + +The student of social legislation who reads this book will turn first to +this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation will the future +associate with so dire a calamity as that suffered at Halifax. It may be +said that not only has special disaster legislation of precedent-setting +value been enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief +legislative procedure, but social legislation of wider application and +more general character ensued. And this was along the line which the +student of social law should be led to expect. + +As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; as marine +disasters foster regulations ensuring greater safety at sea, it might +well be expected that a great explosion would bring about regulations +controlling the handling of explosives. And this is in reality what has +occurred. There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1919, by +the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting the loading and +handling of explosives in harbors, applicable to all public harbors in +Canada, to which the provisions of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act +apply; and to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not +inconsistent with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.[141] +They cover + +1. The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers. + +2. Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in +harbors of explosives-laden vessels. + +3. Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives. + +4. Regulations governing the handling of explosives. + +"The enactment of these regulations" writes the Under-Secretary of State +for Canada[142] "was suggested in large measure by the Halifax +disaster." Had these regulations been in effect and observed in Halifax +Harbor it is hardly conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could +have occurred. + + [141] _Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the + Harbors of Canada_ (Ottawa, June, 1919). + + [142] In a letter to the author. + +It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for this general +legislation of social utility originated with the Drysdale commission--a +board of enquiry appointed by the Federal Government to determine the +cause of the disaster and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth, +1918. In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs: + + that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor in + force since the war were prepared by competent naval authorities; + that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal with the + handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend that such + competent authority forthwith take up and make specific regulations + dealing with such subject. + +We, therefore, conclude that the function of government in disaster is +of primary importance, and that social legislation when forthcoming +constitutes an important and deciding influence and is itself in turn +enriched by calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed +facts the statement in the Introduction, that catastrophe is in close +association with progress in social legislation receives abundant +justification. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS + +Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover from +disaster--The case of San Francisco--The case of Halifax--Social +surplus--The equipmental factors--Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe +with generosity of public response--Catastrophe insurance--A practical +step. + + +John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation + + of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with which + countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance in + a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done by earthquakes, + floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.[143] + +This "_vis medicatrix naturae_" he explains on an economic principle. +All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption of what had +been produced previously, and which would have in due course been +consumed anyway. The rapid repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says, +on whether the community has been depopulated. + + [143] Mill, John Stuart, _Principles of Political Economy_ (London, + 1917), ch. v, p. 74. + +But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies +particularly to countries which have not been bereft of the raw +materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco recovered exceedingly +rapidly from her terrible experience of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery +has been called one of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not +depopulated. Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and +ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. The loss of +life on the other hand was about two thousand in Halifax, a city of +fifty thousand population--but one-eighth that of San Francisco--and her +list of injured ran into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon +appeared. + +There are other factors both social and economic which must not be +omitted from an account of the influences of recuperation, namely the +equipmental and other factors which produce social surplus. +Disaster-stricken communities cannot survive unless their "surplus +energy exceeds their needs." They cannot become normal until the social +surplus is restored. The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney, +is "merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals +composing a social group, or immediately available to such +individuals."[144] It includes not only "bodily vigor" but "such +material goods also as are immediately available for the restoration of +depleted bodily vigor." It is not only physiological, as life energy, +and social, as conditions of knowledge and institutional facilities, but +also socio-economic, as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of +physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor may have +been depleted, and material goods been consumed. No period of +recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such equipment is in some +degree replaced and a balance of social surplus restored. This is the +_conditio sine qua non_ of recuperation, and of the transition from a +pain-economy to a pleasure-economy,[145] after disaster. Certainly the +maintenance of the standard of living demands it. The standard of living +has been defined as the "mode of activity and scale of comfort which a +person has come to regard as indispensable to his happiness and to +secure and retain which he is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice." +Following Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with +population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a certain +character might conceivably operate to automatically heighten the +standard of living, just as the growth of population often brings about +its fall. But catastrophe often consumes great quantities of material +goods and brings about a change in incomes and in occupations.[146] +Seager notes that: + + Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to the class + of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition is a + possibility which prolonged illness or inability to obtain + employment may at any time change into a reality. The narrow margin + which their usual earnings provide above the bare necessaries of + life, coupled with their lack of accumulated savings, makes them + especially liable, when some temporary calamity reduces their + incomes, to sink permanently below the line of self-support and + self-respect.[147] + + [144] Tenney, Alvan A., "Individual and Social Surplus," _Popular + Science Monthly_, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552. + + [145] Patten, Simon N., _Theory of the Social Forces_ (Phil., 1896), + p. 75. + + [146] At San Francisco "after the fire, the proportion of families in + the lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the + higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire." (Motley, + James M., _San Francisco Relief Survey_, New York, 1913, pt. iv, + p. 228.) + + [147] Seager, Henry R., _Economics, Briefer Course_ (N. Y., 1909), + ch. xiii, p. 210. + +It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental damage was +stupendous, still the heart of the downtown business section remained +sound. The banking district held together, and the dislocation of +business machinery was less protracted on that account. To this it is +necessary to add how to a very considerable extent the material losses +were replaced by communities and countries which not only supplied the +city with the material of recuperation but with men and means as well. +Were her own workmen killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men +and carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their food and +their wages with them. The city's population was increased by +thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three hundred of whom were +registered with the committee at one time. Was her glass destroyed? +Eighty acres of transparences came for the temporary repairs and had +been placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings gone? Seven +million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber were soon available to +house the homeless. Were her people destitute? Food and clothing were +soon stacked high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty +thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty thousand from New +Zealand, one hundred thousand from Quebec, one hundred thousand from +Montreal, two hundred and fifty thousand from Australia, five million +from Great Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came +from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from the Federal +grant, eight millions were contributed. The total contributions from all +sources amounted finally to twenty-seven million dollars. + +Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining the sociological +recuperation of a smitten city. And when the experience of Halifax is +set side by side with the related experiences of other cities a +conclusion may be drawn that disaster-stricken communities can always +count upon public aid, for the reasons which have already been +discussed. But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation +between the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and the +generosity of the relief response,[148] as there is also with the +immediacy of the appeal. "It is not the facts themselves which strike +the popular imagination" says Le Bon, "but the way in which they take +place."