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+Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Catastrophe and Social Change
+ Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster
+
+Author: Samuel Henry Prince
+
+Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ [ Transcriber's Notes:
+
+ Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully
+ as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation
+ and non-standard punctuation. Some corrections of spelling and
+ punctuation have been made. They are listed at the end of the text.
+
+ Some of the entries in the index are not in alphabetical order; they
+ have been kept as printed.
+
+ Italic text has been marked with _underscores_.
+ ]
+
+
+
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+ BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF
+ THE HALIFAX DISASTER
+
+ BY
+ SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.)
+
+ SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
+ FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
+ IN THE
+ FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
+ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+ NEW YORK
+ 1920
+
+
+
+
+ Halifax
+ is not a large city
+ but there are those who love it
+ who would choose to dwell therein
+ before all cities beneath
+ the skies
+
+ To
+ All Such
+ CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE,
+ I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE
+ THESE LINES
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The following pages embody the result of an observational study of the
+social phenomena attendant upon one of the greatest catastrophies in
+history--the Halifax Disaster. The idea of the work was suggested while
+carrying out a civic community study of the disaster city under the
+direction of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University.
+
+The account deals first with the shock and disintegration as the writer
+observed it. Individual and group reactions are next examined in the
+light of sociological theory. The chapters on Social Organization are an
+effort to picture that process as it actually occurred.
+
+The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important
+contribution which Social Economy was able to make in the direction of
+systematic rehabilitation. Special reference is made to private
+initiative and governmental control in emergency relief. This monograph
+is in no sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the
+literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable social
+movements in great emergencies.
+
+Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, as the title
+suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, between which stands
+a great catastrophe, and its thesis is the place of catastrophe in
+social change.
+
+In the preparation of this work, which the author believes to be the
+first attempt to present a purely scientific and sociological treatment
+of any great disaster, he has received invaluable assistance. A few
+grateful lines can ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the
+Department of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes its
+inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor A. A. Tenney
+it owes its present form and structure and any literary excellence it
+may possess. Professor R. E. Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout
+and has contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay
+has read the chapter on Social Legislation, and Professor R. S.
+Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, that on Disaster Psychology.
+The author is under special tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to
+Professor Tenney, who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer
+vacation to read and revise the manuscript and proof.
+
+Without the walls of the University there are also those who have given
+aid. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dr. Edward T.
+Devine of New York, of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas
+Mackay, of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John Public
+Library. He has enjoyed the coöperation of many friends and
+fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to thank particularly, Miss L. F.
+Barnaby, of the Halifax Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the
+Halifax Welfare Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr.
+W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. Monaghan,
+Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr.
+R. M. Hattie, Secretary of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr.
+Franklin B. Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health
+Commission, Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax Board of Trade,
+Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children,
+and last of all and most of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J.
+Johnstone, editor of the _Dartmouth Independent_.
+
+ S. H. P.
+
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1920.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+ INTRODUCTION
+ PAGE
+
+ The "catastrophe" in sociological literature 13
+
+ The "catastrophic view" _vs._ progress in evolution 14
+
+ Factors in social change 15
+
+ The stimuli factors 16
+
+ What crises mean 16
+
+ Communities and great vicissitudes 19
+
+ Causes of immobility 19
+
+ Catastrophe and progress 21
+
+ Historic cases suggested for study 23
+
+
+ CHAPTER I
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+ The City of Halifax 25
+
+ Terrific nature of the explosion 26
+
+ Destruction of life and property 26
+
+ The subsequent fire and storms 29
+
+ Annihilation of homes 31
+
+ Arresting of business 31
+
+ Disintegration of the social order 32
+
+
+ CHAPTER II
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+ Shock reaction 36
+
+ Hallucination 37
+
+ Primitive instincts 39
+
+ Crowd psychology 41
+
+ Phenomena of emotion 44
+
+ How men react when bereft completely 47
+
+ Post-catastrophic phenomena 48
+
+ Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality,
+ custom and law 49
+
+ Fatigue and the human will 52
+
+ The stimuli of heroism 55
+
+ Mutual aid 56
+
+
+ CHAPTER III
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+ The organization of relief 59
+
+ The disaster protocracy 60
+
+ The transition from chaos through leadership 61
+
+ Utility of association 62
+
+ Vital place of communication 62
+
+ Imitation 63
+
+ Social pressure 63
+
+ Consciousness of kind 63
+
+ Discussion 64
+
+ Circumstantial pressure 64
+
+ Climate 65
+
+ Geographic determinants 67
+
+ Classification of factors 67
+
+
+ CHAPTER IV
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (CONTINUED)
+
+ The reorganization of the civil social order 69
+
+ Division of labor 69
+
+ Resumption of normal activities 70
+
+ State and voluntary associations 71
+
+ Order of reëstablishment 71
+
+ Effects of environmental change 75
+
+ The play of imitation 77
+
+ The stimulus of lookers-on 78
+
+ Social conservation 79
+
+
+ CHAPTER V
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+ The contribution of social service 80
+
+ Its four-fold character 83
+
+ The principles of relief 85
+
+ Rehabilitation 86
+
+ Phases of application 87
+
+ Criticisms 92
+
+ A new principle 95
+
+ Social results 96
+
+ Summary for future guidance 97
+
+
+ CHAPTER VI
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+ Governmental agencies in catastrophe 102
+
+ What seems to be expected of governments 103
+
+ What they actually do 103
+
+ Social legislation 104
+
+ A permanent contribution 109
+
+
+ CHAPTER VII
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+ Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities
+ recover from disaster 111
+
+ The case of San Francisco 111
+
+ The case of Halifax 112
+
+ Social surplus 112
+
+ The equipmental factors 113
+
+ Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of
+ public response 114
+
+ Catastrophe insurance 116
+
+ A practical step 117
+
+
+ CHAPTER VIII
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+ The unchanging Halifax of the years 118
+
+ The causes of social immobility 119
+
+ The new birthday 122
+
+ The indications of change--appearance, expansion of business,
+ population, political action, city-planning, housing, health,
+ education, recreation, community spirit 123
+
+ Carsten's prophecy 140
+
+
+ CHAPTER IX
+
+ CONCLUSION
+
+ Recapitulation 141
+
+ The various steps in the study presented in propositional form 142
+
+ The rôle of catastrophe 145
+
+ Index 147
+
+
+
+
+ "This awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does
+ not end so. It is the way its chapters open."--_St. Augustine._
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+The "catastrophe" in sociological literature--The "catastrophic view"
+_vs._ progress in evolution--Factors in social change--The stimuli
+factors--What crises mean--Communities and great vicissitudes--Causes of
+immobility--Catastrophe and progress--Historic cases suggested for
+study.
+
+
+There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one of the
+attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. But of all such
+fields none is more interesting than the factor of catastrophe in social
+change.
+
+And strangely enough, if there are but few references to the problem in
+all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not because catastrophies are
+few. Indeed it would seem that with the advent of the industrial age,
+disasters grow more frequent every year.[1] Many are small, no doubt,
+touching but the life of a village or a borough--a broken dyke, a bridge
+swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again write themselves on the
+pages of History--an Ohio flood, an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San
+Francisco earthquake, a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes
+its records of social change--some to be effaced in a twelve-month--some
+to outlast a generation. Records they are, for the most part unread. How
+to read them is the problem. And it may be that when readers have grown
+in number and the script is better known, we shall be able to seize the
+moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably its power for social
+good.
+
+ [1] "Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of
+ lives, have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no
+ fewer than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property
+ valued at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past
+ experience is that each year no less than half a dozen such
+ catastrophies will occur." (Deacon J. Byron, _Disasters_, N. Y., 1918,
+ p. 7.) This quotation refers to the United States alone.
+
+To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The dictionary
+calls catastrophe "an event producing a subversion of the order or
+system of things," and such as "may or may not be a cause of misery to
+man."[2] It is desirable however to limit the use of the term, in
+primary investigations at least, to those disasters which affect
+communities rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more
+amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, famine, and
+financial panic are too general in character, and function on too grand
+a scale for satisfactory treatment, at least until the ground is
+cleared. It is necessary also to limit this investigation to those
+social changes which follow upon catastrophies, rather than precede
+them. For there are social effects which result from living in
+anticipation of disaster, such as are observable among communities in
+volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, it would be
+likely to lead the investigator too far afield into the realm of
+speculation. Nevertheless a general point of view is necessary to give
+meaning to even a limited treatment of the theme. For this purpose there
+may be contrasted the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by
+that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of progress
+through evolution. The former looks upon history as a series of
+vicissitudes mercifully ending one day in final cataclysm. The spirit of
+apocalyptic expectancy prevails. Social conditions rest hopelessly
+static. Faith is pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can
+endure. Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, pictured like
+an escalade with resident forces lifting the world to better days.
+Progress becomes a smooth continuous growth. On the other hand the newer
+philosophy sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive
+evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.[3] There
+are great stretches of smooth and even current in the stream, but always
+along the course are seen the rapid and the water-fall, the eddy and
+reversing tide. The latter is the general subject of this dissertation,
+and its thesis is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and
+specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must be left to
+abler hands.
+
+ [2] Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo
+ express receipts used to call quaintly "Acts of God, Indians and other
+ public enemies of the government."
+
+ [3] If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there
+ not reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and
+ short-time changes which her observers note? May it not well be that
+ the ever-swinging pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that
+ the miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it
+ wholesome and sweet?
+
+ "The old order changeth yielding place to the new.
+ And God fulfils Himself in many ways
+ Lest one good custom should corrupt the world."
+ --Tennyson, Alfred, _The Passing of Arthur_.
+
+The conception of social change as used in this monograph also needs
+definition. By social change is meant those rapid mutations which
+accompany sudden interferences with the equilibrium of society, break up
+the _status-quo_, dissipate mental inertia and overturn other tendencies
+resistant to structural modification. The various forces which initiate
+such disturbances are factors in social change. These factors may be
+intra-social,--within the group--such factors as operate in the regular
+social process, imitation and adaptation, for example; or they may be
+extra-social, "stimuli" factors--from without the group--such as,
+accidental, extraneous or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may be
+one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or rapid changes of
+environment.[4]
+
+ [4] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 189.
+
+These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study by scientific
+method. However important the accumulation of impulses toward social
+transformation may be, there is often a single "precipitating factor"
+which acts as the "igniting spark" or "the knocking away of the
+stay-block," or "the turning of a lever."[5] It is among such
+extra-social or "stimuli" factors that catastrophe falls as a
+precipitating agent in social change.
+
+ [5] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 198.
+
+The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires attention,
+and it will be clarifying to our thought at this point to distinguish
+carefully between crisis and catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature
+of the former really is. The word "crisis" is of Greek origin, meaning a
+point of culmination and separation, an instant when change one way or
+another is impending. Crises are those critical moments which are, as we
+say, big with destiny. Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of
+victory turns. Diseases have them--the seventh day in pneumonia, or the
+fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford numerous
+illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.[6] There are
+critical years of stress and strain--the ages of fourteen and forty in
+life-histories, the latter being according to Sir Robertson Nicoll the
+most dangerous hour of existence. Other crises are "hours of insight" in
+the world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of
+action,--that "tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood
+leads on to fortune," hours of doubt in religion "when all the gods are
+dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+than a relative term. It describes a situation which is no ordinary
+member of a line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures
+radical change in the immediate future." He distinguishes between a
+crisis and a revolution. "The difference between a revolution and a
+crisis is the difference between the fire and the moment when someone
+with a lighted match in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be
+lighted." The term covers the situation preceding change, whether this
+situation be the culmination of a process or the result of some
+particular stimulus. "It is not necessarily precipitated by great
+issues. Quite as often it is occasioned by events .... which are so
+related to a new situation as to set in motion an entire group of forces
+as a match kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid."[7] The
+failure to distinguish between that which occasions the crisis and the
+crisis itself has been the source of some confusion in thinking. "Defeat
+in battle, floods, drought, pestilence and famine," are not strictly
+crises, but they super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything
+which brings about "a disturbance of habit," though it be simply "an
+incident, a stimulation or a suggestion." In short, crises are the
+result either of a slowly maturing process or of sudden strain or shock;
+and the nature of the reaction in the crisis-hour is nothing more than
+the effort towards the reëstablishment of habits, new or old, when the
+former functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been
+pointed out, is closely correlated with attention.
+
+ [6] Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases.
+
+ [7] Mathews, Shailer, _The Church in the Changing Order_ (N. Y.,
+ 1907), ch. i, p. 1.
+
+ When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is
+ not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit,
+ the attention is called into play, and devises a new mode of
+ behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention
+ establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function so to
+ do.[8]
+
+ [8] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+ 1909), Introduction, p. 17.
+
+What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as the
+reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings has been
+the first to make the sociological application:
+
+ Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are the most
+ stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are not
+ unchanging. Under new and widening experience they suffer attrition
+ and are modified. Instincts and with them emotion and imagination
+ which largely fills the vast realm between instinct and reason are
+ reconditioned. The word means simply that reflexes and higher
+ processes subjected to new experiences are in a degree or entirely
+ detached from old stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to
+ time also traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by
+ crisis. Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized,
+ discussed. It is rationally deliberated.[9]
+
+ [9] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+ of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401.
+
+Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, as when
+revolutions break. The alternate truth that the catastrophies themselves
+are re-agents to generate the crisis-situation has not been so commonly
+noted. Nevertheless the disintegration of the normal by shock and
+calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle.
+
+Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of individual
+men rather than in the case of communities that the observations have
+been recorded. Our biographies teem with instances of personal crises
+precipitated by a great shock or disappointment--Hawthorne's dismissal
+from the custom house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the
+refusal of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of
+Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott.
+
+Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic of the
+crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity[10] into which
+the individual is thrown. Life becomes like molten metal. It enters a
+state of flux[11] from which it must reset upon a principle, a creed, or
+purpose. It is shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old
+customs crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a state of
+potentiality for reverse directions. The subject may "fall down" or he
+may "fall up." The presence of dynamic forces in such a state means
+change. But the precise rôle of the individual mind in a period of
+crisis is a problem not for sociology but for psychology.
+
+ [10] The phrases "The world in a welter," "nations in the melting
+ pot," "life in the smelting oven," are commonly heard and suggest a
+ solution stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to
+ crystallization.
+
+ [11] Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote:
+
+ I lost
+ All feeling of conviction and in fine
+ Sick, wearied out with contrarieties
+ Yielded up moral questions in despair.
+ --_Prelude_, bk. xi.
+
+The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social change is also
+true, however, of the community. Fluidity is not the usual state of
+society.
+
+ Most of the "functions" of society have no tendency to disturb the
+ _status quo_. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, so long
+ as births and death balance, production so far as it is balanced by
+ consumption, exchange so long as the argosies of commerce carry
+ goods and not ideas, education so far as it passes on the
+ traditional culture, these together with recreation, social
+ intercourse, worship, social control, government and the
+ administration of justice are essentially statical. They might
+ conceivably go on forever without producing change.[12]
+
+ [12] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 200.
+
+Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility,
+conservatism and "determined resistance to change." The chief reason for
+this immobility is habit:[13]
+
+ When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most resemble
+ the instincts of animals. And the great part of our life is lived in
+ the region of habit. The habits like the instincts are safe and
+ serviceable. They have been tried and are associated with a feeling
+ of security. There consequently grows up in the folk mind a
+ determined resistance to change ... a state of rapid and constant
+ change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a
+ result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to
+ revise certain habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is
+ possible under such conditions for a society to become stationary or
+ to attempt to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the
+ present status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is
+ particularly marked among savages. In the absence of science and a
+ proper estimate of the value of change they rely on ritual and magic
+ and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the past. Change is
+ consequently introduced with a maximum of resistance ... Indeed the
+ only world in which change is at a premium and is systematically
+ sought is the modern scientific world.[14]
+
+But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of custom by
+catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered right and left.
+Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. There comes a sudden chance for
+permanent social change.
+
+ [13] To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1)
+ Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of
+ population owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4)
+ Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government.
+
+ [14] Thomas, _op. cit._, pp. 20, 21.
+
+Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. The destruction of
+a mill may change the economic outlook of a village. The loss of a
+bridge may result in an entirely different school system for an isolated
+community; a cloud-burst may move a town. Great visitations, like the
+Chicago fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social
+processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a single instance
+the latter city. Its quick recovery has been called one of the wonders
+of the age. In the very midst of surrounding desolation and business
+extinction, the Californian city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition,
+and its citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all
+world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which succeed
+relatively small disturbances are often such as to elude an estimate.
+The reason has been well suggested that "big crises bring changes about
+most easily because they affect all individuals alike at the same time."
+In other words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see,
+therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only is fluidity
+fundamental to social change, but the degree of fluidity seems to vary
+directly as the shock and extent of the catastrophe.
+
+There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe upon social
+progress. The following words are quotable in this connection:
+
+ It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people has a
+ certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, and the
+ most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous life. Our proverb
+ "Necessity is the mother of invention" is the formulation in
+ folk-thought of this principle of social change.[15]
+
+We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion as to the
+principle concerned--namely, that progress is a natural and an assured
+result of change. The point is that catastrophe always means social
+change. There is not always progress. It is well to guard against
+confusion here. Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress
+means "amelioration, perfectionment." The latter will be seen to depend
+on other things--the nature of the shock, the models presented, the
+community culture and morale, the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on.
+The single case of Galveston, Texas,[16] is sufficient to disprove the
+too optimistic hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform.
+Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, and in spite
+of superior commercial advantages was outgrown by a rival fifty miles
+away. At the same time the case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in
+mind. Here also was a flood-stricken city and she became "the Gem City
+of the West." The principle[17] thus appears to be that progress in
+catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, some of
+which are subject to social control.
+
+ [15] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 18.
+
+ [16] "It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North
+ America. In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing
+ enormous damage and loss of life. While the city has had a certain
+ growth since that time, it has been far outstripped by Houston,
+ Dallas, and other Texas cities."--Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a
+ letter to the author.
+
+ [17] Another principle is suggested for study by the following
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+ revolution in the conditions of life or thought produces not sudden,
+ but gradual changes in society." This might easily be elaborated.
+
+It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope of eventual
+social control over disaster-stricken cities, and the transmutation of
+seeming evil into tremendous good. And this is in addition to the many
+practical social lessons which we have already been intelligent enough
+to preserve, such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient
+charity organization.
+
+How much of man's advancement has been directly or indirectly due to
+disaster?[18] The question asks itself and it is a question as yet
+without an answer. When the answer is at last written, will there not be
+many surprises? Pitt-Rivers tells us that "the idea of a large boat
+might have been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated down
+the rivers before the eyes of men."[19] A terrible storm at sea gave
+America its first rice.[20] City-planning may be said to have taken its
+rise in America as a result of the Chicago fire, and the rôle of
+catastrophe in the progress of social legislation is a study in itself.
+The impetus thus received is immeasurable. Historically,
+labor-legislation took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever
+in the cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine
+disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the Triangle fire
+which led to the appropriation of funds for a factory investigation
+commission in the State of New York. The sinking of the Titanic has
+greatly reduced the hazards of the sea.
+
+ [18] The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a
+ recent article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks "whether often, if
+ not always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the
+ poet] the will to create."--Marks, Jeanette, "Disaster and Poetry,"
+ _North American Review_, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93.
+
+ [19] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 23.
+
+ [20] In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South
+ Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of
+ seed.
+
+It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days to come who
+invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not entirely without ground
+for the faith which is in them; and that catastrophies are frequently
+only re-agents of further progress. But this is merely introductory.
+Thought becomes scientific only when its conclusions are checked up and
+under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to such procedure it
+must still remain opinion or belief.
+
+The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field in sociology.
+Knowledge will grow scientific only after the most faithful examination
+of many catastrophies. But it must be realized that the data of the
+greatest value is left ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the
+social memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the event. It
+is, therefore, of the utmost importance that sociological studies of
+Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and other disaster cities
+should be initiated at once.[21]
+
+ [21] It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume
+ treats specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of
+ many disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his
+ conclusions. He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax
+ in 1917, and at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of
+ the expeditions to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street
+ explosion occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects.
+
+Of such a series--if the work can be done--this little volume on Halifax
+is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that the many inadequacies of
+treatment will receive the generous allowances permitted a pioneer.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+The City of Halifax--Terrific nature of the explosion--Destruction of
+life and property--The subsequent fire and storms--Annihilation of
+homes--Arresting of business--Disintegration of the social order.
+
+
+Halifax is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of Canada on her Atlantic
+seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+the southeastern shoreline of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with
+a magnificent harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three
+finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely ride at
+anchor. The possession of this harbor, together with ample defences, and
+a fortunate situation with regard to northern Europe established the
+Garrison City, early in the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the
+Dominion. Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third
+shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the transports came,
+and the giant freighters to join their convoy. Cruisers and men-of-war
+put in to use its great dry-dock, or take on coal. Here too, cleared the
+supply and munition boats--some laden with empty shells, others with
+high explosives destined for the distant fields of battle. How much of
+the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went during those
+fateful years is not publicly known.[22] Certainly there was too much to
+breed a sense of safety, but no one gave the matter second thought. All
+were intent upon the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day
+was each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung across
+the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly the sea and sky.
+The forts were fully manned. The gunners ready. The people knew these
+things, and no one dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure
+in her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic.
+
+ [22] During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of
+ munitions passed over the railroad piers of Halifax.
+
+About midway in the last two years of war--to be exact December,
+1917,--a French munitioner[23] heavily laden with trinitrotoluol, the
+most powerful of known explosives, reached Halifax from New York. On the
+early morning of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her
+own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the basin--an oval
+expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called Turple Head. Suddenly an
+empty Belgian relief ship[24] swept through the Narrows directly in her
+pathway. There was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers.
+The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook the world!
+
+ [23] The _Mont Blanc_, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis
+ Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons gross,
+ 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam,
+ speed 7½ to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy.
+ Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons
+ benzol, employed in carrying munitions to France.
+
+ [24] The _Imo_, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners
+ Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons
+ register, steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to
+ 12 knots, outward bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying
+ food to Belgium.
+
+War came to America that morning. Two thousand slain, six thousand
+injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five millions of dollars in
+property destroyed, three hundred acres left a smoking waste, churches,
+schools, factories blown down or burned--such was the appalling havoc of
+the greatest single explosion in the history of the world.[25] It was an
+episode which baffles description. It is difficult to gain from words
+even an approximate idea of the catastrophe and what followed in its
+trail.
+
+ [25] The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of
+ dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor.
+
+It was all of a sudden--a single devastating blast; then the sound as of
+the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. Men and women cowered under the
+shower of debris and glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank,
+and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men looked dumbly
+into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack of doom. To some death was
+quick and merciful in its coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to
+and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+themselves forth into the light--naked, blackened, unrecognizable human
+shapes. They lay prone upon the streetside, under the shadow of the
+great death-cloud which still dropped soot and oil and water. It was
+truly a sight to make the angels weep.
+
+Men who had been at the front said they had seen nothing so bad in
+Flanders. Over there men were torn with shrapnel, but the victims were
+in all cases men. Here father and mother, daughter and little child, all
+fell in "one red burial blent." A returned soldier said of it: "I have
+been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the top. Friends and
+comrades have been shot in my presence. I have seen scores of dead men
+lying upon the battlefield, but the sight .... was a thousand times
+worse and far more pathetic."[26] A well-known relief worker who had
+been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after those
+disasters said "I am impressed by the fact that this is much the saddest
+disaster I have seen." It has been compared to the scenes pictured by
+Lord Lytton in his tale of the last days of Pompeii:
+
+ True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing down
+ upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers in fierce
+ flames. But every other sickening detail was present--that of
+ crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling homes, and cruel
+ flame and fire. And there were showers, not it is true of ashes from
+ the vortex of the volcano, but of soot and oil and water, of
+ death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and deck and boiler, of glass
+ and wood and of the shattered ship.[27]
+
+Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss "in all five of the ways it
+is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, permanent injury,
+temporary injury, personal property loss, and real property loss."[28]
+Here were to be found in one dread assembling the combined horrors of
+war, earthquake, fire, flood, famine and storm--a combination seen for
+the first time in the records of human disaster.
+
+ [26] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+ [27] McGlashen, Rev. J. A., _The Patriot_ (Dartmouth, N. S.).
+
+ [28] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158.
+
+It was an earthquake[29] so violent that when the explosion occurred the
+old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. The citadel trembled, the
+whole horizon seemed to move with the passing of the earth waves. These
+were caught and registered, their tracings[30] carefully preserved, but
+the mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster and
+collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim brought death and
+burial at one and the same time.
+
+ [29] "The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was
+ practically the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the
+ ground." (MacMechan, Archibald, "Halifax in Ruins," _The Canadian
+ Courier_, vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.)
+
+ [30] The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the
+ hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05.
+
+It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic tidal wave,
+fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and embankment into the
+lower streets, and receding, left boats and wreckage high and dry, but
+carried to a watery doom score upon score of human lives. Nearly two
+hundred men were drowned.
+
+It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for a second
+filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves secretly within
+the lightning discharge of gas, only to burst out in gusts of sudden
+flame. Numberless buildings were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught
+to the northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was crimson;
+below, a living crematorium--church and school, factory and home burned
+together in one fierce conflagration; and the brave firemen knew that
+there were men and women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past
+self-help. Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but in
+vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, but often failed
+to save alive the captives of the flame. And so the last dread process
+went on,--earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. And when the
+fires at last abated, the north end of the City of Halifax looked like
+some blackened hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the
+spring.
+
+But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments was the
+tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting ship. It wrought instant havoc
+everywhere. Trees were torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like
+toothpicks. Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses.
+Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses collapsed on all
+sides. Steamers were slammed against the docks. Then followed a
+veritable air-raid, when the sky rained iron fragments upon the helpless
+city. Like a meteoric shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand
+roofs, and with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea.
+
+Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this _Dies Irae_. Scarce
+was the catastrophe an hour old when the news was flashed around that a
+second explosion was approaching. It was the powder magazine in the
+Navy-yard, and the flames were perilously near. Through the crowded
+streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to come. "Flee!....
+Flee!.... Get into the open ground" was the cry. Shops were abandoned
+unguarded, goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till was
+closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, driven like
+animals before a prairie fire--yet this was not all; for "the plight of
+the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, the cripples, the
+nursing mothers, the pregnant can not be described."
+
+It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the Younger tells:
+
+ You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children and the
+ shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; others their
+ parents, others their wives and husbands ... one lamenting his own
+ fate, another that of his family. Some praying to die from the very
+ fear of dying, many lifting their hands to the gods, but the greater
+ part imagining that there were no gods left anywhere, and that the
+ last and eternal night was come upon the world.[31]
+
+It has been said that "Moscow was no more deserted before Napoleon than
+were the shattered streets of Halifax when this flight had been carried
+out."[32] And when the hegira was over, and when there had ensued a
+partial recovery from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony
+had yet to be undergone--a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, rain,
+floods and zero weather were even then upon the way. They came in close
+procession and as if to crown and complete the terrors of the great
+catastrophe thunder rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly
+the snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax--"a calamity
+the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination of the world."[33]
+
+ [31] Pliny, _Letters_ (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495.
+
+ [32] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii,
+ p. 24.
+
+ [33] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+ 1918), p. 57.
+
+The description here concluded, brief and inadequate as it is, will
+sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the catastrophic shock, and
+explain how utter and complete was the social disintegration which
+followed.
+
+There was the disintegration of the home and the family,--the
+reproductive system of society--its members sundered and helpless to
+avert it. There was the disintegration of the regulative
+system--government was in perplexity, and streets were without patrol.
+There was the disintegration of the sustaining system--a dislocation of
+transportation, a disorganization of business while the wheels of
+industry ceased in their turning. There was a derangement of the
+distributive system[34]--of all the usual services, of illumination,
+water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was impossible to
+communicate with the outside world. There were no cars, no mails, no
+wires. There was a time when the city ceased to be a city, its citizens
+a mass of unorganized units--struggling for safety, shelter, covering
+and bread. As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; "The whole elements of
+civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied and
+complicated machinery of social life was left save the primal law of
+self preservation."[35]
+
+ [34] Spencer, Herbert, _The Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1908),
+ pt. ii, p. 499 _et seq._
+
+ [35] Lytton, Lord, _The Last Days of Pompeii_ (London, 1896), p. 405.
+
+A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts of the
+disaster night and the beautiful evening before.
+
+ What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no happy
+ throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the fire-side.
+ The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead of laughter,
+ weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing pain; instead of Elysian
+ dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears and sorrow were in the way and all
+ the daughters of music were brought low ... Halifax had become in a
+ trice a city of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.[36]
+
+To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories that first
+night, to have seen men, women and children, of all stations, huddled
+together on the stages of theatres, the chancels of churches, in
+stables, box-cars and basements was to have beheld a rift in the social
+structure such as no community had ever known. Old traditional social
+lines were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe smashed
+through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also smashed through fixed
+traditions, social divisions and old standards, making a rent which
+would not easily repair. Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid,
+official and bellboy met for the first time as victims of a common
+calamity.
+
+ [36] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when Mr. Ratshesky of
+the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he could report: "An awful sight
+presented itself, buildings shattered on all sides--chaos apparent." In
+a room in the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled "men and
+women trying to organize different departments of relief, while other
+rooms were filled to utmost capacity with people pleading for doctors,
+nurses, food, and clothing for themselves and members of their families.
+Everything was in turmoil."[37] This account faithfully expresses the
+disintegration which came with the great shock of what had come to pass.
+It is this disintegration and the resultant phenomena which are of
+utmost importance for the student of social science to observe. To be
+quite emotionally free in the observation of such phenomena, however, is
+almost impossible. It has been said of sociological investigations that
+
+ observation is made under bias because the facts under review are
+ those of human life and touch human interest. A man can count the
+ legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because he thinks there
+ are too many or too few. But when he observes the life of the
+ society in which he moves, lives and has his being, or some other
+ society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or disapproves, is
+ edified or horrified, by what he observes. When he does that he
+ passes a moral judgment.[38]
+
+Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In our present
+study it is natural that our sympathy reactions should be especially
+strong. "_Quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam_" must be our
+motto. As students we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from
+them, and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's
+patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect of
+large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must learn well when the
+abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies and when social processes are
+seen magnified by a thousand diameters. Only thus can we hope for
+advances that will endure.
+
+ [37] Ratshesky, A. C., "Report of Halifax Relief Expedition," _The
+ State_ (Boston, 1918), p. 11.
+
+ [38] Keller, A. G., "Sociology and Science," _The Nation_ (N. Y., May
+ 4, 1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275.
+
+In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the reorganization
+of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society itself as it reacts under
+the stimulus of catastrophe, and adjusts itself to the circumstantial
+pressure of new conditions.
+
+Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the next chapter, to glance
+at a number of social phenomena which should be recorded and examined in
+the light of social psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of
+each chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose if
+thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted in
+disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of the usual methods
+of social control and dissolution of the customary; that through the
+catastrophe the community was thrown into the state of flux which, as
+was suggested in the introduction, is the logical and natural
+prerequisite for social change; and finally that the shock was of a
+character such as "to affect all individuals alike at the same time,"
+and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable to social change.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+Shock reaction--Hallucination--Primitive instincts--Crowd
+psychology--Phenomena of emotion--How men react when bereft
+completely--Post-catastrophic phenomena--Human nature in the absence of
+repression by conventionality, custom and law--Fatigue and the human
+will--The stimuli of heroism--Mutual aid.
+
+
+Social Psychology is a subject of primary importance to the student of
+society. Like Sociology itself its field is far from being exhausted.
+One looks in vain for a treatment of disaster psychology. In such a
+study the diverse phenomena involved would be of interest to the
+psychologist. Their effects in retarding or promoting social
+organization would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects
+in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the major subjective
+reactions as they were to be seen in the Halifax catastrophe.
+
+It is improbable that any single community has ever presented so
+composite a picture of human traits in such bold relief as appeared in
+the City of Halifax upon the day of the explosion. Human phenomena which
+many knew of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that he
+who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions there was
+abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, primitive instincts,
+and crowd psychology as well of other phenomena all of which have
+important sociological significance tending either to prolong
+disintegration, or to hasten social recovery.
+
+The first of these phenomena was the "stun" of the catastrophe itself.
+The shock reaction at Halifax has been variously described. It has been
+graphically likened "to being suddenly stricken with blindness and
+paralysis." It was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. "We
+died a thousand horrible deaths" ran one description, "the nervous shock
+and terror were as hard to bear as were the wounds." "The people are
+dazed," wrote another observer, "they have almost ceased to exercise the
+sensation of pain." This physiological reaction animals and men shared
+alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses was as of beasts
+which had suddenly gone mad.
+
+A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction is the abnormal
+action of the glands. The disturbance of the sympathetic nervous system
+produced by the emotional stress and strain of a great excitement or a
+great disappointment is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of
+glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness was
+precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of the disaster.[39]
+Among cases observed were those of diabetes, tuberculosis and
+hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous instability to which reference
+is subsequently made. Such an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism--exaggerated
+action of the thyroid gland--is said to have followed the Kishineff
+massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids on London.[40]
+As to diabetes, it has been shown that
+
+ emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a step
+ toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear in
+ persons under emotional strain ... so common is this particular
+ result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone has said that
+ "when stocks go down in New York, diabetes goes up."[41]
+
+ [39] For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an
+ explosion at short range, _vide_ Roussy and Llermette, _The
+ Psychoneuroses of War_ (London, 1918), ch. x.
+
+ [40] Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society,
+ London.
+
+ [41] Crile, George W., _The Origin and Nature of the Emotions_
+ (Phila., 1915), p. 163.
+
+Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have to note the presence
+of hallucination in disaster.
+
+ Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. For
+ example, the patient sees an object which has no real existence, or
+ hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations are termed visual,
+ auditory, tactile, _etc._ according to the sense to which the false
+ impression appears to belong.[42]
+
+Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. It is
+sense-perception colored by association. It is the power of a dominant
+idea that, unbidden, enters the field of consciousness and takes
+possession of even the senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to
+dominate most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality--the
+expected Germans. For a long time there had been under public discussion
+the question as to whether or not the city would be shelled by Zeppelin
+raiders, or possibly by a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been
+darkened by military orders. The failure to draw window shades had been
+subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked upward when there
+came the crash, and when seeing the strange unusual cloud beheld the
+Zeppelin of fancy. A man residing on the outskirts of the town of
+Dartmouth "heard" a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth
+Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here perhaps the vista is
+most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. The instant after the
+explosion a citizen standing here "saw" clearly a German fleet
+manoeuvering in the distance.[43] That shells had actually come few on
+the instant doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not to
+run elsewhere, as "two shots never fall in the same place."
+
+ [42] Hart, Bernard, _The Psychology of Insanity_ (Cambridge, 1916),
+ ch. iii, p. 30.
+
+ [43] "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+ Ships, armies, battles in the firmament
+ Till steady eyes the exhalations solve
+ And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve."
+ --Defoe, _Journal of the Plague Year_.
+
+This--a German assault--was the great mental explanation that came into
+the majority of minds. There was one other--that of the end of the
+world. Many fell to their knees in prayer. One woman was found in the
+open yard by her broken home repeating the general confession of the
+church. Few would have been surprised if out of the smoky cloud-ridden
+skies there should have appeared the archangels announcing the
+consummation of mundane affairs. Indeed there were instances, not a few,
+of those who "saw" in the death-cloud "the clear outlines of a face."
+Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were manifested to a degree.
+
+Hallucination has been described as "seeing" something which has no
+basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, which is rather a
+misinterpretation of what is seen. "Delusions are closely allied to
+hallucinations and generally accompany the latter. The distinction lies
+in the fact that delusions are not false sensations but false
+beliefs."[44] Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous
+shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve the judgment
+of perception. This was especially noticeable at Halifax in the hospital
+identification, particularly of children. A distracted father looked
+into a little girl's face four different times but did not recognize her
+as his own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence
+was also noted. A fond parent time and time again "discovered" his lost
+child, "seeing" to complete satisfaction special marks and features on
+its little body. But often there were present those who knew better, and
+the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon was repeated in
+numberless instances at the morgue. Wearied and white after frantic and
+fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+overwrought searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and
+suddenly "recognize" a missing relative or friend.[45] Regretfully the
+attendant fulfilled the same thankless task from day to day. There had
+been no recognition at all. The observer had seen "not the object itself
+but the image evoked in the mind."[46]
+
+ [44] Hart, _op. cit._, ch. iii, p. 31.
+
+ [45] For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, _vide_
+ Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind_ (London),
+ bk. i, ch. i, p. 51.
+
+ [46] _Ibid._, p. 51.
+
+The primitive instincts of man were for a long time vaguely and loosely
+defined, until James and later McDougall essayed to give them name and
+number. But only with Thorndike's critical examination has it become
+clear how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation
+back to the elemental or "primal movers of all human activity."
+Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing save a set of
+original tendencies to respond to stimuli in more or less definite
+directions. When he speaks of instincts it is to mean only a "series of
+situations and responses" or "a set of tendencies for various situations
+to arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, _etc._ with which certain
+bodily movements usually go." Among them, there are those resulting in
+"food-getting and habitation," in "fear, fighting and anger" and in
+"human intercourse."[47] But McDougall's classification preserves the
+old phrases, and men are likely to go on speaking of the "instinct of
+flight," the "instinct of pugnacity," "parental instinct," "gregarious
+instinct" and the others.[48] For the sociologist it is enough that all
+agree that men are held under some powerful grip of nature and driven at
+times almost inevitably to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their
+social effects.
+
+ [47] Thorndike, Edward L., _The Original Nature of Man_ (N. Y., 1913),
+ ch. v, p. 43 _et seq._
+
+ [48] McDougall, William, _An Introduction to Social Psychology_
+ (Boston, 1917), ch. iii, p. 49 _et seq._
+
+In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most plainly and less
+subject to the re-conditioning influences of ordinary life. This was
+especially noticeable at Halifax. The instinct of flight for
+self-preservation was reflected in the reaction of thousands. "Almost
+without thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation
+I backed from the window to a small store-room and stood there
+dazed."[49] The experience so described may be said to have been
+general. This instinct was to be seen again in the action of the crew of
+the explosives-laden ship. Scarcely had the collision occurred when the
+whole complement lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the
+nearest shore--which happened to be that opposite to Halifax--and
+"scooted for the woods." As the ship, although set on fire immediately
+after the impact, did not actually blow up until some twenty minutes
+later, much might have been done by men less under the domination of
+instinct, in the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable
+catastrophe.[50]
+
+ [49] Sheldon, J., _The Busy East_ (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March,
+ 1918.
+
+ [50] The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: "The master
+ and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in
+ not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a
+ probable explosion." (Drysdale Commission, _Judgment of_, sec. viii.)
+
+The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine example of
+difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as also in other instances,
+some suggestive of that early combat when animals and men struggled for
+mere physical existence.
+
+The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and was reflected not
+only in the sacrifices made and the privations endured by parents for
+their young, but in every act of relief, which arose in involuntary
+response to the cry of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the
+phenomenon often noticed in disasters that "immediately and
+spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to the work of rescue
+and first aid."[51]
+
+ [51] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151.
+
+The gregarious instinct--the instinct to herd--showed itself in the
+spontaneous groupings which came about and which seemed somehow to be
+associated with feelings of security from further harm. The refugees
+found comfort in the group. They rarely remained alone.
+
+These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less degree of
+complication were to be remarked of the actions not only of individuals
+but of groups as well. In the latter the typical phenomena of crowd
+psychology were manifested upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be
+what it is--"the like response of many to a socially inciting event or
+suggestion such as sudden danger." Out of a mere agglomeration of
+individuals and under the stress of emotional excitement there arose
+that mental unity, which Le Bon emphasizes.[52] There was noticeable the
+feeling of safety associated with togetherness which Trotter
+suggests.[53] There was the suggestibility, with its preceding
+conditions which Sidis[54] has clarified, namely, expectancy,
+inhibition, and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were the
+triple characteristics which Giddings notes: "Crowds are subject to
+swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive to suggestion .... and
+always manifest a tendency to carry suggested ideas immediately into
+action."[55]
+
+ [52] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26.
+
+ [53] Trotter, William, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_
+ (London, 1919), p. 31.
+
+ [54] Sidis, Boris, _The Psychology of Suggestion_ (N. Y., 1919),
+ ch. vi, p. 56 _et seq._
+
+ [55] Giddings, Franklin H., _Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1916),
+ bk. ii, ch. ii, p. 136.
+
+Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none more apt than
+those furnished by the reactions following the Halifax tragedy. Only
+Pliny's narrative of the flight from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the
+story of the "Day of Fear" in France,[56] or that depicting the days of
+the comet[57] are comparable thereto.
+
+ [56] Stephens, Henry M., _A History of the French Revolution_ (N. Y.,
+ 1886), vol. i, p. 179.
+
+ [57] Wells, H. G., _In the Days of the Comet_ (N. Y., 1906).
+
+At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. Some ran to the
+streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in the shops ran home. This was
+in the area of wounds and bruises. Farther north was the area of death.
+Thither the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass and
+splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came the orders of the
+soldiers, whose barracks were situated in the very heart of the danger
+district, for the people to fly southward, Common-ward, to the open
+spaces--anywhere. Another explosion was imminent. Then came further
+outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic account:
+
+ The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and fled. Hammers,
+ shovels and bandages were thrown aside. Stores were left wide open
+ with piles of currency on their counters. Homes were vacated in a
+ twinkling. Little tots couldn't understand why they were being
+ dragged along so fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did,
+ either to catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to
+ see again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them
+ the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some carried
+ children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled
+ together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled in their night
+ dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies blackened with soot
+ and grime. These had come from the destroyed section of the North
+ End. What a storm-tossed motley throng, and as varied in its aspect
+ and as poignant in its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian
+ refugees fleeing before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the
+ great majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies
+ and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they thought
+ was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where possibly its
+ shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the Common were black
+ with terrified thousands. Thousands more trudged along St.
+ Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among its trees and winding
+ curves.... Many cut down boughs and made themselves fires--for they
+ were bitterly cold. Here they were--poorly clad, badly wounded, and
+ with not one loaf of bread in all their number, so hastily did they
+ leave, when galloping horsemen announced the danger was over and it
+ was safe to return.[58]
+
+ [58] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes a crowd
+was noted.
+
+ The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some massed in
+ groups, some running anxiously back and forth like ants when their
+ hill has been crushed. There were blanched faces and trembling
+ hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation and every bearer of
+ tidings was immediately surrounded.[59]
+
+ [59] _St. John Globe_, Correspondence, Dec., 1917.
+
+Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in the subsequent
+scenes which were witnessed in supply stations and shelters, the
+association which Sidis draws between calamity and hyper-suggestibility
+in the body politic was abundantly endorsed.
+
+We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of emotion which
+accompany a great catastrophe. This is not the less difficult because
+the term emotion is not given consistent use even by psychologists. One
+interprets it as merely the affective side of the instinctive
+process--those "modes of affective experience," such as "anger, fear,
+curiosity," which accompany the excitement of "the principal powerful
+instincts."[60] Another sees it as also an impulsive, not merely a
+receptive state. It is "the way the body feels when it is prepared for a
+certain reaction," and includes "an impulse toward the particular
+reaction."[61]
+
+ [60] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 46.
+
+ [61] Woodworth, Robert S., _Dynamic Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918),
+ ch. iii, p. 54.
+
+It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of the emotions as
+complicated states of feeling more or less allied to one another and to
+the human will.[62] Among them are jealousy and envy--"discomfort at
+seeing others approved and at being out-done by them."[63] This appeared
+repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included in
+disaster psychology. Again greed[64]--more strictly a social instinct
+than an emotion--was common. How common will receive further
+exemplification in a later chapter.
+
+ [62] "Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and
+ probably identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same
+ stimulus, namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some
+ end." (_Ibid._, p. 149.)
+
+ [63] Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 101.
+
+ [64] "To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to
+ hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them
+ away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+ p. 102.)
+
+Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment while
+evident, were of less significance. Gratitude was early shown and there
+were many formal expressions of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced
+by a feeling that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving
+their due in whatever aid was obtained.
+
+Of special interest is the rôle of the tender emotions, kindliness,
+sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions which may be expected when
+these occur in unusual exaltation through the repetition of stimuli or
+otherwise. Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the
+feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns us
+here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation is multiplex.
+Of this multiplex stimulation in collective psychology Graham Wallas has
+written:
+
+ The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the rapid
+ repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, when
+ it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is extreme
+ conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.[65] Reaction
+ is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in dreams, less
+ rationally and morally than they do if the whole of their nature is
+ brought into play.[66]
+
+ [65] M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards "the hypnosis produced by
+ emotional shock--and this occurs not only in war but in other great
+ catastrophies as well--as genetically a defence reaction, like natural
+ sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic
+ against exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called
+ death-shamming of animals." (Dide, M., _Les émotions et la guerre_
+ (Paris, 1918), Review of, _Psychological Bulletin_, vol. xv, no. 12,
+ Dec., 1918, p. 441.)
+
+ [66] Wallas, Graham, _The Great Society_ (N. Y., 1917), p. 136.
+
+What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which the presence of
+a crowd induces may be given wider application, and is indeed a most
+illuminating thought, describing exactly the psycho-emotional reactions
+produced by the stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed
+at Halifax.
+
+A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced upon a young
+doctor who operated continuously for many hours in the removal of
+injured eyes. The emotional tension he went through is expressed in his
+words to a witness: "If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder
+somebody."
+
+Another instance where conscious control of feeling and action was
+diminished was that of a soldier. He was so affected by what he passed
+through during the explosion and his two days' participation in relief
+work, that he quite unwittingly took a seat in a train departing for
+Montreal. Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings
+he recovered his memory. Over and over again he had been picturing the
+dreadful scenes which he had experienced. This condition includes a
+hyperactivity of the imagination "characterized by oneirism [oneiric
+delirium] reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which
+immediately preceded the hypogenic shock."[67]
+
+ [67] _Ibid._, p. 440.
+
+The nature of sympathy[68] may not be clearly comprehended but of its
+effects there is no doubt. It may lead to the relief of pain or induce
+the exactly opposite effect; or it may bring about so lively a distress
+as to quite incapacitate a man from giving help. Again it may lead to
+the avoidance of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no
+account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter the
+devastated area. Others by a process understood in the psychology of
+insanity secured the desired avoidance by suicide. The association of
+suicide with catastrophe has been already remarked in the case of San
+Francisco. A Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored
+hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of his emotional
+experiences too strong. He lost his mental balance and was discovered
+dead one morning near his office door. He had hanged himself during the
+night. Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness
+and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted to follow
+them in death.
+
+ [68] Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by
+ McDougall a pseudo-instinct.
+
+Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional states. Sorrow
+is painful because "the impulse is baffled and cannot attain more than
+the most scanty and imperfect satisfaction in little acts, such as the
+leaving of flowers on the grave;"[69] although the intensity is
+increased by other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of
+stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior other than
+that which commonly attends the experience of grief. A phenomenon
+associated with wholesale bereavement is the almost entire absence of
+tears. A witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the end of
+the second day that he saw tears for the first time.[70] At Halifax,
+where the loss of life was many times greater, there was little crying.
+There seemed to be indeed a miserable but strong consolation in the fact
+that all were alike involved in the same calamity.[71]
+
+ [69] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 152.
+
+ [70] O'Connor, Chas. J., _San Francisco Relief Survey_ (N. Y., 1913),
+ pt. i, p. 6.
+
+ [71] "The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their
+ character of loneliness."--(James, William, _Memories and Studies_,
+ N. Y., 1911, p. 224.)
+
+There was "no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and eager desire to
+help some one less fortunate." Another observer said: "I have never seen
+such kindly feeling. I have never seen such tender sympathy. I have
+never heard an impatient word." And this was amongst men "who were
+covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who have not had a
+night's sleep, and who go all day long without thought of food." Another
+visitor remarked "there is not a more courageous, sane and reasonable
+people. Everyone is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives and
+children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, boys and girls whose
+homes have been destroyed, are working to relieve the distress." A
+Montreal clergyman reported that "Halifax people have been meeting with
+dry eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings and
+the exposures which followed the explosion." Grief is after all "a
+passive emotion," a "reaction of helplessness." It is "a state of mind
+appropriate to a condition of affairs where nothing is to be done"--[72]
+and there was much to be done at Halifax.
+
+ [72] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 58.
+
+There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional parturition. As
+was to be expected the shock meant the immediate provision of a
+maternity hospital. Babies were born in cellars and among ruins.
+Premature births were common, one indeed taking place in the midst of
+the huddled thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common for
+permission to return to their abandoned homes. Nor were all the ills for
+which the shock was responsible immediately discernible. There were many
+post-catastrophic phenomena. Three months after the explosion many found
+themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, which the doctors
+attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. It was a condition closely
+allied to "war-neurasthenia." Another disaster after-effect also may be
+here recorded. This was the not unnatural way in which people "lived on
+edge," for a long period after the disaster. There was a readiness and
+suggestibility to respond to rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at
+least the schools were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth
+into pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of reports
+of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded of the
+sociological fact that "the more expectant, or overwrought the public
+mind, the easier it is to set up a great perturbation. After a series of
+public calamities .... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or
+sentiment."[73]
+
+ [73] Ross, Edward A., _Social Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv,
+ p. 66.
+
+There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations of
+behavior associated with the psychology of disaster relief. (1) The
+preference upon the part of the refugee for plural leadership and
+decision. (2) The aggravation of helplessness through the open
+distribution of relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion
+of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of lassitude and
+depression after a period of strain. (5) The desire for privacy during
+interviews. (6) The vital importance of prompt decision in preventing an
+epidemic of complaint.[74]
+
+ [74] A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's
+ discussion of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax.
+
+Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested in the phenomena
+of repression, inhibition and taboo. The real motives of action are
+often very different from the apparent motives which overlie them.
+Instinctive tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, but
+they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. These resistances
+are either within our minds or in society. The latter are summed up in
+conventionality, custom and law, all so relatively recent[75] in time as
+to supply a very thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have
+held sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, custom
+and law possess in a community until in some extraordinary catastrophe
+their power is broken, or what is the same thing the ability to enforce
+them is paralyzed. This fact is especially true of repressive
+enactments, and most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe
+shatters the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went on
+strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all towns to repair
+to the unguarded center, but an unexpected reserve of crookedness came
+to light within the city itself. Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of
+plunder and sacrilege which had taken place "when the pillars of the
+world tottered to and fro." At the time of the St. John Fire "loafers
+and thieves held high carnival. All night long they roamed the streets
+and thieved upon the misfortunes of others."[76]
+
+ [75] It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth
+ considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of
+ civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes.
+
+ [76] Stewart, George, _The Story of the Great Fire in St. John_
+ (Toronto, 1877), p. 35.
+
+With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum in the
+confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces of respectability and
+law practically unknown, men appeared for what they were as the
+following statement only too well discloses:
+
+ Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls or
+ vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered over the
+ bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. Men
+ taking advantage of the flight from the city because of the
+ possibility of another explosion went into houses and shops, and
+ took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold of. Then there
+ were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, who rifled the pockets of
+ the dead and dying, and snatched rings from icy fingers. A woman
+ lying unconscious on the street had her fur coat snatched from her
+ back.... One of the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a
+ shop-keeper from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time
+ a cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it to a
+ young man standing by to hold while he took the victim to a place of
+ refuge. When he returned the box was there, but the young man and
+ the money had disappeared.
+
+ Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised their rents
+ upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax Trades and Labor
+ Council adopted a resolution urging that the Mayor be authorized to
+ request all persons to report landlords who "have taken advantage of
+ conditions created by the explosion." ... Plumbers refused to hold
+ their union rules in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the
+ regular eight hours unless they received their extra rates for
+ overtime; and the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude
+ and refused to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the
+ chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when many men and
+ women were working twelve and fourteen hours a day without a cent or
+ thought of remuneration. One Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as
+ "squeezing the uttermost farthing out of the anguished necessities
+ of the homeless men, women and children." Truckmen charged
+ exorbitant prices for the transferring of goods and baggage.
+ Merchants boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving
+ child thirty cents for a loaf of bread.
+
+ On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued a
+ proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be dealt with
+ under the provisions of the law.[77]
+
+ [77] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. The military
+placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted preventing entrance to the
+ruins to those who were not supplied with a special pass. Orders were
+issued to shoot any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation,
+the warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation
+gradually became effectual.
+
+The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, may result in two
+different types of responses--that of greed on the one hand or
+altruistic emotion on the other. One individual is spurred to increased
+activity by the opportunity of business profit, another by the sense of
+social needs. Why this is so--indeed the whole field of
+profiteering--would be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it is
+due to the varying degrees of socialization represented in the different
+individuals or whether it is not also partly due to the fact that
+philanthropy functions best in a sphere out of line with a man's own
+particular occupation, the truth remains that some display an altogether
+unusual type of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and
+perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which appears normal
+in a realm of conduct where associations based on habit are so strongly
+ingrained.
+
+The human will as we have seen is in close association with the
+emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic value of the strong
+emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is first of all essential to
+remember the rôle of adrenin in counteracting the effects of fatigue.
+Wonderful phenomena of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated
+for "adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would put the
+members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal of the nervous
+system." This is "living on one's will" or on "one's nerve." There are
+"reservoirs" of power ready to pour forth streams of energy if the
+occasion presents itself. Strong emotions may become an "arsenal of
+augmented strength." This fact William James was quick to see when he
+said "on any given day there are energies slumbering within us which the
+incitements of that day do not call forth."[78] But it was left to
+Cannon to unfold the physiological reasons,[79] and for Woodworth to
+explain how the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new
+energies.[80] Indeed the will[81] is just the inner driving force of the
+individual and an effort of will is only "the development of fresh motor
+power."[82] Following the lines of least resistance the will experiences
+no unusual exercise. Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from
+life everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies.
+
+ [78] James, William, _The Energies of Men_ (N. Y., 1920), p. 11.
+
+ [79] Cannon, Walter B., _Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and
+ Rage_, ch. xi, p. 184, _et seq._
+
+ [80] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 147.
+
+ [81] Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the
+ internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers.
+ (Conklin, Edwin G., _Heredity and Environment in the Development of
+ Man_ [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.)
+
+ [82] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 149.
+
+The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was shown at Halifax
+in the remarkable way in which sick soldiers abandoned their beds and
+turned them over to the victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was
+seen again in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids
+and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the houses--a behavior
+like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp during the bombardment of that
+city in October 1914, when those who fled to Holland showed
+extraordinary resistance to fatigue.[83] The resistance to fatigue and
+suffering received more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of
+rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at their own
+power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain under the excitement of
+catastrophe. It was only on Monday (the fifth day) that collapses from
+work began to appear. Among the more generally known instances of
+unusual endurance was that of a private, who with one of his eyes
+knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. Another
+was that of a chauffeur who with a broken rib conveyed the wounded trip
+after trip to the hospital, only relinquishing the work when he
+collapsed. An unknown man was discovered at work in the midst of the
+ruins although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped with
+lesser injuries worked day and night while the crisis lasted. Many did
+not go home for days, so manifold and heavy were the tasks. There was no
+pause for comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent signs,
+the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the workers were surprised
+to find themselves aged and thin. The excitement, the stimulus of an
+overwhelming need had banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the
+congestion which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were
+men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest or sleep. One of
+the telephone terminal room staff stuck to his post for ninety-two
+hours, probably the record case of the disaster for endurance under
+pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+the work of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the
+midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; and the
+instance of the business girls who in the same weather worked for many
+hours with bottles of hot water hung about their waists. An effect which
+could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, women and little
+children endured the crudest operations without experiencing the common
+effects of pain. They seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general
+shock. Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, the
+cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often without a tremor.
+This resistance to suffering was due not only to the increase of energy
+already described but also to the fact that the prostrating effect of
+pain is largely relative to the diversion of attention,--as "headaches
+disappear promptly upon the alarm of fire" and "toothaches vanish at the
+moment of a burglar's scare." Much pain is due to the super-sensitivity
+of an area through hyperaemia, or increased blood supply, following
+concentrated attention. Thus it is actually possible by volition to
+control the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an electric
+shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. This reasoning is
+also applicable to the absence of sympathetic reactions among many
+disaster workers. They were found often to be "curiously detached and
+not greatly moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in
+the ruins and at the inquiry stations."[84]
+
+ [83] Sano, F., "Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche
+ notate durante il bombardamento di Anversa," _Rivista di psichologia_,
+ anno xi, pp. 119-128.
+
+ [84] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv,
+ p. 44.
+
+Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal which ensues become
+the stimuli of heroism and bring into play the great social virtues of
+generosity and of kindliness--which, in one of its forms, is mutual aid.
+The new conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford the
+occasion for their release. It is said that battle does to the
+individual what the developing solution does to the photographic
+plate,--brings out what is in the man. This may also be said of
+catastrophe. Every community has its socialized individuals, the
+dependable, the helpful, the considerate, as well as the "non-socialized
+survivors of savagery," who are distributed about the zero point of the
+social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of the
+"presence of extraordinary individuals in a group." The relation of them
+to a crisis is one of the most important points in the problem of
+progress.
+
+At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals as well as
+families who refused assistance that others might be relieved.
+Individual acts of finest model were written ineffaceably upon the
+social memory of the inhabitants. There was the case of a child who
+released with her teeth the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile
+of debris. A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting them
+all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph operator at the cost
+of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning message over the line and
+stopped an incoming train in the nick of time.
+
+Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding of the powder
+magazine in the naval yard an entire battery volunteered. This was why
+the second explosion did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as
+well as soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. A
+conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working on board of a ship
+laden with explosives. Fully realizing the impending danger, because of
+the nearness of the burning munitioner, they used what precious minutes
+of life remained them to protect their own ship's explosives from
+ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but a brave captain
+loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished the blaze which might
+soon have repeated in part the devastations already wrought.
+
+No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the psychology of
+helpfulness--that self-help to which the best relief workers always
+appeal, as well as of the mutual aid upon which emergency relief must
+largely depend. Mutual aid while not a primary social fact is inherent
+in the association of members of society, as it also "obtains among
+cells and organs of the vital organism." As it insured survival in the
+earlier stages of evolution[85] so it reveals itself when survival is
+again threatened by catastrophe.
+
+ [85] Kropotkin, Prince, _Mutual Aid_ (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14.
+
+The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a volume. Not only
+was it evidenced in the instances of families and friends but also in
+the realm of business. Cafés served lunches without charge. Drug stores
+gave out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks to swell
+the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community service was that of
+the Grocers' Guild announcing that its members would
+
+ fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they would
+ coöperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs free of
+ charge to any point in the city, and that their stocks were at the
+ disposal of the committee at the actual cost to them.[86]
+
+By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation of the City
+of Comrades.
+
+ [86] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled opening of the
+springs of generosity.[87] Communication has transformed mutual aid into
+a term of worldwide significance. As at San Francisco, when from all
+directions spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in
+a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and five
+steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to millions of cash
+contributions, so was it at Halifax. So it has always been, as is proven
+by Chicago, Dayton, Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances.
+The public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate sympathy.
+Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships brought relief by sea.
+Cities vied with each other in their responses. Every hour brought
+telegraphed assistance from governments and organizations. In about
+fifteen weeks approximately eight millions had been received, aside from
+the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, but the
+number of the givers which gives point to our study. So many rushed with
+their donations to the Calvin Austin before she sailed from Boston on
+her errand of relief that "the police reserves were called out to
+preserve order." A great mass of the contributions involved much
+personal sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying
+letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it was of San
+Francisco that:
+
+ all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, of
+ good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide by the
+ common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous revelation of the
+ good and fine in humanity, intermittent or dormant under ordinary
+ conditions, but dominant and all pervading in the shadow of
+ disaster.[88]
+
+Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is perhaps full
+enough to have at least outlined the social phenomena of the major sort
+which a great disaster presents. These are found to be either abnormal
+and handicapping, such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and
+promotive, such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form it
+may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+psychology, which may either retard or promote social organization.
+
+ [87] There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart
+ to a great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand
+ offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children.
+
+ [88] Bicknell, Ernest P., "In the Thick of the Relief Work at San
+ Francisco," _Charities and the Commons_, vol. xvi (June, 1906),
+ p. 299.
+
+In addition this chapter has discussed the rôle of catastrophe in
+stimulating community service, in presenting models of altruistic
+conduct, in translating energy into action, in defending law and order,
+and in bringing into play the great social virtues of generosity,
+sympathy and mutual aid.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+The organization of relief--The disaster protocracy--The transition from
+chaos through leadership--Vital place of communication--Utility of
+association--Imitation--Social pressure--Consciousness of
+kind--Discussion--Circumstantial pressure--Climate--Geographic
+determinants--Classification of factors.
+
+
+We have seen something of the disintegration which followed what has
+been called the "stun of the explosion." It included the abrupt flight
+from, and the emptying of, all the houses and centers of employment, the
+division of families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the
+utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities of
+life--food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation of
+transportation, the disorganization of business, and the problem of
+unemployment aggravated because not only was the work gone, but also
+with it the will to work.
+
+Social organization comes next in order and because its process was
+associated with the organization of relief--the first social
+activity--the sociological factors observed in the latter call for
+descriptive treatment. When the human organism receives an accident to
+one of its parts, automatic relief processes from within spring at once
+into being, and it is so with the body politic. This "_vis medicatrix
+naturae_" assumes sovereign power over all the resources of the
+community. That part of the social sensorium which is most closely
+organized in normal hours, first recovers consciousness in disaster. In
+the case of Halifax it was the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in
+Chelsea. The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, the
+organization and often the resource of supplies instantly available. Its
+training is of the kind for the endurance of shock.[89] It so happened
+that at Halifax large numbers of men in uniform were stationed where
+they could quickly respond to call. They were very soon under orders.
+The military authorities realized before midday, the part which the army
+should play. The firemen too were a social group which largely remained
+organized, and responded to the general alarm soon after the explosion.
+Their chief and deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were
+leaderless, until one of the city controllers assumed command, and in
+spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion spread,
+these men remained at their posts.
+
+ [89] What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of
+ sailors.
+
+Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. They are
+accustomed to think quickly, to live in restricted spaces, and to meet
+emergencies. Than the stage there is no better school. Each actor does
+his or her part and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the
+school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the first relief
+station established at Halifax. This was in operation about noon on the
+day of the disaster.
+
+Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play actors may be
+called the disaster protocracy.[90] They were "the alert and effective,"
+the most promptly reacting units in emergency. And it would appear that
+the part of society which is most closely organized and disciplined in
+normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster.
+
+ [90] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+ of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539.
+
+It is the events of the first few hours which are of special interest to
+the sociologist. The word most descriptive of the first observable
+phenomenon was leadership. The soldiers were foremost in the work of
+rescue, of warning, of protection, of transportation and of food
+distribution. But the earliest leadership that could be called social,
+arising from the public itself, was that on the part of those who had no
+family ties, much of the earliest work being done by visitors in the
+city. The others as a rule ran first to their homes to discover if their
+own families were in danger. From this body in a short while however
+many came forward to join in the activities of relief.
+
+As already said those with no social, family or property ties were among
+the first to begin relief work. But many of these started early simply
+because they were present where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured
+folk at a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the
+immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the collapse of
+communication they did not for an appreciable time discover that there
+was an area more stricken than their own, and devoted themselves to
+cleaning up glass and the like. But within a quarter of an hour a
+hospital ship had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and
+emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers of an incoming
+train--the railroad terminal at the time being in the north end of the
+city--were on hand, and were among the earliest first-aid workers. One,
+a Montreal man, was known individually to have rendered first aid to at
+least a half hundred of the wounded.
+
+It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the catastrophe, when a
+semblance of coöperative action in rescue work began. Previous to this
+the work had been done in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin
+being dug through a second or even a third time. Then came the
+recognition of the utility of association.[91] Thereafter the searchers
+became parties each of which was detailed to go over a definite area.
+When a particular section had been covered it was so recorded. This
+process considerably expedited the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was
+organized in other important directions.
+
+ [91] Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization.
+
+The vital place of communication in society was recognized at once. It
+is a major influence in association, and upon it in disaster depends the
+immediacy as well as the adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by
+the explosion and the outside world could only wait and wonder. How
+little real information filtered through is shown by the fact that at
+Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement was made three
+hours after the explosion that the death roll would not bear more than
+fifty names. Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph
+company had a single line established, and with news of the disaster,
+communities everywhere took up the rôle of the Samaritan.
+
+While the great hegira was in progress another leader, a railroad
+official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and commandeered the first
+unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter all that the government railroad
+equipment could do was at the community's service. Meanwhile the
+dislocated railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and
+coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together and in less
+than four hours after the explosion a large number of injured people
+were being transported to Truro.
+
+Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals a few began to
+realize the great human needs which would soon be manifest among the
+concourse of thousands who waited in helpless suspense upon the Common
+and the hill. Here they were _en masse_, a typical social aggregation,
+responding to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. "Like
+sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for consecutive
+thought."[92] Yet here ministrations of one sort or another came into
+spontaneous operation. Soon the military began raising white tents upon
+the field. One after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an
+huge encampment. The idea spread by imitation,[93] the repetition of a
+model,--"the imitative response of many minds to the suggestive
+invention of one." One or two here and one or two there began to prepare
+the big church halls and other roomy institutional buildings for
+occupancy. Hastily the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and
+no sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the rumor of
+a possible roof reached the homeless, than they began to repair thither.
+At first each improvised shelter became a miniature clothing and food
+depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+refugees into such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is
+the foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The thing to do is
+social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended but it is inexorable.
+It worked effectively upon all who had an unused room. Many sheltered
+upwards of a dozen for weeks; some, more.
+
+ [92] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+ 1918).
+
+ [93] Tarde, Gabriel, _Les lois de l'imitation_ (N. Y., 1903),
+ translation by E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14.
+
+In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded soon came about
+through consciousness of kind. At first it was a very general
+consciousness which seemed to draw all together into a fellowship of
+suffering as victims of a common calamity. There was neither male nor
+female, just nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children
+lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and "shared each other's
+woes," for "the consciousness of kind allays fear and engenders
+comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+dormitories, and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various
+shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications came
+for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions to Protestant stations
+and _vice versa_. Even the politically congenial were only too ready to
+segregate when occasion offered.
+
+ [94] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 396.
+
+Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted volition. There
+must be "common discussion of common action."[95] Propositions must be
+"put forth" and talked over. There must be a "meeting of minds" and a
+"show of hands," and decisions made. There had been no preparedness. The
+city possessed not even a paper organization for such a contingency as a
+sudden disaster; so that during the most precious hours citizens and
+civic officials had to consult and map out a program as best the
+circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the day of the disaster
+when a tentative plan had been formulated in the City Hall. The newly
+formed committees could do but little until the following dawn.
+
+ [95] Bagehot, Walter, _Physics and Politics_ (N. Y., 1884), p. 159,
+ _et seq._
+
+Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable causes,
+small and great, conspire to incite social action. But in catastrophe
+the control of circumstantial pressure[96] becomes almost sovereign in
+extent. The conditions it brings about, while often delaying measures of
+individual relief, account very largely for the rapidity of
+organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. The common
+danger constrains great numbers to "overlook many differences, to
+minimize many of their antagonisms and to combine their efforts." At
+Halifax the pressure of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical
+and hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of communal
+service. But it was the meteorological conditions which commanded the
+most prompt attention to the consideration of shelter and clothing. The
+months appeared to have lost station and February to have come out of
+season. The following table gives the weather record for the seven days
+which followed the catastrophe.[97] It is the record of a succession of
+snow, wind, cold and blizzard.
+
+Thursday, Dec. 6th.
+
+9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light N. W. wind. No precipitation.
+Temperature: max. 39.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Friday, Dec. 7th.
+
+9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow falling. At noon N. W. gale.
+Afternoon, blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, velocity 34.
+Precipitation 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. 32.2, min. 24.8.
+
+Saturday, Dec. 8th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W.
+wind, velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow (in a. m.). Temperature: max.
+29.8, min. 15.
+
+Sunday, Dec. 9th.
+
+9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets icy and almost impassable.
+9 p. m. S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m.
+till noon). Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6.
+
+Monday, Dec. 10th.
+
+9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, blizzard (worst in years).
+Knee-deep drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 20. Precipitation 5.6
+snowfall (2 p. m. till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. 34.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Tuesday, Dec. 11th.
+
+9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+Wednesday, Dec. 12th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 17, min. 2.
+
+ [96] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 390.
+
+ [97] From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of
+ the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station.
+
+In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the most rapid
+repairs were made to all habitable houses or those possible of being
+made so. The same was true of public buildings, hospitals, factories and
+warehouses. Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of
+many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and the many more
+who accepted the invitation of, and entrained for various Nova Scotian
+towns which became veritable "cities of refuge" to hundreds. The
+climate[98] decided the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary
+structures; for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding was out of
+the question. Climatic conditions also seriously delayed the arrival of
+relief supplies, allowed but scanty provision for many, kept some from
+the depots of relief, or from surgical aid; and others standing in line
+in the bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and
+shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers to prevent the
+maximum of exposure and neglect. It called imperatively for the most
+effective system, and many of the workable methods were hit upon under
+the stress of storm. An illustration of this may be found in the
+adoption of many food depots instead of one central station. Regional
+influence thus "fixes the possibilities of organization and collective
+effectiveness."[99] The sociologist must study maps of lands and plans
+of cities. The location of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of
+topography as were the later administration districts. The city is
+widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than a city of
+similar population in a neighboring province. Six depots were
+established for the public distribution of supplies,[100] situated so as
+to touch the entire needy population most effectively, and to equalize
+the groups to some degree. So too, in the matter of dressing stations,
+accessibility was a deciding factor. But even this system had to be
+supplemented. Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when halted
+in the center of a street were usually immediately surrounded. Thus
+social reorganization in catastrophe witnesses to an urgency resident no
+less in space than in time and reëmphasizes the importance placed upon
+the physical factors in sociology.
+
+ [98] Semple, Ellen, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y.,
+ 1911), p. 607, _et seq._
+
+ [99] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 389.
+
+ [100] For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were
+ distributed every day.
+
+Thus may be said to have come about the transition from chaos to a
+semblance of community organization. Not the normal civil social order
+of pre-disaster days, but the establishment of a species of collective
+behavior, and the organization of relationships apparently of a quite
+different character. The difference was one which might be compared to
+that between a great relief camp and a city. But the difference was only
+superficial. Fundamentally there were to be seen the factors underlying
+all social organization. These have been already illustrated, and are
+classified as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct,
+imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of utility of
+association and custom; and as physical, including climate and
+topography.[101] The conclusion was drawn that the part of society which
+is most closely organized and disciplined in normality, first recovers
+consciousness in catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in
+every community is a practical corollary. This follows not only because
+of the imperturbability and the promptitude of reaction, of an army in
+crisis, but also because of the rapidity with which it can be mobilized,
+its value in preserving law and order, its authoritative control and
+power to punish, and because of the attending psychological effects of
+orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, bespeaking a
+care that is at once paternal and sympathetic.
+
+ [101] Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely,
+ (a) the biological, including, besides the density of population, the
+ heredity and the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b)
+ the equipmental factor, including available economic resources,
+ general enlightenment, social surplus and institutional facilities for
+ re-education, _etc._ (_Vide_ ch. vii.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+
+The reorganization of the civil social order--Division of
+labor--Resumption of normal activities--State and voluntary
+associations--Order of reëstablishment--Effects of environmental
+change--The play of imitation--The stimulus of lookers-on--Social
+conservation.
+
+
+It is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader has already
+seen, that the process of complete social organization was largely
+expedited by the organization of relief, and materially reacted upon by
+it. The community's "big men," the men of prominence, the men of broad
+experience in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the
+resources of the city and had the prestige to command them, were deeply
+immersed in the relief work while the businesses and the departments of
+the shattered body politic waited or went forward in a more or less
+indifferent way.
+
+But this could be both economically and socially of a temporary nature
+only. "Business and industry must be set agoing. Church and school must
+resume the ordinary routine. One by one the broken threads of the former
+everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected." The
+division of social labor[102] is a law of society. It is traceable back
+to the primitive household itself, and is a result of underlying
+differences. The great "cause which determines the manner by which work
+is divided is diversity of capacity." With the advent of the social
+specialists at Halifax a major division of function began. The
+responsibility for the relief work having been delegated to a special
+social group, public thought and public men were free to turn their
+energies to the restoration of a normal society.
+
+ [102] Durkheim, Émile, _De la division du travail social_ (Paris,
+ 1893).
+
+But it was the reorganization rather than the organization of relations
+which the sociologist observes to have first taken place. The stage was
+all laid. It was necessary only for the actors in the drama to resume
+their places. The old "parts" awaited them, although many of the
+"properties" were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon one
+might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, still a dominating
+like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still a group of mores to serve as
+media of social self-control. Indeed most of the former complexities of
+social structure remained. But this was only potentially true. The
+social relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed.
+Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes the
+significance of which will appear in later discussion. The order of the
+resumption of normal activities is of unusual social interest as are
+also the influences which were in play and the changes which ensued. It
+may be objected that such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially
+component groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude
+comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the social mind is the
+separation of those activities which must needs be first rehabilitated,
+from those which can wait. Organizing genius was not entirely occupied
+with relief in the ordinary sense of the term.
+
+Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's life. It
+is in a sense fundamental not only to happiness and general well-being
+but accompanies and conditions the cultural institutions, religious,
+educational and aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial
+activity was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a
+semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were first on the
+list, for these include systems of communication without which society
+can hardly be. Reference has already been made to the speed with which a
+makeshift service was established, but our purpose here is to record the
+resumption of normal activity.
+
+Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. Many of these
+had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. Clerks had been injured
+and instruments damaged. In spite of these odds one was reconnected
+within an hour, and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct
+multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each to Boston
+and New York, had been established. Upwards of a thousand messages an
+hour went forth the first week. The work became normal about December
+twentieth.
+
+The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern exchange
+and of the harbor cable--broken through ships dragging anchor--a total
+material damage of one hundred thousand dollars. Its personnel was also
+depleted. Nevertheless telephone business may be said to have been
+generally resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the
+load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and twenty percent
+above its average figure. Telephone service was absolutely suspended for
+only about two hours,--the period of prohibition from buildings,--and
+the cable telephone for about three days. Messages of a social character
+were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became normal.
+
+The illumination service was quickly restored. The company was able to
+give partial light and some service from noon on the sixth. Periods of
+intermittent darkness however, were not unusual. Gas service was off
+until December the ninth--the top of the gasometer having been broken
+and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from the mains into the
+air--when repairs were completed and on the tenth the service resumed.
+On the fourteenth gas and electric light service became normal.
+
+Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion occurred in
+the vicinity of the principal sidings and vital portions of the system.
+Three miles of the main road were buried in debris, the station wrecked,
+equipment damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. In
+spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent out in the
+early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming trains were switched to
+their new tracks leading to the south end terminal. On the evening of
+the day following the disaster--Friday--the first regular train for
+Montreal left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear and the
+first train left the old passenger station on Saturday evening. By
+Monday the full passenger service was resumed, to and from the station.
+Eight days after the catastrophe all branches of the service were
+working and conditions were fairly normal.
+
+The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much damage. Some
+of the employees were injured and others were unavailable. A scant
+service was restored at noon on December the sixth. By six o'clock of
+the seventh, tram lines in the north section were able to resume an
+eight-car service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It was
+not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible to resume any
+semblance of car service. On the twenty-second of December, twenty-two
+cars were operating--twenty-seven is the normal number,--but the
+shortage of men made it difficult to operate the full number. The
+service was not entirely normal for some months owing to the severe
+storms all winter which tied up the lines and caused delays, and to the
+shortage of men to handle the cars.
+
+The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors were able to
+produce papers on December seventh but in limited editions and of
+reduced size. This was owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the
+gas service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced in
+a week's time.[103]
+
+ [103] In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the _Baltimore Sun_, by
+ remarkable enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant,
+ and did not miss a single issue.
+
+The postal service was completely disorganized and was not restored to
+any extent until Monday the tenth of December. Owing to the innumerable
+changes of address, as well as many other reasons, it was weeks before
+there was a normal and reliable distribution of mails.
+
+The banks were open for business the morning following the catastrophe,
+just as soon as the doors and windows were put in. Traffic of relief
+trains coming in affected the ordinary trade for three months, more or
+less, but principally outside of the city. In the city all business in
+the banks went on as usual the day after the explosion.
+
+Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the resumption of
+general business activity. Out of much wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar
+loss one company restarted paint and varnish making on January
+second. A large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged.
+The factory and all branches of the business were running in
+five weeks--January tenth. Machines were in operation with shortened
+staffs at an earlier date.
+
+The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced on December
+twentieth, and were held regularly from that time on. The Board of Trade
+rooms were not badly damaged and there was no cessation of work or
+meetings. The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business on
+Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's Library was a few
+weeks closed for the circulation of books, and used in relief service as
+a food depot, thus ministering to a hunger which is more imperious than
+that of mind in the hour of catastrophe.
+
+Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all cases the
+edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows shattered. Parishes
+were in some instances almost wiped out. In a single congregation four
+hundred and four perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed,
+the remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one hundred and
+eight houses represented in the congregation only fourteen were left
+standing. Hurried efforts were made to safeguard church property, but
+church services were not generally resumed until the second Sunday.[104]
+Even then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places were
+not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and other buildings housed
+many a religious gathering. While the restoration of churches waited,
+clergy and church workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of
+the needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. Their
+intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable value in the
+relief administration. Sunday schools were reassembled as accommodations
+permitted, but it was many months before the attendances approximated
+the normal.
+
+ [104] On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon
+ Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same
+ afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints
+ Cathedral.
+
+The school system was badly disorganized. Three buildings were totally
+destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable for some time. The loss
+was approximately eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the
+staff were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing and
+clothing service. Early in March, about three months after the
+explosion, arrangements were completed whereby nearly all the children
+in the city could attend classes. The double-session system was
+introduced to accomplish this. Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and
+ventilation impaired. By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in
+use.[105]
+
+ [105] Quinn, J. P., _Report of Board of School Commissioners for City
+ of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following schedule.
+
+ Dec. 10 ................ classes in one institution
+ Jan. 7 ................ " " three emergency shelters
+ Jan. 8 ................ " " a church hall
+ Jan. 14 ................ " " five school buildings
+ Jan. 17 ................ " " one institution
+ Jan. 21 ................ " " two school buildings
+ Jan. 22 ................ " " one school building
+ Jan. 24 ................ " " one school building
+ Feb. 1 ................ " " one institution
+ Feb. 25 ................ " " two school buildings
+ Mar. 16 ................ " " one school building
+ Apr. 8 ................ " " one school building
+ May 8 ................ " " one school building
+ May 20 ................ " " two portable schools
+
+The community as finally reorganized differed materially from that which
+had preceded. The picture of the conditions at a considerably later
+period will be fully presented elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few
+social effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary
+environmental conditions.
+
+Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction work the Tramway
+Company found it very difficult to get a full complement of men back
+into the service. As a result they took into consideration the
+advisability of employing women conductors, and finally adopted this
+plan.
+
+At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign was in progress.
+Then representative men of both political parties urged their followers
+to drop the election fight and the election was deferred and later
+rendered unnecessary by the withdrawal of one of the candidates.