[149] There have been disasters relatively serious, such as the +St. Quentin forest fire, where repeated appeals met with astonishingly +little response from the people. "A single great accident" continues Le +Bon, "will profoundly impress them even though the results be infinitely +less disastrous than those of a hundred small accidents put together." +It was in recognition of this principle that "it was decided to transfer +the residue of the amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the +contingent fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters, +which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous public response, +but where the suffering is as grievous."[150] + + [148] At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York + committee received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine, + Edward T., _The Principles of Relief_, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii, + p. 468.) + + [149] Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind_ + (London), ch. iii, p. 79. + + [150] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120. + +Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity and +other expressions of sympathy, the experience at Halifax suggests also a +relationship between the aid furnished by a contributing community and +that community's own previous history in regard to calamity. As an +instance may be cited the quick and splendid response which came from +St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick cities with unforgettable +memories of great disasters which they themselves had suffered. It is +also not improbable that the study of comparative catastrophe would +reveal a correlation between the relative amount of aid given and the +distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which suggest that +the relationship might be written thus: that relief in disaster varies +inversely as the square of the cost distance. The association here +suggested is given additional plausibility from the fact that attention +to certain types of news seems to vary according to this principle, and +news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid. + +Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present time, in the +absence of any scientific method of socially ameliorating the +consequences of catastrophe, relief is a fluctuating quantity, and is +poorly apportioned from the point of view of need. While such conditions +obtain, disasters must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which +break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our +generosities and philanthropies + + many people lose their normal position in the social and economic + scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, railway + wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial life. These + accidents naturally have a vast influence over the lives of their + victims; for they often render people unfit to struggle along in the + rank and file of humanity.[151] + + [151] Blackmar and Gillin, _Outlines of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1915), + pt. iv, ch. v, p. 402. + +The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread the economic +results of these disasters over the entire community in some form of +intra-city catastrophe insurance administered by the Federal government. +This alone will overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon +the more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate relief. +And even beyond this step is there not the possibility of an +international system in which each nation will insure the other? +Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came from many nations and +tongues. But while we are discussing what ought to be and eventually +will be done, one very practical step remains which may be taken at +once. At the Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction +and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as +it did, yet came from without rather than from within the country. There +is no Canadian who will close these pages without asking whether this +must always be. May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding +result of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate steps +to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, and stations of relief +strategically located in Canada--these stations to have in their keeping +left-over war-material, such as tents, stores, and other equipment +together with records of available experts who have had experience in +disasters and who may be subject to call when emergencies arise. + +And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, namely, +wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe in social change? We +have thus far concerned ourselves with the major factors of +recuperation, intra-social forces, social service, and legislation. + +We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic constitutes a no +less important factor. But the effects may not stop with mere +recuperation. Suppose a city becomes in a trice more prosperous and +progressive than ever. Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon +rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; her +industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies come looking for +sites as if dimly conscious that expansion is at hand! Suppose a city +rises Phoenix-like from the flames, a new and better city, her people +more kind, more charitable, more compassionate to little children, more +considerate of age! Suppose there come social changes which alter the +conservatism and civic habits of many years--changes which foster a +spirit of public service, and stimulate civic pride! Then there is +clearly some further influence associated with the day of disaster. +Perhaps we shall find progress innate in catastrophe itself. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE + +The unchanging Halifax of the years--The causes of social +immobility--The new birthday--The indications of change: appearance, +expansion of business, population, political action, city-planning, +housing, health, education, recreation, community spirit--Carsten's +prophecy. + + +Halifax has had her fair proportion of tribute in her time. Kipling has +called her "the Warden of the Honor of the North." Pauline Johnston +sings of her pride of situation. As Edinburgh, "it is a city of many +charms; beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the world; +vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of its streets some +voice from the past 'comes sounding through the toon.'" Her public +gardens are the envy of all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare. +Her Northwest Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. Cheery +wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No city of her size is more +hospitable than she. + +But she has always been a city which has never quite entered into her +heritage commercially. Situated where by nature she might well be great, +she has always been small. Unambitious, wealthy[152] and little jealous +of the more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on being a +lover of better things. Commerce and industry were things alien[153] and +secular. She devoted herself to standards of art, music, learning, +religion and the philanthropies. Charitable and philanthropic +institutions abounded. She has had her own conservative English ways. +She affected homage to "old families," and to that illusory element +"social prestige." She welcomed each new knight which the favor of the +king conferred, and grew careless of civic prosperity and growth. She +had leaned "too long upon the army and the navy" and her citizens had +become "anaemic," "lethargic" and standstill; their "indifference" and +"inertia" were a commonplace. Halifax had been complacent and academic +rather than practical in her outlook upon the world and her general +attitude toward life. + + [152] Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of + Canada. + + [153] For years real estate was marketed "quietly." In fact, real + property was in the hands of one or two specialists only. + +Geographically she suffered by her situation on the rim of the +continent. She experienced not a little neglect and isolation because +she was an undeveloped terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers +and commercial men could not visit her _en route_ but only by special +trip. + +Again "the government has had altogether too many interests in Halifax +for the good of the place." "Government-kept towns" are not as a rule +"those which have achieved the greatest prosperity." Halifax as a +civil-service headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps +open to the charge of being at least "self-satisfied." Valuable acres of +non-taxable land have been far from stimulating to civic enterprise. + +An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of overmuch looking +backward, and sociologically the back look has been always recognized as +the foe of progress. But she has had a past to be proud of--one which +throbs with incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she +has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a hundred and +fifty years. She has been called "the stormy petrel among the +cities--always to the front in troublous times." She has served and +suffered in four hard wars. She has gloried in this wealth of years and +storied past. Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue +blood, dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies, +fetes, levees and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial times. A +newspaper has published daily items of a generation before, and weekly +featured a reverie in the past.[154] Old in her years she remained old +in her appearance, old in her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old +firms which have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled +the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century of +service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day hour, and like a curfew +sounded in the night. + + [154] _The Acadian Recorder_, C. C. Blackadar, editor. + +Search where one will, it would be difficult to find another city which +has more completely exhibited the causes of social immobility as set +forth by sociology. For there are, it must be remembered, causes of +immobility as well as factors of social change. They may be geographical +difficulties, or elements more distinctively social--an over-emphasis of +government, discouraging innovation, too great a "volume of suggestion," +the drag of "collective customs and beliefs," a "traditionalist +educational system," the "inheritance of places and functions" tending +to arrest development, "government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed +by age."[155] All these reenforce the conservative tendencies in society +and preserve the _status quo_.