+
+The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, and other
+war-protective measures against the submarine menace, were given little
+attention for many weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military
+Service Act was postponed.
+
+The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the temporary relief
+houses in the central and southern portion of the city brought about a
+very unusual commingling of classes, as well as a readjustment of
+membership in schools, parishes and various institutions.
+
+Club life, social life, lodge and society "evenings" were for a
+considerable period tabooed, because of a general sentiment against
+enjoyment under the existing conditions as well as to lack of
+accommodation and of time.
+
+The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility for the
+disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was for a long time in
+evidence, but never received complete satisfaction.
+
+The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated the
+experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant Officer had a very
+strenuous time owing to the fact that so many people had changed their
+addresses.
+
+A number of "special policemen" were recruited from citizens of all
+ranks, and this force materially assisted the members of the regular
+department. Owing to the large influx of workmen following the
+catastrophe, as well as for other reasons the work of the detectives was
+greatly increased.[106]
+
+ [106] Hanrahan, F., _Report of Chief of Police_, Halifax, 1918.
+
+The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although belonging to
+different denominations, united in erecting a temporary church
+building--their respective churches having been destroyed--and have
+since worshipped together--a demonstration of the practicability of
+church union under circumstantial pressure.
+
+The display apartments of a furniture concern were utilized as actual
+living rooms by refugees for a period, while at the same time business
+was in operation throughout the rest of the establishment.
+
+The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days in the week,
+the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the general disorganization of
+the parishes was reflected for a long period in a changed attitude upon
+the part of many towards Sabbath observance.
+
+German residents of the city were immediately placed under arrest when
+the disaster occurred, but all were later given their freedom.
+
+The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious to the progress
+of the war and other matters of world interest, for many days after the
+disaster.
+
+The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns was an
+interesting temporary effect.
+
+The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent expansion,
+noted later, was largely effected by the social law of imitation already
+noticed. Many of the conditions affecting the rate of imitation were
+present. There was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and
+business advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths--"a new
+Halifax" for example--but above all there was a multitude of models. The
+extent and scale of the rebuilding program in one area, the
+civic-improvement plans which accompanied the work in that district, the
+record time in which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed
+at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris acted as
+models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The process of speeding-up spread
+like a great contagion, until the most hardened pessimist began to
+marvel at the recuperation daily enacted before his eyes.
+
+Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that of the rapid
+establishment of the morgue. This, the largest ever organized in Canada,
+was fitted up by forty soldiers and mechanics in the brief period of a
+day and a half. Another instance was that of the American Hospital. "At
+nine a. m. Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same day it
+was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with food and medicine
+and, in charge of Major Giddings;" it expressed a veritable "triumph of
+organizing ability." In the record time of three months, Messrs.
+Cavicchi and Pagano, with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty
+men and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a day removed
+every vestige of the debris in the devastated area. Apartments were
+built at the rate of one an hour. Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly
+that visitors said there had been an outbreak of "truck fever" in the
+place.
+
+By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality and motive were
+imparted to the members of the community. Halifax became busy as never
+before. New homes, new stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as
+if by magic. Men worked desperately hard.
+
+An influence which must not be left unrecorded because of its continuity
+of functioning is that of the stimulus of lookers-on. More than two
+hundred cities in all parts of the world had contributed to the
+reconstruction, and citizens of Halifax knew they were not unobserved.
+Articles, lectures and sermons were telling forth to interested
+thousands how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under ice
+and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous beyond words.
+During the month of December, five leading periodicals in Canada and
+twelve in the United States arranged for articles and photographs
+descriptive of the city's advantages commercial and residential.[107]
+Halifax became a world-known city. This added still further spur to
+action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was bonded to the world.
+
+ [107] Saunders, E. A., _Report of Halifax Board of Trade_, 1918.
+
+There are two considerations which may appropriately bring this chapter
+to a close. The first arises naturally from what has been said, namely,
+that in catastrophe it is only after division of function delegates to a
+special group the responsibility for relief work that public thought is
+directed to the resumption of normal society. The second is a practical
+deduction--that of social conservation. Every community should possess a
+permanent vigilance committee. There should be an emergency procedure on
+paper with duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately
+drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved until the
+arrival of experienced disaster authorities from a distance.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+The contribution of social service--Its four-fold character--The
+principles of relief--Rehabilitation--Phases of application--Criticisms--A
+new principle--Social results--Summary for future guidance.
+
+
+We have already seen that there are certain determining factors in
+catastrophe and its social results. There is not only the level of the
+general capability and culture of the community, its power to meet
+crises and to readjust itself, the scarcity or plenitude of its
+resources, but also the presence or absence of "men skilled in dealing
+with crises."[108] In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had
+such men or have had them not. The disasters of the future--with the
+exception of those far remote from civilization--may depend on the
+presence of such leaders. They will come from near and far. The
+contribution of social service is the contribution of men skilled in
+dealing with crises. Relief thus becomes "an incident of progress and a
+social policy." We are now to notice this further determining factor in
+catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax.
+
+ [108] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+ 1909), Introduction, p. 18.
+
+During the first week at Halifax not only did each day bring its
+contribution of relief supplies in the way of food and clothing, but
+each day brought also men and women of skill and experience in social
+work to place freely their vision and ability at the service of the
+community.[109]
+
+ [109] J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in
+ Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the
+ Y. W. C. A., Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the
+ rehabilitation work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful
+ conclusion; Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service
+ Department of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly
+ Superintendent for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth
+ Richards Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social
+ Service Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen,
+ Superintendent of the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens,
+ Superintendent of the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
+ Children; John F. Moors, president of the Associated Charities of
+ Boston, who was in charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem
+ and Chelsea fires; William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident
+ Association; J. Prentice Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston
+ Children's Aid Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public
+ Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts.
+
+The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent which has
+occurred since the principles of relief have been authoritatively
+written. No other community has experienced their application so fully
+or so promptly. One of the workers publicly stated that "Halifax was
+further ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a
+month." It was said that:
+
+ Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential principles
+ of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. In less
+ than twelve hours from the time the American Unit from Boston
+ arrived, the necessary features of a good working plan were accepted
+ by the local committee.[110]
+
+This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless
+the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax that something
+which was wanting when the citizens, astounded at the magnitude of their
+task, wondered just how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky[111] of
+the Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, came into the
+room in the City Hall where a dozen or so were gathered in counsel,
+already overwrought with fatigue, it was the coming of a friend in need.
+It was soon clear that the new-comers had had unusual experience in
+dealing with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. Only nine
+hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was ready, and a working
+plan adopted; and from it grew up a wonderful system worthy of study by
+all students of emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the
+midst of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was already
+well devised, but as a central and deciding element, justifying its
+faith by its work, and its presence by its wisdom in grappling with an
+inexorable need.
+
+ [110] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+ vol. xxxix, no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361.
+
+ [111] With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings.
+
+Of course there had already been a commendable essay toward the solution
+of what had to be done. Applications for relief came pouring in two
+hours after the explosion, and industrious workers had already been
+dispensing to hundreds. On Friday morning volunteers were early at the
+City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. A species of
+organization had already begun, but under congested and the least
+favorable conditions. A large number of investigators had gone forth,
+giving information and relief and bringing back reports of the missing,
+needy, helpless and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a program
+of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all kinds was pouring into
+every station where the refugees were gathered together. The Canadian
+Red Cross was already active. But with the coming of the American
+Unit,[112] the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their
+advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,[113] the
+systematic relief work may be said to have in reality begun.
+
+ [112] The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit
+ of the American Red Cross.
+
+ [113] The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing
+ committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter,
+ fuel, burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and
+ rebuilding.
+
+There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced in relief
+and disaster organization. The initial service was the establishment of
+a policy of centralization of authority and administration into one
+official relief organization. This policy comprised first the
+coördination of the relief work into one central relief committee,
+second the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the hands
+of one finance committee, third the granting of relief by one central
+management, all records being cleared through one registration bureau,
+fourth the giving of emergency relief in food, clothing and other things
+immediately without waiting for the perfection of the relief
+organization, and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to
+carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon by the
+executive committee.
+
+If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, the
+second was that of effecting coöperation. The latter was only partially
+successful. There was at first an inevitable overlapping, especially in
+the matter of visiting, some families being visited and subjected to
+interview a dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coördination, the
+central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far as possible. An
+invitation extended to the Salvation Army about December eleventh, to
+place their visitors at the disposal of the general staff of visitors
+was declined and it was not until January first that this organization
+fully coördinated with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this
+time also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to coöperate in the
+registration plans. On December eighteenth the School Board gave
+official coöperation by assigning fifteen school teachers as volunteer
+visitors under the direction of the rehabilitation committee. Another
+obstacle to the complete systematization of the relief work was the most
+generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies from the
+Eaton Center, and from the station established by a charitable Boston
+lady. The Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation
+Army and other organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed
+to their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation.
+
+There was also at times lack of coöperation among the official
+committees themselves. Friction and crises arose from time to time,
+which were only stopped short of scandal. They were the consequence
+either of assumption of authority upon the part of the under-committees,
+of ineffectiveness of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the
+principles of relief. There were also other problems, some of which it
+may be useful to note. One of these was the problem of the wisest use of
+local leaders who knew and could interpret the local point of view and
+method of doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers,
+many of whom could not be expected to understand the nature of
+scientific relief service.
+
+A third great contribution of social service was that of education in
+the principles of disaster relief. It was the problem of getting the
+idea of social conservation understood and established in a community
+which had not given the subject any thought, and which was quite
+unfamiliar with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause of
+much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and giving without
+substantial inquiry. It explained also the reason for the abundant
+criticism which arose. When criticism came there was, consequently, no
+well-informed body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's
+work.
+
+Educational effort on this subject may be said to have begun with a
+masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation at the meeting of
+the managing committee six days after the disaster. Here was set forth
+and illustrated the kind of service required and the desirability of
+such work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the idea of
+rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. Trained
+leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. Church, school and club
+caught something of its spirit and one of the permanent social results
+of the disaster remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It
+was this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding
+of the true nature of disaster psychology and of the accepted methods of
+relief that at first made the community so utterly dependent upon the
+visiting social workers. It may be safely concluded as a fundamental
+principle that the self-dependence of a community in adversity is
+furthered by the socialization of existing institutions.
+
+The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, that of the
+emergency period; second, that of the period of transition; and third,
+that of rehabilitation. These principles in order of application may be
+thus briefly summarized:
+
+1. The coördination of all the relief agencies arising, into one central
+relief service.
+
+2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one bonded finance
+committee.
+
+3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at first,--the more
+permanent organization to await the counsel of specialists in disaster
+relief, an early call having been sent for experienced workers.
+
+4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass treatment, _e. g._
+bread lines, food depots, _etc._, as detrimental to a psychology of
+helpfulness and as calculated to delay a return to self-support.
+
+5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants to follow
+mass-provisioning.
+
+6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants for short
+periods until temporary aid is discontinued.
+
+7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until all claimants are
+registered and the aggregate of available aid ascertained, and the
+needs, resources and potentialities of self-help studied.
+
+8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the wisdom of
+careful policies and critical supervision.
+
+9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.[114]
+
+10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and the use of local
+leaders in responsible positions.
+
+11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey of policies
+and methods employed, and a discriminating record of the social results
+arising therefrom, the mistakes made and other information of value for
+future emergencies. This report in justice to contributors to include a
+financial statement.
+
+ [114] "During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with
+ in large groups with little attention to the special needs of
+ individuals ... in the rehabilitation stage the family or the
+ individual becomes the unit of consideration."--(Bicknell, E. P.,
+ "Disaster Relief and its Problems," _National Conference of Charities
+ and Corrections_, sess. xxxvi, 1909, p. 12.)
+
+The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment of
+rehabilitation policies and methods. The work of organizing for
+rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin until the sixth day after
+the disaster. On the eighteenth of December the first chairman was
+appointed. There followed a developmental period during which little
+progress was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the
+object of rehabilitation. "The object of rehabilitation" says J. Byron
+Deacon "is to assist families to recover from the dislocation induced by
+the disaster, and to regain their accustomed social and economic status.
+Emergency aid takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation
+looks to future welfare."[115] This was the purpose constantly kept in
+view. The division of work indicates the nature of the task attempted.
+The division provided for an advisor, a chief of staff, a supervisor of
+home visitors, a bureau of application and registration, an emergency
+department, a department of medical social service and a visitor in
+children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included.
+
+ [115] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137.
+
+There was first the record and registration made and verified of all the
+sufferers and those in need. Over six thousand names of registrants
+resulted. Five districts or divisional areas were arranged for
+convenience and thoroughness of administration. One of these covered all
+cases outside of the city itself.[116] In charge of each district was a
+supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department heads.
+Trained workers were drawn into the service and their work and that of
+the volunteer visitors was directed by capable supervisors. The
+administration of relief was put upon a discriminating "case system."
+
+ [116] The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also
+ suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief
+ organization under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C.
+ Johnstone. The nature of the relief work there did not differ
+ essentially from that in Halifax.
+
+There were four important phases in which the work developed; the work
+of general rehabilitation, the medical social work, the children's
+problem and the problem of the blind.
+
+The general rehabilitation service was carried on with varied success.
+It secured valuable intelligence for all committees and gradually
+increased in working power and efficiency. How many were put upon their
+feet again through its kindly counsel and careful coöperation cannot be
+estimated or told in figures.
+
+The problem of medical social service is to learn the social condition
+of the patient, and to relate that knowledge to his medical condition in
+order that restoration to health and return to normal family and
+community relationships shall go hand in hand. A division of medical
+social service became active a week after the disaster, its workers
+becoming attached to the several emergency hospitals within the city
+itself and those established in nearby towns. It had as well a working
+relationship with the military and the permanent Halifax hospitals.
+Three thousand patients were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals
+alone. Trained medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The one
+question to which they sought an answer was: "How shall these patients
+be brought back again as fully as possible into normal lives and
+relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+was made to help and relieve to the fullest extent that service and
+science made possible.
+
+The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, immediate
+assistance and education. By the latter service, which represents the
+more permanent value to the community, very valuable information and
+guidance was given to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and
+nursing interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts cannot
+fail to make "follow-up" and "after-care" important considerations in
+the public health and dispensary work of the future.
+
+Immediate assistance was given by the medical social service in six
+ways:
+
+1. Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital.
+
+2. Interviews to understand medical social needs.
+
+3. Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind,
+children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with
+the rehabilitation committee, _etc._
+
+4. Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns.
+
+5. Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care.
+
+6. Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical
+situation.
+
+Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, writes of the
+medical social service as follows:
+
+ It may well be concluded that no organization or "unit" formed to
+ deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can hereafter be
+ regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, nurses, relief
+ workers and administrators there is also a due proportion of trained
+ medical social workers. If twelve years ago medical social service
+ received its baptism, Halifax has been its confirmation day.[117]
+
+ [117] Davis, Michael M., Jr., "Medical Social Service in a Disaster,"
+ _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675.
+
+The children's service was thorough, as it should have been. If the
+measure of success in disaster relief is the treatment which the
+children receive, Halifax relief was above reproach. The children's laws
+of the province are carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of
+Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular ability and has
+wide powers. He became chairman of a strong children's committee with
+which were associated, besides representatives of the children's
+institutions, two child-welfare workers of high reputation. This
+committee came in contact with upwards of five hundred families,
+including more than fifteen hundred children. Their work dealt with the
+special problems listed below. More permanent supervision was assumed by
+the Government Commission about five months after the disaster. The
+modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was encouraged,
+the effort being to keep children with parents and wherever necessary to
+subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+The work of the children's committee consisted of
+
+1. Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's
+institutions.
+
+2. Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody
+and receiving proper care.
+
+3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+4. Hunting for "missing" children, identifying "unclaimed" children, and
+restoring children to their parents.
+
+5. Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost
+children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the
+care of children.
+
+6. Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of
+children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received.
+
+7. Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from
+hospitals, shelters, _etc._, the committee in most cases having sent
+some one to accompany the children.
+
+8. Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and
+compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of
+permanent homes.
+
+9. Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded
+children.
+
+10. Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by
+improper persons.
+
+11. Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.[118]
+
+ [118] Blois, Ernest H., _Report of Superintendent of Neglected and
+ Delinquent Children_ (Halifax, 1918), p. 110.
+
+The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the Halifax disaster.
+Blindness frequently resulted from the blizzard of glass which caused so
+great a percentage of the wounds. In large proportion the wounded were
+women who were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation of
+the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon which was
+concentrated the skill of three superintendents of important
+institutions for the blind as well as other specialists and workers. The
+presence in Halifax of a school for the blind with a capable president
+facilitated greatly an early grappling with the problem. The
+contributions of the social workers were chiefly of the character
+already indicated such as that of general medical social service. There
+were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three
+registrants,[119] but owing to the difficulties of registration this
+figure remains inexact.
+
+ [119] Fraser, Sir Frederick, _Report of_.
+
+Rehabilitation "takes into account the feelings as well as the material
+requirements of the bereaved families." An additional phase for social
+workers is therefore mortuary service. Here is required an exceedingly
+delicate ministry for which few are qualified. It includes quiet
+coöperation in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care
+for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction regarding
+the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. At Halifax this presented
+a remarkable opportunity for service, and an experienced Young Women's
+Christian Association worker from Toronto attended in such capacity.
+
+There is still another secondary phase which must be referred to as not
+being without social and moral results,--that of relief of animals. For
+the sheltering of homeless animals, the dressing of wounds, and the
+humane dispatch of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had
+been received. This work received the attention of the Society for the
+Prevention of Cruelty.
+
+It will be useful as reference data to present here the nature of the
+criticism to which careful supervision gave rise. It was of the most
+trenchant character, and it centered about the alleged over-emphasis
+which seemed to be placed on system[120] and detailed investigations
+inflicted upon persons of whom many were still suffering from
+deprivation and from shock, and who were unused to the cross-examination
+methods of expert social diagnosticians. Often the thoroughness of the
+records seemed to the sufferers to be the more emphasized part of the
+proceedings. When all classes of people found themselves in need, there
+were naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably as
+"cases." But theirs was a choice which left but little regard for
+personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable however to have to
+say that the cause of social service did not receive in the community
+the much larger repute which its magnificent work justified, chiefly
+because the innumerable "typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes,
+and multifarious office equipment"[121] were not made less obtrusive.
+The merest touch of "cold professionalism" soon became fuel for the
+burning disapproval which spread through the city regarding the methods
+of relief.[122] Letters to the press gave vent to the indignation of the
+sufferers. One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as
+anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he wrote very
+plainly of the "overdose of business efficiency and social service
+pedantry." Why should needy families be required, he asked, to go
+through a personal visit and reëxamination at the office every week,
+before receiving a renewal order for food. Such things were not easily
+understood or explained. It became increasingly felt that such
+discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was not the will
+of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously forwarded the generous
+aid. It was not, so the criticism ran, for the committee to detain and
+delay the needy recipients for the mere sake of preventing duplication
+and for the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting in
+Wards Five and Six, it was charged that "too much red tape had been
+insisted upon by those in charge of the relief and in consequence of
+this and other objectionable features of management, there had been many
+cases of hardship and much unnecessary suffering."
+
+ [120] The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief
+ at the Johnstown flood "where two windows were set apart from which
+ clothing and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and
+ those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be
+ getting the most of it"; and where almoners passed through the streets
+ handing "ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met."
+
+ [121] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+ [122] There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied
+ as actually took place at the Slocum Disaster.
+
+As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that criticism
+was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded body of public
+opinion to which could be anchored the wisdom of sound and thorough
+social methods. The passing of time has reënforced the rightness of the
+course taken, and not a few former critics would now be ready to condemn
+the methods used as not having been radical enough. Still there was an
+element of justice in what was said, and social workers of the future
+when thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery a
+little closer, at least until the community can realize the principles
+which organization must conserve.
+
+The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is based upon
+disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a long series of trials
+and errors. On the first few days after disaster the finer sensibilities
+of human nature appear. Men and women say "others have lost more, we
+will get on with a minimum of help." About the fifth day when the
+poignancy of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, these same
+people suddenly discover that there are thousands of dollars available.
+Then another aspect of human nature comes into evidence. Every device is
+utilized by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There has
+not been a single disaster where this state of mind has not shown
+itself. The way to deal with it without complete records as yet has not
+been suggested. The only way a committee can protect itself against
+disgruntled criticism is to know what it is doing. This is the
+justification of rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to
+defeat imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. It was not,
+however, all adverse criticism which developed at Halifax. There were
+many who were able to see the beneficent purpose behind the careful
+service, and as months passed on the value of this experienced
+administration came to be more generally realized. Indeed
+
+ so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill in
+ the community that many reëstablished families begged for the
+ continuance of the department's supervision even though its aid was
+ no longer required. No greater testimony to the value of this
+ rehabilitation work could be given.[123]
+
+ [123] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission took charge
+of the entire system, it may be said that there was a change not only of
+hands, but of policy as well. The large amounts made available by the
+Imperial and Dominion governments and by public subscription made it
+possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of modified
+restitution. This change of policy the government adopted because of the
+conviction upon the part of the people that they were suffering from the
+vicissitudes of war, and that full restoration was in law and equity of
+national obligation. The step is of special social significance for
+Halifax is the first instance where on any large scale[124] the
+principle of restitution became the guide, rather than that of
+rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity
+
+ implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible
+ into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity which has
+ befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall be given the
+ use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the family its
+ household furniture. For the community as a whole it means a speedy
+ restoration of such economical and industrial activities as have
+ been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of bridges, the reopening
+ of streets, the reëstablishment of banks, business houses, churches,
+ schools. It requires that protection shall be given the defenseless,
+ food and shelter to the homeless, suitable guardianship to the
+ orphan and as nearly as possible normal social and industrial
+ conditions to all.[125]
+
+It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax policy
+denominated restitution, but rather "generous relief," in actual
+practice a large proportion of claims were verified and paid on a
+percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather than that of ascertained
+need. The Commission was granted power to "pay in full all personal
+property and real estate claims duly established to an amount not
+exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+of churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing
+establishments, and the property of the more prosperous classes, there
+was a policy of just and adequate relief declared, the agitation
+continued and continues that "every dollar of loss shall be paid in
+full."
+
+ [124] Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a
+ position practically as good as that which they had occupied before.
+ Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure.
+
+ [125] Devine, Edward T., _Principles of Relief_ (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv,
+ p. 462.
+
+Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: "It is not the policy
+of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring losses and
+compensating for death or personal injury." Commenting on this statement
+John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+latest scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is
+intended."[126]
+
+ [126] Moors, John F., Book Review, _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan.
+ 26, 1918), p. 472.
+
+What were the social results of this policy? This question is one of no
+less interest to the community itself than to the student of sociology.
+It is perhaps too early for adequate examination and comparison with the
+policy which formerly held sway. While still a vital question there are
+observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution certainly of the
+lump-sum method of restoration.[127] They assert that for many it proved
+simply a lesson in extravagance and did not safeguard the economic
+future of the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods in
+their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty again with uncommon
+rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and furbelows multiplied. Merchants'
+trade grew brisk with "explosion money." There seemed to be a temporary
+exchange of positions by the social classes. The following statement
+made by one closely associated with social conditions in Halifax and
+written over two years after the disaster, shows only too well the
+danger involved in the application of such a principle. After referring
+to "the spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few who
+have borne the burden of restoration" the statement continues:
+
+ The individuals who after all make up a community have been blinded
+ to the bigger interests by their own individual material losses, and
+ the idea of material compensation on a dollar for dollar basis. As
+ some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster wrought much moral damage,
+ for which no "claims" were even presented, even by those to whom we
+ might look for special moral teaching in such an experience. In the
+ course of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition
+ lingering in our midst.
+
+ [127] The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The
+ amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard.
+
+Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom of "the
+disposition to proceed as though the relief committee were a
+compensation board or an insurance society, and to indemnify for loss."
+But as already said it is early to appraise. What in ordinary times
+might be condemned might conceivably under the abnormal conditions of
+war be less morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault and not
+the principle.[128] Partly for reasons connected with the war it was
+desired to conclude the business with dispatch, and not to set up a
+banking house or a training school in thrift. There remains also the
+final test, the residuum of relief, the number of those who will remain
+permanently upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of
+Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that "probably so large a sum never
+passed into a community of equal size with so little danger to the
+personal character of the citizens and so complete an absence of any
+pauperizing or demoralizing influences?"
+
+ [128] The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be
+ finally stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish
+ between the loss of property socially owned, and that of private
+ ownership.
+
+The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax may easily be
+summarized.
+
+1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted if for no
+other reason than for protection.
+
+2. More technical methods of coördination are desirable.
+
+3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise.
+
+4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the hands of one
+vocationally trained for the purpose.
+
+5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of restitution and
+its administration.
+
+6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a secret relief
+distribution service, such as fraternal societies conduct for those who
+though in need will not publicly accept assistance.
+
+7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, who will note
+the precise spot where bodies are recovered, the centralization of all
+morgue service, the use of metal tags instead of paper, the
+sterilization and preservation of clothing and effects for purposes of
+identification, and in addition the development of a morgue social
+service with training and qualifications of a special character.
+
+8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve with members
+beforehand definitely assigned to special tasks, with requisite printed
+supplies in readiness would render the most effective social economy in
+emergency. This reserve should be trained in the general organization of
+shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of general
+rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's work and in the
+use of volunteers.
+
+To answer the requirements of what could be called in any sense a
+sociological treatment of the disaster, the foregoing chapter on the
+contribution of social service could with difficulty be omitted. Social
+service introduces a relatively new element of leadership and control
+upon which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which assures
+to any community the presence of those who have special skill in dealing
+with crises. The "relation of the great man to the crisis is indeed one
+of the most important points in the problem of progress"[129] in
+catastrophe. The subject also assumes special importance in the
+development of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes which
+may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken without full
+consideration of the major influences which were present. Thus by
+elimination we may be able to better gauge the strength of the factor of
+catastrophe itself. The place of government and other social factors,
+however, has yet to be discussed.[130]
+
+ [129] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 19.
+
+ [130] The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special
+ mention of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies,
+ which were actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the
+ chapter to the principles employed by those mainly responsible for
+ relief and administration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+Governmental agencies in catastrophe--What seems to be expected of
+governments--What they actually do--Social legislation--A permanent
+contribution.
+
+
+We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+brought to bear upon a community when, after having been overtaken by
+catastrophe, it is settling back into its former habitistic
+channels,--channels which not even catastrophe can altogether efface.
+Some of these influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such as
+the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others are ultra-communal,
+such as those vigorous social forces which sweep in upon a disaster city
+with the suddenness of catastrophe itself.
+
+There is a further influence which is of a community yet in a sense not
+of it alone, but of all communities--government--that institution of
+society which expresses its will by legislation, a will which may or may
+not be the will of the community concerned. And because legislative
+action is responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to
+be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of the new and
+less familiar field of social legislation. While it may be that the
+latest group to function effectively at Halifax was government, social
+legislation when forthcoming contributed an important and deciding
+influence, and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity.
+
+The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making and daily
+enclosing a wider and wider field. But not all governments are
+sympathetic with this process. There are two standards of
+legislation--the one conserves above all things the rights and
+privileges of the individual, the other considers first the community as
+a whole. The superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here,
+that it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and becomes
+the norm, rather than the rights of the individual citizen. Progress in
+legislation includes its extension into all the affairs of life,
+retaining as much as may be the liberty of the individual while
+progressively establishing the interests of all.[131] Its evolution is
+traceable from the first poor laws, all down the long succeeding line of
+those dealing with education, health, labor and recreation. However much
+agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the wisdom of this
+mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, changing just as one ideal
+or the other happens to be in the ascendancy, there is at least no doubt
+as to the duty of the government to protect and safeguard its citizens.
+
+ [131] Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation.
+
+ The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the
+ philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard the
+ commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the domestic peace.
+ To discharge this duty it is necessary to maintain a police force
+ and a militia, and a naval establishment. Such dissent from this
+ proposition as we hear now and then is negligible for practical
+ purposes.[132]
+
+In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+provincial or municipal, according to their respective powers.
+
+ [132] Giddings, Franklin H., _The Responsible State_ (N. Y., 1918),
+ ch. iv, p. 81.
+
+At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster was not wholly
+municipal or wholly martial, but rather an admixture of authorities.
+Policeman and soldier joined hands as agents of general protection. This
+service government did and did at once.
+
+One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken[133] was that
+by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, when he sent
+to the Chief of Police of Halifax the following order:
+
+ You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of any vehicle
+ of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose of removing the
+ injured and the dead of this city.
+
+ [133] Reference has already been made to the good work of the
+ Government railroad officials in the quick restoration of service.
+
+The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. They worked
+for long periods with little rest to maintain public peace and order.
+The splendid service of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been
+considered. They were first and foremost in the work of rescue and of
+warning. Military orders to vacate the North End district as a
+precautionary measure followed hard upon the explosion. Military orders
+permitted the people to return. Within a few hours after the disaster
+the military established a cordon around the devastated district which
+no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens having
+business obtained at the City Hall. This was to prevent looting as well
+as to facilitate the search for the wounded pinned under the debris, and
+to permit the removal of the bodies of the killed. The burned and
+devastated area was policed by the military for about two months with
+the concurrence of civic authority.
+
+But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It calls for a
+procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it calls for it at once. If
+we ask whether it be the function of government to take the foremost
+step of leadership in this care, the question is one for Political
+Science. If we ask the more sociological question whether governments
+actually and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly--they do not.
+Says Cooley: "Like other phases of organization, government is merely
+one way of doing things, fitted by its character for doing some things,
+and unfitted for doing others."[134] This proved one of the things for
+which it was unfitted. Not one of the governmental authorities, civic,
+provincial, or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively and
+continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a peculiar commentary
+that they were scarcely thought of as likely immediately to do so. It
+should be said, however, that the Deputy-mayor--the Mayor being absent
+from the city--was very active personally. While one of the controllers
+was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor called an
+emergency meeting of citizens on the morning of the disaster, and
+another at three in the afternoon to consider what to do. This meeting
+of citizens was presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as
+already noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. The
+committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards reformed upon a new
+basis on the advice of the American unit. But no civic resources were
+pledged to the people as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were
+then or subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not assert or
+assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. The City Hall was
+indeed set up as the relief center temporarily, but the advice to remove
+it elsewhere was not successfully opposed. How little civic authority
+was retained under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the
+following complaint. The Board of Control which was then the legal
+representative body of the city had no member on the executive committee
+of the disaster administration. One of these controllers publicly
+criticised the method of the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He
+"almost had to have a page to reach the Committee as representative of
+the Board of Control." When the cabinet ministers from Ottawa were
+sitting in session in the legislative council room, and giving a hearing
+to a representative public gathering, the Mayor entered a complaint that
+the City Council and Corporation had been ignored by the acting
+committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+were entrusted with the special grants and the civic authorities, Board
+of Health, police, _etc._, so far as emergency matters went, coöperated
+with them. But the various civic officers were not idle. No one was idle
+at Halifax. They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various
+departments at City Hall and with individual programs of relief. What
+the civic government continued to do officially was rather in the way of
+providing the stiff formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed
+suggestions of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations
+were issued. Among them was one urging all people excepting those on
+relief work or upon especially urgent business to stay away from Halifax
+for two weeks. Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with
+regard to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's signature went
+out the nation-wide appeal for aid that "a sorely afflicted people
+should be provided with clothing and food." The subsequent time, thought
+and help which City Hall contributed is of less sociological importance
+to this study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described
+municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+service, rather than direction.[135]
+
+ [134] Cooley, Charles H., _Social Organization_ (N. Y., 1912),
+ ch. xxxv, p. 403.
+
+ [135] This is not to be considered as without exception in
+ catastrophies. A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the
+ Paterson fire and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government
+ took immediate and responsible action. This was also the case at
+ Baltimore when the Mayor was the "key to the situation." It should
+ however be added that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of
+ the Citizens' Committees were ex-mayors.
+
+Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of activity in
+disaster we note that no special session of the provincial legislature
+was called, as was done by the Governor of Illinois after the calamity
+which overtook Chicago in 1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia
+convened a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating
+the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining its
+powers.[136] The several articles defined its establishment as a
+rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a town-planning board, as
+well as its powers of expropriation, its relationship to the city
+charter, certain parts of which it could amend or repeal; its powers to
+enforce attendance at its courts and boards; its relationship to the
+Workmen's Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, the
+Commission was also invested with full and adequate discretion regarding
+schools, churches and business properties.
+
+ [136] _An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission_, Halifax,
+ 1918.
+
+Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures are of special
+interest to social legislation. Among these were the power to repair,
+rebuild or restore buildings, the power to repair and carry out a
+town-planning scheme, the power to amend, repeal, alter or add to
+provisions in the city charter, the automatic assumption of rights of
+owner to insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and the
+automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation claims. The act
+incorporating the commission with powers to make investigation, and
+administer all funds and properties constitutes Chapter VI of the year
+1918. The local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the
+provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the benefit of the
+sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, towns and municipalities
+to contribute for the relief of sufferers.
+
+The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude and wisdom is
+comparable to that of President Harrison of the United States at the
+time of the Johnstown flood. The Canadian Premier at the time of the
+disaster was in Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova
+Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following day. He
+immediately placed resources from the Federal government at the disposal
+of the local authorities to assist them in coping with the situation.
+The third day after the disaster he attended an important meeting
+regarding the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the city by
+assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the harbor. Following the
+Premier came the Minister of Public Works and he too gave much
+administrative assistance. Then came five members of the Federal
+Cabinet, each announcing such programs of restoration as to give the
+community new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements was that
+of the establishment of a large ship-building plant upon the explosion
+area. The Canadian government had already as its first act made a grant
+of one million dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then
+forcibly urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility
+towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in "its policy of
+holding itself responsible for loss and damage by air-raids and
+explosions." Public opinion seemed to demand that the work of
+restoration and reparation be undertaken by the government of Canada as
+a national enterprise. The government while disclaiming all legal
+liability, acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was
+announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission to take
+over the whole work of rehabilitation and reconstruction,--an
+announcement which brought a feeling of relief to the already
+discouraged workers.
+
+Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that while the
+Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission to receive and
+administer relief funds and supplies, the Halifax Relief Commission was
+appointed by the Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done
+under the "Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV of the Revised
+Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the War Measures Act, 1914, being
+Chapter II of the Acts of Canada for the year 1914." The Federal grant
+was later increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to
+eighteen millions.
+
+There should also be here recorded the timely succour afforded by the
+Imperial Government at Westminster. Following the King's gracious cable
+of sympathy, the sum of five million dollars was voted by the British
+Government to the relief of Halifax. The King's words were:
+
+ Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax resulting
+ in great loss of life and property. Please convey to the people of
+ Halifax, where I have spent so many happy times, my true sympathy in
+ this grievous calamity.
+
+Reference has already been made to the policy to which the Commission
+was committed. This policy may be more exactly stated by an extract from
+the act incorporating the commission:
+
+ _Whereas_, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore
+ constituted has recommended to the Governor-General of Canada in
+ Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance should be made to
+ persons injured in or by reason of the said disaster and the
+ dependents of persons killed or injured in or by reason of the said
+ disaster and the Governor-General of Canada in Council has been
+ pleased to adopt said recommendation; _etc._
+
+In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening of morale and
+the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, government may be
+said to have contributed an important and deciding influence in the
+reorganization of the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal
+conditions.
+
+Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to have had a very
+direct determining influence upon whatever picture of the community is
+subsequently drawn, but social legislation itself was enriched by the
+catastrophe. The association of catastrophe with progress in social
+legislation has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass of
+facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In this
+introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters have been the
+preceding reagents in effecting legislation of permanent social value.
+It is instanced that city-planning in America took its rise from the
+Chicago fire, that the origin of labor legislation is traceable to a
+calamitous fever at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster
+precipitated amendment to the Seamen's laws.[137] It has been said that
+"the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in England has
+rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera visitations in the middle
+of the last century;"[138] and also that public health work in America
+practically began with yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining
+disasters, J. Byron Deacon says in this connection
+
+ If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters is
+ fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound influence upon
+ public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation both for the
+ prevention of industrial accidents and for the more equitable
+ distribution of the burden of individual loss and community relief
+ which they involved.[139]
+
+Again E. A. Ross writes:
+
+ A permanent extension to the administration of the state has often
+ dated from a calamity,--a pestilence, a famine, a murrain, a flood
+ or a tempest--which, paralyzing private efforts has caused
+ application for state aid.[140]
+
+ [137] Parkinson, Thomas I., "Problems growing out of the Titanic
+ Disaster," _Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science_, vol. vi,
+ no. 1.
+
+ [138] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 254.
+
+ [139] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), p. 43.
+
+ [140] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 253.
+
+The student of social legislation who reads this book will turn first to
+this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation will the future
+associate with so dire a calamity as that suffered at Halifax. It may be
+said that not only has special disaster legislation of precedent-setting
+value been enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief
+legislative procedure, but social legislation of wider application and
+more general character ensued. And this was along the line which the
+student of social law should be led to expect.
+
+As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; as marine
+disasters foster regulations ensuring greater safety at sea, it might
+well be expected that a great explosion would bring about regulations
+controlling the handling of explosives. And this is in reality what has
+occurred. There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1919, by
+the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting the loading and
+handling of explosives in harbors, applicable to all public harbors in
+Canada, to which the provisions of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act
+apply; and to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not
+inconsistent with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.[141]
+They cover
+
+1. The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers.
+
+2. Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in
+harbors of explosives-laden vessels.
+
+3. Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives.
+
+4. Regulations governing the handling of explosives.
+
+"The enactment of these regulations" writes the Under-Secretary of State
+for Canada[142] "was suggested in large measure by the Halifax
+disaster." Had these regulations been in effect and observed in Halifax
+Harbor it is hardly conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could
+have occurred.
+
+ [141] _Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the
+ Harbors of Canada_ (Ottawa, June, 1919).
+
+ [142] In a letter to the author.
+
+It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for this general
+legislation of social utility originated with the Drysdale commission--a
+board of enquiry appointed by the Federal Government to determine the
+cause of the disaster and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth,
+1918. In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs:
+
+ that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor in
+ force since the war were prepared by competent naval authorities;
+ that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal with the
+ handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend that such
+ competent authority forthwith take up and make specific regulations
+ dealing with such subject.
+
+We, therefore, conclude that the function of government in disaster is
+of primary importance, and that social legislation when forthcoming
+constitutes an important and deciding influence and is itself in turn
+enriched by calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed
+facts the statement in the Introduction, that catastrophe is in close
+association with progress in social legislation receives abundant
+justification.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover from
+disaster--The case of San Francisco--The case of Halifax--Social
+surplus--The equipmental factors--Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe
+with generosity of public response--Catastrophe insurance--A practical
+step.
+
+
+John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation
+
+ of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with which
+ countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance in
+ a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done by earthquakes,
+ floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.[143]
+
+This "_vis medicatrix naturae_" he explains on an economic principle.
+All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption of what had
+been produced previously, and which would have in due course been
+consumed anyway. The rapid repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says,
+on whether the community has been depopulated.
+
+ [143] Mill, John Stuart, _Principles of Political Economy_ (London,
+ 1917), ch. v, p. 74.
+
+But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+particularly to countries which have not been bereft of the raw
+materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco recovered exceedingly
+rapidly from her terrible experience of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery
+has been called one of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not
+depopulated. Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and
+ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. The loss of
+life on the other hand was about two thousand in Halifax, a city of
+fifty thousand population--but one-eighth that of San Francisco--and her
+list of injured ran into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon
+appeared.
+
+There are other factors both social and economic which must not be
+omitted from an account of the influences of recuperation, namely the
+equipmental and other factors which produce social surplus.
+Disaster-stricken communities cannot survive unless their "surplus
+energy exceeds their needs." They cannot become normal until the social
+surplus is restored. The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney,
+is "merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals
+composing a social group, or immediately available to such
+individuals."[144] It includes not only "bodily vigor" but "such
+material goods also as are immediately available for the restoration of
+depleted bodily vigor." It is not only physiological, as life energy,
+and social, as conditions of knowledge and institutional facilities, but
+also socio-economic, as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of
+physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor may have
+been depleted, and material goods been consumed. No period of
+recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such equipment is in some
+degree replaced and a balance of social surplus restored. This is the
+_conditio sine qua non_ of recuperation, and of the transition from a
+pain-economy to a pleasure-economy,[145] after disaster. Certainly the
+maintenance of the standard of living demands it. The standard of living
+has been defined as the "mode of activity and scale of comfort which a
+person has come to regard as indispensable to his happiness and to
+secure and retain which he is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice."
+Following Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with
+population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a certain
+character might conceivably operate to automatically heighten the
+standard of living, just as the growth of population often brings about
+its fall. But catastrophe often consumes great quantities of material
+goods and brings about a change in incomes and in occupations.[146]
+Seager notes that:
+
+ Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to the class
+ of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition is a
+ possibility which prolonged illness or inability to obtain
+ employment may at any time change into a reality. The narrow margin
+ which their usual earnings provide above the bare necessaries of
+ life, coupled with their lack of accumulated savings, makes them
+ especially liable, when some temporary calamity reduces their
+ incomes, to sink permanently below the line of self-support and
+ self-respect.[147]
+
+ [144] Tenney, Alvan A., "Individual and Social Surplus," _Popular
+ Science Monthly_, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552.
+
+ [145] Patten, Simon N., _Theory of the Social Forces_ (Phil., 1896),
+ p. 75.
+
+ [146] At San Francisco "after the fire, the proportion of families in
+ the lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the
+ higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire." (Motley,
+ James M., _San Francisco Relief Survey_, New York, 1913, pt. iv,
+ p. 228.)
+
+ [147] Seager, Henry R., _Economics, Briefer Course_ (N. Y., 1909),
+ ch. xiii, p. 210.
+
+It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental damage was
+stupendous, still the heart of the downtown business section remained
+sound. The banking district held together, and the dislocation of
+business machinery was less protracted on that account. To this it is
+necessary to add how to a very considerable extent the material losses
+were replaced by communities and countries which not only supplied the
+city with the material of recuperation but with men and means as well.
+Were her own workmen killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men
+and carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their food and
+their wages with them. The city's population was increased by
+thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three hundred of whom were
+registered with the committee at one time. Was her glass destroyed?
+Eighty acres of transparences came for the temporary repairs and had
+been placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings gone? Seven
+million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber were soon available to
+house the homeless. Were her people destitute? Food and clothing were
+soon stacked high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty
+thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty thousand from New
+Zealand, one hundred thousand from Quebec, one hundred thousand from
+Montreal, two hundred and fifty thousand from Australia, five million
+from Great Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came
+from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from the Federal
+grant, eight millions were contributed. The total contributions from all
+sources amounted finally to twenty-seven million dollars.
+
+Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining the sociological
+recuperation of a smitten city. And when the experience of Halifax is
+set side by side with the related experiences of other cities a
+conclusion may be drawn that disaster-stricken communities can always
+count upon public aid, for the reasons which have already been
+discussed. But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation
+between the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and the
+generosity of the relief response,[148] as there is also with the
+immediacy of the appeal. "It is not the facts themselves which strike
+the popular imagination" says Le Bon, "but the way in which they take
+place."[149] There have been disasters relatively serious, such as the
+St. Quentin forest fire, where repeated appeals met with astonishingly
+little response from the people. "A single great accident" continues Le
+Bon, "will profoundly impress them even though the results be infinitely
+less disastrous than those of a hundred small accidents put together."
+It was in recognition of this principle that "it was decided to transfer
+the residue of the amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the
+contingent fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters,
+which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous public response,
+but where the suffering is as grievous."[150]
+
+ [148] At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York
+ committee received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine,
+ Edward T., _The Principles of Relief_, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii,
+ p. 468.)
+
+ [149] Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind_
+ (London), ch. iii, p. 79.
+
+ [150] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120.
+
+Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity and
+other expressions of sympathy, the experience at Halifax suggests also a
+relationship between the aid furnished by a contributing community and
+that community's own previous history in regard to calamity. As an
+instance may be cited the quick and splendid response which came from
+St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick cities with unforgettable
+memories of great disasters which they themselves had suffered. It is
+also not improbable that the study of comparative catastrophe would
+reveal a correlation between the relative amount of aid given and the
+distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which suggest that
+the relationship might be written thus: that relief in disaster varies
+inversely as the square of the cost distance. The association here
+suggested is given additional plausibility from the fact that attention
+to certain types of news seems to vary according to this principle, and
+news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid.
+
+Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present time, in the
+absence of any scientific method of socially ameliorating the
+consequences of catastrophe, relief is a fluctuating quantity, and is
+poorly apportioned from the point of view of need. While such conditions
+obtain, disasters must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which
+break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our
+generosities and philanthropies
+
+ many people lose their normal position in the social and economic
+ scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, railway
+ wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial life. These
+ accidents naturally have a vast influence over the lives of their
+ victims; for they often render people unfit to struggle along in the
+ rank and file of humanity.[151]
+
+ [151] Blackmar and Gillin, _Outlines of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1915),
+ pt. iv, ch. v, p. 402.
+
+The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread the economic
+results of these disasters over the entire community in some form of
+intra-city catastrophe insurance administered by the Federal government.
+This alone will overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon
+the more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate relief.
+And even beyond this step is there not the possibility of an
+international system in which each nation will insure the other?
+Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came from many nations and
+tongues. But while we are discussing what ought to be and eventually
+will be done, one very practical step remains which may be taken at
+once. At the Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction
+and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+it did, yet came from without rather than from within the country. There
+is no Canadian who will close these pages without asking whether this
+must always be. May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding
+result of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate steps
+to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, and stations of relief
+strategically located in Canada--these stations to have in their keeping
+left-over war-material, such as tents, stores, and other equipment
+together with records of available experts who have had experience in
+disasters and who may be subject to call when emergencies arise.
+
+And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, namely,
+wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe in social change? We
+have thus far concerned ourselves with the major factors of
+recuperation, intra-social forces, social service, and legislation.
+
+We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic constitutes a no
+less important factor. But the effects may not stop with mere
+recuperation. Suppose a city becomes in a trice more prosperous and
+progressive than ever. Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon
+rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; her
+industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies come looking for
+sites as if dimly conscious that expansion is at hand! Suppose a city
+rises Phoenix-like from the flames, a new and better city, her people
+more kind, more charitable, more compassionate to little children, more
+considerate of age! Suppose there come social changes which alter the
+conservatism and civic habits of many years--changes which foster a
+spirit of public service, and stimulate civic pride! Then there is
+clearly some further influence associated with the day of disaster.
+Perhaps we shall find progress innate in catastrophe itself.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+The unchanging Halifax of the years--The causes of social
+immobility--The new birthday--The indications of change: appearance,
+expansion of business, population, political action, city-planning,
+housing, health, education, recreation, community spirit--Carsten's
+prophecy.
+
+
+Halifax has had her fair proportion of tribute in her time. Kipling has
+called her "the Warden of the Honor of the North." Pauline Johnston
+sings of her pride of situation. As Edinburgh, "it is a city of many
+charms; beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the world;
+vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of its streets some
+voice from the past 'comes sounding through the toon.'" Her public
+gardens are the envy of all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare.
+Her Northwest Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. Cheery
+wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No city of her size is more
+hospitable than she.
+
+But she has always been a city which has never quite entered into her
+heritage commercially. Situated where by nature she might well be great,
+she has always been small. Unambitious, wealthy[152] and little jealous
+of the more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on being a
+lover of better things. Commerce and industry were things alien[153] and
+secular. She devoted herself to standards of art, music, learning,
+religion and the philanthropies. Charitable and philanthropic
+institutions abounded. She has had her own conservative English ways.
+She affected homage to "old families," and to that illusory element
+"social prestige." She welcomed each new knight which the favor of the
+king conferred, and grew careless of civic prosperity and growth. She
+had leaned "too long upon the army and the navy" and her citizens had
+become "anaemic," "lethargic" and standstill; their "indifference" and
+"inertia" were a commonplace. Halifax had been complacent and academic
+rather than practical in her outlook upon the world and her general
+attitude toward life.
+
+ [152] Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of
+ Canada.
+
+ [153] For years real estate was marketed "quietly." In fact, real
+ property was in the hands of one or two specialists only.
+
+Geographically she suffered by her situation on the rim of the
+continent. She experienced not a little neglect and isolation because
+she was an undeveloped terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers
+and commercial men could not visit her _en route_ but only by special
+trip.
+
+Again "the government has had altogether too many interests in Halifax
+for the good of the place." "Government-kept towns" are not as a rule
+"those which have achieved the greatest prosperity." Halifax as a
+civil-service headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps
+open to the charge of being at least "self-satisfied." Valuable acres of
+non-taxable land have been far from stimulating to civic enterprise.
+
+An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of overmuch looking
+backward, and sociologically the back look has been always recognized as
+the foe of progress. But she has had a past to be proud of--one which
+throbs with incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she
+has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a hundred and
+fifty years. She has been called "the stormy petrel among the
+cities--always to the front in troublous times." She has served and
+suffered in four hard wars. She has gloried in this wealth of years and
+storied past. Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue
+blood, dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies,
+fêtes, levées and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial times. A
+newspaper has published daily items of a generation before, and weekly
+featured a reverie in the past.[154] Old in her years she remained old
+in her appearance, old in her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old
+firms which have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled
+the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century of
+service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day hour, and like a curfew
+sounded in the night.
+
+ [154] _The Acadian Recorder_, C. C. Blackadar, editor.
+
+Search where one will, it would be difficult to find another city which
+has more completely exhibited the causes of social immobility as set
+forth by sociology. For there are, it must be remembered, causes of
+immobility as well as factors of social change. They may be geographical
+difficulties, or elements more distinctively social--an over-emphasis of
+government, discouraging innovation, too great a "volume of suggestion,"
+the drag of "collective customs and beliefs," a "traditionalist
+educational system," the "inheritance of places and functions" tending
+to arrest development, "government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed
+by age."[155] All these reënforce the conservative tendencies in society
+and preserve the _status quo_.[156]
+
+ [155] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+ [156] There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom
+ from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her
+ entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any
+ consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her
+ sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands
+ to-day safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way.
+
+ Again communities are generally conservative in character when a large
+ percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises of
+ the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens were found
+ to own at least in part the homes they lived in.
+
+ There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were
+ possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to
+ disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to
+ achieve desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge
+ in radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of
+ success? He would study too the distribution of people relative to
+ their interests. Is there a majority of those whose experiences are
+ narrow and whose interests are few? Or is there a majority of those
+ who have long enjoyed varied experiences and cultivated manifold
+ interests, that yet remain harmonious? He studies the character of the
+ choices, decisions, selections in a people's industry, law-making,
+ educational and religious undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in
+ diagnosing a population as to the degree of conservatism and to
+ discover what the ideal community should be.--Giddings, Franklin H.,
+ _Inductive Sociology_ (N. Y., 1909), p. 178, _et seq._
+
+Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of the
+disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the _status quo_. We need not
+labor the how and why. Tourists had returned year after year and found
+her unaltered. "Dear, dirty old Halifax" they had called her. They had
+found business as usual,--old unpainted wooden houses on every side,
+unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and offensive gutters;
+the best water and the poorest water system an inspector ever examined;
+the purest air but the most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete
+tramway,[157] a "green market," ox-carts on the main streets, crossings
+ankle-deep with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead of
+making the city they had been "letting it happen." The "transient, the
+good-enough, the cheapest possible" had been the rule of action.
+
+ [157] Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be
+ found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of
+ $200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving.
+
+Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But the old order
+changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the
+spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The
+twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with
+punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize
+that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that
+fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the
+city's history."
+
+Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the
+sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position
+which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just
+as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old
+World the entrepôts of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova
+Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of
+any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of
+substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne
+commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and
+not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future,
+bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations.
+Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa
+than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and
+accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has
+undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the
+facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of
+progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger
+station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will
+fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion."
+
+ [158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to
+ Confederation.
+
+There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and
+untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She
+has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military
+property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for
+its own disposal.
+
+Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of
+old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards
+is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would
+have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a
+period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and
+clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as
+elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement
+of traditional thought."
+
+Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of
+appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near
+the second anniversary of the explosion:
+
+ Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion,
+ exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost
+ forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a
+ great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The
+ move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and
+ if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the
+ city.
+
+The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following
+reference to the change in appearance of the city:
+
+ One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and
+ retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises
+ over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and
+ attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms
+ and thereby increasing their sales.
+
+The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:
+
+ Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the
+ order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible.
+ This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city.
+
+As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:
+
+ A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the
+ former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows
+ of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern
+ design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order
+ of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor.
+
+Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new
+lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed
+one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that
+Halifax should be so changed."
+
+The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the
+beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a
+statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms:
+
+ Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable
+ sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their
+ activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way.
+ Surely everything points toward prosperity.
+
+Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has
+infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making
+rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October,
+1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An
+effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has
+never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many
+prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still
+another indication of the determination to progress in the recent
+completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal,
+Toronto, New York and Chicago.
+
+Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items
+used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may
+be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations:
+(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures.
+Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports,
+taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices,
+unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159]
+
+ [159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material.
+
+With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is
+significant. He says:
+
+ The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of
+ Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the
+ approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's
+ office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being
+ practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War
+ commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible
+ explosion of 1917.
+
+He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western
+and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by
+the disaster. The Mayor further states:
+
+ It must be remembered that it is only two years since the
+ devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have
+ considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up
+ that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it.
+
+The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the
+permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase.
+
+ Building Permits
+
+ 1910 .................... $471,140
+ 1911 .................... 508,836
+ 1912 .................... 589,775
+ 1913 .................... 839,635
+ 1914 .................... 874,320
+ 1915 .................... 1,066,938
+ 1916 .................... 1,177,509
+ 1917 .................... 844,079
+ 1918 .................... 2,955,406
+ 1919 .................... 5,194,806
+
+With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919
+
+ The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable.
+ Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to
+ get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high
+ prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at
+ approximately double the amount originally paid.
+
+The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:
+
+ Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly
+ in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days.
+
+In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a
+very considerable change:
+
+ Bank Clearings
+
+ 1910 .................... $95,855,319
+ 1911 .................... 87,994,043
+ 1912 .................... 100,466,672
+ 1913 .................... 105,347,626
+ 1914 .................... 100,280,107
+ 1915 .................... 104,414,598
+ 1916 .................... 125,997,881
+ 1917 .................... 151,182,752
+ 1918 .................... 216,084,415
+ 1919 .................... 241,200,194
+
+ [160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of
+ currency.
+
+As to business failures the Secretary says:
+
+ Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the
+ liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the
+ loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight.
+
+ Additional Indices
+
+ Gross Postal Revenue Tramway Receipts (gross)
+
+ 1910 ................ $114,318 $477,109
+ 1911 ................ 119,561 502,399
+ 1912 ................ 132,097 539,853
+ 1913 ................ 140,102 605,933
+ 1914 ................ 147,943 645,341
+ 1915 ................ 154,499 718,840
+ 1916 ................ 167,594 559,513
+ 1917 ................ 255,815 859,667
+ 1918 ................ 305,412 998,702
+ 1919 ................ 349,507 1,258,503
+
+Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh
+faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests
+into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of
+the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of
+ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the
+Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great
+oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the
+thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have
+been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight
+of land within an hour after casting off from the quay.
+
+In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business
+generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect.
+Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves
+are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more
+believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and
+electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made
+in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that
+"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to
+fulfilment.
+
+As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:
+
+ Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may
+ not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a
+ sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the
+ former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and
+ growth.[161]
+
+Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all
+preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in
+the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss
+was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at
+the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and
+seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the
+Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at
+Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's
+population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the
+population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six
+hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.
+
+ [161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_
+ (N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337.
+
+ [162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they
+ cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community.
+
+In the light of this consideration the following indication of the
+growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163]
+
+ Table
+
+ 1911 ...................... 46,619
+ 1912 ...................... 46,619
+ 1913 ...................... 47,109
+ 1914 ...................... 47,109
+ 1915 ...................... 47,473
+ 1916 ...................... 50,000
+ 1917 ...................... 50,000
+ 1918 ...................... 50,000
+ 1919 ...................... 55,000
+ 1920 ...................... 65,000[164]
+
+ [163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar,
+ Halifax.
+
+ [164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be
+ 85,000.
+
+An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of
+citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in
+political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:
+
+ Political Action
+
+ Year Purpose Eligible No. Percentage Percentage
+ voters voting of Indifference of Interest
+
+ 1918 ......... For Mayor 7,632 2,769 63.8 36.2
+ 1919 ......... " " 8,890 4,264 52.1 47.9
+ 1920 ......... " " 11,435 5,491 51.99 48.01
+
+Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually
+diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller
+and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the
+percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous
+year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign
+[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to
+institute new reforms."[165]
+
+ [165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920.
+
+Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning,
+civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation.
+
+In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is
+awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which
+comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The
+present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning
+Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer
+constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the
+scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster
+"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it
+seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the
+Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to
+help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect
+of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If
+that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme,
+though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have
+been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the
+Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant
+reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing
+with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and
+residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening
+and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the
+devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading
+of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred
+trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this
+area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for
+the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning
+Board.
+
+ [166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out
+ by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified
+ enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants
+ with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on
+ foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of
+ projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed
+ in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but
+ unfortunately many fine trees were cut down.
+
+The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution
+of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards
+instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the
+"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to
+city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social
+problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the
+welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be
+neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an
+authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary
+consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting
+successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this
+principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work
+designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the
+Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste.
+
+To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and
+pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as
+stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking
+a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to
+Halifax
+
+ more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways,
+ cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and
+ beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear....
+ With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern,
+ as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest,
+ and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort,
+ development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people
+ for them.[168]
+
+ [167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_,
+ vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329.
+
+ [168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12.
+
+The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was
+already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and
+multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has
+grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many
+refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary
+shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the
+pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A
+hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent
+structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained.
+
+ [169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end
+ has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an
+ observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the
+ influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are
+ springing up all over the city."
+
+But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city
+authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the
+sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last
+precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts,
+the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing
+to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the
+city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been
+formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building
+experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended
+to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the
+City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law
+the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this
+way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to
+the general health and well-being of the community."
+
+Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which
+when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in
+England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a
+record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that
+record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and
+their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise.
+
+The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most
+significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the
+catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride.
+The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care
+for health, had received scant support and could only perform
+indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried
+out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about
+twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and
+tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching
+the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to
+progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with
+such conditions.
+
+ [170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6.
+
+ [171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60.
+
+Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete
+public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is
+in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended
+balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health
+purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty
+thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars
+per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per
+year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the
+five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per
+year, or practically one dollar per capita.
+
+ [172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A
+ Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr.
+ B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer.
+
+A completely equipped health centre has been established including all
+the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal,
+pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear,
+nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of
+health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues.
+A public health course for nurses is included in the educational
+campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and
+the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.
+
+ [173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of
+ nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health.
+
+Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater
+realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken
+including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the
+provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places
+where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a
+view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable
+activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars,
+which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of
+a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of
+the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to
+improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is
+feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to
+modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a
+psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives,
+especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of
+interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was
+established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly
+employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by
+the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the
+children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a
+unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a
+full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also
+safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a
+minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining
+impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The
+Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions
+having an estimated cost of half a million dollars.
+
+But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the
+earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen
+reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health
+conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all
+health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that
+improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the
+progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so
+favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and
+periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the
+final goal of all policies of health reform.
+
+The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has
+been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic
+attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory.
+Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to
+each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax
+teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications.
+But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and
+up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where
+there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is
+becoming awakened to the vital rôle her educators play is being proven
+by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie
+University. That response has been most generous and general, while
+local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the
+Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter
+benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred
+thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing
+process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at
+once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and
+Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.
+
+In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction
+regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to
+provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to
+fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not
+lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among
+these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded
+children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display
+of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments
+already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and
+physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school
+nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening
+technical classes.
+
+Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all
+the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an
+institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment.
+Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic
+minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and
+in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the
+children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in
+citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It
+rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational
+sociology.
+
+Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of
+Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she
+has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility
+for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as
+public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A
+Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the
+various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174]
+A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after
+study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a
+system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked
+progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal
+recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of
+about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been
+reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over
+to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of
+ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain
+recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central
+public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a
+community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium,
+gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement
+Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a
+close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so
+there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._,
+and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral
+value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while
+the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the
+shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social
+policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely
+constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive
+and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and
+adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is
+the path of progress in socialized recreation.
+
+ [174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had
+ been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under
+ the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated
+ association with which the Women's Council merged.
+
+ [175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions,
+ an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the
+ "playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster,
+ and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are,
+ it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The
+ records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children
+ show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile
+ arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of
+ the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii,
+ no. 10, p. 493.)
+
+Progress in coöperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new
+sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things
+which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great.
+This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of
+the Halifax Coöperative Society is initial evidence of a movement
+towards coöperative buying. Coöperation for community ends even now is
+revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of
+recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in
+the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers
+of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are
+getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a
+few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau
+has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of
+coördination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of
+the city.
+
+ [176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918.
+
+The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased coöperation
+upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of
+the city united into a single organization for relief service under the
+chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial
+Association has been formed which has directed coöperative effort along
+various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where
+the best interests of the city were involved.
+
+Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the
+testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic
+transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty
+years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after
+all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale,
+and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But
+merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished
+through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried
+on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm
+of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social
+insurance whither all true social policies lead.
+
+All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a
+very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent
+changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly
+expressed than in the words of Carstens:
+
+ The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for
+ at least a generation, because so many of the living have been
+ blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may
+ leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by
+ those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks
+ that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its
+ citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.'
+
+But it is rather for social than for material progress that the
+sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:
+
+ It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may
+ be developed a program for the care, training and education of the
+ sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical
+ social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and
+ out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers
+ of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems
+ of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may
+ acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no
+ other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example
+ city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at
+ Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all
+ loss.[177]
+
+ [177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+ vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in
+propositional form--The rôle of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a)
+Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social
+immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal
+favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit
+and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and
+lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+
+If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the
+facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly
+accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of
+catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure
+of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness
+in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the
+various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to
+follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent
+a definite sociological process of development.
+
+At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently
+terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives
+peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in
+extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases
+consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence.
+The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of
+the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the
+customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes
+called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been
+retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that
+essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of
+change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon
+the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and
+expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social
+change.
+
+The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group
+reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the
+major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be
+either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or
+stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the
+material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be
+that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may
+either retard or promote social reorganization.
+
+Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was
+largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social
+activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been
+recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate
+and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion,
+imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind.
+Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations.
+Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of
+society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality
+first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only
+after division of function delegates to a special group the
+responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the
+resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the
+conservation value to society of a militia organization in every
+community and also of a permanent vigilance committee.
+
+The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of
+which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster
+social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise
+direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The
+value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse
+proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has
+advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a
+community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing
+institutions.
+
+The next and latest group to function effectively was that of
+government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an
+important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the
+calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the
+statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely,
+that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social
+legislation.
+
+To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation
+is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot
+become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however
+always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly
+suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a
+disaster and the generosity of the relief response.
+
+The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social
+change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social
+order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the
+disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community
+undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This
+implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary
+antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such,
+the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not
+alternatives.
+
+To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very
+considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was
+itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the
+other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present
+consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank
+of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming
+of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of
+its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property
+values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It
+altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential
+and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in
+the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the
+middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It
+is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the
+weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush
+of the spirit of progress.
+
+The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community
+organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and
+whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on
+a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity
+would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be
+historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars.
+In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased,
+industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled,
+streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled
+back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the
+reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army
+were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a
+town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and
+business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very
+perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several
+mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the
+closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such
+relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and
+progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather
+increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this
+change.
+
+But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to
+have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war
+and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by
+possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If
+we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event.
+The catastrophe was an episode of the great war.
+
+It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the rôle of
+catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning
+directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening
+social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing
+environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of
+spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of
+leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe
+is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are
+subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which
+we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is
+not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as
+a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is
+sacrifice in truth.
+
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+ namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the
+ shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions
+ of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require
+ a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or
+ rejection.
+
+That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction
+of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That
+it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian
+who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help
+mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and
+intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do
+say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is
+bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those
+of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a
+world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will
+not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the
+intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179]
+
+ [179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+A
+
+ Accidents, industrial, 116, 135
+
+ Advancement, human, _vide_ progress
+
+ Aesthetics, 70
+
+ Aggregation, social, 62
+
+ Altruism, 51, 58
+
+ Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation
+
+ Analytic psychology, 49
+
+ Anxiety, 38
+
+ Anger, 39, 44, 45
+
+ Animal relief, 91
+
+ Army, _vide_ military
+
+ Association, 56, 63;
+ utility of, 62, 142
+
+ Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99
+
+ Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134
+
+ Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+
+B
+
+ Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67
+
+ Beliefs, 23, 38, 120
+
+ Bereavement, 47
+
+ Biological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Body politic, 44, 69, 144
+
+ Bureau, welfare, 139
+
+ Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113;
+ expansion of, 77, 124;
+ indices of, 125;
+ relief, 105, 113;
+ resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73
+
+
+C
+
+ Capital, 139
+
+ Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18;
+ and communication, 31;
+ definition of, 14;
+ and evolution, 14, 15;
+ and generosity, 57, 58, 115;
+ and heroism, 55;
+ and insurance, 116;
+ and poetry, 22;
+ and population, 128;
+ and progress, 21, 22, 23;
+ and social change, 118;
+ and social disintegration, 31;
+ and social economy, 80;
+ and social legislation, 23, 100;
+ and social organization, 59, 69;
+ and social psychology, 35;
+ and suicide, 46;
+ and social surplus, 111;
+ and survival, 56;
+ and tragedy, 114, 115;
+ and war, 14
+
+ Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+ Causation, social, 144
+
+ Centralization, policy of, 83
+
+ Ceremony, 120
+
+ Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21;
+ and crisis, 16, 21;
+ definition of, 15, 21;
+ factor of, 15, 16;
+ and fluidity, 21;
+ indications of, 123, 143;
+ and progress, 21;
+ resistance to, 19
+
+ Charity, 22, 97
+
+ Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137
+
+ Churches, _vide_ religious institutions
+
+ Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77
+
+ Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control
+
+ Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140
+
+ Civilization, 31, 49
+
+ Classes, social, 96, 139
+
+ Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139
+
+ Clinics, 134
+
+ Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142
+
+ Clubs, 76, 123
+
+ Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ Commerce, 70, 118, 122
+
+ Commercialized recreation, 138
+
+ Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73
+
+ Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96,
+ 97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143
+
+ Comparative catastrophe, 146
+
+ Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107
+
+ Component groups, 70
+
+ Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142
+
+ Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142
+
+ Consciousness of underlying difference, 69
+
+ Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143
+
+ Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120
+
+ Contagion of feeling, 42
+
+ Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146
+
+ Conventionality, 49
+
+ Coöperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138
+
+ Crime, 50, 76
+
+ Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94
+
+ Crisis, and catastrophe, 16;
+ definition of, 16;
+ and fluidity, 18;
+ and great men, 55;
+ and progress, 55;
+ and revolution, 17;
+ significance of, 16
+
+ Crises, in battles, 16;
+ in communities, 18;
+ in diseases, 16;
+ in life-histories, 16, 18;
+ men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98;
+ power to meet, 80;
+ in religions, 16;
+ in social institutions, 16;
+ in world of thought, 16
+
+ Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45
+
+ Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45
+
+ Courts, 96
+
+ Culture, 19, 21, 80
+
+ Curiosity, 44
+
+ Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145
+
+ Cycles, 15
+
+
+D
+
+ Death rate, 133
+
+ Delinquency, 138
+
+ Delirium, oneiric, 46
+
+ Delusion, 35, 38
+
+ Determination, 44, 58
+
+ Diagnosis, social, 92, 121
+
+ Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+ Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology
+
+ Disaster relief, _vide_ relief
+
+ Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134
+
+ Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142
+
+ Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59
+
+ Dispensary, 88, 133
+
+ Distributive system of society, 31
+
+ Diversity of capacity, 69
+
+ Division of labor, 69, 79, 142
+
+ Dynamic forces, 19
+
+ Dynamogenic reactions, 52
+
+
+E
+
+ Economic factors in society, 68
+
+ Economy, social, 80, 98
+
+ Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137
+
+ Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136
+
+ Educational psychology, 137
+
+ Educational sociology, 137
+
+ Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143
+
+ Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53
+
+ Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60
+
+ Energies, 52, 58
+
+ Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145
+
+ Envy, 44
+
+ Erroneous recognition, 39
+
+ Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142
+
+ Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101
+
+ Exaltation, 45, 46
+
+ Expectancy, 41
+
+
+F
+
+ Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144
+
+ Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140
+
+ Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54
+
+ Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64
+
+ First aid, 41, 61, 134
+
+ Flight instinct, 40
+
+ Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145
+
+ Flux, 19, 34
+
+ Folkways, 18
+
+ Food-getting, 39, 92
+
+ Fraternal societies, 76, 98
+
+
+G
+
+ Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143
+
+ Geographic determinants, 67, 119
+
+ Government, 19, 31, 100, 101;
+ agencies of, 100;
+ aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107;
+ an institution of society, 100;
+ and leadership, 117;
+ officials, 62, 102, 106;
+ over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120
+
+ Gratitude, 45
+
+ Great man, 55, 69
+
+ Greed, 44, 51, 94
+
+ Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67
+
+ Grief, 38, 48
+
+ Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142
+
+ Group heroism, 56
+
+
+H
+
+ Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117
+
+ Habitation, 39, 63
+
+ Hallucination, 35, 37, 38
+
+ Happiness, 70, 112
+
+ Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140
+
+ Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85
+
+ Herd instinct, 41, 63
+
+ Heroism, 55, 56
+
+ History, 14
+
+ Heredity, 67
+
+ Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114
+
+ Homogeneity, 70
+
+ Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140
+
+ Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140
+
+ Human nature, 93, 94
+
+ Hyperactivity of imagination, 46
+
+ Hyper-suggestibility, 44
+
+ Hypnosis, 45
+
+
+I
+
+ Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114
+
+ Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145
+
+ Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+ Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145
+
+ Impulsive social action, 42, 48
+
+ Indemnity, principle of, 95
+
+ Indications of social change, 123, 143
+
+ Indices of business, 125
+
+ Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55
+
+ Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144
+
+ Industrial, accidents, 116, 135;
+ fatigue, 138;
+ hygiene, 135
+
+ Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49
+
+ Insanity, 46
+
+ Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44
+
+ Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational
+
+ Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125
+
+
+J
+
+ Jealousy, 44
+
+ Justice, 19
+
+ Juvenile delinquency, 138
+
+
+K
+
+ Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142
+
+ Kindliness, 45, 55
+
+
+L
+
+ Labor, 139;
+ division of, 69, 79;
+ legislation, 23, 101, 108
+
+ Law, 49, 50, 58, 120
+
+ Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145
+
+ Legislation, ameliorative, 101;
+ boundaries of, 101;
+ and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143;
+ health, 108;
+ ideals of, 101;
+ labor, 23, 101, 108;
+ mining, 23, 108;
+ marine, 23, 108, 109;
+ promotive, 133;
+ progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143;
+ social, 23, 100
+
+ Like-mindedness, 63, 70
+
+ Like response, 41
+
+ Limitation of field of consciousness, 42
+
+ Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145
+
+
+M
+
+ Magic, 20, 78
+
+ Martial law, 101
+
+ Maternity, 48, 135
+
+ Mass relief, 85
+
+ Medical inspection, 136
+
+ Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140
+
+ Mental hygiene, 134
+
+ Mental unity, 41
+
+ Meteorological pressure, 65
+
+ Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122,
+ 143, 145
+
+ Ministerial association, 139
+
+ Models, 21, 77, 78
+
+ Modes of affective experience, 44
+
+ Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145
+
+ Morality, 20, 97
+
+ Mores, 70
+
+ Morgue service, 39, 91, 98
+
+ Mortality, 112
+
+ Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+ Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58
+
+
+N
+
+ Navy, _vide_ military
+
+ News-notice, 115
+
+ Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142
+
+
+O
+
+ Obstruction and the human will, 52
+
+ Occupational change, 113
+
+ Oneiric delirium, 46
+
+ Organization, _vide_ social, relief
+
+ Orientation, 123
+
+ Original tendencies, 39
+
+
+P
+
+ Pain economy, 112
+
+ Pain, 53, 54
+
+ Parental instinct, 40, 41
+
+ Pensions, 90
+
+ Percentage of indifference, 129
+
+ Percentage of interest, 129
+
+ Personal crises, 18
+
+ Phenomena, of bereavement, 47;
+ of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45;
+ diverse, 35;
+ of emotion, 44;
+ of endurance, 52, 53;
+ post-catastrophic, 48;
+ of repression, 49
+
+ Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116
+
+ Physical factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52
+
+ Pity, 39
+
+ Pleasure economy, 112
+
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ Plural leadership, 49
+
+ Police, 76, 101, 102
+
+ Political action, 64, 76, 129
+
+ Political Science, 103
+
+ Poor laws, 101
+
+ Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144
+
+ Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48
+
+ Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145
+
+ Preparedness, 64
+
+ Press, 72
+
+ Pressure, social, 63, 77
+
+ Primitive household, 69
+
+ Principles of relief, _vide_ relief
+
+ Production, 19
+
+ Profiteering, psychology of, 51
+
+ Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109
+
+ Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146;
+ and change, 21;
+ degree of, 21;
+ and evolution, 14, 15;
+ meaning of, 21;
+ and relief, 80;
+ in social legislation, 23
+
+ Protocracy, 60, 70
+
+ Psychiatry, 134
+
+ Psychological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Psychology, analytic, 49;
+ crowd, 35, 41, 45;
+ disaster, 35, 56;
+ of helpfulness, 56, 85;
+ of helplessness, 49;
+ of insanity, 46;
+ of profiteering, 51;
+ of relief, 49, 94;
+ social, 35;
+ and sociology, 19, 35
+
+ Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93
+
+ Public safety, 132, 136
+
+ Public utilities, 71
+
+ Pugnacity, instinct of, 40
+
+
+R
+
+ Reconditioning of instincts, 18
+
+ Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137
+
+ Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143
+
+ Regional influence, 66
+
+ Regulative system of society, 31
+
+ Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107
+
+ Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121
+
+ Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139
+
+ Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94;
+ division of labor in, 69;
+ fluctuation of, 116;
+ leadership in, 61, 103, 116;
+ medical, 61, 62, 65;
+ military in, 51, 60, 63, 68;
+ organization of, 59;
+ psychology of, 49, 94;
+ principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96;
+ procedure in, 79;
+ relation to progress, 80;
+ residuum of, 97;
+ reserve, 98;
+ secret service in, 98;
+ shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90;
+ stages in, 85
+
+ Repression, 49, 50
+
+ Reproductive system of society, 31
+
+ Resentment, 45, 49
+
+ Residuum of relief, 97
+
+ Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75
+
+ Restitution, principle of, 94, 95
+
+ Retrogressive evolution, 15
+
+ Revolution, 17, 22
+
+ Ritual, 20
+
+ Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63
+
+
+S
+
+ Sabbath observance, 77
+
+ Safety, public, 132, 136
+
+ Sanitation, 66, 133, 134
+
+ Schools, _vide_ educational institutions
+
+ Science, 33, 88
+
+ Security, feelings of, 41
+
+ Self-control, social, 70
+
+ Segregation, 64
+
+ Self-preservation, 31, 40
+
+ Sensation, 36, 38, 54
+
+ Sense perception, 37, 38
+
+ Sensorium, social, 59
+
+ Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143
+
+ Shibboleths, 77
+
+ Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141
+
+ Social, action, 64;
+ aggregation, 62;
+ age, 139;
+ choices, 121;
+ consciousness, 60;
+ conservation, 79, 84, 143;
+ conservatism, 19, 117, 120;
+ contrasts, 32;
+ control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146;
+ economy, 80, 98;
+ effects, 75, 96;
+ factors, 59, 67, 142;
+ immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145;
+ insurance, 105, 116, 125;
+ legislation, 23, 100;
+ memory, 23, 55;
+ mind, 49, 70;
+ order, 143;
+ organization, 35, 59, 142;
+ policy, 80, 139;
+ pressure, 63, 77;
+ psychology, 35;
+ reorganization, 69;
+ sensorium, 59;
+ service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143;
+ specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143;
+ standards, 32;
+ surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+ Social change, _vide_ change
+
+ Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145
+
+ Socialized recreation, 138, 139
+
+ Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100
+
+ Societies, 76, 99
+
+ Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143
+
+ Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142
+
+ Sociology, 33, 35, 120;
+ attractions of study, 13;
+ educational, 137;
+ and psychology, 19, 35;
+ virgin fields in, 13, 23
+
+ Sorrow, 45, 47
+
+ Standards, social, 32
+
+ Standards of living, 112, 113, 133
+
+ State, 101
+
+ Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility
+
+ Statistics, vital, 135
+
+ Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57;
+ of heroism, 55;
+ of leaders, 21;
+ of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145;
+ of models, 78;
+ repetition of, 45
+
+ Struggle for existence, 41
+
+ Sub-normal, 136
+
+ Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142
+
+ Suicide, 46
+
+ Supervised playgrounds, 136
+
+ Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+ Survival, 56
+
+ Sustaining system of society, 31
+
+ Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58
+
+
+T
+
+ Taboo, 49, 71
+
+ Tender emotion, 45
+
+ Themistes, 18
+
+ Topography, 67, 142
+
+ Tradition, 32, 120
+
+ Transportation, 43
+
+ Trade-unions, 51
+
+
+U
+
+ Under-nutrition, 113
+
+ Unemployment, 59, 125
+
+ Unit in relief, 60
+
+ Unity, mental, 41
+
+ Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142
+
+ Utilities, public, 71
+
+
+V
+
+ Variation, social, _vide_ social change
+
+ Vicissitudes, 14, 21
+
+ Vigilance committee, 19, 143
+
+ Vigor, economic, 70
+
+ Vocational training, 98, 136
+
+ Volition, 55, 64
+
+ Voluntary associations, 73, 84
+
+
+W
+
+ War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144
+
+ Wealth, 111
+
+ Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139
+
+ Will, 22, 44, 52, 53
+
+ Workmen's compensation, 105
+
+ Worship, 19, 77
+
+
+Z
+
+ Zeal, 44
+
+
+
+
+VITA
+
+
+Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of
+Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High
+School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at
+Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's
+Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of
+primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and
+Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney,
+Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British
+Empire Club of the University.
+
+
+
+
+ [ Transcriber's Note:
+
+ The following is a list of corrections made to the original.
+ The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
+
+ dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more
+ dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+
+ seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on
+ seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+
+ an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+ and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+
+ "So hypochrondriac fancies represent
+ "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+
+ fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the
+ fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._,
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+
+ sentiment.[73]
+ sentiment."[73]
+
+ pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was
+ pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+
+ could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+ could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+
+ may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social
+ may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+
+ depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+ depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+
+ comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+ comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+
+ precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6
+ precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+ of_ Halifax, 1918.
+ of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+ relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+ relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+
+ subsidize familes rather than institutions.
+ subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+ 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children.
+ 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+ exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims
+ exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+
+ John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+ John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+
+ We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are
+ We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+
+ In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal.
+ In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+
+ committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They
+ committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+
+ muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+ municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+
+ But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies
+ But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+
+ and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as
+ and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+
+ ch viii, p. 197.
+ ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+ The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+ The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction,
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+
+ Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77
+ Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ ]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by
+Samuel Henry Prince
+
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Catastrophe and Social Change
+ Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster
+
+Author: Samuel Henry Prince
+
+Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+<div id="tnote">
+<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Notes:</b></p>
+
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully
+as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation
+and non-standard punctuation.</p>
+
+<p>Some corrections of spelling and punctuation have been made.
+<span class="screen">They are marked <ins title="transcriber's note">like
+this</ins> in the text. The original text appears when hovering the cursor
+over the marked text.</span> A <a href="#tn-bottom">list of amendments</a> is
+at the end of the text.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the entries in the <a href="#Page_147">index</a> are not in alphabetical order; they
+have been kept as printed.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h1>CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL
+CHANGE</h1>
+
+<p class="center">BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF<br/>
+THE HALIFAX DISASTER</p>
+
+<p class="center" style="margin: 3em auto;"><small>BY</small><br/>
+SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M.&nbsp;A. (Tor.)</p>
+
+<p class="center small-caps">submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements<br/>
+for the degree of doctor of philosophy<br/>
+in the<br/>
+Faculty of Political Science<br/>
+Columbia University</p>
+
+<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em;">NEW YORK<br/>
+1920</p>
+
+<p class="center page-break italic" style="line-height: 1.4em;">Halifax<br/>
+is not a large city<br/>
+but there are those who love it<br/>
+who would choose to dwell therein<br/>
+before all cities beneath<br/>
+the skies</p>
+
+<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em; line-height: 1.4em;"><b>To</b><br/>
+<span class="small-caps">All Such</span><br/>
+CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE,<br/>
+<small>I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE<br/>
+THESE LINES</small></p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_7" title="7"> </a>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">The</span> following pages embody the result of an observational
+study of the social phenomena attendant upon one of
+the greatest catastrophies in history&mdash;the Halifax Disaster.
+The idea of the work was suggested while carrying out a
+civic community study of the disaster city under the direction
+of Professor F.&nbsp;H. Giddings of Columbia University.</p>
+
+<p>The account deals first with the shock and disintegration
+as the writer observed it. Individual and group reactions
+are next examined in the light of sociological theory.
+The <a href="#Chapter_3">chapters on Social Organization</a> are an effort to picture
+that process as it actually occurred.</p>
+
+<p>The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important
+contribution which Social Economy was able to
+make in the direction of systematic rehabilitation. Special
+reference is made to private initiative and governmental
+control in emergency relief. This monograph is in no
+sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the
+literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable
+social movements in great emergencies.</p>
+
+<p>Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather,
+as the title suggests, an intensive study of two social orders,
+between which stands a great catastrophe, and its thesis is
+the place of catastrophe in social change.</p>
+
+<p>In the preparation of this work, which the author believes
+to be the first attempt to present a purely scientific
+and sociological treatment of any great disaster, he has received
+invaluable assistance. A few grateful lines can
+ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the Department
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_8" title="8"> </a>
+of Sociology. To Professor F.&nbsp;H. Giddings the volume owes
+its inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor
+A.&nbsp;A. Tenney it owes its present form and structure
+and any literary excellence it may possess. Professor R.&nbsp;E.
+Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout and has
+contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S.&nbsp;M. Lindsay
+has read the <a href="#Chapter_6">chapter on Social Legislation</a>, and Professor
+R.&nbsp;S. Woodworth of the Department of Psychology,
+<a href="#Chapter_2">that on Disaster Psychology</a>. The author is under special
+tribute to Professor H.&nbsp;R. Seager, and to Professor Tenney,
+who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer vacation
+to read and revise the manuscript and proof.</p>
+
+<p>Without the walls of the University there are also those
+who have given aid. The author gratefully acknowledges
+the assistance of Dr. Edward T. Devine of New York,
+of Mr. C.&nbsp;C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas Mackay,
+of Ottawa, and of Miss E.&nbsp;M.&nbsp;A. Vaughan, of the St. John
+Public Library. He has enjoyed the coöperation of many
+friends and fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to
+thank particularly, Miss L.&nbsp;F. Barnaby, of the Halifax
+Citizens' Library, Miss J.&nbsp;B. Wisdom, of the Halifax Welfare
+Bureau, Rev. W.&nbsp;J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr.
+W.&nbsp;C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L.&nbsp;Fred.
+Monaghan, Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G.&nbsp;K. Butler,
+Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr. R.&nbsp;M. Hattie, Secretary
+of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr. Franklin B.
+Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission,
+Mr. E.&nbsp;A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax
+Board of Trade, Mr. E.&nbsp;H. Blois, Superintendent of
+Neglected and Delinquent Children, and last of all and most
+of all his friend of many years, Mr. A.&nbsp;J. Johnstone, editor
+of the <cite>Dartmouth Independent</cite>.</p>
+
+<p class="right">S.&nbsp;H.&nbsp;P.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">Columbia University, New York, October, 1920.</span></p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_9" title="9"> </a>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<table id="toc" summary="Contents">
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">Introduction</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="right">PAGE</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The &ldquo;catastrophe&rdquo; in sociological literature</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The &ldquo;catastrophic view&rdquo; <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vs.</i> progress in evolution</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Factors in social change</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The stimuli factors</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>What crises mean</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Communities and great vicissitudes</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Causes of immobility</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Catastrophe and progress</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Historic cases suggested for study</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER I<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Disintegration</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The City of Halifax</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Terrific nature of the explosion</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Destruction of life and property</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The subsequent fire and storms</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Annihilation of homes</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Arresting of business</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Disintegration of the social order</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER II<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Psychology</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Shock reaction</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Hallucination</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Primitive instincts</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Crowd psychology</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Phenomena of emotion</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>How men react when bereft completely</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Post-catastrophic phenomena</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality, custom
+and law</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Fatigue and the human will</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td><a class="pagenum" name="Page_10" title="10"> </a>The stimuli of heroism</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Mutual aid</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER III<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Organization</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The organization of relief</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The disaster protocracy</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The transition from chaos through leadership</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Utility of association</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Vital place of communication</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Imitation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Social pressure</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Consciousness of kind</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Discussion</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Circumstantial pressure</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Climate</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Geographic determinants</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Classification of factors</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER IV<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Organization (Continued)</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The reorganization of the civil social order</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Division of labor</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Resumption of normal activities</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>State and voluntary associations</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Order of reëstablishment</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Effects of environmental change</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The play of imitation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The stimulus of lookers-on</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Social conservation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER V<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Economy</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The contribution of social service</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Its four-fold character</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The principles of relief</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Rehabilitation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_86">86</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Phases of application</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Criticisms</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_92">92</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>A new principle</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Social results</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Summary for future guidance</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading"><a class="pagenum" name="Page_11" title="11"> </a>CHAPTER VI<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Legislation</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Governmental agencies in catastrophe</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>What seems to be expected of governments</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>What they actually do</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Social legislation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>A permanent contribution</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER VII<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Surplus</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover
+from disaster</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The case of San Francisco</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The case of Halifax</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Social surplus</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The equipmental factors</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of public response</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Catastrophe insurance</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>A practical step</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER VIII<br/>
+ Catastrophe and Social Change</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The unchanging Halifax of the years</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The causes of social immobility</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The new birthday</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The indications of change&mdash;appearance, expansion of business,
+population, political action, city-planning, housing, health, education,
+recreation, community spirit</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Carsten's prophecy</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td colspan="2" class="heading">CHAPTER IX<br/>
+ Conclusion</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Recapitulation</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The various steps in the study presented in propositional form</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_142">142</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>The rôle of catastrophe</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>Index</td>
+ <td class="right"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<blockquote class="page-break">
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_12" title="12"> </a>&ldquo;This awful catastrophe is not the end but
+the beginning. History does not end so. It is
+the way its chapters open.&rdquo;&mdash;<i>St. Augustine.</i></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_13" title="13"> </a>INTRODUCTION</h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The &ldquo;catastrophe&rdquo; in sociological literature&mdash;The &ldquo;catastrophic view&rdquo;
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vs.</i> progress in evolution&mdash;Factors in social change&mdash;The stimuli
+factors&mdash;What crises mean&mdash;Communities and great vicissitudes&mdash;Causes
+of immobility&mdash;Catastrophe and progress&mdash;Historic cases suggested
+for study.</p>
+
+<p>There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one
+of the attractions the subject has for the scientific mind.
+But of all such fields none is more interesting than the
+factor of catastrophe in social change.</p>
+
+<p>And strangely enough, if there are but few references to
+the problem in all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not
+because catastrophies are few. Indeed it would seem that
+with the advent of the industrial age, disasters grow more
+frequent every year.<a name="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Many are small, no doubt, touching
+but the life of a village or a borough&mdash;a broken dyke, a
+bridge swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again
+write themselves on the pages of History&mdash;an Ohio flood,
+an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San Francisco earthquake,
+a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes its
+records of social change&mdash;some to be effaced in a twelve-month&mdash;some
+to outlast a generation. Records they are,
+for the most part unread. How to read them is the problem.
+And it may be that when readers have grown in
+number and the script is better known, we shall be able to
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_14" title="14"> </a>
+seize the moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably
+its power for social good.</p>
+
+<p>To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The
+dictionary calls catastrophe &ldquo;an event producing a subversion
+of the order or system of things,&rdquo; and such as &ldquo;may
+or may not be a cause of misery to man.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> It is desirable
+however to limit the use of the term, in primary investigations
+at least, to those disasters which affect communities
+rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more
+amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war,
+famine, and financial panic are too general in character, and
+function on too grand a scale for satisfactory treatment,
+at least until the ground is cleared. It is necessary also to
+limit this investigation to those social changes which follow
+upon catastrophies, rather than precede them. For
+there are social effects which result from living in anticipation
+of disaster, such as are observable among communities
+in volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be,
+it would be likely to lead the investigator too far afield into
+the realm of speculation. Nevertheless a general point of
+view is necessary to give meaning to even a limited treatment
+of the theme. For this purpose there may be contrasted
+the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by
+that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of
+progress through evolution. The former looks upon history
+as a series of vicissitudes mercifully ending one day
+in final cataclysm. The spirit of apocalyptic expectancy prevails.
+Social conditions rest hopelessly static. Faith is
+pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can endure.
+Against this has been set an optimistic evolution,
+pictured like an escalade with resident forces lifting the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_15" title="15"> </a>
+world to better days. Progress becomes a smooth continuous
+growth. On the other hand the newer philosophy
+sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive
+evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.<a name="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+There are great stretches of smooth and even current in
+the stream, but always along the course are seen the rapid
+and the water-fall, the eddy and reversing tide. The latter
+is the general subject of this dissertation, and its thesis
+is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and
+specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must
+be left to abler hands.</p>
+
+<p>The conception of social change as used in this monograph
+also needs definition. By social change is meant those rapid
+mutations which accompany sudden interferences with the
+equilibrium of society, break up the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status-quo</i>, dissipate
+mental inertia and overturn other tendencies resistant to
+structural modification. The various forces which initiate
+such disturbances are factors in social change. These
+factors may be intra-social,&mdash;within the group&mdash;such factors
+as operate in the regular social process, imitation and adaptation,
+for example; or they may be extra-social, &ldquo;stimuli&rdquo;
+factors&mdash;from without the group&mdash;such as, accidental, extraneous
+or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may
+be one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or
+rapid changes of environment.<a name="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_16" title="16"> </a>These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study
+by scientific method. However important the accumulation
+of impulses toward social transformation may be, there
+is often a single &ldquo;precipitating factor&rdquo; which acts as the
+&ldquo;igniting spark&rdquo; or &ldquo;the knocking away of the stay-block,&rdquo;
+or &ldquo;the turning of a lever.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> It is among such
+extra-social or &ldquo;stimuli&rdquo; factors that catastrophe falls
+as a precipitating agent in social change.</p>
+
+<p>The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires
+attention, and it will be clarifying to our thought at
+this point to distinguish carefully between crisis and
+catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature of the former
+really is. The word &ldquo;crisis&rdquo; is of Greek origin, meaning
+a point of culmination and separation, an instant when
+change one way or another is impending. Crises are those
+critical moments which are, as we say, big with destiny.
+Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of victory turns.
+Diseases have them&mdash;the seventh day in pneumonia, or the
+fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford
+numerous illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.<a name="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+There are critical years of stress and strain&mdash;the ages
+of fourteen and forty in life-histories, the latter being according
+to Sir Robertson Nicoll the most dangerous hour
+of existence. Other crises are &ldquo;hours of insight&rdquo; in the
+world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of
+action,&mdash;that &ldquo;tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the
+flood leads on to fortune,&rdquo; hours of doubt in religion &ldquo;when
+all the gods are dead.&rdquo; &ldquo;Crisis,&rdquo; Professor Shailer <ins title="Matthews">Mathews</ins>
+observes, &ldquo;is something more than a relative term.
+It describes a situation which is no ordinary member of a
+line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures
+radical change in the immediate future.&rdquo; He distinguishes
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_17" title="17"> </a>
+between a crisis and a revolution. &ldquo;The difference between
+a revolution and a crisis is the difference between
+the fire and the moment when someone with a lighted match
+in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be lighted.&rdquo;
+The term covers the situation preceding change, whether
+this situation be the culmination of a process or the result
+of some particular stimulus. &ldquo;It is not necessarily precipitated
+by great issues. Quite as often it is occasioned
+by events .... which are so related to a new situation
+as to set in motion an entire group of forces as a match
+kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The
+failure to distinguish between that which occasions the
+crisis and the crisis itself has been the source of some confusion
+in thinking. &ldquo;Defeat in battle, floods, drought,
+pestilence and famine,&rdquo; are not strictly crises, but they
+super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything which
+brings about &ldquo;a disturbance of habit,&rdquo; though it be simply
+&ldquo;an incident, a stimulation or a suggestion.&rdquo; In short,
+crises are the result either of a slowly maturing process or of
+sudden strain or shock; and the nature of the reaction in
+the crisis-hour is nothing more than the effort towards the
+reëstablishment of habits, new or old, when the former
+functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been
+pointed out, is closely correlated with attention.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed;
+it is not at work. But when something happens to disturb
+the run of habit, the attention is called into play, and devises
+a new mode of behavior which will meet the crisis. That
+is, the attention establishes new and adequate habits, or it is
+its function so to do.<a name="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent"><a class="pagenum" name="Page_18" title="18"> </a>What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as
+the reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings
+has been the first to make the sociological application:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are
+the most stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are
+not unchanging. Under new and widening experience they
+suffer attrition and are modified. Instincts and with them
+emotion and imagination which largely fills the vast realm
+between instinct and reason are reconditioned. The word
+means simply that reflexes and higher processes subjected to
+new experiences are in a degree or entirely detached from old
+stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to time also
+traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by crisis.
+Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized, discussed.
+It is rationally deliberated.<a name="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies,
+as when revolutions break. The alternate truth that the
+catastrophies themselves are re-agents to generate the
+crisis-situation has not been so commonly noted. Nevertheless
+the disintegration of the normal by shock and
+calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle.</p>
+
+<p>Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of
+individual men rather than in the case of communities that
+the observations have been recorded. Our biographies teem
+with instances of personal crises precipitated by a great shock
+or disappointment&mdash;Hawthorne's dismissal from the custom
+house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the refusal
+of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of
+Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott.</p>
+
+<p>Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic
+of the crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity<a name="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_19" title="19"> </a>
+into which the individual is thrown. Life becomes like
+molten metal. It enters a state of flux<a name="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> from which it
+must reset upon a principle, a creed, or purpose. It is
+shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old customs
+crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a
+state of potentiality for reverse directions. The subject
+may &ldquo;fall down&rdquo; or he may &ldquo;fall up.&rdquo; The presence of
+dynamic forces in such a state means change. But the
+precise rôle of the individual mind in a period of crisis is
+a problem not for sociology but for psychology.</p>
+
+<p>The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social
+change is also true, however, of the community. Fluidity
+is not the usual state of society.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Most of the &ldquo;functions&rdquo; of society have no tendency to disturb
+the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>. The round of love, marriage and reproduction,
+so long as births and death balance, production so far
+as it is balanced by consumption, exchange so long as the
+argosies of commerce carry goods and not ideas, education so
+far as it passes on the traditional culture, these together with
+recreation, social intercourse, worship, social control, government
+and the administration of justice are essentially statical.
+They might conceivably go on forever without producing
+change.<a name="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility,
+conservatism and &ldquo;determined resistance to
+change.&rdquo; The chief reason for this immobility is habit:<a name="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_20" title="20"> </a>When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most
+resemble the instincts of animals. And the great part of our
+life is lived in the region of habit. The habits like the instincts
+are safe and serviceable. They have been tried and are
+associated with a feeling of security. There consequently
+grows up in the folk mind a determined resistance to change
+... a state of rapid and constant change implies loss of
+settled habits and disorganization. As a result, all societies
+view change with suspicion, and the attempt to revise certain
+habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is possible under
+such conditions for a society to become stationary or to attempt
+to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the present
+status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is particularly
+marked among savages. In the absence of science
+and a proper estimate of the value of change they rely on
+ritual and magic and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the
+past. Change is consequently introduced with a maximum of
+resistance ... Indeed the only world in which change is at a
+premium and is systematically sought is the modern scientific
+world.<a name="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of
+custom by catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered
+right and left. Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke.
+There comes a sudden chance for permanent social change.</p>
+
+<p>Social changes follow both minor and major disasters.
+The destruction of a mill may change the economic outlook
+of a village. The loss of a bridge may result in an entirely
+different school system for an isolated community; a cloud-burst
+may move a town. Great visitations, like the Chicago
+fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social
+processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a
+single instance the latter city. Its quick recovery has been
+called one of the wonders of the age. In the very midst of
+surrounding desolation and business extinction, the Californian
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_21" title="21"> </a>
+city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition, and its
+citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all
+world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which
+succeed relatively small disturbances are often such as to
+elude an estimate. The reason has been well suggested
+that &ldquo;big crises bring changes about most easily because
+they affect all individuals alike at the same time.&rdquo; In other
+words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see,
+therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only
+is fluidity fundamental to social change, but the degree of
+fluidity seems to vary directly as the shock and extent of the
+catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe
+upon social progress. The following words are quotable
+in this connection:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people
+has a certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered,
+and the most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous
+life. Our proverb &ldquo;Necessity is the mother of invention&rdquo; is
+the formulation in folk-thought of this principle of social
+change.<a name="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion
+as to the principle concerned&mdash;namely, that progress
+is a natural and an assured result of change. The point is
+that catastrophe always means social change. There is not
+always progress. It is well to guard against confusion here.
+Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress
+means &ldquo;amelioration, perfectionment.&rdquo; The latter will
+be seen to depend on other things&mdash;the nature of the shock,
+the models presented, the community culture and morale,
+the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on. The single case of
+Galveston, Texas,<a name="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> is sufficient to disprove the too optimistic
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_22" title="22"> </a>
+hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform.
+Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood,
+and in spite of superior commercial advantages was outgrown
+by a rival fifty miles away. At the same time the
+case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in mind. Here also
+was a flood-stricken city and she became &ldquo;the Gem City of
+the West.&rdquo; The principle<a name="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> thus appears to be that progress
+in catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors,
+some of which are subject to social control.</p>
+
+<p>It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope
+of eventual social control over disaster-stricken cities, and
+the transmutation of seeming evil into tremendous good.
+And this is in addition to the many practical social lessons
+which we have already been intelligent enough to preserve,
+such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient
+charity organization.</p>
+
+<p>How much of man's advancement has been directly or
+indirectly due to disaster?<a name="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The question asks itself and
+it is a question as yet without an answer. When the answer
+is at last written, will there not be many surprises? Pitt-Rivers
+tells us that &ldquo;the idea of a large boat might have
+been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated
+down the rivers before the eyes of men.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> A terrible
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_23" title="23"> </a>
+storm at sea gave America its first rice.<a name="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> City-planning may
+be said to have taken its rise in America as a result of the
+Chicago fire, and the rôle of catastrophe in the progress of
+social legislation is a study in itself. The impetus thus
+received is immeasurable. Historically, labor-legislation
+took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever in the
+cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine
+disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the
+Triangle fire which led to the appropriation of funds for
+a factory investigation commission in the State of New
+York. The sinking of the Titanic has greatly reduced the
+hazards of the sea.</p>
+
+<p>It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days
+to come who invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not
+entirely without ground for the faith which is in them; and
+that catastrophies are frequently only re-agents of further
+progress. But this is merely introductory. Thought becomes
+scientific only when its conclusions are checked up
+and under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to
+such procedure it must still remain opinion or belief.</p>
+
+<p>The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field
+in sociology. Knowledge will grow scientific only after
+the most faithful examination of many catastrophies. But
+it must be realized that the data of the greatest value is left
+ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the social
+memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the
+event. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that
+sociological studies of Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San
+Francisco, and other disaster cities should be initiated at once.<a name="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_24" title="24"> </a>Of such a series&mdash;if the work can be done&mdash;this little
+volume on Halifax is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that
+the many inadequacies of treatment will receive the generous
+allowances permitted a pioneer.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_25" title="25"> </a><a name="Chapter_1">CHAPTER I</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Disintegration</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The City of Halifax&mdash;Terrific nature of the explosion&mdash;Destruction of
+life and property&mdash;The subsequent fire and storms&mdash;Annihilation of
+homes&mdash;Arresting of business&mdash;Disintegration of the social order.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">Halifax</span> is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of
+Canada on her Atlantic seaboard. It is situated at the head
+of Chebucto <ins title="Bay">Bay,</ins> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline
+of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with a magnificent
+harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three
+finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely
+ride at anchor. The possession of this harbor, together
+with ample defences, and a fortunate situation with regard
+to northern Europe established the Garrison City, early in
+the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the Dominion.
+Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third
+shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the
+transports came, and the giant freighters to join their convoy.
+Cruisers and men-of-war put in to use its great dry-dock,
+or take on coal. Here too, cleared the supply and munition
+boats&mdash;some laden with empty shells, others with high explosives
+destined for the distant fields of battle. How much
+of the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went
+during those fateful years is not publicly known.<a name="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Certainly
+there was too much to breed a sense of safety, but no
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_26" title="26"> </a>
+one gave the matter second thought. All were intent upon
+the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day was
+each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung
+across the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly
+the sea and sky. The forts were fully manned. The
+gunners ready. The people knew these things, and no one
+dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure in
+her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic.</p>
+
+<p>About midway in the last two years of war&mdash;to be exact
+December, 1917,&mdash;a French munitioner<a name="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> heavily laden
+with trinitrotoluol, the most powerful of known explosives,
+reached Halifax from New York. On the early morning
+of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her
+own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the
+basin&mdash;an oval expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called
+Turple Head. Suddenly an empty Belgian relief ship<a name="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>
+swept through the Narrows directly in her pathway. There
+was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers.
+The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook
+the world!</p>
+
+<p>War came to America that morning. Two thousand
+slain, six thousand injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five
+millions of dollars in property destroyed, three hundred
+acres left a smoking waste, churches, schools, factories
+blown down or burned&mdash;such was the appalling havoc of the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_27" title="27"> </a>
+greatest single explosion in the history of the world.<a name="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> It
+was an episode which baffles description. It is difficult to
+gain from words even an approximate idea of the catastrophe
+and what followed in its trail.</p>
+
+<p>It was all of a sudden&mdash;a single devastating blast; then
+the sound as of the crashing of a thousand chandeliers.
+Men and women cowered under the shower of debris and
+glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank,
+and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men
+looked dumbly into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack
+of doom. To some death was quick and merciful in its
+coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <ins title="an">and</ins> fro
+before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+themselves forth into the light&mdash;naked, blackened, unrecognizable
+human shapes. They lay prone upon the
+streetside, under the shadow of the great death-cloud which
+still dropped soot and oil and water. It was truly a sight
+to make the angels weep.</p>
+
+<p>Men who had been at the front said they had seen
+nothing so bad in Flanders. Over there men were torn with
+shrapnel, but the victims were in all cases men. Here
+father and mother, daughter and little child, all fell in
+&ldquo;one red burial blent.&rdquo; A returned soldier said of it: &ldquo;I
+have been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the
+top. Friends and comrades have been shot in my presence.
+I have seen scores of dead men lying upon the battlefield,
+but the sight .... was a thousand times worse and far
+more pathetic.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> A well-known relief worker who had
+been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after
+those disasters said &ldquo;I am impressed by the fact that this is
+much the saddest disaster I have seen.&rdquo; It has been compared
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_28" title="28"> </a>
+to the scenes pictured by Lord Lytton in his tale of
+the last days of Pompeii:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing
+down upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers
+in fierce flames. But every other sickening detail was present&mdash;that
+of crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling
+homes, and cruel flame and fire. And there were showers, not
+it is true of ashes from the vortex of the volcano, but of soot
+and oil and water, of death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and
+deck and boiler, of glass and wood and of the shattered ship.<a name="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss &ldquo;in all five
+of the ways it is possible for a disaster to do so, in death,
+permanent injury, temporary injury, personal property loss,
+and real property loss.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Here were to be found in one
+dread assembling the combined horrors of war, earthquake,
+fire, flood, famine and storm&mdash;a combination seen for the
+first time in the records of human disaster.</p>
+
+<p>It was an earthquake<a name="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> so violent that when the explosion
+occurred the old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy.
+The citadel trembled, the whole horizon seemed to move
+with the passing of the earth waves. These were caught
+and registered, their tracings<a name="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> carefully preserved, but the
+mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster
+and collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim
+brought death and burial at one and the same time.</p>
+
+<p>It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_29" title="29"> </a>
+tidal wave, fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and
+embankment into the lower streets, and receding, left boats
+and wreckage high and dry, but carried to a watery doom
+score upon score of human lives. Nearly two hundred men
+were drowned.</p>
+
+<p>It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for
+a second filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves
+secretly within the lightning discharge of gas, only
+to burst out in gusts of sudden flame. Numberless buildings
+were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught to the
+northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was
+crimson; below, a living crematorium&mdash;church and school,
+factory and home burned together in one fierce conflagration;
+and the brave firemen knew that there were men and
+women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past self-help.
+Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but
+in vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands,
+but often failed to save alive the captives of the flame. And
+so the last dread process went on,&mdash;earth to earth, ashes to
+ashes, dust to dust. And when the fires at last abated, the
+north end of the City of Halifax looked like some blackened
+hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the
+spring.</p>
+
+<p>But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments
+was the tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting
+ship. It wrought instant havoc everywhere. Trees were
+torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like toothpicks.
+Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses.
+Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses
+collapsed on all sides. Steamers were slammed against the
+docks. Then followed a veritable air-raid, when the sky
+rained iron fragments upon the helpless city. Like a meteoric
+shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand roofs, and
+with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_30" title="30"> </a>Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Dies
+Irae</cite>. Scarce was the catastrophe an hour old when the
+news was flashed around that a second explosion was approaching.
+It was the powder magazine in the Navy-yard,
+and the flames were perilously near. Through the
+crowded streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to
+come. &ldquo;Flee!.... Flee!.... Get into the open
+ground&rdquo; was the cry. Shops were abandoned unguarded,
+goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till
+was closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng,
+driven like animals before a prairie fire&mdash;yet this was not all;
+for &ldquo;the plight of the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden,
+the cripples, the nursing mothers, the pregnant can
+not be described.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the
+Younger tells:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children
+and the shouts of men. Some were seeking their children;
+others their parents, others their wives and husbands ... one
+lamenting his own fate, another that of his family. Some
+praying to die from the very fear of dying, many lifting their
+hands to the gods, but the greater part imagining that there
+were no gods left anywhere, and that the last and eternal night
+was come upon the world.<a name="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">It has been said that &ldquo;Moscow was no more deserted before
+Napoleon than were the shattered streets of Halifax when
+this flight had been carried out.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> And when the hegira
+was over, and when there had ensued a partial recovery
+from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony had
+yet to be undergone&mdash;a succession of winter storms. Blizzards,
+rain, floods and zero weather were even then upon
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_31" title="31"> </a>
+the way. They came in close procession and as if to crown
+and complete the terrors of the great catastrophe thunder
+rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly the
+snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax&mdash;&ldquo;a
+calamity the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination
+of the world.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p>The description here concluded, brief and inadequate
+as it is, will sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the
+catastrophic shock, and explain how utter and complete was
+the social disintegration which followed.</p>
+
+<p>There was the disintegration of the home and the family,&mdash;the
+reproductive system of society&mdash;its members sundered
+and helpless to avert it. There was the disintegration
+of the regulative system&mdash;government was in perplexity,
+and streets were without patrol. There was the disintegration
+of the sustaining system&mdash;a dislocation of transportation,
+a disorganization of business while the wheels of industry
+ceased in their turning. There was a derangement
+of the distributive system<a name="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>&mdash;of all the usual services, of illumination,
+water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was
+impossible to communicate with the outside world. There
+were no cars, no mails, no wires. There was a time when
+the city ceased to be a city, its citizens a mass of unorganized
+units&mdash;struggling for safety, shelter, covering and bread.
+As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; &ldquo;The whole elements of
+civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied
+and complicated machinery of social life was left save the
+primal law of self preservation.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
+
+<p>A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_32" title="32"> </a>
+of the disaster night and the beautiful evening before.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no
+happy throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the
+fire-side. The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead
+of laughter, weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing
+pain; instead of Elysian dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears
+and sorrow were in the way and all the daughters of music
+were brought low ... Halifax had become in a trice a city
+of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.<a name="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories
+that first night, to have seen men, women and children,
+of all stations, huddled together on the stages of theatres,
+the chancels of churches, in stables, box-cars and basements
+was to have beheld a rift in the social structure such as no
+community had ever known. Old traditional social lines
+were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe
+smashed through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also
+smashed through fixed traditions, social divisions and old
+standards, making a rent which would not easily repair.
+Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid, official and bellboy
+met for the first time as victims of a common calamity.</p>
+
+<p>Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when
+Mr. Ratshesky of the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he
+could report: &ldquo;An awful sight presented itself, buildings
+shattered on all sides&mdash;chaos apparent.&rdquo; In a room in
+the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled &ldquo;men
+and women trying to organize different departments of relief,
+while other rooms were filled to utmost capacity with
+people pleading for doctors, nurses, food, and clothing for
+themselves and members of their families. Everything was
+in turmoil.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> This account faithfully expresses the disintegration
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_33" title="33"> </a>
+which came with the great shock of what had
+come to pass. It is this disintegration and the resultant
+phenomena which are of utmost importance for the student
+of social science to observe. To be quite emotionally free in
+the observation of such phenomena, however, is almost impossible.
+It has been said of sociological investigations that</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">observation is made under bias because the facts under review
+are those of human life and touch human interest. A man can
+count the legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because
+he thinks there are too many or too few. But when he observes
+the life of the society in which he moves, lives and has his being,
+or some other society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or
+disapproves, is edified or horrified, by what he observes. When
+he does that he passes a moral judgment.<a name="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In
+our present study it is natural that our sympathy reactions
+should be especially strong. &ldquo;<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quamquam animus meminisse
+horret, incipiam</i>&rdquo; must be our motto. As students
+we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from them,
+and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's
+patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect
+of large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must
+learn well when the abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies
+and when social processes are seen magnified by a thousand
+diameters. Only thus can we hope for advances that will
+endure.</p>
+
+<p>In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the
+reorganization of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society
+itself as it reacts under the stimulus of catastrophe, and
+adjusts itself to the circumstantial pressure of new conditions.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_34" title="34"> </a>Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the <a href="#Chapter_2">next
+chapter</a>, to glance at a number of social phenomena which
+should be recorded and examined in the light of social
+psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of each
+chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose
+if thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted
+in disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of
+the usual methods of social control and dissolution of the
+customary; that through the catastrophe the community
+was thrown into the state of flux which, as was suggested
+in the <a href="#Page_13">introduction</a>, is the logical and natural prerequisite
+for social change; and finally that the shock was of a
+character such as &ldquo;to affect all individuals alike at the same
+time,&rdquo; and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable
+to social change.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_35" title="35"> </a><a name="Chapter_2">CHAPTER II</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Psychology</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">Shock reaction&mdash;Hallucination&mdash;Primitive instincts&mdash;Crowd psychology&mdash;Phenomena
+of emotion&mdash;How men react when bereft completely&mdash;Post-catastrophic
+phenomena&mdash;Human nature in the absence of repression
+by conventionality, custom and law&mdash;Fatigue and the human
+will&mdash;The stimuli of heroism&mdash;Mutual aid.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">Social</span> Psychology is a subject of primary importance
+to the student of society. Like Sociology itself its field
+is far from being exhausted. One looks in vain for a treatment
+of disaster psychology. In such a study the diverse
+phenomena involved would be of interest to the psychologist.
+Their effects in retarding or promoting social organization
+would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects
+in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the
+major subjective reactions as they were to be seen in the
+Halifax catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>It is improbable that any single community has ever
+presented so composite a picture of human traits in such
+bold relief as appeared in the City of Halifax upon the day
+of the explosion. Human phenomena which many knew
+of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that
+he who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions
+there was abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion,
+primitive instincts, and crowd psychology as well of
+other phenomena all of which have important sociological
+significance tending either to prolong disintegration, or to
+hasten social recovery.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_36" title="36"> </a>The first of these phenomena was the &ldquo;stun&rdquo; of the
+catastrophe itself. The shock reaction at Halifax has been
+variously described. It has been graphically likened &ldquo;to
+being suddenly stricken with blindness and paralysis.&rdquo; It
+was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. &ldquo;We
+died a thousand horrible deaths&rdquo; ran one description, &ldquo;the
+nervous shock and terror were as hard to bear as were the
+wounds.&rdquo; &ldquo;The people are dazed,&rdquo; wrote another observer,
+&ldquo;they have almost ceased to exercise the sensation
+of pain.&rdquo; This physiological reaction animals and men
+shared alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses
+was as of beasts which had suddenly gone mad.</p>
+
+<p>A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction
+is the abnormal action of the glands. The disturbance of
+the sympathetic nervous system produced by the emotional
+stress and strain of a great excitement or a great disappointment
+is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of
+glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness
+was precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of
+the disaster.<a name="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Among cases observed were those of diabetes,
+tuberculosis and hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous
+instability to which reference is subsequently made. Such
+an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism&mdash;exaggerated action of
+the thyroid gland&mdash;is said to have followed the Kishineff
+massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids
+on London.<a name="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> As to diabetes, it has been shown that</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a
+step toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear
+in persons under emotional strain ... so common is this
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_37" title="37"> </a>particular result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone
+has said that &ldquo;when stocks go down in New York, diabetes
+goes up.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have
+to note the presence of hallucination in disaster.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression.
+For example, the patient sees an object which has
+no real existence, or hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations
+are termed visual, auditory, tactile, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> according to the sense to
+which the false impression appears to belong.<a name="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected.
+It is sense-perception colored by association. It
+is the power of a dominant idea that, unbidden, enters the
+field of consciousness and takes possession of even the
+senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to dominate
+most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality&mdash;the
+expected Germans. For a long time there had been
+under public discussion the question as to whether or not
+the city would be shelled by Zeppelin raiders, or possibly by
+a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been darkened by
+military orders. The failure to draw window shades had
+been subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked
+upward when there came the crash, and when seeing the
+strange unusual cloud beheld the Zeppelin of fancy. A
+man residing on the outskirts of the town of Dartmouth
+&ldquo;heard&rdquo; a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth
+Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here
+perhaps the vista is most expansive, and the eye sees furthest.
+The instant after the explosion a citizen standing here
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_38" title="38"> </a>
+&ldquo;saw&rdquo; clearly a German fleet manoeuvering in the distance.<a name="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
+That shells had actually come few on the instant
+doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not
+to run elsewhere, as &ldquo;two shots never fall in the same place.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>This&mdash;a German assault&mdash;was the great mental explanation
+that came into the majority of minds. There was one
+other&mdash;that of the end of the world. Many fell to their
+knees in prayer. One woman was found in the open yard
+by her broken home repeating the general confession of the
+church. Few would have been surprised if out of the
+smoky cloud-ridden skies there should have appeared the
+archangels announcing the consummation of mundane affairs.
+Indeed there were instances, not a few, of those
+who &ldquo;saw&rdquo; in the death-cloud &ldquo;the clear outlines of a
+face.&rdquo; Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were
+manifested to a degree.</p>
+
+<p>Hallucination has been described as &ldquo;seeing&rdquo; something
+which has no basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion,
+which is rather a misinterpretation of what is seen. &ldquo;Delusions
+are closely allied to hallucinations and generally accompany
+the latter. The distinction lies in the fact that
+delusions are not false sensations but false beliefs.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
+Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous
+shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve
+the judgment of perception. This was especially noticeable
+at Halifax in the hospital identification, particularly of
+children. A distracted father looked into a little girl's
+face four different times but did not recognize her as his
+own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_39" title="39"> </a>
+was also noted. A fond parent time and time
+again &ldquo;discovered&rdquo; his lost child, &ldquo;seeing&rdquo; to complete
+satisfaction special marks and features on its little body.
+But often there were present those who knew better, and
+the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon
+was repeated in numberless instances at the morgue.
+Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <ins title="whereever">wherever</ins>
+refugees were gathered together, the overwrought
+searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and
+suddenly &ldquo;recognize&rdquo; a missing relative or friend.<a name="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Regretfully
+the attendant fulfilled the same thankless task
+from day to day. There had been no recognition at all.
+The observer had seen &ldquo;not the object itself but the image
+evoked in the mind.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>
+
+<p>The primitive instincts of man were for a long time
+vaguely and loosely defined, until James and later McDougall
+essayed to give them name and number. But only
+with Thorndike's critical examination has it become clear
+how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation
+back to the elemental or &ldquo;primal movers of all human
+activity.&rdquo; Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing
+save a set of original tendencies to respond to stimuli
+in more or less definite directions. When he speaks of
+instincts it is to mean only a &ldquo;series of situations and responses&rdquo;
+or &ldquo;a set of tendencies for various situations to
+arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, <i>etc.</i> with which
+certain bodily movements usually go.&rdquo; Among them, there
+are those resulting in &ldquo;food-getting and habitation,&rdquo; in
+&ldquo;fear, fighting and anger&rdquo; and in &ldquo;human intercourse.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
+But McDougall's classification preserves the old phrases,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_40" title="40"> </a>
+and men are likely to go on speaking of the &ldquo;instinct of
+flight,&rdquo; the &ldquo;instinct of pugnacity,&rdquo; &ldquo;parental instinct,&rdquo;
+&ldquo;gregarious instinct&rdquo; and the others.<a name="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> For the sociologist
+it is enough that all agree that men are held under some
+powerful grip of nature and driven at times almost inevitably
+to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their social
+effects.</p>
+
+<p>In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most
+plainly and less subject to the re-conditioning influences
+of ordinary life. This was especially noticeable at Halifax.
+The instinct of flight for self-preservation was
+reflected in the reaction of thousands. &ldquo;Almost without
+thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation
+I backed from the window to a small store-room and
+stood there dazed.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The experience so described may be
+said to have been general. This instinct was to be seen
+again in the action of the crew of the explosives-laden ship.