[156] + + [155] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905), + ch. viii, p. 197. + + [156] There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom + from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her + entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any + consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her + sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands + to-day safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way. + + Again communities are generally conservative in character when a large + percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises of + the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens were found + to own at least in part the homes they lived in. + + There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were + possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to + disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to + achieve desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge + in radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of + success? He would study too the distribution of people relative to + their interests. Is there a majority of those whose experiences are + narrow and whose interests are few? Or is there a majority of those + who have long enjoyed varied experiences and cultivated manifold + interests, that yet remain harmonious? He studies the character of the + choices, decisions, selections in a people's industry, law-making, + educational and religious undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in + diagnosing a population as to the degree of conservatism and to + discover what the ideal community should be.--Giddings, Franklin H., + _Inductive Sociology_ (N. Y., 1909), p. 178, _et seq._ + +Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of the +disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the _status quo_. We need not +labor the how and why. Tourists had returned year after year and found +her unaltered. "Dear, dirty old Halifax" they had called her. They had +found business as usual,--old unpainted wooden houses on every side, +unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and offensive gutters; +the best water and the poorest water system an inspector ever examined; +the purest air but the most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete +tramway,[157] a "green market," ox-carts on the main streets, crossings +ankle-deep with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead of +making the city they had been "letting it happen." The "transient, the +good-enough, the cheapest possible" had been the rule of action. + + [157] Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be + found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of + $200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving. + +Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But the old order +changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the +spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The +twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with +punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize +that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that +fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the +city's history." + +Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the +sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position +which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just +as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old +World the entrepots of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova +Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of +any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of +substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne +commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and +not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future, +bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations. +Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa +than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and +accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has +undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the +facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of +progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger +station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will +fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion." + + [158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to + Confederation. + +There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and +untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She +has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military +property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for +its own disposal. + +Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of +old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards +is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would +have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a +period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and +clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as +elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement +of traditional thought." + +Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of +appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near +the second anniversary of the explosion: + + Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion, + exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost + forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a + great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The + move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and + if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the + city. + +The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following +reference to the change in appearance of the city: + + One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and + retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises + over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and + attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms + and thereby increasing their sales. + +The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement: + + Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the + order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible. + This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city. + +As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states: + + A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the + former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows + of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern + design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order + of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor. + +Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new +lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed +one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that +Halifax should be so changed." + +The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the +beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a +statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms: + + Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable + sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their + activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way. + Surely everything points toward prosperity. + +Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has +infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making +rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October, +1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An +effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has +never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many +prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still +another indication of the determination to progress in the recent +completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal, +Toronto, New York and Chicago. + +Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items +used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may +be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations: +(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures. +Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports, +taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices, +unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159] + + [159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material. + +With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is +significant. He says: + + The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of + Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the + approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's + office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being + practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War + commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible + explosion of 1917. + +He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western +and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by +the disaster. The Mayor further states: + + It must be remembered that it is only two years since the + devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have + considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up + that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it. + +The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the +permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase. + + Building Permits + + 1910 .................... $471,140 + 1911 .................... 508,836 + 1912 .................... 589,775 + 1913 .................... 839,635 + 1914 .................... 874,320 + 1915 .................... 1,066,938 + 1916 .................... 1,177,509 + 1917 .................... 844,079 + 1918 .................... 2,955,406 + 1919 .................... 5,194,806 + +With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919 + + The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable. + Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to + get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high + prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at + approximately double the amount originally paid. + +The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports: + + Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly + in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days. + +In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a +very considerable change: + + Bank Clearings + + 1910 .................... $95,855,319 + 1911 .................... 87,994,043 + 1912 .................... 100,466,672 + 1913 .................... 105,347,626 + 1914 .................... 100,280,107 + 1915 .................... 104,414,598 + 1916 .................... 