+Scarcely had the collision occurred when the whole complement
+lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the
+nearest shore&mdash;which happened to be that opposite to Halifax&mdash;and
+&ldquo;scooted for the woods.&rdquo; As the ship, although
+set on fire immediately after the impact, did not actually
+blow up until some twenty minutes later, much might have
+been done by men less under the domination of instinct, in
+the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable
+catastrophe.<a name="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
+
+<p>The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine
+example of difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_41" title="41"> </a>
+also in other instances, some suggestive of that early combat
+when animals and men struggled for mere physical
+existence.</p>
+
+<p>The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and
+was reflected not only in the sacrifices made and the privations
+endured by parents for their young, but in every act
+of relief, which arose in involuntary response to the cry
+of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the phenomenon
+often noticed in disasters that &ldquo;immediately and
+spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to
+the work of rescue and first aid.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<p>The gregarious instinct&mdash;the instinct to herd&mdash;showed
+itself in the spontaneous groupings which came about and
+which seemed somehow to be associated with feelings of
+security from further harm. The refugees found comfort
+in the group. They rarely remained alone.</p>
+
+<p>These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less
+degree of complication were to be remarked of the actions
+not only of individuals but of groups as well. In the latter
+the typical phenomena of crowd psychology were manifested
+upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be what
+it is&mdash;&ldquo;the like response of many to a socially inciting event
+or suggestion such as sudden danger.&rdquo; Out of a mere
+agglomeration of individuals and under the stress of emotional
+excitement there arose that mental unity, which Le
+Bon emphasizes.<a name="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> There was noticeable the feeling of
+safety associated with togetherness which Trotter suggests.<a name="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
+There was the suggestibility, with its preceding conditions
+which Sidis<a name="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> has clarified, namely, expectancy, inhibition,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_42" title="42"> </a>
+and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were
+the triple characteristics which Giddings notes: &ldquo;Crowds
+are subject to swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive
+to suggestion .... and always manifest a tendency to
+carry suggested ideas immediately into action.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none
+more apt than those furnished by the reactions following
+the Halifax tragedy. Only Pliny's narrative of the flight
+from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the story of the &ldquo;Day of
+Fear&rdquo; in France,<a name="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> or that depicting the days of the comet<a name="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
+are comparable thereto.</p>
+
+<p>At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars.
+Some ran to the streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in
+the shops ran home. This was in the area of wounds and
+bruises. Farther north was the area of death. Thither
+the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass
+and splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came
+the orders of the soldiers, whose barracks were situated
+in the very heart of the danger district, for the people to
+fly southward, Common-ward, to the open spaces&mdash;anywhere.
+Another explosion was imminent. Then came
+further outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic
+account:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and
+fled. Hammers, shovels and bandages were thrown aside.
+Stores were left wide open with piles of currency on their
+counters. Homes were vacated in a twinkling. Little tots
+couldn't understand why they were being dragged along so
+fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did, either to
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_43" title="43"> </a>catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to see
+again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them
+the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some
+carried children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled
+together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled
+in their night dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies
+blackened with soot and grime. These had come from the
+destroyed section of the North End. What a storm-tossed
+motley throng, and as varied in its aspect and as poignant in
+its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian refugees fleeing
+before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the great
+majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies
+and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they
+thought was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where
+possibly its shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the
+Common were black with terrified thousands. Thousands more
+trudged along St. Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among
+its trees and winding curves.... Many cut down boughs and
+made themselves fires&mdash;for they were bitterly cold. Here they
+were&mdash;poorly clad, badly wounded, and with not one loaf of
+bread in all their number, so hastily did they leave, when galloping
+horsemen announced the danger was over and it was safe
+to return.<a name="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes
+a crowd was noted.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some
+massed in groups, some running anxiously back and forth like
+ants when their hill has been crushed. There were blanched
+faces and trembling hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation
+and every bearer of tidings was immediately surrounded.<a name="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_44" title="44"> </a>
+the subsequent scenes which were witnessed in supply stations
+and shelters, the association which Sidis draws between
+calamity and hyper-suggestibility in the body politic
+was abundantly endorsed.</p>
+
+<p>We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of
+emotion which accompany a great catastrophe. This is
+not the less difficult because the term emotion is not given
+consistent use even by psychologists. One interprets it
+as merely the affective side of the instinctive process&mdash;those
+&ldquo;modes of affective experience,&rdquo; such as &ldquo;anger, fear,
+curiosity,&rdquo; which accompany the excitement of &ldquo;the principal
+powerful instincts.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> Another sees it as also an impulsive,
+not merely a receptive state. It is &ldquo;the way the body
+feels when it is prepared for a certain reaction,&rdquo; and includes
+&ldquo;an impulse toward the particular reaction.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of
+the emotions as complicated states of feeling more or less
+allied to one another and to the human will.<a name="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Among them
+are jealousy and envy&mdash;&ldquo;discomfort at seeing others approved
+and at being out-done by them.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> This appeared
+repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included
+in disaster psychology. Again greed<a name="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>&mdash;more strictly
+a social instinct than an emotion&mdash;was common. How common
+will receive further exemplification in a <a href="#Page_80">later chapter</a>.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_45" title="45"> </a>Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment
+while evident, were of less significance. Gratitude
+was early shown and there were many formal expressions
+of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced by a feeling
+that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving their
+due in whatever aid was obtained.</p>
+
+<p>Of special interest is the rôle of the tender emotions,
+kindliness, sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions
+which may be expected when these occur in unusual exaltation
+through the repetition of stimuli or otherwise.
+Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the
+feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns
+us here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation
+is multiplex. Of this multiplex stimulation in collective
+psychology Graham Wallas has written:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the
+rapid repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance,
+when it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is
+extreme conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.<a name="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>
+Reaction is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in
+dreams, less rationally and morally than they do if the whole
+of their nature is brought into play.<a name="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which
+the presence of a crowd induces may be given wider application,
+and is indeed a most illuminating thought, describing
+exactly the psycho-emotional reactions produced by the
+stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed at
+Halifax.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_46" title="46"> </a>A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced
+upon a young doctor who operated continuously for
+many hours in the removal of injured eyes. The emotional
+tension he went through is expressed in his words to a
+witness: &ldquo;If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder
+somebody.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Another instance where conscious control of feeling and
+action was diminished was that of a soldier. He was so
+affected by what he passed through during the explosion and
+his two days' participation in relief work, that he quite unwittingly
+took a seat in a train departing for Montreal.
+Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings
+he recovered his memory. Over and over again he
+had been picturing the dreadful scenes which he had experienced.
+This condition includes a hyperactivity of the
+imagination &ldquo;characterized by oneirism [oneiric delirium]
+reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which
+immediately preceded the hypogenic shock.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>
+
+<p>The nature of sympathy<a name="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> may not be clearly comprehended
+but of its effects there is no doubt. It may lead to
+the relief of pain or induce the exactly opposite effect; or
+it may bring about so lively a distress as to quite incapacitate
+a man from giving help. Again it may lead to the avoidance
+of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no
+account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter
+the devastated area. Others by a process understood in
+the psychology of insanity secured the desired avoidance by
+suicide. The association of suicide with catastrophe has
+been already remarked in the case of San Francisco. A
+Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored
+hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_47" title="47"> </a>
+his emotional experiences too strong. He lost his mental
+balance and was discovered dead one morning near his
+office door. He had hanged himself during the night.
+Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness
+and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted
+to follow them in death.</p>
+
+<p>Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional
+states. Sorrow is painful because &ldquo;the impulse is baffled
+and cannot attain more than the most scanty and imperfect
+satisfaction in little acts, such as the leaving of flowers on
+the grave;&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> although the intensity is increased by
+other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of
+stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior
+other than that which commonly attends the experience
+of grief. A phenomenon associated with wholesale
+bereavement is the almost entire absence of tears. A
+witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the
+end of the second day that he saw tears for the first time.<a name="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
+At Halifax, where the loss of life was many times greater,
+there was little crying. There seemed to be indeed a miserable
+but strong consolation in the fact that all were alike
+involved in the same calamity.<a name="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>There was &ldquo;no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and
+eager desire to help some one less fortunate.&rdquo; Another
+observer said: &ldquo;I have never seen such kindly feeling. I
+have never seen such tender sympathy. I have never heard
+an impatient word.&rdquo; And this was amongst men &ldquo;who were
+covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who
+have not had a night's sleep, and who go all day long without
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_48" title="48"> </a>
+thought of food.&rdquo; Another visitor remarked &ldquo;there is
+not a more courageous, sane and reasonable people. Everyone
+is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives
+and children, women whose sons and husbands are dead,
+boys and girls whose homes have been destroyed, are working
+to relieve the distress.&rdquo; A Montreal clergyman reported
+that &ldquo;Halifax people have been meeting with dry
+eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings
+and the exposures which followed the explosion.&rdquo;
+Grief is after all &ldquo;a passive emotion,&rdquo; a &ldquo;reaction of helplessness.&rdquo;
+It is &ldquo;a state of mind appropriate to a condition
+of affairs where nothing is to be done&rdquo;&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> and there
+was much to be done at Halifax.</p>
+
+<p>There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional
+parturition. As was to be expected the shock meant the
+immediate provision of a maternity hospital. Babies were
+born in cellars and among ruins. Premature births were
+common, one indeed taking place in the midst of the huddled
+thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common
+for permission to return to their abandoned homes.
+Nor were all the ills for which the shock was responsible
+immediately discernible. There were many post-catastrophic
+phenomena. Three months after the explosion many
+found themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown,
+which the doctors attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe.
+It was a condition closely allied to &ldquo;war-neurasthenia.&rdquo;
+Another disaster after-effect also may be here recorded.
+This was the not unnatural way in which people
+&ldquo;lived on edge,&rdquo; for a long period after the disaster.
+There was a readiness and suggestibility to respond to
+rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at least the schools
+were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth into
+pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of
+reports of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_49" title="49"> </a>
+of the sociological fact that &ldquo;the more expectant,
+or overwrought the public mind, the easier it is to set up a
+great perturbation. After a series of public calamities
+.... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or
+<ins title="sentiment.">sentiment.&rdquo;</ins><a name="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>
+
+<p>There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations
+of behavior associated with the psychology of disaster
+relief. (1) The preference upon the part of the
+refugee for plural leadership and decision. (2) The aggravation
+of helplessness through the open distribution of
+relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion
+of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of
+lassitude and depression after a period of strain. (5) The
+desire for privacy during interviews. (6) The vital importance
+of prompt decision in preventing an epidemic of
+complaint.<a name="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>
+
+<p>Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested
+in the phenomena of repression, inhibition and taboo.
+The real motives of action are often very different
+from the apparent motives which overlie them. Instinctive
+tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization,
+but they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed.
+These resistances are either within our minds or in society.
+The latter are summed up in conventionality, custom and
+law, all so relatively recent<a name="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> in time as to supply a very
+thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have held
+sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality,
+custom and law possess in a community until in some
+extraordinary catastrophe their power is broken, or what
+is the same thing the ability to enforce them is paralyzed.
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_50" title="50"> </a>
+This fact is especially true of repressive enactments, and
+most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe shatters
+the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went
+on strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all
+towns to repair to the unguarded center, but an unexpected
+reserve of crookedness came to light within the city itself.
+Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of plunder and sacrilege
+which had taken place &ldquo;when the pillars of the world tottered
+to and fro.&rdquo; At the time of the St. John Fire
+&ldquo;loafers and thieves held high carnival. All night long they
+roamed the streets and thieved upon the misfortunes of
+others.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
+
+<p>With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum
+in the confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces
+of respectability and law practically unknown, men appeared
+for what they were as the following statement only
+too well discloses:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls
+or vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered
+over the bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries.
+Men taking advantage of the flight from the city because
+of the possibility of another explosion went into houses and
+shops, and took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold
+of. Then there were the nightly prowlers among the ruins,
+who rifled the pockets of the dead and dying, and snatched
+rings from icy fingers. A woman lying unconscious on the
+street had her fur coat snatched from her back.... One of
+the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a shop-keeper
+from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time a
+cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it
+to a young man standing by to hold while he took the victim
+to a place of refuge. When he returned the box was there,
+but the young man and the money had disappeared.</p>
+
+<p>Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_51" title="51"> </a>their rents upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax
+Trades and Labor Council adopted a resolution urging that
+the Mayor be authorized to request all persons to report landlords
+who &ldquo;have taken advantage of conditions created by the
+explosion.&rdquo; ... Plumbers refused to hold their union rules
+in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the regular eight
+hours unless they received their extra rates for overtime; and
+the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude and refused
+to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the
+chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when
+many men and women were working twelve and fourteen hours
+a day without a cent or thought of remuneration. One
+Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as &ldquo;squeezing the uttermost
+farthing out of the anguished necessities of the homeless
+men, women and children.&rdquo; Truckmen charged exorbitant
+prices for the transferring of goods and baggage. Merchants
+boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving child
+thirty cents for a loaf of bread.</p>
+
+<p>On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued
+a proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be
+dealt with under the provisions of the law.<a name="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more.
+The military placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted
+preventing entrance to the ruins to those who were not
+supplied with a special pass. Orders were issued to shoot
+any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation, the
+warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation
+gradually became effectual.</p>
+
+<p>The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears,
+may result in two different types of responses&mdash;that of
+greed on the one hand or altruistic emotion on the other.
+One individual is spurred to increased activity by the opportunity
+of business profit, another by the sense of social
+needs. Why this is so&mdash;indeed the whole field of profiteering&mdash;would
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_52" title="52"> </a>
+be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it
+is due to the varying degrees of socialization represented
+in the different individuals or whether it is not also partly
+due to the fact that philanthropy functions best in a sphere
+out of line with a man's own particular occupation, the
+truth remains that some display an altogether unusual type
+of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and
+perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which
+appears normal in a realm of conduct where associations
+based on habit are so strongly ingrained.</p>
+
+<p>The human will as we have seen is in close association
+with the emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic
+value of the strong emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is
+first of all essential to remember the rôle of adrenin in
+counteracting the effects of fatigue. Wonderful phenomena
+of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated for
+&ldquo;adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would
+put the members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal
+of the nervous system.&rdquo; This is &ldquo;living on one's will&rdquo; or
+on &ldquo;one's nerve.&rdquo; There are &ldquo;reservoirs&rdquo; of power ready
+to pour forth streams of energy if the occasion presents itself.
+Strong emotions may become an &ldquo;arsenal of augmented
+strength.&rdquo; This fact William James was quick to
+see when he said &ldquo;on any given day there are energies
+slumbering within us which the incitements of that day do
+not call forth.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> But it was left to Cannon to unfold the
+physiological reasons,<a name="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> and for Woodworth to explain how
+the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new
+energies.<a name="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Indeed the will<a name="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> is just the inner driving force
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_53" title="53"> </a>
+of the individual and an effort of will is only &ldquo;the development
+of fresh motor power.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Following the lines of least
+resistance the will experiences no unusual exercise.
+Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from life
+everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies.</p>
+
+<p>The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was
+shown at Halifax in the remarkable way in which sick
+soldiers abandoned their beds and turned them over to the
+victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was seen again
+in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids
+and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the
+houses&mdash;a behavior like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp
+during the bombardment of that city in October 1914, when
+those who fled to Holland showed extraordinary resistance
+to fatigue.<a name="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The resistance to fatigue and suffering received
+more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of
+rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at
+their own power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain
+under the excitement of catastrophe. It was only on Monday
+(the fifth day) that collapses from work began to appear.
+Among the more generally known instances of unusual endurance
+was that of a private, who with one of his eyes
+knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster.
+Another was that of a chauffeur who with a broken
+rib conveyed the wounded trip after trip to the hospital,
+only relinquishing the work when he collapsed. An unknown
+man was discovered at work in the midst of the ruins
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_54" title="54"> </a>
+although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped
+with lesser injuries worked day and night while the
+crisis lasted. Many did not go home for days, so manifold
+and heavy were the tasks. There was no pause for
+comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent
+signs, the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the
+workers were surprised to find themselves aged and thin.
+The excitement, the stimulus of an overwhelming need had
+banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the congestion
+which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were
+men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest
+or sleep. One of the telephone terminal room staff stuck
+to his post for ninety-two hours, probably the record case
+of the disaster for endurance under pressure. Magnificent
+effort, <ins title="conspicious">conspicuous</ins> enough for special notice was the work
+of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the
+midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue;
+and the instance of the business girls who in the same
+weather worked for many hours with bottles of hot water
+hung about their waists. An effect which could not <ins title="escape,">escape</ins>
+observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men,
+women and little children endured the crudest operations
+without experiencing the common effects of pain. They
+seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general shock.
+Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures,
+the cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often
+without a tremor. This resistance to suffering was due
+not only to the increase of energy already described but also
+to the fact that the prostrating effect of pain is largely relative
+to the diversion of attention,&mdash;as &ldquo;headaches disappear
+promptly upon the alarm of fire&rdquo; and &ldquo;toothaches
+vanish at the moment of a burglar's scare.&rdquo; Much pain is
+due to the super-sensitivity of an area through hyperaemia,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_55" title="55"> </a>
+or increased blood supply, following concentrated attention.
+Thus it is actually possible by volition to control
+the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an
+electric shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable.
+This reasoning is also applicable to the absence of sympathetic
+reactions among many disaster workers. They were
+found often to be &ldquo;curiously detached and not greatly
+moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in
+the ruins and at the inquiry stations.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p>
+
+<p>Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal
+which ensues become the stimuli of heroism and bring
+into play the great social virtues of generosity and of kindliness&mdash;which,
+in one of its forms, is mutual aid. The new
+conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford
+the occasion for their release. It is said that battle does
+to the individual what the developing solution does to the
+photographic plate,&mdash;brings out what is in the man. This
+may also be said of catastrophe. Every community has its
+socialized individuals, the dependable, the helpful, the considerate,
+as well as the &ldquo;non-socialized survivors of
+savagery,&rdquo; who are distributed about the zero point of the
+social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of
+the &ldquo;presence of extraordinary individuals in a group.&rdquo;
+The relation of them to a crisis is one of the most important
+points in the problem of progress.</p>
+
+<p>At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals
+as well as families who refused assistance that others might
+be relieved. Individual acts of finest model were written
+ineffaceably upon the social memory of the inhabitants.
+There was the case of a child who released with her teeth
+the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile of debris.
+A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting
+them all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_56" title="56"> </a>
+operator at the cost of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning
+message over the line and stopped an incoming train in
+the nick of time.</p>
+
+<p>Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding
+of the powder magazine in the naval yard an entire
+battery volunteered. This was why the second explosion
+did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as well as
+soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit.
+A conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working
+on board of a ship laden with explosives. Fully realizing the
+impending danger, because of the nearness of the burning
+munitioner, they used what precious minutes of life remained
+them to protect their own ship's explosives from
+ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but
+a brave captain loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished
+the blaze which might soon have repeated in part
+the devastations already wrought.</p>
+
+<p>No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the
+psychology of helpfulness&mdash;that self-help to which the best
+relief workers always appeal, as well as of the mutual aid
+upon which emergency relief must largely depend. Mutual
+aid while not a primary social fact is inherent in the association
+of members of society, as it also &ldquo;obtains among cells
+and organs of the vital organism.&rdquo; As it insured survival
+in the earlier stages of evolution<a name="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> so it reveals itself when
+survival is again threatened by catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a
+volume. Not only was it evidenced in the instances of
+families and friends but also in the realm of business.
+Cafés served lunches without charge. Drug stores gave
+out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks
+to swell the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_57" title="57"> </a>
+service was that of the Grocers' Guild announcing
+that its members would</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they
+would coöperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs
+free of charge to any point in the city, and that their
+stocks were at the disposal of the committee at the actual cost
+to them.<a name="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation
+of the City of Comrades.</p>
+
+<p>Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled
+opening of the springs of generosity.<a name="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Communication
+has transformed mutual aid into a term of worldwide significance.
+As at San Francisco, when from all directions
+spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in
+a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and
+five steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to
+millions of cash contributions, so was it at Halifax. So
+it has always been, as is proven by Chicago, Dayton,
+Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances. The
+public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate
+sympathy. Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships
+brought relief by sea. Cities vied with each other in their
+responses. Every hour brought telegraphed assistance from
+governments and organizations. In about fifteen weeks
+approximately eight millions had been received, aside from
+the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts,
+but the number of the givers which gives point to our study.
+So many rushed with their donations to the Calvin Austin
+before she sailed from Boston on her errand of relief that
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_58" title="58"> </a>
+&ldquo;the police reserves were called out to preserve order.&rdquo; A
+great mass of the contributions involved much personal
+sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying
+letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it
+was of San Francisco that:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy,
+of good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide
+by the common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous
+revelation of the good and fine in humanity, intermittent or
+dormant under ordinary conditions, but dominant and all pervading
+in the shadow of disaster.<a name="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is
+perhaps full enough to have at least outlined the social
+phenomena of the major sort which a great disaster presents.
+These are found to be either abnormal and handicapping,
+such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and promotive,
+such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form
+it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <ins title="phenonema">phenomena</ins>
+of social psychology, which may either retard or promote
+social organization.</p>
+
+<p>In addition this chapter has discussed the rôle of catastrophe
+in stimulating community service, in presenting models
+of altruistic conduct, in translating energy into action, in
+defending law and order, and in bringing into play the great
+social virtues of generosity, sympathy and mutual aid.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_59" title="59"> </a><a name="Chapter_3">CHAPTER III</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Organization</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The organization of relief&mdash;The disaster protocracy&mdash;The transition
+from chaos through leadership&mdash;Vital place of communication&mdash;Utility
+of association&mdash;Imitation&mdash;Social pressure&mdash;Consciousness of
+kind&mdash;Discussion&mdash;Circumstantial pressure&mdash;Climate&mdash;Geographic determinants&mdash;Classification
+of factors.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen something of the disintegration which
+followed what has been called the &ldquo;stun of the explosion.&rdquo;
+It included the abrupt flight from, and the emptying of, all
+the houses and centers of employment, the division of
+families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the
+utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities
+of life&mdash;food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation
+of transportation, the disorganization of business, and the
+problem of unemployment aggravated because not only was
+the work gone, but also with it the will to work.</p>
+
+<p>Social organization comes next in order and because its
+process was associated with the organization of relief&mdash;the
+first social activity&mdash;the sociological factors observed in the
+latter call for descriptive treatment. When the human
+organism receives an accident to one of its parts, automatic
+relief processes from within spring at once into being, and
+it is so with the body politic. This &ldquo;<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vis medicatrix
+naturae</i>&rdquo; assumes sovereign power over all the resources
+of the community. That part of the social sensorium which
+is most closely organized in normal hours, first recovers
+consciousness in disaster. In the case of Halifax it was
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_60" title="60"> </a>
+the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in Chelsea.
+The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline,
+the organization and often the resource of supplies instantly
+available. Its training is of the kind for the endurance of
+shock.<a name="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> It so happened that at Halifax large numbers of
+men in uniform were stationed where they could quickly
+respond to call. They were very soon under orders. The
+military authorities realized before midday, the part which
+the army should play. The firemen too were a social group
+which largely remained organized, and responded to the
+general alarm soon after the explosion. Their chief and
+deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were leaderless,
+until one of the city controllers assumed command, and
+in spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion
+spread, these men remained at their posts.</p>
+
+<p>Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior.
+They are accustomed to think quickly, to live in
+restricted spaces, and to meet emergencies. Than the stage
+there is no better school. Each actor does his or her part
+and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the
+school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the
+first relief station established at Halifax. This was in
+operation about noon on the day of the disaster.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play
+actors may be called the disaster protocracy.<a name="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> They were
+&ldquo;the alert and effective,&rdquo; the most promptly reacting units
+in emergency. And it would appear that the part of
+society which is most closely organized and disciplined in
+normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_61" title="61"> </a>It is the events of the first few hours which are of
+special interest to the sociologist. The word most descriptive
+of the first observable phenomenon was leadership. The
+soldiers were foremost in the work of rescue, of warning,
+of protection, of transportation and of food distribution.
+But the earliest leadership that could be called social, arising
+from the public itself, was that on the part of those who
+had no family ties, much of the earliest work being done
+by visitors in the city. The others as a rule ran first to their
+homes to discover if their own families were in danger.
+From this body in a short while however many came forward
+to join in the activities of relief.</p>
+
+<p>As already said those with no social, family or property
+ties were among the first to begin relief work. But many
+of these started early simply because they were present
+where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured folk at
+a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the
+immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the
+collapse of communication they did not for an appreciable
+time discover that there was an area more stricken than
+their own, and devoted themselves to cleaning up glass and
+the like. But within a quarter of an hour a hospital ship
+had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and
+emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers
+of an incoming train&mdash;the railroad terminal at the time
+being in the north end of the city&mdash;were on hand, and were
+among the earliest first-aid workers. One, a Montreal man,
+was known individually to have rendered first aid to at
+least a half hundred of the wounded.</p>
+
+<p>It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the
+catastrophe, when a semblance of coöperative action in
+rescue work began. Previous to this the work had been done
+in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin being dug
+through a second or even a third time. Then came the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_62" title="62"> </a>
+recognition of the utility of association.<a name="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Thereafter the
+searchers became parties each of which was detailed to go
+over a definite area. When a particular section had been
+covered it was so recorded. This process considerably expedited
+the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was organized
+in other important directions.</p>
+
+<p>The vital place of communication in society was recognized
+at once. It is a major influence in association, and
+upon it in disaster depends the immediacy as well as the
+adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by the explosion
+and the outside world could only wait and wonder.
+How little real information filtered through is shown by
+the fact that at Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement
+was made three hours after the explosion that
+the death roll would not bear more than fifty names.
+Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph
+company had a single line established, and with news of
+the disaster, communities everywhere took up the rôle of
+the Samaritan.</p>
+
+<p>While the great hegira was in progress another leader,
+a railroad official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and
+commandeered the first unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter
+all that the government railroad equipment could do
+was at the community's service. Meanwhile the dislocated
+railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and
+coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together
+and in less than four hours after the explosion a large
+number of injured people were being transported to Truro.</p>
+
+<p>Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals
+a few began to realize the great human needs which would
+soon be manifest among the concourse of thousands who
+waited in helpless suspense upon the Common and the hill.
+Here they were <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en masse</i>, a typical social aggregation, responding
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_63" title="63"> </a>
+to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd.
+&ldquo;Like sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for
+consecutive thought.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Yet here ministrations of one sort
+or another came into spontaneous operation. Soon the
+military began raising white tents upon the field. One
+after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an huge
+encampment. The idea spread by imitation,<a name="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> the repetition
+of a model,&mdash;&ldquo;the imitative response of many minds to
+the suggestive invention of one.&rdquo; One or two here and one
+or two there began to prepare the big church halls and
+other roomy institutional buildings for occupancy. Hastily
+the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and no
+sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the
+rumor of a possible roof reached the homeless, than
+they began to repair thither. At first each improvised shelter
+became a miniature clothing and food depot <ins title="at">as</ins> well as a
+habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the refugees into
+such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is the
+foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The
+thing to do is social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended
+but it is inexorable. It worked effectively upon
+all who had an unused room. Many sheltered upwards of
+a dozen for weeks; some, more.</p>
+
+<p>In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded
+soon came about through consciousness of kind. At first
+it was a very general consciousness which seemed to draw
+all together into a fellowship of suffering as victims of a
+common calamity. There was neither male nor female, just
+nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children
+lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and
+&ldquo;shared each other's woes,&rdquo; for &ldquo;the consciousness of
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_64" title="64"> </a>
+kind allays fear and engenders <ins title="comradeship.">comradeship.&rdquo;</ins><a name="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Then followed
+requests for changes of location in the dormitories,
+and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various
+shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications
+came for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions
+to Protestant stations and <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vice versa</i>. Even the
+politically congenial were only too ready to segregate when
+occasion offered.</p>
+
+<p>Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted
+volition. There must be &ldquo;common discussion of
+common action.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> Propositions must be &ldquo;put forth&rdquo; and
+talked over. There must be a &ldquo;meeting of minds&rdquo; and a
+&ldquo;show of hands,&rdquo; and decisions made. There had been
+no preparedness. The city possessed not even a paper
+organization for such a contingency as a sudden disaster;
+so that during the most precious hours citizens and civic
+officials had to consult and map out a program as best
+the circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the
+day of the disaster when a tentative plan had been formulated
+in the City Hall. The newly formed committees
+could do but little until the following dawn.</p>
+
+<p>Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable
+causes, small and great, conspire to incite social
+action. But in catastrophe the control of circumstantial
+pressure<a name="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> becomes almost sovereign in extent. The conditions
+it brings about, while often delaying measures of individual
+relief, account very largely for the rapidity of
+organization. While they limit they also provoke effort.
+The common danger constrains great numbers to &ldquo;overlook
+many differences, to minimize many of their antagonisms
+and to combine their efforts.&rdquo; At Halifax the pressure
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_65" title="65"> </a>
+of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical and
+hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of
+communal service. But it was the meteorological conditions
+which commanded the most prompt attention to the
+consideration of shelter and clothing. The months appeared
+to have lost station and February to have come out
+of season. The following table gives the weather record for
+the seven days which followed the catastrophe.<a name="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> It is the
+record of a succession of snow, wind, cold and blizzard.</p>
+
+<table id="weather-record" summary="Weather record for the seven days after the catastrophe">
+<tr>
+ <th>Thursday, Dec. 6th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light
+ N.&nbsp;W. wind. No precipitation. Temperature:
+ max. 39.2, min. 16.8.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th>Friday, Dec. 7th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. N.&nbsp;E. wind, velocity 19. Snow
+ falling. At noon N.&nbsp;W. gale. Afternoon,
+ blizzard conditions. 9 p.&nbsp;m.
+ N.&nbsp;W. wind, velocity 34. Precipitation
+ 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max.
+ 32.2, min. 24.8.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th>Saturday, Dec. 8th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. N.&nbsp;W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent
+ sunshine. 9 p.&nbsp;m. N.&nbsp;W. wind,
+ velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow
+ (in a.&nbsp;m.). Temperature: max. 29.8,
+ min. 15.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th>Sunday, Dec. 9th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. S.&nbsp;E. gale, velocity 39. Streets
+ icy and almost impassable. 9 p.&nbsp;m.
+ S.&nbsp;W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation
+ .99 rainfall (1.40 a.&nbsp;m. till noon).
+ Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th>Monday, Dec. 10th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. S.&nbsp;W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon,
+ blizzard (worst in years). Knee-deep
+ drifts. 9 p.&nbsp;m. W. wind, velocity
+ 20. Precipitation 5.6 snowfall (2 p.&nbsp;m.
+ till 5.40 p.&nbsp;m.). Temperature: max.
+ 34.2, min. 16.8.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th><a class="pagenum" name="Page_66" title="66"> </a>Tuesday, Dec. 11th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18.
+ 9 p.&nbsp;m. W. wind, velocity 11. No
+ precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2,
+ min. <ins title="6.6">6.6.</ins></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <th>Wednesday, Dec. 12th.</th>
+ <td>9 a.&nbsp;m. N.&nbsp;W. wind, velocity, 15. 9
+ p.&nbsp;m. N.&nbsp;E. wind, velocity 3. No precipitation.
+ Temperature: max. 17,
+ min. 2.</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the
+most rapid repairs were made to all habitable houses or
+those possible of being made so. The same was true of
+public buildings, hospitals, factories and warehouses.
+Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of
+many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and
+the many more who accepted the invitation of, and entrained
+for various Nova Scotian towns which became veritable
+&ldquo;cities of refuge&rdquo; to hundreds. The climate<a name="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> decided
+the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary structures;
+for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding
+was out of the question. Climatic conditions also seriously
+delayed the arrival of relief supplies, allowed but scanty
+provision for many, kept some from the depots of relief,
+or from surgical aid; and others standing in line in the
+bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and
+shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers
+to prevent the maximum of exposure and neglect. It called
+imperatively for the most effective system, and many
+of the workable methods were hit upon under the stress of
+storm. An illustration of this may be found in the adoption
+of many food depots instead of one central station.
+Regional influence thus &ldquo;fixes the possibilities of organization
+and collective effectiveness.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> The sociologist must
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_67" title="67"> </a>
+study maps of lands and plans of cities. The location
+of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of topography
+as were the later administration districts. The city is
+widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than
+a city of similar population in a neighboring province. Six
+depots were established for the public distribution of supplies,<a name="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
+situated so as to touch the entire needy population
+most effectively, and to equalize the groups to some degree.
+So too, in the matter of dressing stations, accessibility was
+a deciding factor. But even this system had to be supplemented.
+Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when
+halted in the center of a street were usually immediately
+surrounded. Thus social reorganization in catastrophe
+witnesses to an urgency resident no less in space than in
+time and reëmphasizes the importance placed upon the
+physical factors in sociology.</p>
+
+<p>Thus may be said to have come about the transition from
+chaos to a semblance of community organization. Not the
+normal civil social order of pre-disaster days, but the establishment
+of a species of collective behavior, and the organization
+of relationships apparently of a quite different
+character. The difference was one which might be compared
+to that between a great relief camp and a city. But
+the difference was only superficial. Fundamentally there
+were to be seen the factors underlying all social organization.
+These have been already illustrated, and are classified
+as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct,
+imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of
+utility of association and custom; and as physical, including
+climate and topography.<a name="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> The conclusion was drawn
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_68" title="68"> </a>
+that the part of society which is most closely organized and
+disciplined in normality, first recovers consciousness in
+catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in every
+community is a practical corollary. This follows not only
+because of the imperturbability and the promptitude of
+reaction, of an army in crisis, but also because of the
+rapidity with which it can be mobilized, its value in preserving
+law and order, its authoritative control and power to
+punish, and because of the attending psychological effects
+of orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos,
+bespeaking a care that is at once paternal and sympathetic.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_69" title="69"> </a><a name="Chapter_4">CHAPTER IV</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Organization</span> (Cont'd)</small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The reorganization of the civil social order&mdash;Division of labor&mdash;Resumption
+of normal activities&mdash;State and voluntary associations&mdash;Order
+of reëstablishment&mdash;Effects of environmental change&mdash;The
+play of imitation&mdash;The stimulus of lookers-on&mdash;Social conservation.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">It</span> is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader
+has already seen, that the process of complete social organization
+was largely expedited by the organization of relief,
+and materially reacted upon by it. The community's &ldquo;big
+men,&rdquo; the men of prominence, the men of broad experience
+in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the resources
+of the city and had the prestige to command them,
+were deeply immersed in the relief work while the businesses
+and the departments of the shattered body politic waited or
+went forward in a more or less indifferent way.</p>
+
+<p>But this could be both economically and socially of a
+temporary nature only. &ldquo;Business and industry must be
+set agoing. Church and school must resume the ordinary
+routine. One by one the broken threads of the former
+everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected.&rdquo;
+The division of social labor<a name="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> is a law of
+society. It is traceable back to the primitive household
+itself, and is a result of underlying differences. The
+great &ldquo;cause which determines the manner by which work
+is divided is diversity of capacity.&rdquo; With the advent of the
+social specialists at Halifax a major division of function
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_70" title="70"> </a>
+began. The responsibility for the relief work having been
+delegated to a special social group, public thought and
+public men were free to turn their energies to the restoration
+of a normal society.</p>
+
+<p>But it was the reorganization rather than the organization
+of relations which the sociologist observes to have first
+taken place. The stage was all laid. It was necessary only
+for the actors in the drama to resume their places. The
+old &ldquo;parts&rdquo; awaited them, although many of the &ldquo;properties&rdquo;
+were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon
+one might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock,
+still a dominating like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still
+a group of mores to serve as media of social self-control.
+Indeed most of the former complexities of social structure
+remained. But this was only potentially true. The social
+relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed.
+Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes
+the significance of which will appear in later discussion.
+The order of the resumption of normal activities is of unusual
+social interest as are also the influences which were in play
+and the changes which ensued. It may be objected that
+such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially component
+groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude
+comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the
+social mind is the separation of those activities which must
+needs be first rehabilitated, from those which can wait.
+Organizing genius was not entirely occupied with relief in
+the ordinary sense of the term.</p>
+
+<p>Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's
+life. It is in a sense fundamental not only to
+happiness and general well-being but accompanies and conditions
+the cultural institutions, religious, educational and
+aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial activity
+was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_71" title="71"> </a>
+semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were
+first on the list, for these include systems of communication
+without which society can hardly be. Reference has already
+been made to the speed with which a makeshift service
+was established, but our purpose here is to record the resumption
+of normal activity.</p>
+
+<p>Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines.
+Many of these had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam.
+Clerks had been injured and instruments damaged.
+In spite of these odds one was reconnected within an hour,
+and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct
+multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each
+to Boston and New York, had been established. Upwards
+of a thousand messages an hour went forth the first week.
+The work became normal about December twentieth.</p>
+
+<p>The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern
+exchange and of the harbor cable&mdash;broken through ships
+dragging anchor&mdash;a total material damage of one hundred
+thousand dollars. Its personnel was also depleted. Nevertheless
+telephone business may be said to have been generally
+resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the
+load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and
+twenty percent above its average figure. Telephone service
+was absolutely suspended for only about two hours,&mdash;the
+period of prohibition from buildings,&mdash;and the cable telephone
+for about three days. Messages of a social character
+were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became
+normal.</p>
+
+<p>The illumination service was quickly restored. The
+company was able to give partial light and some service
+from noon on the sixth. Periods of intermittent darkness
+however, were not unusual. Gas service was off until December
+the ninth&mdash;the top of the gasometer having been
+broken and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_72" title="72"> </a>
+the mains into the air&mdash;when repairs were completed and on
+the tenth the service resumed. On the fourteenth gas and
+electric light service became normal.</p>
+
+<p>Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion
+occurred in the vicinity of the principal sidings and
+vital portions of the system. Three miles of the main
+road were buried in debris, the station wrecked, equipment
+damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead.
+In spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent
+out in the early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming
+trains were switched to their new tracks leading to the
+south end terminal. On the evening of the day following
+the disaster&mdash;Friday&mdash;the first regular train for Montreal
+left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear
+and the first train left the old passenger station on
+Saturday evening. By Monday the full passenger service
+was resumed, to and from the station. Eight days after
+the catastrophe all branches of the service were working
+and conditions were fairly normal.</p>
+
+<p>The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much
+damage. Some of the employees were injured and others
+were unavailable. A scant service was restored at noon on
+December the sixth. By six o'clock of the seventh, tram
+lines in the north section were able to resume an eight-car
+service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It
+was not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible
+to resume any semblance of car service. On the twenty-second
+of December, twenty-two cars were operating&mdash;twenty-seven
+is the normal number,&mdash;but the shortage of
+men made it difficult to operate the full number. The
+service was not entirely normal for some months owing to
+the severe storms all winter which tied up the lines and
+caused delays, and to the shortage of men to handle the cars.</p>
+
+<p>The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_73" title="73"> </a>
+were able to produce papers on December seventh
+but in limited editions and of reduced size. This was
+owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the gas
+service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced
+in a week's time.<a name="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>
+
+<p>The postal service was completely disorganized and was
+not restored to any extent until Monday the tenth of December.
+Owing to the innumerable changes of address, as
+well as many other reasons, it was weeks before there was
+a normal and reliable distribution of mails.</p>
+
+<p>The banks were open for business the morning following
+the catastrophe, just as soon as the doors and windows were
+put in. Traffic of relief trains coming in affected the
+ordinary trade for three months, more or less, but principally
+outside of the city. In the city all business in the
+banks went on as usual the day after the explosion.</p>
+
+<p>Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the
+resumption of general business activity. Out of much
+wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar loss one company
+restarted paint and varnish making on January second. A
+large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged. The
+factory and all branches of the business were running in
+five weeks&mdash;January tenth. Machines were in operation with
+shortened staffs at an earlier date.</p>
+
+<p>The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced
+on December twentieth, and were held regularly from that
+time on. The Board of Trade rooms were not badly
+damaged and there was no cessation of work or meetings.
+The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business
+on Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's
+Library was a few weeks closed for the circulation of books,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_74" title="74"> </a>
+and used in relief service as a food depot, thus ministering
+to a hunger which is more imperious than that of mind in
+the hour of catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all
+cases the edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows
+shattered. Parishes were in some instances almost
+wiped out. In a single congregation four hundred and four
+perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed, the
+remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one
+hundred and eight houses represented in the congregation
+only fourteen were left standing. Hurried efforts were
+made to safeguard church property, but church services were
+not generally resumed until the second Sunday.<a name="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Even
+then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places
+were not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and
+other buildings housed many a religious gathering. While
+the restoration of churches waited, clergy and church
+workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of the
+needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead.
+Their intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable
+value in the relief administration. Sunday
+schools were reassembled as accommodations permitted, but
+it was many months before the attendances approximated
+the normal.</p>
+
+<p>The school system was badly disorganized. Three
+buildings were totally destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable
+for some time. The loss was approximately
+eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the staff
+were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing
+and clothing service. Early in March, about three months
+after the explosion, arrangements were completed whereby
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_75" title="75"> </a>
+nearly all the children in the city could attend classes. The
+double-session system was introduced to accomplish this.
+Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and ventilation impaired.
+By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in
+use.<a name="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
+
+<p>Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following
+schedule.</p>
+
+<table id="schools" summary="Schedule of progress in reopening schools">
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Dec. 10</td>
+ <td>classes in one institution</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 7</td>
+ <td>classes in three emergency shelters</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 8</td>
+ <td>classes in a church hall</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 14</td>
+ <td>classes in five school buildings</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 17</td>
+ <td>classes in one institution</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 21</td>
+ <td>classes in two school buildings</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 22</td>
+ <td>classes in one school building</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Jan. 24</td>
+ <td>classes in one school building</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Feb. 1</td>
+ <td>classes in one institution</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Feb. 25</td>
+ <td>classes in two school buildings</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Mar. 16</td>
+ <td>classes in one school building</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">Apr. 8</td>
+ <td>classes in one school building</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">May 8</td>
+ <td>classes in one school building</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td class="right">May 20</td>
+ <td>classes in two portable schools</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The community as finally reorganized differed materially
+from that which had preceded. The picture of the
+conditions at a considerably later period will be fully presented
+elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few social
+effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary environmental
+conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction
+work the Tramway Company found it very difficult to get
+a full complement of men back into the service. As a result
+they took into consideration the advisability of employing
+women conductors, and finally adopted this plan.</p>
+
+<p>At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign
+was in progress. Then representative men of both political
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_76" title="76"> </a>
+parties urged their followers to drop the election fight and
+the election was deferred and later rendered unnecessary
+by the withdrawal of one of the candidates.</p>
+
+<p>The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows,
+and other war-protective measures against the
+submarine menace, were given little attention for many
+weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military Service
+Act was postponed.</p>
+
+<p>The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the
+temporary relief houses in the central and southern portion
+of the city brought about a very unusual commingling of
+classes, as well as a readjustment of membership in schools,
+parishes and various institutions.</p>
+
+<p>Club life, social life, lodge and society &ldquo;evenings&rdquo; were
+for a considerable period tabooed, because of a general
+sentiment against enjoyment under the existing conditions
+as well as to lack of accommodation and of time.</p>
+
+<p>The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility
+for the disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was
+for a long time in evidence, but never received complete
+satisfaction.</p>
+
+<p>The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated
+the experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant
+Officer had a very strenuous time owing to the fact that so
+many people had changed their addresses.</p>
+
+<p>A number of &ldquo;special policemen&rdquo; were recruited from
+citizens of all ranks, and this force materially assisted the
+members of the regular department. Owing to the large
+influx of workmen following the catastrophe, as well as
+for other reasons the work of the detectives was greatly
+increased.<a name="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p>
+
+<p>The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although
+belonging to different denominations, united in erecting a
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_77" title="77"> </a>
+temporary church building&mdash;their respective churches having
+been destroyed&mdash;and have since worshipped together&mdash;a
+demonstration of the practicability of church union under
+circumstantial pressure.</p>
+
+<p>The display apartments of a furniture concern were
+utilized as actual living rooms by refugees for a period,
+while at the same time business was in operation throughout
+the rest of the establishment.</p>
+
+<p>The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days
+in the week, the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the
+general disorganization of the parishes was reflected for a
+long period in a changed attitude upon the part of many
+towards Sabbath observance.</p>
+
+<p>German residents of the city were immediately placed
+under arrest when the disaster occurred, but all were later
+given their freedom.</p>
+
+<p>The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious
+to the progress of the war and other matters of world interest,
+for many days after the disaster.</p>
+
+<p>The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns
+was an interesting temporary effect.</p>
+
+<p>The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent
+expansion, noted later, was largely effected by the
+social law of imitation already noticed. Many of the conditions
+affecting the rate of imitation were present. There
+was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and business
+advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths&mdash;&ldquo;a
+new Halifax&rdquo; for example&mdash;but above all there was a multitude
+of models. The extent and scale of the rebuilding
+program in one area, the civic-improvement plans which
+accompanied the work in that district, the record time in
+which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed
+at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris
+acted as models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_78" title="78"> </a>
+process of speeding-up spread like a great contagion, until the
+most hardened pessimist began to marvel at the recuperation
+daily enacted before his eyes.</p>
+
+<p>Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that
+of the rapid establishment of the morgue. This, the largest
+ever organized in Canada, was fitted up by forty soldiers and
+mechanics in the brief period of a day and a half. Another
+instance was that of the American Hospital. &ldquo;At nine a.&nbsp;m.
+Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p.&nbsp;m. the same
+day it was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with
+food and medicine and, in charge of Major Giddings;&rdquo; it expressed
+a veritable &ldquo;triumph of organizing ability.&rdquo; In the
+record time of three months, Messrs. Cavicchi and Pagano,
+with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty men
+and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a
+day removed every vestige of the debris in the devastated
+area. Apartments were built at the rate of one an hour.
+Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly that visitors said there
+had been an outbreak of &ldquo;truck fever&rdquo; in the place.</p>
+
+<p>By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality
+and motive were imparted to the members of the community.
+Halifax became busy as never before. New homes, new
+stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as if by magic.
+Men worked desperately hard.</p>
+
+<p>An influence which must not be left unrecorded because
+of its continuity of functioning is that of the stimulus of
+lookers-on. More than two hundred cities in all parts of
+the world had contributed to the reconstruction, and citizens
+of Halifax knew they were not unobserved. Articles, lectures
+and sermons were telling forth to interested thousands
+how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under
+ice and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous
+beyond words. During the month of December, five leading
+periodicals in Canada and twelve in the United States
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_79" title="79"> </a>
+arranged for articles and photographs descriptive of the
+city's advantages commercial and residential.<a name="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Halifax became
+a world-known city. This added still further spur
+to action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was
+bonded to the world.</p>
+
+<p>There are two considerations which may appropriately
+bring this chapter to a close. The first arises naturally
+from what has been said, namely, that in catastrophe it is
+only after division of function delegates to a special group
+the responsibility for relief work that public thought is
+directed to the resumption of normal society. The second
+is a practical deduction&mdash;that of social conservation. Every
+community should possess a permanent vigilance committee.
+There should be an emergency procedure on paper with
+duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately
+drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved
+until the arrival of experienced disaster authorities
+from a distance.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_80" title="80"> </a><a name="Chapter_5">CHAPTER V</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social <ins title="Organization (Cont'd)">Economy</ins></span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The contribution of social service&mdash;Its four-fold character&mdash;The principles
+of relief&mdash;Rehabilitation&mdash;Phases of application&mdash;Criticisms&mdash;A
+new principle&mdash;Social results&mdash;Summary for future guidance.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">We</span> have already seen that there are certain determining
+factors in catastrophe and its social results. There is not
+only the level of the general capability and culture of the
+community, its power to meet crises and to readjust itself,
+the scarcity or plenitude of its resources, but also the presence
+or absence of &ldquo;men skilled in dealing with crises.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>
+In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had such
+men or have had them not. The disasters of the future&mdash;with
+the exception of those far remote from civilization&mdash;may
+depend on the presence of such leaders. They will
+come from near and far. The contribution of social service
+is the contribution of men skilled in dealing with crises.
+Relief thus becomes &ldquo;an incident of progress and a social
+policy.&rdquo; We are now to notice this further determining
+factor in catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax.</p>
+
+<p>During the first week at Halifax not only did each day
+bring its contribution of relief supplies in the way of food
+and clothing, but each day brought also men and women of
+skill and experience in social work to place freely their
+vision and ability at the service of the community.<a name="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_81" title="81"> </a>The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent
+which has occurred since the principles of relief have been
+authoritatively written. No other community has experienced
+their application so fully or so promptly. One
+of the workers publicly stated that &ldquo;Halifax was further
+ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a
+month.&rdquo; It was said that:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential
+principles of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax.
+In less than twelve hours from the time the American Unit
+from Boston arrived, the necessary features of a good working
+plan were accepted by the local committee.<a name="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless
+the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax
+that something which was wanting when the citizens,
+astounded at the magnitude of their task, wondered just
+how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky<a name="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> of the
+Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts,
+came into the room in the City Hall where a dozen or so
+were gathered in counsel, already overwrought with fatigue,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_82" title="82"> </a>
+it was the coming of a friend in need. It was soon clear
+that the new-comers had had unusual experience in dealing
+with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart.
+Only nine hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was
+ready, and a working plan adopted; and from it grew up
+a wonderful system worthy of study by all students of
+emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the midst
+of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was
+already well devised, but as a central and deciding element,
+justifying its faith by its work, and its presence by its
+wisdom in grappling with an inexorable need.</p>
+
+<p>Of course there had already been a commendable essay
+toward the solution of what had to be done. Applications for
+relief came pouring in two hours after the explosion, and
+industrious workers had already been dispensing to hundreds.
+On Friday morning volunteers were early at the
+City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers.
+A species of organization had already begun, but under congested
+and the least favorable conditions. A large number
+of investigators had gone forth, giving information and
+relief and bringing back reports of the missing, needy, helpless
+and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a
+program of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all
+kinds was pouring into every station where the refugees
+were gathered together. The Canadian Red Cross was
+already active. But with the coming of the American Unit,<a name="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>
+the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their
+advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,<a name="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>
+the systematic relief work may be said to have in
+reality begun.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_83" title="83"> </a>There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced
+in relief and disaster organization. The initial
+service was the establishment of a policy of centralization
+of authority and administration into one official relief
+organization. This policy comprised first the coördination
+of the relief work into one central relief committee, second
+the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the
+hands of one finance committee, third the granting of relief
+by one central management, all records being cleared
+through one registration bureau, fourth the giving of emergency
+relief in food, clothing and other things immediately
+without waiting for the perfection of the relief organization,
+and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to
+carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon
+by the executive committee.</p>
+
+<p>If the first great service rendered was that of centralization,
+the second was that of effecting coöperation. The
+latter was only partially successful. There was at first an
+inevitable overlapping, especially in the matter of visiting,
+some families being visited and subjected to interview a
+dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coördination,
+the central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far
+as possible. An invitation extended to the Salvation Army
+about December eleventh, to place their visitors at the disposal
+of the general staff of visitors was declined and it was
+not until January first that this organization fully coördinated
+with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this time
+also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to coöperate
+in the registration plans. On December eighteenth the
+School Board gave official coöperation by assigning fifteen
+school teachers as volunteer visitors under the direction of
+the rehabilitation committee. Another obstacle to the complete
+systematization of the relief work was the most
+generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_84" title="84"> </a>
+from the Eaton Center, and from the station established
+by a charitable Boston lady. The Protestant and Roman
+Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation Army and other
+organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed to
+their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation.</p>
+
+<p>There was also at times lack of coöperation among the
+official committees themselves. Friction and crises arose
+from time to time, which were only stopped short of
+scandal. They were the consequence either of assumption
+of authority upon the part of the under-committees, of ineffectiveness
+of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the
+principles of relief. There were also other problems, some
+of which it may be useful to note. One of these was the
+problem of the wisest use of local leaders who knew and
+could interpret the local point of view and method of
+doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers,
+many of whom could not be expected to understand
+the nature of scientific relief service.</p>
+
+<p>A third great contribution of social service was that of
+education in the principles of disaster relief. It was the
+problem of getting the idea of social conservation understood
+and established in a community which had not given
+the subject any thought, and which was quite unfamiliar
+with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause
+of much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and
+giving without substantial inquiry. It explained also the
+reason for the abundant criticism which arose. When
+criticism came there was, consequently, no well-informed
+body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's
+work.</p>
+
+<p>Educational effort on this subject may be said to have
+begun with a masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation
+at the meeting of the managing committee six
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_85" title="85"> </a>
+days after the disaster. Here was set forth and illustrated
+the kind of service required and the desirability of such
+work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the
+idea of rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments.
+Trained leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers.
+Church, school and club caught something of its
+spirit and one of the permanent social results of the disaster
+remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It was
+this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding
+of the true nature of disaster psychology and of
+the accepted methods of relief that at first made the community
+so utterly dependent upon the visiting social workers.
+It may be safely concluded as a fundamental principle that
+the self-dependence of a community in adversity is furthered
+by the socialization of existing institutions.</p>
+
+<p>The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first,
+that of the emergency period; second, that of the period of
+transition; and third, that of rehabilitation. These principles
+in order of application may be thus briefly summarized:</p>
+
+<p>1. The coördination of all the relief agencies arising, into
+one central relief service.</p>
+
+<p>2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one
+bonded finance committee.</p>
+
+<p>3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at
+first,&mdash;the more permanent organization to await the counsel
+of specialists in disaster relief, an early call having been sent
+for experienced workers.</p>
+
+<p>4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass
+treatment, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">e.&nbsp;g.</i> bread lines, food depots, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, as detrimental
+to a psychology of helpfulness and as calculated to delay
+a return to self-support.</p>
+
+<p>5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants
+to follow mass-provisioning.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_86" title="86"> </a>6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants
+for short periods until temporary aid is discontinued.</p>
+
+<p>7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until
+all claimants are registered and the aggregate of available
+aid ascertained, and the needs, resources and potentialities of
+self-help studied.</p>
+
+<p>8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the
+wisdom of careful policies and critical supervision.</p>
+
+<p>9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.<a name="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
+
+<p>10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and
+the use of local leaders in responsible positions.</p>
+
+<p>11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey
+of policies and methods employed, and a discriminating record
+of the social results arising therefrom, the mistakes
+made and other information of value for future emergencies.
+This report in justice to contributors to include a financial
+statement.</p>
+
+<p>The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment
+of rehabilitation policies and methods. The work
+of organizing for rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin
+until the sixth day after the disaster. On the eighteenth of
+December the first chairman was appointed. There followed
+a developmental period during which little progress
+was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the
+object of rehabilitation. &ldquo;The object of rehabilitation&rdquo;
+says J.&nbsp;Byron Deacon &ldquo;is to assist families to recover from
+the dislocation induced by the disaster, and to regain their
+accustomed social and economic status. Emergency aid
+takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation looks
+to future welfare.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> This was the purpose constantly kept
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_87" title="87"> </a>
+in view. The division of work indicates the nature of the
+task attempted. The division provided for an advisor, a
+chief of staff, a supervisor of home visitors, a bureau of
+application and registration, an emergency department, a
+department of medical social service and a visitor in
+children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included.</p>
+
+<p>There was first the record and registration made and
+verified of all the sufferers and those in need. Over six
+thousand names of registrants resulted. Five districts or
+divisional areas were arranged for convenience and thoroughness
+of administration. One of these covered all cases
+outside of the city itself.<a name="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> In charge of each district was
+a supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department
+heads. Trained workers were drawn into the service
+and their work and that of the volunteer visitors was
+directed by capable supervisors. The administration of relief
+was put upon a discriminating &ldquo;case system.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>There were four important phases in which the work
+developed; the work of general rehabilitation, the medical
+social work, the children's problem and the problem of the
+blind.</p>
+
+<p>The general rehabilitation service was carried on with
+varied success. It secured valuable intelligence for all committees
+and gradually increased in working power and efficiency.
+How many were put upon their feet again through
+its kindly counsel and careful coöperation cannot be estimated
+or told in figures.</p>
+
+<p>The problem of medical social service is to learn the
+social condition of the patient, and to relate that knowledge
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_88" title="88"> </a>
+to his medical condition in order that restoration to health
+and return to normal family and community relationships
+shall go hand in hand. A division of medical social service
+became active a week after the disaster, its workers becoming
+attached to the several emergency hospitals within the
+city itself and those established in nearby towns. It had
+as well a working relationship with the military and the
+permanent Halifax hospitals. Three thousand patients
+were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals alone. Trained
+medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The
+one question to which they sought an answer was: &ldquo;How
+shall these patients be brought back again as fully as possible
+into normal lives and <ins title="relationships.?">relationships?</ins>&rdquo; Having obtained
+an answer as best they could, the effort was made to help
+and relieve to the fullest extent that service and science
+made possible.</p>
+
+<p>The contribution of medical social service was two-fold,
+immediate assistance and education. By the latter service,
+which represents the more permanent value to the community,
+very valuable information and guidance was given
+to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and nursing
+interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts
+cannot fail to make &ldquo;follow-up&rdquo; and &ldquo;after-care&rdquo;
+important considerations in the public health and dispensary
+work of the future.</p>
+
+<p>Immediate assistance was given by the medical social
+service in six ways:</p>
+
+<ol>
+<li>Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital.</li>
+<li>Interviews to understand medical social needs.</li>
+<li>Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind, children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with the rehabilitation committee, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i></li>
+<li><a class="pagenum" name="Page_89" title="89"> </a>Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns.</li>
+<li>Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care.</li>
+<li>Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical situation.</li>
+</ol>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Dr. M.&nbsp;M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary,
+writes of the medical social service as follows:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>It may well be concluded that no organization or &ldquo;unit&rdquo;
+formed to deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can
+hereafter be regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors,
+nurses, relief workers and administrators there is also a due
+proportion of trained medical social workers. If twelve years
+ago medical social service received its baptism, Halifax has
+been its confirmation day.<a name="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The children's service was thorough, as it should have
+been. If the measure of success in disaster relief is the
+treatment which the children receive, Halifax relief was
+above reproach. The children's laws of the province are
+carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of
+Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular
+ability and has wide powers. He became chairman of a
+strong children's committee with which were associated,
+besides representatives of the children's institutions, two
+child-welfare workers of high reputation. This committee
+came in contact with upwards of five hundred families,
+including more than fifteen hundred children. Their
+work dealt with the special problems listed below. More
+permanent supervision was assumed by the Government
+Commission about five months after the disaster. The
+modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was
+encouraged, the effort being to keep children with parents
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_90" title="90"> </a>
+and wherever necessary to subsidize <ins title="familes">families</ins> rather than institutions.</p>
+
+<p>The work of the children's committee consisted of</p>
+
+<ol>
+<li>Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's institutions.</li>
+<li>Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody and receiving proper care.</li>
+<li>Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><ins title="etc">etc.</ins></i>, for children.</li>
+<li>Hunting for &ldquo;missing&rdquo; children, identifying &ldquo;unclaimed&rdquo; children, and restoring children to their parents.</li>
+<li>Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the care of children.</li>
+<li>Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received.</li>
+<li>Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from hospitals, shelters, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, the committee in most cases having sent some one to accompany the children.</li>
+<li>Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of permanent homes.</li>
+<li>Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded children.</li>
+<li>Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by improper persons.</li>
+<li>Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.<a name="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></li>
+</ol>
+
+<p>The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the
+Halifax disaster. Blindness frequently resulted from the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_91" title="91"> </a>
+blizzard of glass which caused so great a percentage of the
+wounds. In large proportion the wounded were women who
+were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation
+of the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon
+which was concentrated the skill of three superintendents of
+important institutions for the blind as well as other specialists
+and workers. The presence in Halifax of a school for
+the blind with a capable president facilitated greatly an
+early grappling with the problem. The contributions of
+the social workers were chiefly of the character already
+indicated such as that of general medical social service.
+There were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three
+registrants,<a name="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> but owing to the difficulties of registration
+this figure remains inexact.</p>
+
+<p>Rehabilitation &ldquo;takes into account the feelings as well
+as the material requirements of the bereaved families.&rdquo; An
+additional phase for social workers is therefore mortuary
+service. Here is required an exceedingly delicate ministry
+for which few are qualified. It includes quiet coöperation
+in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care
+for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction
+regarding the necessary steps to be taken, in interment.
+At Halifax this presented a remarkable opportunity for
+service, and an experienced Young Women's Christian Association
+worker from Toronto attended in such capacity.</p>
+
+<p>There is still another secondary phase which must be referred
+to as not being without social and moral results,&mdash;that
+of relief of animals. For the sheltering of homeless
+animals, the dressing of wounds, and the humane dispatch
+of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had been received.
+This work received the attention of the Society
+for the Prevention of Cruelty.</p>
+
+<p>It will be useful as reference data to present here the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_92" title="92"> </a>
+nature of the criticism to which careful supervision gave
+rise. It was of the most trenchant character, and it centered
+about the alleged over-emphasis which seemed to be
+placed on system<a name="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> and detailed investigations inflicted
+upon persons of whom many were still suffering from deprivation
+and from shock, and who were unused to the
+cross-examination methods of expert social diagnosticians.
+Often the thoroughness of the records seemed to the sufferers
+to be the more emphasized part of the proceedings. When
+all classes of people found themselves in need, there were
+naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably
+as &ldquo;cases.&rdquo; But theirs was a choice which left but little
+regard for personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable
+however to have to say that the cause of social service
+did not receive in the community the much larger repute
+which its magnificent work justified, chiefly because the innumerable
+&ldquo;typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes,
+and multifarious office equipment&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> were not made less
+obtrusive. The merest touch of &ldquo;cold professionalism&rdquo;
+soon became fuel for the burning disapproval which spread
+through the city regarding the methods of relief.<a name="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> Letters
+to the press gave vent to the indignation of the sufferers.
+One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as
+anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he
+wrote very plainly of the &ldquo;overdose of business efficiency
+and social service pedantry.&rdquo; Why should needy families
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_93" title="93"> </a>
+be required, he asked, to go through a personal visit and
+reëxamination at the office every week, before receiving a
+renewal order for food. Such things were not easily understood
+or explained. It became increasingly felt that such
+discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was
+not the will of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously
+forwarded the generous aid. It was not, so the criticism
+ran, for the committee to detain and delay the needy recipients
+for the mere sake of preventing duplication and for
+the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting
+in Wards Five and Six, it was charged that &ldquo;too much
+red tape had been insisted upon by those in charge of the
+relief and in consequence of this and other objectionable
+features of management, there had been many cases of hardship
+and much unnecessary suffering.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that
+criticism was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded
+body of public opinion to which could be anchored
+the wisdom of sound and thorough social methods.
+The passing of time has reënforced the rightness of the
+course taken, and not a few former critics would now
+be ready to condemn the methods used as not having been
+radical enough. Still there was an element of justice in
+what was said, and social workers of the future when
+thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery
+a little closer, at least until the community can realize the
+principles which organization must conserve.</p>
+
+<p>The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is
+based upon disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a
+long series of trials and errors. On the first few days after
+disaster the finer sensibilities of human nature appear. Men
+and women say &ldquo;others have lost more, we will get on with
+a minimum of help.&rdquo; About the fifth day when the poignancy
+of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_94" title="94"> </a>
+these same people suddenly discover that there are
+thousands of dollars available. Then another aspect of
+human nature comes into evidence. Every device is utilized
+by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There
+has not been a single disaster where this state of mind has
+not shown itself. The way to deal with it without complete
+records as yet has not been suggested. The only way
+a committee can protect itself against disgruntled criticism
+is to know what it is doing. This is the justification of
+rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to defeat
+imposture; though it serves also many other purposes.
+It was not, however, all adverse criticism which developed
+at Halifax. There were many who were able to see the
+beneficent purpose behind the careful service, and as months
+passed on the value of this experienced administration came
+to be more generally realized. Indeed</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill
+in the community that many reëstablished families begged for
+the continuance of the department's supervision even though
+its aid was no longer required. No greater testimony to the
+value of this rehabilitation work could be given.<a name="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission
+took charge of the entire system, it may be said that
+there was a change not only of hands, but of policy as well.
+The large amounts made available by the Imperial and
+Dominion governments and by public subscription made it
+possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of
+modified restitution. This change of policy the government
+adopted because of the conviction upon the part
+of the people that they were suffering from the vicissitudes
+of war, and that full restoration was in law and
+equity of national obligation. The step is of special social
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_95" title="95"> </a>
+significance for Halifax is the first instance where on any
+large scale<a name="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> the principle of restitution became the guide,
+rather than that of rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible
+into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity
+which has befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall
+be given the use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the
+family its household furniture. For the community as a whole
+it means a speedy restoration of such economical and industrial
+activities as have been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of
+bridges, the reopening of streets, the reëstablishment of banks,
+business houses, churches, schools. It requires that protection
+shall be given the defenseless, food and shelter to the homeless,
+suitable guardianship to the orphan and as nearly as possible
+normal social and industrial conditions to all.<a name="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax
+policy denominated restitution, but rather &ldquo;generous relief,&rdquo;
+in actual practice a large proportion of claims were verified
+and paid on a percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather
+than that of ascertained need. The Commission was granted
+power to &ldquo;pay in full all personal property and real estate
+claims duly established to an amount not exceeding five
+thousand <ins title="dollars.">dollars.&rdquo;</ins> And while in case of the larger claims of
+churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing
+establishments, and the property of the more prosperous
+classes, there was a policy of just and adequate relief
+declared, the agitation continued and continues that &ldquo;every
+dollar of loss shall be paid in full.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: &ldquo;It is
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_96" title="96"> </a>
+not the policy of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring
+losses and compensating for death or personal
+injury.&rdquo; Commenting on this statement John&nbsp;<ins title="R.">F.</ins> Moors
+says: &ldquo;It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the latest
+scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is intended.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p>
+
+<p>What were the social results of this policy? This question
+is one of no less interest to the community itself than
+to the student of sociology. It is perhaps too early for
+adequate examination and comparison with the policy
+which formerly held sway. While still a vital question
+there are observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution
+certainly of the lump-sum method of restoration.<a name="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>
+They assert that for many it proved simply a lesson in extravagance
+and did not safeguard the economic future of
+the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods
+in their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty
+again with uncommon rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and
+furbelows multiplied. Merchants' trade grew brisk with
+&ldquo;explosion money.&rdquo; There seemed to be a temporary exchange
+of positions by the social classes. The following
+statement made by one closely associated with social conditions
+in Halifax and written over two years after the
+disaster, shows only too well the danger involved in the
+application of such a principle. After referring to &ldquo;the
+spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few
+who have borne the burden of restoration&rdquo; the statement
+continues:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The individuals who after all make up a community have
+been blinded to the bigger interests by their own individual material
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_97" title="97"> </a>losses, and the idea of material compensation on a dollar
+for dollar basis. As some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster
+wrought much moral damage, for which no &ldquo;claims&rdquo; were
+even presented, even by those to whom we might look for
+special moral teaching in such an experience. In the course
+of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition
+lingering in our midst.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom
+of &ldquo;the disposition to proceed as though the relief committee
+were a compensation board or an insurance society, and to
+indemnify for loss.&rdquo; But as already said it is early to appraise.
+What in ordinary times might be condemned might
+conceivably under the abnormal conditions of war be less
+morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault
+and not the principle.<a name="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> Partly for reasons connected with
+the war it was desired to conclude the business with dispatch,
+and not to set up a banking house or a training school in
+thrift. There remains also the final test, the residuum of
+relief, the number of those who will remain permanently
+upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of
+Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that &ldquo;probably so large
+a sum never passed into a community of equal size with so
+little danger to the personal character of the citizens and so
+complete an absence of any pauperizing or demoralizing influences?&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax
+may easily be summarized.</p>
+
+<p>1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted
+if for no other reason than for protection.</p>
+
+<p>2. More technical methods of coördination are desirable.</p>
+
+<p>3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_98" title="98"> </a>4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the
+hands of one vocationally trained for the purpose.</p>
+
+<p>5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of
+restitution and its administration.</p>
+
+<p>6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a
+secret relief distribution service, such as fraternal societies
+conduct for those who though in need will not publicly
+accept assistance.</p>
+
+<p>7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead,
+who will note the precise spot where bodies are recovered,
+the centralization of all morgue service, the use of metal
+tags instead of paper, the sterilization and preservation of
+clothing and effects for purposes of identification, and in
+addition the development of a morgue social service with
+training and qualifications of a special character.</p>
+
+<p>8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve
+with members beforehand definitely assigned to special
+tasks, with requisite printed supplies in readiness would
+render the most effective social economy in emergency.
+This reserve should be trained in the general organization of
+shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of
+general rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's
+work and in the use of volunteers.</p>
+
+<p>To answer the requirements of what could be called in
+any sense a sociological treatment of the disaster, the
+foregoing chapter on the contribution of social service
+could with difficulty be omitted. Social service introduces
+a relatively new element of leadership and control upon
+which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which
+assures to any community the presence of those who have
+special skill in dealing with crises. The &ldquo;relation of the
+great man to the crisis is indeed one of the most important
+points in the problem of progress&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> in catastrophe. The
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_99" title="99"> </a>
+subject also assumes special importance in the development
+of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes
+which may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken
+without full consideration of the major influences
+which were present. Thus by elimination we may be able
+to better gauge the strength of the factor of catastrophe
+itself. The place of government and other social factors,
+however, has yet to be discussed.<a name="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_100" title="100"> </a><a name="Chapter_6">CHAPTER VI</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Legislation</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">Governmental agencies in catastrophe&mdash;What seems to be expected of
+governments&mdash;What they actually do&mdash;Social legislation&mdash;A permanent
+contribution.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <ins title="influence">influences</ins>
+which are brought to bear upon a community when,
+after having been overtaken by catastrophe, it is settling
+back into its former habitistic channels,&mdash;channels which
+not even catastrophe can altogether efface. Some of these
+influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such
+as the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others
+are ultra-communal, such as those vigorous social forces
+which sweep in upon a disaster city with the suddenness of
+catastrophe itself.</p>
+
+<p>There is a further influence which is of a community yet
+in a sense not of it alone, but of all communities&mdash;government&mdash;that
+institution of society which expresses its will by
+legislation, a will which may or may not be the will of the
+community concerned. And because legislative action is
+responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to
+be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of
+the new and less familiar field of social legislation. While
+it may be that the latest group to function effectively at
+Halifax was government, social legislation when forthcoming
+contributed an important and deciding influence,
+and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity.</p>
+
+<p>The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_101" title="101"> </a>
+and daily enclosing a wider and wider field. But not
+all governments are sympathetic with this process. There
+are two standards of legislation&mdash;the one conserves above
+all things the rights and privileges of the individual, the
+other considers first the community as a whole. The
+superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here, that
+it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and
+becomes the norm, rather than the rights of the individual
+citizen. Progress in legislation includes its extension into
+all the affairs of life, retaining as much as may be the liberty
+of the individual while progressively establishing the interests
+of all.<a name="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> Its evolution is traceable from the first poor
+laws, all down the long succeeding line of those dealing with
+education, health, labor and recreation. However much
+agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the
+wisdom of this mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation,
+changing just as one ideal or the other happens to be in the
+ascendancy, there is at least no doubt as to the duty of the
+government to protect and safeguard its citizens.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the
+philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard
+the commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the
+domestic peace. To discharge this duty it is necessary to
+maintain a police force and a militia, and a naval establishment.
+Such dissent from this proposition as we hear now and then
+is negligible for practical purposes.<a name="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial,
+<ins title="federal.">federal,</ins> provincial or municipal, according to their respective
+powers.</p>
+
+<p>At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster
+was not wholly municipal or wholly martial, but rather an
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_102" title="102"> </a>
+admixture of authorities. Policeman and soldier joined
+hands as agents of general protection. This service government
+did and did at once.</p>
+
+<p>One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken<a name="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> was
+that by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova
+Scotia, when he sent to the Chief of Police of Halifax the
+following order:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of
+any vehicle of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose
+of removing the injured and the dead of this city.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable.
+They worked for long periods with little rest
+to maintain public peace and order. The splendid service
+of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been considered.
+They were first and foremost in the work of
+rescue and of warning. Military orders to vacate the North
+End district as a precautionary measure followed hard upon
+the explosion. Military orders permitted the people to
+return. Within a few hours after the disaster the military
+established a cordon around the devastated district which
+no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens
+having business obtained at the City Hall. This was to
+prevent looting as well as to facilitate the search for the
+wounded pinned under the debris, and to permit the removal
+of the bodies of the killed. The burned and devastated
+area was policed by the military for about two months with
+the concurrence of civic authority.</p>
+
+<p>But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It
+calls for a procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it
+calls for it at once. If we ask whether it be the function of
+government to take the foremost step of leadership in this
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_103" title="103"> </a>
+care, the question is one for Political Science. If we ask
+the more sociological question whether governments actually
+and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly&mdash;they do not.
+Says Cooley: &ldquo;Like other phases of organization, government
+is merely one way of doing things, fitted by its character
+for doing some things, and unfitted for doing others.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
+This proved one of the things for which it was unfitted.
+Not one of the governmental authorities, civic, provincial,
+or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively
+and continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a
+peculiar commentary that they were scarcely thought of as
+likely immediately to do so. It should be said, however,
+that the Deputy-mayor&mdash;the Mayor being absent from the
+city&mdash;was very active personally. While one of the controllers
+was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor
+called an emergency meeting of citizens on the
+morning of the disaster, and another at three in the afternoon
+to consider what to do. This meeting of citizens was
+presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as already
+noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made.
+The committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards
+reformed upon a new basis on the advice of the American
+unit. But no civic resources were pledged to the people
+as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were then or
+subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not
+assert or assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation.
+The City Hall was indeed set up as the relief center
+temporarily, but the advice to remove it elsewhere was not
+successfully opposed. How little civic authority was retained
+under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the
+following complaint. The Board of Control which was
+then the legal representative body of the city had no member
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_104" title="104"> </a>
+on the executive committee of the disaster administration.
+One of these controllers publicly criticised the method of
+the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He &ldquo;almost had to
+have a page to reach the Committee as representative of the
+Board of Control.&rdquo; When the cabinet ministers from
+Ottawa were sitting in session in the legislative council
+room, and giving a hearing to a representative public gathering,
+the Mayor entered a complaint that the City Council
+and Corporation had been ignored by the acting committees.
+The <ins title="Citizen's">Citizens'</ins> Committee exercised the general control.
+They were entrusted with the special grants and the civic
+authorities, Board of Health, police, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, so far as emergency
+matters went, coöperated with them. But the various
+civic officers were not idle. No one was idle at Halifax.
+They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various
+departments at City Hall and with individual programs
+of relief. What the civic government continued to do
+officially was rather in the way of providing the stiff
+formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed suggestions
+of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations
+were issued. Among them was one urging all
+people excepting those on relief work or upon especially
+urgent business to stay away from Halifax for two weeks.
+Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with regard
+to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's
+signature went out the nation-wide appeal for aid that &ldquo;a
+sorely afflicted people should be provided with clothing and
+food.&rdquo; The subsequent time, thought and help which City
+Hall contributed is of less sociological importance to this
+study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <ins title="muncipal">municipal</ins>
+aid in disaster as falling under the general category
+of service, rather than direction.<a name="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_105" title="105"> </a>Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of
+activity in disaster we note that no special session of the
+provincial legislature was called, as was done by the Governor
+of Illinois after the calamity which overtook Chicago in
+1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia convened
+a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating
+the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining
+its powers.<a name="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> The several articles defined its establishment
+as a rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a
+town-planning board, as well as its powers of expropriation,
+its relationship to the city charter, certain parts of which
+it could amend or repeal; its powers to enforce attendance
+at its courts and boards; its relationship to the Workmen's
+Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides,
+the Commission was also invested with full and adequate
+discretion regarding schools, churches and business properties.</p>
+
+<p>Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures
+are of special interest to social legislation. Among these
+were the power to repair, rebuild or restore buildings, the
+power to repair and carry out a town-planning scheme, the
+power to amend, repeal, alter or add to provisions in the city
+charter, the automatic assumption of rights of owner to
+insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and
+the automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation
+claims. The act incorporating the commission with powers
+to make investigation, and administer all funds and properties
+constitutes Chapter&nbsp;VI of the year 1918. The
+local legislature also passed Chapter&nbsp;XVIII authorizing the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_106" title="106"> </a>
+provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the
+benefit of the sufferers; and Chapter&nbsp;XIX authorizing cities,
+towns and municipalities to contribute for the relief of
+sufferers.</p>
+
+<p>The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude
+and wisdom is comparable to that of President Harrison
+of the United States at the time of the Johnstown flood.
+The Canadian Premier at the time of the disaster was in
+Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova
+Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following
+day. He immediately placed resources from the
+Federal government at the disposal of the local authorities
+to assist them in coping with the situation. The third day
+after the disaster he attended an important meeting regarding
+the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the
+city by assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the
+harbor. Following the Premier came the Minister of Public
+Works and he too gave much administrative assistance.
+Then came five members of the Federal Cabinet, each announcing
+such programs of restoration as to give the community
+new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements
+was that of the establishment of a large ship-building
+plant upon the explosion area. The Canadian government
+had already as its first act made a grant of one million
+dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then forcibly
+urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility
+towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in
+&ldquo;its policy of holding itself responsible for loss and damage
+by air-raids and explosions.&rdquo; Public opinion seemed to
+demand that the work of restoration and reparation be undertaken
+by the government of Canada as a national enterprise.
+The government while disclaiming all legal liability,
+acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was
+announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_107" title="107"> </a>
+to take over the whole work of rehabilitation and
+reconstruction,&mdash;an announcement which brought a feeling
+of relief to the already discouraged workers.</p>
+
+<p>Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that
+while the Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission
+to receive and administer relief funds and supplies,
+the Halifax Relief Commission was appointed by the
+Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done
+under the &ldquo;Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter&nbsp;CIV
+of the Revised Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the
+War Measures Act, 1914, being Chapter&nbsp;II of the Acts of
+Canada for the year 1914.&rdquo; The Federal grant was later
+increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to
+eighteen millions.</p>
+
+<p>There should also be here recorded the timely succour
+afforded by the Imperial Government at Westminster. Following
+the King's gracious cable of sympathy, the sum of
+five million dollars was voted by the British Government to
+the relief of Halifax. The King's words were:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax
+resulting in great loss of life and property. Please convey to
+the people of Halifax, where I have spent so many happy
+times, my true sympathy in this grievous calamity.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Reference has already been made to the policy to which
+the Commission was committed. This policy may be
+more exactly stated by an extract from the act incorporating
+the commission:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><em>Whereas</em>, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore
+constituted has recommended to the Governor-General
+of Canada in Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance
+should be made to persons injured in or by reason of
+the said disaster and the dependents of persons killed or injured
+in or by reason of the said disaster and the Governor-General
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_108" title="108"> </a>of Canada in Council has been pleased to adopt said
+recommendation; <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening
+of morale and the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission,
+government may be said to have contributed an
+important and deciding influence in the reorganization of
+the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal
+conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to
+have had a very direct determining influence upon whatever
+picture of the community is subsequently drawn,
+but social legislation itself was enriched by the catastrophe.
+The association of catastrophe with progress in social legislation
+has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass
+of facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In
+this introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters
+have been the preceding reagents in effecting legislation of
+permanent social value. It is instanced that city-planning
+in America took its rise from the Chicago fire, that the
+origin of labor legislation is traceable to a calamitous fever
+at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster precipitated
+amendment to the Seamen's laws.<a name="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> It has been said that
+&ldquo;the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in
+England has rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera
+visitations in the middle of the last century;&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> and also
+that public health work in America practically began with
+yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining disasters, J.