125,997,881 + 1917 .................... 151,182,752 + 1918 .................... 216,084,415 + 1919 .................... 241,200,194 + + [160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of + currency. + +As to business failures the Secretary says: + + Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the + liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the + loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight. + + Additional Indices + + Gross Postal Revenue Tramway Receipts (gross) + + 1910 ................ $114,318 $477,109 + 1911 ................ 119,561 502,399 + 1912 ................ 132,097 539,853 + 1913 ................ 140,102 605,933 + 1914 ................ 147,943 645,341 + 1915 ................ 154,499 718,840 + 1916 ................ 167,594 559,513 + 1917 ................ 255,815 859,667 + 1918 ................ 305,412 998,702 + 1919 ................ 349,507 1,258,503 + +Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh +faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests +into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of +the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of +ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the +Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great +oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the +thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have +been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight +of land within an hour after casting off from the quay. + +In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business +generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect. +Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves +are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more +believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and +electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made +in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that +"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to +fulfilment. + +As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes: + + Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may + not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a + sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the + former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and + growth.[161] + +Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all +preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in +the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss +was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at +the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and +seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the +Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at +Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's +population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the +population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six +hundred and fifty more names than the previous year. + + [161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_ + (N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337. + + [162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they + cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community. + +In the light of this consideration the following indication of the +growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163] + + Table + + 1911 ...................... 46,619 + 1912 ...................... 46,619 + 1913 ...................... 47,109 + 1914 ...................... 47,109 + 1915 ...................... 47,473 + 1916 ...................... 50,000 + 1917 ...................... 50,000 + 1918 ...................... 50,000 + 1919 ...................... 55,000 + 1920 ...................... 65,000[164] + + [163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar, + Halifax. + + [164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be + 85,000. + +An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of +citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in +political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are: + + Political Action + + Year Purpose Eligible No. Percentage Percentage + voters voting of Indifference of Interest + + 1918 ......... For Mayor 7,632 2,769 63.8 36.2 + 1919 ......... " " 8,890 4,264 52.1 47.9 + 1920 ......... " " 11,435 5,491 51.99 48.01 + +Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually +diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller +and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the +percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous +year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign +[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to +institute new reforms."[165] + + [165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920. + +Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning, +civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation. + +In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is +awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which +comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The +present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning +Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer +constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the +scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster +"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it +seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the +Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to +help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect +of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If +that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme, +though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have +been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the +Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant +reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing +with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and +residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening +and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the +devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading +of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred +trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this +area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for +the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning +Board. + + [166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out + by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified + enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants + with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on + foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of + projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed + in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but + unfortunately many fine trees were cut down. + +The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution +of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards +instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the +"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to +city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social +problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the +welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be +neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an +authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary +consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting +successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this +principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work +designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the +Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste. + +To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and +pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as +stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking +a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to +Halifax + + more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways, + cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and + beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear.... + With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern, + as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest, + and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort, + development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people + for them.[168] + + [167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_, + vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329. + + [168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12. + +The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was +already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and +multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has +grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many +refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary +shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the +pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A +hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent +structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained. + + [169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end + has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an + observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the + influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are + springing up all over the city." + +But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city +authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the +sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last +precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts, +the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing +to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the +city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been +formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building +experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended +to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the +City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law +the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this +way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to +the general health and well-being of the community." + +Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which +when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in +England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a +record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that +record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and +their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise. + +The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most +significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the +catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride. +The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care +for health, had received scant support and could only perform +indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried +out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about +twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and +tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching +the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to +progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with +such conditions. + + [170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6. + + [171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60. + +Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete +public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is +in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended +balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health +purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty +thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars +per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per +year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the +five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per +year, or practically one dollar per capita. + + [172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A + Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr. + B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer. + +A completely equipped health centre has been established including all +the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal, +pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear, +nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of +health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues. +A public health course for nurses is included in the educational +campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and +the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist. + + [173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of + nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health. + +Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater +realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken +including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the +provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places +where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a +view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable +activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars, +which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of +a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of +the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to +improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is +feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to +modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a +psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives, +especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of +interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was +established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly +employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by +the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the +children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a +unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a +full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also +safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a +minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining +impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The +Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions +having an estimated cost of half a million dollars. + +But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the +earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen +reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health +conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all +health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that +improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the +progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so +favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and +periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the +final goal of all policies of health reform. + +The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has +been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic +attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory. +Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to +each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax +teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications. +But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and +up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where +there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is +becoming awakened to the vital role her educators play is being proven +by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie +University. That response has been most generous and general, while +local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the +Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter +benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred +thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing +process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at +once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and +Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city. + +In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction +regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to +provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to +fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not +lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among +these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded +children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display +of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments +already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and +physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school +nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening +technical classes. + +Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all +the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an +institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment. +Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic +minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and +in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the +children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in +citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It +rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational +sociology. + +Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of +Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she +has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility +for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as +public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A +Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the +various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174] +A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after +study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a +system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked +progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal +recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of +about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been +reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over +to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of +ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain +recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central +public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a +community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium, +gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement +Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a +close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so +there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._, +and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral +value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while +the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the +shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social +policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely +constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive +and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and +adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is +the path of progress in socialized recreation. + + [174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had + been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under + the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated + association with which the Women's Council merged. + + [175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions, + an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the + "playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster, + and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are, + it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The + records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children + show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile + arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of + the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii, + no. 10, p. 493.) + +Progress in cooperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new +sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things +which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great. +This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of +the Halifax Cooperative Society is initial evidence of a movement +towards cooperative buying. Cooperation for community ends even now is +revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of +recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in +the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers +of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are +getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a +few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau +has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of +coordination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of +the city. + + [176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918. + +The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased cooperation +upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of +the city united into a single organization for relief service under the +chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial +Association has been formed which has directed cooperative effort along +various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where +the best interests of the city were involved. + +Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the +testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic +transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty +years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after +all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale, +and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But +merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished +through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried +on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm +of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social +insurance whither all true social policies lead. + +All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a +very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent +changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly +expressed than in the words of Carstens: + + The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for + at least a generation, because so many of the living have been + blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may + leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by + those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks + that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its + citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.' + +But it is rather for social than for material progress that the +sociologist will seek and Carstens continues: + + It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may + be developed a program for the care, training and education of the + sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical + social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and + out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers + of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems + of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may + acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no + other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example + city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at + Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all + loss.[177] + + [177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_, + vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61. + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +CONCLUSION + +Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in +propositional form--The role of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a) +Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social +immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal +favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors +determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit +and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and +lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions. + + +If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the +facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly +accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of +catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure +of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness +in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the +various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to +follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent +a definite sociological process of development. + +At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently +terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives +peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in +extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases +consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence. +The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to +have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of +the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the +customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes +called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been +retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that +essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of +change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon +the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and +expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social +change. + +The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group +reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the +major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be +either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or +stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the +material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be +that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may +either retard or promote social reorganization. + +Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was +largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social +activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been +recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate +and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion, +imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind. +Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations. +Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of +society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality +first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only +after division of function delegates to a special group the +responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the +resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the +conservation value to society of a militia organization in every +community and also of a permanent vigilance committee. + +The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of +which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster +social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise +direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The +value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse +proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has +advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a +community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing +institutions. + +The next and latest group to function effectively was that of +government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an +important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the +calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the +statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely, +that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social +legislation. + +To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation +is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot +become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however +always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly +suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a +disaster and the generosity of the relief response. + +The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social +change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social +order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the +disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community +undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This +implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary +antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such, +the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not +alternatives. + +To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very +considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was +itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the +other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present +consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank +of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming +of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of +its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property +values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It +altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential +and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in +the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the +middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It +is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the +weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush +of the spirit of progress. + +The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community +organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and +whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on +a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity +would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be +historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars. +In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased, +industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled, +streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled +back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the +reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army +were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a +town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and +business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very +perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several +mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the +closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such +relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and +progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather +increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this +change. + +But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to +have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war +and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by +possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If +we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event. +The catastrophe was an episode of the great war. + +It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the role of +catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning +directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening +social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing +environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors +determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of +spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of +leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions. + +Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe +is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are +subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which +we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is +not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as +a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is +sacrifice in truth. + + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction, + namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the + shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions + of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require + a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or + rejection. + +That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction +of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That +it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian +who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help +mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and +intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do +say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is +bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those +of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a +world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will +not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the +intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179] + + [179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336. + + + + +INDEX + + +A + + Accidents, industrial, 116, 135 + + Advancement, human, _vide_ progress + + Aesthetics, 70 + + Aggregation, social, 62 + + Altruism, 51, 58 + + Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation + + Analytic psychology, 49 + + Anxiety, 38 + + Anger, 39, 44, 45 + + Animal relief, 91 + + Army, _vide_ military + + Association, 56, 63; + utility of, 62, 142 + + Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99 + + Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134 + + Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104 + + +B + + Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67 + + Beliefs, 23, 38, 120 + + Bereavement, 47 + + Biological factors in society, 67, 142 + + Body politic, 44, 69, 144 + + Bureau, welfare, 139 + + Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113; + expansion of, 77, 124; + indices of, 125; + relief, 105, 113; + resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73 + + +C + + Capital, 139 + + Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18; + and communication, 31; + definition of, 14; + and evolution, 14, 15; + and generosity, 57, 58, 115; + and heroism, 55; + and insurance, 116; + and poetry, 22; + and population, 128; + and progress, 21, 22, 23; + and social change, 118; + and social disintegration, 31; + and social economy, 80; + and social legislation, 23, 100; + and social organization, 59, 69; + and social psychology, 35; + and suicide, 46; + and social surplus, 111; + and survival, 56; + and tragedy, 114, 115; + and war, 14 + + Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe + + Causation, social, 144 + + Centralization, policy of, 83 + + Ceremony, 120 + + Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21; + and crisis, 16, 21; + definition of, 15, 21; + factor of, 15, 16; + and fluidity, 21; + indications of, 123, 143; + and progress, 21; + resistance to, 19 + + Charity, 22, 97 + + Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137 + + Churches, _vide_ religious institutions + + Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77 + + Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control + + Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140 + + Civilization, 31, 49 + + Classes, social, 96, 139 + + Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139 + + Clinics, 134 + + Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142 + + Clubs, 76, 123 + + Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior + + Commerce, 70, 118, 122 + + Commercialized recreation, 138 + + Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73 + + Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96, + 97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143 + + Comparative catastrophe, 146 + + Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107 + + Component groups, 70 + + Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142 + + Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142 + + Consciousness of underlying difference, 69 + + Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143 + + Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120 + + Contagion of feeling, 42 + + Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146 + + Conventionality, 49 + + Cooperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138 + + Crime, 50, 76 + + Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94 + + Crisis, and catastrophe, 16; + definition of, 16; + and fluidity, 18; + and great men, 55; + and progress, 55; + and revolution, 17; + significance of, 16 + + Crises, in battles, 16; + in communities, 18; + in diseases, 16; + in life-histories, 16, 18; + men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98; + power to meet, 80; + in religions, 16; + in social institutions, 16; + in world of thought, 16 + + Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45 + + Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45 + + Courts, 96 + + Culture, 19, 21, 80 + + Curiosity, 44 + + Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145 + + Cycles, 15 + + +D + + Death rate, 133 + + Delinquency, 138 + + Delirium, oneiric, 46 + + Delusion, 35, 38 + + Determination, 44, 58 + + Diagnosis, social, 92, 121 + + Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe + + Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology + + Disaster relief, _vide_ relief + + Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134 + + Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142 + + Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59 + + Dispensary, 88, 133 + + Distributive system of society, 31 + + Diversity of capacity, 69 + + Division of labor, 69, 79, 142 + + Dynamic forces, 19 + + Dynamogenic reactions, 52 + + +E + + Economic factors in society, 68 + + Economy, social, 80, 98 + + Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137 + + Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136 + + Educational psychology, 137 + + Educational sociology, 137 + + Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143 + + Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53 + + Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60 + + Energies, 52, 58 + + Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145 + + Envy, 44 + + Erroneous recognition, 39 + + Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142 + + Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101 + + Exaltation, 45, 46 + + Expectancy, 41 + + +F + + Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144 + + Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140 + + Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54 + + Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64 + + First aid, 41, 61, 134 + + Flight instinct, 40 + + Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145 + + Flux, 19, 34 + + Folkways, 18 + + Food-getting, 39, 92 + + Fraternal societies, 76, 98 + + +G + + Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143 + + Geographic determinants, 67, 119 + + Government, 19, 31, 100, 101; + agencies of, 100; + aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107; + an institution of society, 100; + and leadership, 117; + officials, 62, 102, 106; + over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120 + + Gratitude, 45 + + Great man, 55, 69 + + Greed, 44, 51, 94 + + Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67 + + Grief, 38, 48 + + Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142 + + Group heroism, 56 + + +H + + Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117 + + Habitation, 39, 63 + + Hallucination, 35, 37, 38 + + Happiness, 70, 112 + + Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140 + + Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85 + + Herd instinct, 41, 63 + + Heroism, 55, 56 + + History, 14 + + Heredity, 67 + + Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114 + + Homogeneity, 70 + + Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140 + + Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140 + + Human nature, 93, 94 + + Hyperactivity of imagination, 46 + + Hyper-suggestibility, 44 + + Hypnosis, 45 + + +I + + Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114 + + Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145 + + Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77 + + Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145 + + Impulsive social action, 42, 48 + + Indemnity, principle of, 95 + + Indications of social change, 123, 143 + + Indices of business, 125 + + Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55 + + Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144 + + Industrial, accidents, 116, 135; + fatigue, 138; + hygiene, 135 + + Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49 + + Insanity, 46 + + Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44 + + Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational + + Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125 + + +J + + Jealousy, 44 + + Justice, 19 + + Juvenile delinquency, 138 + + +K + + Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142 + + Kindliness, 45, 55 + + +L + + Labor, 139; + division of, 69, 79; + legislation, 23, 101, 108 + + Law, 49, 50, 58, 120 + + Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145 + + Legislation, ameliorative, 101; + boundaries of, 101; + and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143; + health, 108; + ideals of, 101; + labor, 23, 101, 108; + mining, 23, 108; + marine, 23, 108, 109; + promotive, 133; + progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143; + social, 23, 100 + + Like-mindedness, 63, 70 + + Like response, 41 + + Limitation of field of consciousness, 42 + + Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145 + + +M + + Magic, 20, 78 + + Martial law, 101 + + Maternity, 48, 135 + + Mass relief, 85 + + Medical inspection, 136 + + Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140 + + Mental hygiene, 134 + + Mental unity, 41 + + Meteorological pressure, 65 + + Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122, + 143, 145 + + Ministerial association, 139 + + Models, 21, 77, 78 + + Modes of affective experience, 44 + + Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145 + + Morality, 20, 97 + + Mores, 70 + + Morgue service, 39, 91, 98 + + Mortality, 112 + + Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104 + + Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58 + + +N + + Navy, _vide_ military + + News-notice, 115 + + Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142 + + +O + + Obstruction and the human will, 52 + + Occupational change, 113 + + Oneiric delirium, 46 + + Organization, _vide_ social, relief + + Orientation, 123 + + Original tendencies, 39 + + +P + + Pain economy, 112 + + Pain, 53, 54 + + Parental instinct, 40, 41 + + Pensions, 90 + + Percentage of indifference, 129 + + Percentage of interest, 129 + + Personal crises, 18 + + Phenomena, of bereavement, 47; + of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45; + diverse, 35; + of emotion, 44; + of endurance, 52, 53; + post-catastrophic, 48; + of repression, 49 + + Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116 + + Physical factors in society, 67, 142 + + Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52 + + Pity, 39 + + Pleasure economy, 112 + + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior + + Plural leadership, 49 + + Police, 76, 101, 102 + + Political action, 64, 76, 129 + + Political Science, 103 + + Poor laws, 101 + + Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144 + + Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48 + + Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145 + + Preparedness, 64 + + Press, 72 + + Pressure, social, 63, 77 + + Primitive household, 69 + + Principles of relief, _vide_ relief + + Production, 19 + + Profiteering, psychology of, 51 + + Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109 + + Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146; + and change, 21; + degree of, 21; + and evolution, 14, 15; + meaning of, 21; + and relief, 80; + in social legislation, 23 + + Protocracy, 60, 70 + + Psychiatry, 134 + + Psychological factors in society, 67, 142 + + Psychology, analytic, 49; + crowd, 35, 41, 45; + disaster, 35, 56; + of helpfulness, 56, 85; + of helplessness, 49; + of insanity, 46; + of profiteering, 51; + of relief, 49, 94; + social, 35; + and sociology, 19, 35 + + Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93 + + Public safety, 132, 136 + + Public utilities, 71 + + Pugnacity, instinct of, 40 + + +R + + Reconditioning of instincts, 18 + + Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137 + + Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143 + + Regional influence, 66 + + Regulative system of society, 31 + + Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107 + + Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121 + + Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139 + + Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94; + division of labor in, 69; + fluctuation of, 116; + leadership in, 61, 103, 116; + medical, 61, 62, 65; + military in, 51, 60, 63, 68; + organization of, 59; + psychology of, 49, 94; + principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96; + procedure in, 79; + relation to progress, 80; + residuum of, 97; + reserve, 98; + secret service in, 98; + shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90; + stages in, 85 + + Repression, 49, 50 + + Reproductive system of society, 31 + + Resentment, 45, 49 + + Residuum of relief, 97 + + Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75 + + Restitution, principle of, 94, 95 + + Retrogressive evolution, 15 + + Revolution, 17, 22 + + Ritual, 20 + + Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63 + + +S + + Sabbath observance, 77 + + Safety, public, 132, 136 + + Sanitation, 66, 133, 134 + + Schools, _vide_ educational institutions + + Science, 33, 88 + + Security, feelings of, 41 + + Self-control, social, 70 + + Segregation, 64 + + Self-preservation, 31, 40 + + Sensation, 36, 38, 54 + + Sense perception, 37, 38 + + Sensorium, social, 59 + + Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143 + + Shibboleths, 77 + + Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141 + + Social, action, 64; + aggregation, 62; + age, 139; + choices, 121; + consciousness, 60; + conservation, 79, 84, 143; + conservatism, 19, 117, 120; + contrasts, 32; + control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146; + economy, 80, 98; + effects, 75, 96; + factors, 59, 67, 142; + immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145; + insurance, 105, 116, 125; + legislation, 23, 100; + memory, 23, 55; + mind, 49, 70; + order, 143; + organization, 35, 59, 142; + policy, 80, 139; + pressure, 63, 77; + psychology, 35; + reorganization, 69; + sensorium, 59; + service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143; + specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143; + standards, 32; + surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143 + + Social change, _vide_ change + + Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145 + + Socialized recreation, 138, 139 + + Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100 + + Societies, 76, 99 + + Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143 + + Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142 + + Sociology, 33, 35, 120; + attractions of study, 13; + educational, 137; + and psychology, 19, 35; + virgin fields in, 13, 23 + + Sorrow, 45, 47 + + Standards, social, 32 + + Standards of living, 112, 113, 133 + + State, 101 + + Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility + + Statistics, vital, 135 + + Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57; + of heroism, 55; + of leaders, 21; + of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145; + of models, 78; + repetition of, 45 + + Struggle for existence, 41 + + Sub-normal, 136 + + Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142 + + Suicide, 46 + + Supervised playgrounds, 136 + + Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143 + + Survival, 56 + + Sustaining system of society, 31 + + Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58 + + +T + + Taboo, 49, 71 + + Tender emotion, 45 + + Themistes, 18 + + Topography, 67, 142 + + Tradition, 32, 120 + + Transportation, 43 + + Trade-unions, 51 + + +U + + Under-nutrition, 113 + + Unemployment, 59, 125 + + Unit in relief, 60 + + Unity, mental, 41 + + Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142 + + Utilities, public, 71 + + +V + + Variation, social, _vide_ social change + + Vicissitudes, 14, 21 + + Vigilance committee, 19, 143 + + Vigor, economic, 70 + + Vocational training, 98, 136 + + Volition, 55, 64 + + Voluntary associations, 73, 84 + + +W + + War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144 + + Wealth, 111 + + Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139 + + Will, 22, 44, 52, 53 + + Workmen's compensation, 105 + + Worship, 19, 77 + + +Z + + Zeal, 44 + + + + +VITA + + +Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of +Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High +School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at +Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's +Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of +primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and +Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney, +Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British +Empire Club of the University. + + + + + [ Transcriber's Note: + + The following is a list of corrections made to the original. + The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one. + + dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more + dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more + + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk + sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk + + seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on + seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on + + an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged + and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged + + "So hypochrondriac fancies represent + "So hypochondriac fancies represent + + fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the + fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the + + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._, + to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._, + + sentiment.[73] + sentiment."[73] + + pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was + pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was + + could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering + could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering + + may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social + may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social + + depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the + depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the + + comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the + comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the + + precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6 + precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6. + + of_ Halifax, 1918. + of Halifax_, 1918. + + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd) + CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY + + relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort + relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort + + subsidize familes rather than institutions. + subsidize families rather than institutions. + + 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children. + 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children. + + exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims + exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims + + John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the + John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the + + We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are + We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are + + In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal. + In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal, + + committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They + committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They + + muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of + municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of + + But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies + But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies + + and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as + and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as + + ch viii, p. 197. + ch. viii, p. 197. + + The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to + The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to + + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction, + [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction, + + Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77 + Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77 + + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour + Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior + + ] + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by +Samuel Henry Prince + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE *** + +***** This file should be named 37580.txt or 37580.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/5/8/37580/ + +Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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