+Byron Deacon says in this connection</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters
+is fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_109" title="109"> </a>influence upon public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation
+both for the prevention of industrial accidents and for
+the more equitable distribution of the burden of individual
+loss and community relief which they involved.<a name="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Again E.&nbsp;A. Ross writes:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>A permanent extension to the administration of the state
+has often dated from a calamity,&mdash;a pestilence, a famine, a
+murrain, a flood or a tempest&mdash;which, paralyzing private
+efforts has caused application for state aid.<a name="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The student of social legislation who reads this book will
+turn first to this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation
+will the future associate with so dire a calamity as that
+suffered at Halifax. It may be said that not only has
+special disaster legislation of precedent-setting value been
+enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief legislative
+procedure, but social legislation of wider application and
+more general character ensued. And this was along the
+line which the student of social law should be led to expect.</p>
+
+<p>As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation;
+as marine disasters foster regulations ensuring greater
+safety at sea, it might well be expected that a great explosion
+would bring about regulations controlling the handling
+of explosives. And this is in reality what has occurred.
+There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of
+June, 1919, by the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting
+the loading and handling of explosives in harbors,
+applicable to all public harbors in Canada, to which the provisions
+of Part&nbsp;XII of the Canada Shipping Act apply; and
+to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not inconsistent
+with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.<a name="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>
+They cover</p>
+
+<ol>
+<li><a class="pagenum" name="Page_110" title="110"> </a>The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers.</li>
+<li>Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in harbors of explosives-laden vessels.</li>
+<li>Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives.</li>
+<li>Regulations governing the handling of explosives.</li>
+</ol>
+
+<p class="no-indent">&ldquo;The enactment of these regulations&rdquo; writes the Under-Secretary
+of State for Canada<a name="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> &ldquo;was suggested in large
+measure by the Halifax disaster.&rdquo; Had these regulations
+been in effect and observed in Halifax Harbor it is hardly
+conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could have occurred.</p>
+
+<p>It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for
+this general legislation of social utility originated with the
+Drysdale commission&mdash;a board of enquiry appointed by the
+Federal Government to determine the cause of the disaster
+and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth, 1918.
+In Section&nbsp;XIII of this judgment, the following occurs:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor
+in force since the war were prepared by competent naval
+authorities; that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal
+with the handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend
+that such competent authority forthwith take up and
+make specific regulations dealing with such subject.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>We, therefore, conclude that the function of government
+in disaster is of primary importance, and that social legislation
+when forthcoming constitutes an important and deciding
+influence and is itself in turn enriched by calamity.
+Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the
+statement in the <a href="#Page_13">Introduction</a>, that catastrophe is in close
+association with progress in social legislation receives abundant
+justification.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_111" title="111"> </a><a name="Chapter_7">CHAPTER VII</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Surplus</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover
+from disaster&mdash;The case of San Francisco&mdash;The case of Halifax&mdash;Social
+surplus&mdash;The equipmental factors&mdash;Correlation of tragedy in
+catastrophe with generosity of public response&mdash;Catastrophe insurance&mdash;A
+practical step.</p>
+
+<p>John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with
+which countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance
+in a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done
+by earthquakes, floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.<a name="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">This &ldquo;<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vis medicatrix naturae</i>&rdquo; he explains on an economic
+principle. All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption
+of what had been produced previously, and which
+would have in due course been consumed anyway. The rapid
+repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says, on whether the
+community has been depopulated.</p>
+
+<p>But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <ins title="aplies">applies</ins>
+particularly to countries which have not been bereft of
+the raw materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco
+recovered exceedingly rapidly from her terrible experience
+of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery has been called one
+of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not depopulated.
+Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and
+ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen.
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_112" title="112"> </a>
+The loss of life on the other hand was about two thousand
+in Halifax, a city of fifty thousand population&mdash;but one-eighth
+that of San Francisco&mdash;and her list of injured ran
+into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon appeared.</p>
+
+<p>There are other factors both social and economic which
+must not be omitted from an account of the influences of
+recuperation, namely the equipmental and other factors which
+produce social surplus. Disaster-stricken communities cannot
+survive unless their &ldquo;surplus energy exceeds their needs.&rdquo;
+They cannot become normal until the social surplus is restored.
+The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney,
+is &ldquo;merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals
+composing a social group, or immediately available
+to such individuals.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> It includes not only &ldquo;bodily vigor&rdquo;
+but &ldquo;such material goods also as are immediately available
+for the restoration of depleted bodily vigor.&rdquo; It is not only
+physiological, as life energy, and social, as conditions of
+knowledge and institutional facilities, but also socio-economic,
+as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of
+physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor
+may have been depleted, and material goods been consumed.
+No period of recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such
+equipment is in some degree replaced and a balance of social
+surplus restored. This is the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">conditio sine qua non</i> of recuperation,
+and of the transition from a pain-economy to a
+pleasure-economy,<a name="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> after disaster. Certainly the maintenance
+of the standard of living demands it. The standard of
+living has been defined as the &ldquo;mode of activity and scale
+of comfort which a person has come to regard as indispensable
+to his happiness and to secure and retain which he
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_113" title="113"> </a>
+is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice.&rdquo; Following
+Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with
+population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a
+certain character might conceivably operate to automatically
+heighten the standard of living, just as the growth of population
+often brings about its fall. But catastrophe often consumes
+great quantities of material goods and brings about
+a change in incomes and in occupations.<a name="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Seager notes that:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to
+the class of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition
+is a possibility which prolonged illness or inability to
+obtain employment may at any time change into a reality. The
+narrow margin which their usual earnings provide above the
+bare necessaries of life, coupled with their lack of accumulated
+savings, makes them especially liable, when some temporary
+calamity reduces their incomes, to sink permanently below the
+line of self-support and self-respect.<a name="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental
+damage was stupendous, still the heart of the downtown
+business section remained sound. The banking district
+held together, and the dislocation of business machinery
+was less protracted on that account. To this it is necessary
+to add how to a very considerable extent the material
+losses were replaced by communities and countries which
+not only supplied the city with the material of recuperation
+but with men and means as well. Were her own workmen
+killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men and
+carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_114" title="114"> </a>
+food and their wages with them. The city's population was
+increased by thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three
+hundred of whom were registered with the committee at
+one time. Was her glass destroyed? Eighty acres of
+transparences came for the temporary repairs and had been
+placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings
+gone? Seven million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber
+were soon available to house the homeless. Were her
+people destitute? Food and clothing were soon stacked
+high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty
+thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty
+thousand from New Zealand, one hundred thousand from
+Quebec, one hundred thousand from Montreal, two hundred
+and fifty thousand from Australia, five million from Great
+Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came
+from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from
+the Federal grant, eight millions were contributed. The
+total contributions from all sources amounted finally to
+twenty-seven million dollars.</p>
+
+<p>Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining
+the sociological recuperation of a smitten city. And when
+the experience of Halifax is set side by side with the related
+experiences of other cities a conclusion may be drawn that
+disaster-stricken communities can always count upon public
+aid, for the reasons which have already been discussed.
+But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation between
+the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and
+the generosity of the relief response,<a name="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> as there is also with
+the immediacy of the appeal. &ldquo;It is not the facts themselves
+which strike the popular imagination&rdquo; says Le Bon, &ldquo;but
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_115" title="115"> </a>
+the way in which they take place.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> There have been disasters
+relatively serious, such as the St. Quentin forest fire,
+where repeated appeals met with astonishingly little response
+from the people. &ldquo;A single great accident&rdquo; continues Le
+Bon, &ldquo;will profoundly impress them even though the results
+be infinitely less disastrous than those of a hundred small
+accidents put together.&rdquo; It was in recognition of this principle
+that &ldquo;it was decided to transfer the residue of the
+amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the contingent
+fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters,
+which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous
+public response, but where the suffering is as grievous.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p>
+
+<p>Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity
+and other expressions of sympathy, the experience at
+Halifax suggests also a relationship between the aid furnished
+by a contributing community and that community's
+own previous history in regard to calamity. As an instance
+may be cited the quick and splendid response which
+came from St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick
+cities with unforgettable memories of great disasters which
+they themselves had suffered. It is also not improbable that
+the study of comparative catastrophe would reveal a correlation
+between the relative amount of aid given and the
+distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which
+suggest that the relationship might be written thus: that
+relief in disaster varies inversely as the square of the cost
+distance. The association here suggested is given additional
+plausibility from the fact that attention to certain
+types of news seems to vary according to this principle,
+and news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid.</p>
+
+<p>Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_116" title="116"> </a>
+time, in the absence of any scientific method of socially
+ameliorating the consequences of catastrophe, relief is a
+fluctuating quantity, and is poorly apportioned from the
+point of view of need. While such conditions obtain, disasters
+must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which
+break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our
+generosities and philanthropies</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">many people lose their normal position in the social and
+economic scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts,
+railway wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial
+life. These accidents naturally have a vast influence over the
+lives of their victims; for they often render people unfit to
+struggle along in the rank and file of humanity.<a name="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread
+the economic results of these disasters over the entire community
+in some form of intra-city catastrophe insurance administered
+by the Federal government. This alone will
+overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon the
+more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate
+relief. And even beyond this step is there not the possibility
+of an international system in which each nation will insure
+the other? Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came
+from many nations and tongues. But while we are discussing
+what ought to be and eventually will be done, one very
+practical step remains which may be taken at once. At the
+Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction
+and technical leadership, welcome <ins title="at">as</ins> it was, and saving the
+situation as it did, yet came from without rather than from
+within the country. There is no Canadian who will close
+these pages without asking whether this must always be.
+May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding result
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_117" title="117"> </a>
+of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate
+steps to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund,
+and stations of relief strategically located in Canada&mdash;these
+stations to have in their keeping left-over war-material,
+such as tents, stores, and other equipment together with records
+of available experts who have had experience in disasters
+and who may be subject to call when emergencies
+arise.</p>
+
+<p>And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry,
+namely, wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe
+in social change? We have thus far concerned ourselves
+with the major factors of recuperation, intra-social forces,
+social service, and legislation.</p>
+
+<p>We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic
+constitutes a no less important factor. But the effects may
+not stop with mere recuperation. Suppose a city becomes
+in a trice more prosperous and progressive than ever.
+Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon
+rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase;
+her industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies
+come looking for sites as if dimly conscious that expansion
+is at hand! Suppose a city rises Phoenix-like from the
+flames, a new and better city, her people more kind, more
+charitable, more compassionate to little children, more considerate
+of age! Suppose there come social changes which
+alter the conservatism and civic habits of many years&mdash;changes
+which foster a spirit of public service, and stimulate
+civic pride! Then there is clearly some further influence
+associated with the day of disaster. Perhaps we shall find
+progress innate in catastrophe itself.</p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_118" title="118"> </a><a name="Chapter_8">CHAPTER VIII</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social Change</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">The unchanging Halifax of the years&mdash;The causes of social immobility&mdash;The
+new birthday&mdash;The indications of change: appearance, expansion
+of business, population, political action, city-planning, housing, health,
+education, recreation, community spirit&mdash;Carsten's prophecy.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">Halifax</span> has had her fair proportion of tribute in her
+time. Kipling has called her &ldquo;the Warden of the Honor
+of the North.&rdquo; Pauline Johnston sings of her pride of
+situation. As Edinburgh, &ldquo;it is a city of many charms;
+beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the
+world; vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of
+its streets some voice from the past &lsquo;comes sounding
+through the toon.&rsquo;&rdquo; Her public gardens are the envy of
+all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare. Her Northwest
+Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes.
+Cheery wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No
+city of her size is more hospitable than she.</p>
+
+<p>But she has always been a city which has never quite
+entered into her heritage commercially. Situated where
+by nature she might well be great, she has always been
+small. Unambitious, wealthy<a name="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> and little jealous of the
+more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on
+being a lover of better things. Commerce and industry
+were things alien<a name="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> and secular. She devoted herself to
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_119" title="119"> </a>
+standards of art, music, learning, religion and the philanthropies.
+Charitable and philanthropic institutions abounded.
+She has had her own conservative English ways. She
+affected homage to &ldquo;old families,&rdquo; and to that illusory
+element &ldquo;social prestige.&rdquo; She welcomed each new knight
+which the favor of the king conferred, and grew careless
+of civic prosperity and growth. She had leaned &ldquo;too long
+upon the army and the navy&rdquo; and her citizens had become
+&ldquo;anaemic,&rdquo; &ldquo;lethargic&rdquo; and standstill; their &ldquo;indifference&rdquo;
+and &ldquo;inertia&rdquo; were a commonplace. Halifax had been
+complacent and academic rather than practical in her outlook
+upon the world and her general attitude toward life.</p>
+
+<p>Geographically she suffered by her situation on the
+rim of the continent. She experienced not a little neglect
+and isolation because she was an undeveloped
+terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers and commercial
+men could not visit her <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en route</i> but only by special
+trip.</p>
+
+<p>Again &ldquo;the government has had altogether too many interests
+in Halifax for the good of the place.&rdquo; &ldquo;Government-kept
+towns&rdquo; are not as a rule &ldquo;those which have
+achieved the greatest prosperity.&rdquo; Halifax as a civil-service
+headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps
+open to the charge of being at least &ldquo;self-satisfied.&rdquo;
+Valuable acres of non-taxable land have been far from stimulating
+to civic enterprise.</p>
+
+<p>An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of
+overmuch looking backward, and sociologically the back look
+has been always recognized as the foe of progress. But
+she has had a past to be proud of&mdash;one which throbs with
+incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she
+has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a
+hundred and fifty years. She has been called &ldquo;the stormy
+petrel among the cities&mdash;always to the front in troublous
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_120" title="120"> </a>
+times.&rdquo; She has served and suffered in four hard wars.
+She has gloried in this wealth of years and storied past.
+Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue blood,
+dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies,
+fêtes, levées and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial
+times. A newspaper has published daily items of a generation
+before, and weekly featured a reverie in the past.<a name="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Old in
+her years she remained old in her appearance, old in
+her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old firms which
+have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled
+the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century
+of service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day
+hour, and like a curfew sounded in the night.</p>
+
+<p>Search where one will, it would be difficult to find
+another city which has more completely exhibited the causes
+of social immobility as set forth by sociology. For there
+are, it must be remembered, causes of immobility as well
+as factors of social change. They may be geographical
+difficulties, or elements more distinctively social&mdash;an over-emphasis
+of government, discouraging innovation, too great
+a &ldquo;volume of suggestion,&rdquo; the drag of &ldquo;collective customs
+and beliefs,&rdquo; a &ldquo;traditionalist educational system,&rdquo; the &ldquo;inheritance
+of places and functions&rdquo; tending to arrest development,
+&ldquo;government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed
+by age.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> All these reënforce the conservative tendencies
+in society and preserve the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>.<a name="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_121" title="121"> </a>Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of
+the disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">status quo</i>.
+We need not labor the how and why. Tourists had returned
+year after year and found her unaltered. &ldquo;Dear,
+dirty old Halifax&rdquo; they had called her. They had found
+business as usual,&mdash;old unpainted wooden houses on every
+side, unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and
+offensive gutters; the best water and the poorest water
+system an inspector ever examined; the purest air but the
+most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete tramway,<a name="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> a
+&ldquo;green market,&rdquo; ox-carts on the main streets, crossings ankle-deep
+with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead
+of making the city they had been &ldquo;letting it happen.&rdquo;
+The &ldquo;transient, the good-enough, the cheapest possible&rdquo;
+had been the rule of action.</p>
+
+<p>Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But
+the old order changeth. The spell of the past is broken.
+A change has come over the spirit of her dreams. There are
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_122" title="122"> </a>
+signs that a new birthday has come. The twenty-first day
+of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with punctilious
+regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to
+realize that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from
+December&mdash;that fatal Sixth. &ldquo;Sad as was the day, it
+may be the greatest day in the city's history.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to
+see the sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her
+geographical position which once meant isolation<a name="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> will henceforth
+be her best asset. Just as the geographical expansion
+of Europe made the outposts of the Old World the entrepôts
+of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova
+Scotia&mdash;the province with the greatest number of natural
+resources of any in the Dominion&mdash;to the newly awakening
+city appears full of substantial promise. It will be largely
+hers to handle the water-borne commerce of a great country.
+Henceforth the ocean will become a link and not a limit.
+World-over connections are the certainties of the future,
+bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity
+of nations. Closer to South America than the United
+States, closer to South Africa than England, closer to Liverpool
+than New York, Halifax sees and accepts her destiny,
+forgets the inconvenience and loss she has undergone and
+the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the
+facilities of her &ldquo;triple haven&rdquo; might be multiplied and the
+march of progress begin. &ldquo;The new terminals with their impressive
+passenger station, will not only be an attractive front
+door for Halifax, but will fit her to be one of the great
+portals of the Dominion.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>There has come upon the city a strange impatience of
+unbuilt spaces and untaxed areas sacred for decades to
+military barracks and parades. She has urged for some
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_123" title="123"> </a>
+immediate solution, with the result that military property
+will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for
+its own disposal.</p>
+
+<p>Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the
+retention of old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and
+century-old church-yards is not yet apparent; although suggestions
+have been made which would have astounded the
+Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a period of
+orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and
+clubs for progressive administration and modern policies.
+&ldquo;Here as elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking
+and the rearrangement of traditional thought.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Indications of change are already abundant. The first
+to note is that of appearance. For illustration may be
+quoted an editorial published near the second anniversary of
+the explosion:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion,
+exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points.
+One almost forgets what the city was like about ten years ago.
+Still there is a great deal to be done in the way of improvement
+to our streets. The move in the direction of permanent streets
+is an excellent one and if carried out as designed will be an
+improvement and saving to the city.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes
+the following reference to the change in appearance of the
+city:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale
+and retail business of Halifax is the improved condition
+of premises over a few years ago; retail stores are now having
+up-to-date and attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving
+their show-rooms and thereby increasing their sales.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_124" title="124"> </a>are on the order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform
+as possible. This will go a long way toward improving
+the appearance of the city.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure
+from the former square box style of dwelling, also
+the method of placing rows of houses exactly in the same
+style. Today homelike houses of modern design, set back
+from the street with lawns in front are the order of the day&mdash;bungalows
+are particularly in favor.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are
+spreading, new lights are being tried out, a new tram company
+has taken hold. Indeed one citizen is credited with the
+words: &ldquo;It is almost a sacrilege that Halifax should be so
+changed.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public
+opinion and the beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence
+of the new note is a statement by one of the progressive Halifax
+firms:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking
+up valuable sites in our business districts. The banks are
+increasing their activities. Some of the biggest industries are
+coming our way. Surely everything points toward prosperity.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness,
+which has infected a much wider region than Halifax itself
+is the plan now making rapid progress for an Old
+Home Summer, to be held from June to October, 1924. The
+project has already received legislative recognition. An
+effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such
+as has never been attempted before. The committee in
+charge is made up of many prominent citizens and the
+&ldquo;1924 Club&rdquo; grows. One may observe still another indication
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_125" title="125"> </a>
+of the determination to progress in the recent completion
+of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with
+Montreal, Toronto, New York and Chicago.</p>
+
+<p>Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory,
+yet the items used in their computations are the only ones
+upon which variations may be even roughly gauged. Roger
+Babson puts as the leading considerations: (1) Building
+and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures.
+Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts,
+exports, taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and
+hours, commodity prices, unfilled orders, immigration and
+unemployment.<a name="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p>
+
+<p>With regard to the first the following statement issued
+by the Mayor is significant. He says:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in
+the City of Halifax. It has been a record year for building.
+Permits to the approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued
+to the engineer's office, the largest amount by far in its
+history, the amount being practically ten times that of 1913, or
+the year before the Great War commenced. A part of this only
+can be attributed to the terrible explosion of 1917.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">He refers to the great amount of construction going on in
+the western and northwestern parts of the city which were
+relatively untouched by the disaster. The Mayor further
+states:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>It must be remembered that it is only two years since the
+devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city
+have considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in
+building up that portion which only a year ago had not a
+house upon it.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The following tabulation gives the building figures according
+to the permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a
+remarkable recent increase.</p>
+
+<div><a class="pagenum" name="Page_126" title="126"> </a></div>
+<table id="permits" summary="Building Permits 1910&ndash;1919">
+<caption>Building Permits</caption>
+<tr>
+ <td>1910</td>
+ <td class="right">$471,140</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1911</td>
+ <td class="right">508,836</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1912</td>
+ <td class="right">589,775</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1913</td>
+ <td class="right">839,635</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1914</td>
+ <td class="right">874,320</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1915</td>
+ <td class="right">1,066,938</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1916</td>
+ <td class="right">1,177,509</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1917</td>
+ <td class="right">844,079</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1918</td>
+ <td class="right">2,955,406</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1919</td>
+ <td class="right">5,194,806</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December
+1919</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable.
+Business property has taken a jump in value, and it
+is difficult to get for business purposes property well situated
+unless at very high prices. Property has been known to change
+hands within a year at approximately double the amount
+originally paid.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained
+greatly in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war
+days.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>In the matter of bank clearings<a name="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> the following table indicates
+a very considerable change:</p>
+
+<table id="clearings" summary="Bank Clearings">
+<caption>Bank Clearings</caption>
+<tr>
+ <td>1910</td>
+ <td class="right">$95,855,319</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1911</td>
+ <td class="right">87,994,043</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1912</td>
+ <td class="right">100,466,672</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1913</td>
+ <td class="right">105,347,626</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1914</td>
+ <td class="right">100,280,107</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1915</td>
+ <td class="right">104,414,598</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1916</td>
+ <td class="right">125,997,881</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1917</td>
+ <td class="right">151,182,752</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1918</td>
+ <td class="right">216,084,415</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1919</td>
+ <td class="right">241,200,194</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_127" title="127"> </a>As to business failures the Secretary says:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Business failures have been few&mdash;practically the whole
+amount of the liabilities will be made up of one failure,
+and it is believed the loss to creditors in this particular case
+will be slight.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<table id="indices" summary="Additional Indices">
+<caption>Additional Indices</caption>
+<tr>
+ <td>&nbsp;</td>
+ <th>Gross Postal Revenue</th>
+ <th>Tramway Receipts (gross)</th>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1910</td>
+ <td class="right">$114,318</td>
+ <td class="right">$477,109</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1911</td>
+ <td class="right">119,561</td>
+ <td class="right">502,399</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1912</td>
+ <td class="right">132,097</td>
+ <td class="right">539,853</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1913</td>
+ <td class="right">140,102</td>
+ <td class="right">605,933</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1914</td>
+ <td class="right">147,943</td>
+ <td class="right">645,341</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1915</td>
+ <td class="right">154,499</td>
+ <td class="right">718,840</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1916</td>
+ <td class="right">167,594</td>
+ <td class="right">559,513</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1917</td>
+ <td class="right">255,815</td>
+ <td class="right">859,667</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1918</td>
+ <td class="right">305,412</td>
+ <td class="right">998,702</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1919</td>
+ <td class="right">349,507</td>
+ <td class="right">1,258,503</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the
+beginnings of fresh faith in the city's future is the coming
+of new large business interests into the city. Among the
+largest construction work is the building of the Halifax
+shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay
+of ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending
+plant of the Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually
+make of Halifax a great oil-distribution port. There is the
+continuation of the thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern
+terminal facilities, which have been constructed so close to
+the ocean that a ship may be out of sight of land within an
+hour after casting off from the quay.</p>
+
+<p>In short there has been, as has been said, an &ldquo;impetus
+given to business generally.&rdquo; That the impetus will continue
+there is every prospect. Halifax may experience
+a temporary wave of depression when such waves are flowing
+elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more
+believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_128" title="128"> </a>
+and electric trains is not very far away. The
+prophecy of Samuel Cunard made in 1840&mdash;when he inaugurated
+the first Trans-Atlantic line&mdash;that &ldquo;Halifax
+would be the entering port of Canada&rdquo;&mdash;seems destined to
+fulfilment.</p>
+
+<p>As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San
+Francisco may not materially change the existing numbers
+of the population after a sufficient period of time has elapsed
+for a reassembling of the former units, and a return to the
+normal conditions of life and growth.<a name="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="no-indent">Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax
+eclipsed all preceding disasters to single communities on the
+Continent of America in the toll of human life.<a name="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> In the
+San Francisco earthquake the loss was four hundred and
+ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at the Iroquois
+theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and seventy-five;
+at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the
+Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that
+the disaster at Halifax probably passed this latter figure,
+decreasing the city's population by four per cent. Notwithstanding
+this heavy draught upon the population, the
+1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six
+hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.</p>
+
+<p>In the light of this consideration the following indication
+of the growth of population is also of contributory interest.<a name="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p>
+
+<div><a class="pagenum" name="Page_129" title="129"> </a></div>
+<table id="growth" summary="Growth of Population">
+<caption>Table</caption>
+<tr>
+ <td>1911</td>
+ <td class="right">46,619</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1912</td>
+ <td class="right">46,619</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1913</td>
+ <td class="right">47,109</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1914</td>
+ <td class="right">47,109</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1915</td>
+ <td class="right">47,473</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1916</td>
+ <td class="right">50,000</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1917</td>
+ <td class="right">50,000</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1918</td>
+ <td class="right">50,000</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1919</td>
+ <td class="right">55,000</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1920<a name="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></td>
+ <td class="right">65,000</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon
+the part of citizens is revealed by the comparison of the
+numbers participating in political action by means of the
+vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:</p>
+
+<table id="action" summary="Political Action">
+<caption>Political Action</caption>
+<tr>
+ <th>Year</th>
+ <th>Purpose</th>
+ <th>Eligible voters</th>
+ <th>No. voting</th>
+ <th>Percentage of Indifference</th>
+ <th>Percentage of Interest</th>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1918</td>
+ <td class="center">For Mayor</td>
+ <td class="right">7,632</td>
+ <td class="right">2,769</td>
+ <td class="right wide">63.8<span class="invisible">0</span></td>
+ <td class="right wide">36.2<span class="invisible">0</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1919</td>
+ <td class="center">For Mayor</td>
+ <td class="right">8,890</td>
+ <td class="right">4,264</td>
+ <td class="right wide">52.1<span class="invisible">0</span></td>
+ <td class="right wide">47.9<span class="invisible">0</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+ <td>1920</td>
+ <td class="center">For Mayor</td>
+ <td class="right">11,435</td>
+ <td class="right">5,491</td>
+ <td class="right wide">51.99</td>
+ <td class="right wide">48.01</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and
+a gradually diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference
+is smaller and the percentage of interest is larger
+for 1920 than for 1919, and the percentage of interest for
+1919 is larger than that for the previous year. The number
+of eligible voters also shows increase. &ldquo;The campaign [for
+1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier
+to institute new reforms.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of further sociological interest is the change affecting
+city-planning, civic improvement, housing, health, education
+and recreation.</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_130" title="130"> </a>In the realm of city-planning<a name="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> and civic improvement,
+Halifax is awaking to the importance of taking advantage
+of an opportunity which comes to a city but seldom save
+through the avenue of disaster. The present Town-planning
+Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning
+Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city
+engineer constitute the committee. The limits of the area
+to be brought under the scheme were still undecided when
+the explosion came. The disaster &ldquo;hastened the resolution&rdquo;
+of the Board. &ldquo;When the disaster came it seemed
+that things would have to come to a head.&rdquo; Mr. Thomas
+Adams, the Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor,
+was brought to Halifax to help determine what should
+be done. &ldquo;The disaster simply had the effect of bringing
+to a point certain things which were pending at the time.
+If that event had not occurred we would by this time be
+into a scheme, though possibly not so far as we are.&rdquo; Today
+the limits of the area have been defined and the scheme
+is nearly ready for presentation to the Council for adoption.
+The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant reports
+that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing
+with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping
+and residential districts, the provision for future streets,
+street-widening and building lines, and suggestions for park
+and aerodrome sites. In the devastated area he has remarked
+progress in street-opening, in grading of the slope
+and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_131" title="131"> </a>
+trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be
+planted in this area. The whole area is under the control of
+the Relief Commission, for the Act appointing the Commission
+gave it the powers of a Town-planning Board.</p>
+
+<p>The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened
+the resolution of the existing committee, but to have produced
+two planning-boards instead of one. Each must
+keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the &ldquo;City
+Beautiful&rdquo; idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to
+city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum
+the social problems of community life, to accomplish
+Aristotle's ideal&mdash;&ldquo;the welfare and happiness of everyone.&rdquo;
+In so doing civic beauty will not be neglected. &ldquo;Scientific,
+sensible and sane city-planning&rdquo; says an authority &ldquo;with
+utility and public convenience as its primary consideration
+produces beauty&mdash;the beauty that is the result of adapting
+successfully a thing to its purpose.&rdquo; It is in accordance
+with this principle of civic art that the terminal area is
+being developed&mdash;a work designed by the same architect
+who planned the Chateau Laurier and the Ottawa Plaza with
+such aesthetic taste.</p>
+
+<p>To &ldquo;deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered
+with trees and pleasant driveways, after the manner of
+Paris,&rdquo; and to a &ldquo;waterfront as stately as Genoa's, a terminal
+station with a noble facade, overlooking a square
+and space of flowers,&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> the future will also bring to Halifax</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="no-indent">more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways,
+cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness
+and beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will
+disappear.... With time will come all these things which
+stamp a city as modern, as caring for the comfort of its
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_132" title="132"> </a>people, their pleasure and rest, and health and safety. All
+these things come with time, effort, development of city pride,
+and the concentrated desire of a people for them.<a name="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax
+problem. It was already an acute one when the blow of
+the catastrophe fell and multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold.
+The Relief Commission has grappled with its
+end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many refugees
+who were first accommodated in lodgings and in
+temporary shelters.<a name="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The old sombre frame-constructed
+buildings of the pre-disaster days are being replaced with
+attractive hydrostone. A hard-working wage-earning community
+is stepping out of indifferent structures into homes
+both comfortable and well-ordained.</p>
+
+<p>But the old problem would have still remained unsolved,
+had not the city authorities caught something of the reconstruction
+spirit and felt the sharp urge of increasing
+difficulties. Action has been at last precipitated. However,
+lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts, the
+city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate
+housing to be a supreme need of the community and vitally
+associated with the city's health and welfare. A Housing
+Committee of five members has been formed, having as
+chairman a man of widely recognized building experience and
+as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended to
+make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical
+way, the City Council having reversed its former decisions
+and accepted by by-law the obligation which the government
+act requires. It is hoped in this way to promote the
+erection of modern dwellings and to &ldquo;contribute to the
+general health and well-being of the community.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_133" title="133"> </a>Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government
+aid, which when finally accepted in 1890, began the
+remarkable housing reform in England, has entered the
+City of Halifax, and will eventually write a record of increased
+health, comfort and contentment. How soon that
+record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves
+and their response to a leadership that is forceful as
+well as wise.</p>
+
+<p>The matter of health organization in Halifax affords
+perhaps the most significant contrast with the pre-disaster
+days. Prior to the catastrophe public health organization
+was not a matter for civic pride. The dispensary, which
+is often regarded as the index of a city's care for health,
+had received scant support and could only perform indifferent
+service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not
+be carried out for want of inspectors. The death rate<a name="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> had
+averaged about twenty percent for a period of ten years,
+and the infant and tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously
+high&mdash;the former reaching the figure of one hundred
+and eighty-two.<a name="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> There was no spur to progressive administration.
+The city was too ill-equipped to cope with
+such conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Today Halifax has the finest public health program and
+most complete public health organization in the Dominion.
+The fact that this is so is in very close relation to the
+catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended balance of relief
+moneys<a name="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> has been redirected by request for health purposes
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_134" title="134"> </a>
+in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty
+thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand
+dollars per year of the Canadian government money and
+five thousand dollars per year each, of the city and provincial
+money are to be expended in the five-year campaign.
+The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per year, or
+practically one dollar per capita.</p>
+
+<p>A completely equipped health centre has been established
+including all the essential remedial and educational agencies,
+namely, pre-natal, pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis,
+venereal disease, eye, ear, nose and throat clinics. There
+will also be provision for the growth of health ideas through
+mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues. A public
+health course for nurses is included in the educational campaign.<a name="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>
+A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been
+held, and the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a
+greater realization of responsibility. Progressive steps
+have been already taken including the appointment
+of a Doctor of Public Health, and the provision of
+district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places
+where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected
+with a view of effecting improvements. A single
+instance of commendable activity along sanitary lines is the
+prohibition of movable lunch cars, which have been seen
+on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of a lot
+of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention
+of the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present
+Council to improve conditions throughout the city generally
+as quickly as is feasible to do so. Another illustration of the
+direction of attention to modern social methods is the present
+discussion of plans for a psychiatric clinic for mental
+hygiene and the discovery of defectives, especially those
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_135" title="135"> </a>
+attending the schools. Still another indication of interest
+in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was established
+in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly
+employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being
+amplified by the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement
+of the children's hospital,&mdash;a centralization plan
+of hospital service being a unique and distinctive feature. In
+the way of industrial hygiene a full-time nurse is employed in
+the ship-building plant and here also safety policies have been
+introduced and have reduced accidents to a minimum. The
+movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining
+impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established.
+The Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged
+and extended, the additions having an estimated cost of
+half a million dollars.</p>
+
+<p>But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission
+but also the earlier vigorous policy of disaster
+medical relief, which is seen reflected in the growing sense
+of community-responsibility for health conditions. Halifax
+has come to see the principle fundamental to all health
+reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and
+that improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation
+with the progress of health organization. It remains to
+be seen whether so favored a community will also lead the
+way in the registration and periodic health examination of
+every individual citizen which is the final goal of all policies
+of health reform.</p>
+
+<p>The standards of education have always been high in
+Halifax. She has been the educational center of the
+Maritime Provinces. Her academic attainments have
+brought to her much distinction and not a little glory. Her
+public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration
+to each successive generation. To secure appointment to
+the Halifax teaching staff the applicant must possess the
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_136" title="136"> </a>
+highest qualifications. But however much educational leaders
+may desire them, modern methods and up-to-date equipment
+await in large measure the public will. Only where
+there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax
+is becoming awakened to the vital rôle her educators
+play is being proven by the response to the campaign for the
+expansion of Dalhousie University. That response has been
+most generous and general, while local contributions have
+been amplified by large benefactions from the Carnegie
+Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter
+benefactions together amounting to one million dollars&mdash;four
+hundred thousand will be expended upon buildings and
+equipment. The modernizing process is shown again in
+the decision of the university to establish at once a Faculty
+of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and
+Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.</p>
+
+<p>In the old teaching methods all are given the same course
+of instruction regardless of the individual mental differences.
+Today the effort is to provide an education to fit the mind
+rather than to force the mind to fit the education. In the
+public schools of Halifax there are not lacking indications
+which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among
+these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes
+for retarded children, experimentation with the social-recitation
+system, the display of Safety-First League posters
+and the development of those departments already established,
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">viz.</i> vocational and domestic training, manual and
+physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds,
+school nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use
+of school plants in evening technical classes.</p>
+
+<p>Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest
+degree all the opportunities which child-training affords.
+The school system is an institution of society to
+mediate between a child and his environment. Children
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_137" title="137"> </a>
+must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their
+plastic minds must receive practice in resistance to domination
+by feeling and in the use of the intellect as the servant
+and guide of life. To the children of Halifax is due
+eventually a thorough training in citizenship. This is the
+last call of the new future in education. It rests upon the
+twin pillars of educational psychology and educational
+sociology.</p>
+
+<p>Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein
+the City of Halifax has taken a forward step. In making
+her plans for the future she has not forgotten that the rebuilt
+city should contain every facility for children to grow
+up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as public provision
+for the leisure time of the adult population. A Recreation
+Commission has been formed made up of representatives
+of the various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial
+governments.<a name="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> A playground expert was called in
+by the city government, who after study of the situation and
+conference with local groups, recommended a system of
+recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked
+progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the
+&ldquo;municipal recreation system of Halifax has made a record
+for itself.&rdquo; A hill of about fifteen acres in the heart
+of the devastated area has been reserved for a park and playground.
+The city has built and turned over to the Commission
+a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of
+ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans
+contain recommendations for minimum play-space for every
+school child, a central public recreation area, an open-air
+hillside stadium, as well as a community center with auditorium,
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_138" title="138"> </a>
+community theatre, natatorium, gymnasium, and
+public baths. The real significance of this movement Halifax
+has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is
+a close relationship between health organization and mortality
+tables, so there is a close association between open
+spaces, street play, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i>, and juvenile, as well as other forms
+of delinquency.<a name="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The moral value of organized recreation
+was itself demonstrated in the war, while the increasing
+menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the shorter
+working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a
+social policy. This policy is not however fully carried out
+with merely constructive and promotive action. It must be
+followed by restrictive and regulatory control of commercialized
+recreation, and wise and adequate systems of inspection
+for amusement in all its forms. This is the path of progress
+in socialized recreation.</p>
+
+<p>Progress in coöperation has also to be noticed. There
+has been a new sense of unity in dealing with common problems.
+The number of things which perforce had to be
+done together during the catastrophe was great. This doing
+of things together will be continued. The establishment of
+the Halifax Coöperative Society is initial evidence of a
+movement towards coöperative buying. Coöperation for
+community ends even now is revealing itself in the new
+interest for the common control of recreation, health conditions,
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> &ldquo;The disaster,&rdquo; runs an article in the press,
+&ldquo;has given our social movement an impetus. The social
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_139" title="139"> </a>
+workers of the different creeds and classes have discovered
+each other and are getting together.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> The organization of
+social service which only a few years back took a beginning
+in the form of an unpretentious bureau has shot ahead with
+amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of coördination
+upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies
+of the city.</p>
+
+<p>The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased
+coöperation upon the part of the churches. Following the
+disaster the churches of the city united into a single organization
+for relief service under the chairmanship of the
+Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial Association
+has been formed which has directed coöperative
+effort along various lines and has exercised pressure upon
+those in authority where the best interests of the city were
+involved.</p>
+
+<p>Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life
+through the testing experience of a great catastrophe. She
+has undergone a civic transformation, such as could hardly
+otherwise have happened in fifty years. She has caught
+the spirit of the social age. This spirit after all means only
+that the community is just a family on a larger scale, and
+the interests of each member are interwoven with those of
+all. But merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It
+must be cherished through an inevitable period of reaction
+and passivity, and then carried on still further into the relations
+of capital and labor, into the realm of socialized recreation
+and into those multiform spheres of social insurance
+whither all true social policies lead.</p>
+
+<p>All these converging lines taken not singly but together
+constitute a very real basis of faith in the city's future, and
+of hope for permanent changes for the better. Perhaps
+this attitude cannot be more fittingly expressed than in the
+words of Carstens:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_140" title="140"> </a>The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon
+the city for at least a generation, because so many of the living
+have been blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that
+the disaster may leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently
+believed by those who took part in the relief work
+during the first few weeks that Halifax will gain as well as
+lose. The sturdy qualities of its citizens will bring &lsquo;beauty
+out of ashes.&rsquo;</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>But it is rather for social than for material progress that
+the sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary,
+there may be developed a program for the care, training and
+education of the sightless as good if not better than any now
+existing, that medical social service will be permanently grafted
+upon the hospital and out-patient service of the community,
+and that the staff of teachers of the stricken city, by direct contact
+with the intimate problems of the families of the children
+they have in their class-rooms may acquire a broader view
+of their work. If there should result no other benefits, and
+there are likely to be many, as for example city-planning,
+housing and health, the death and suffering at Halifax will
+not have been in vain, will not have been all loss.<a name="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_141" title="141"> </a><a name="Chapter_9">CHAPTER IX</a><br/>
+<small><span class="small-caps">Conclusion</span></small></h2>
+
+<p class="hanging-indent">Recapitulation&mdash;The various steps in the study presented in propositional
+form&mdash;The rôle of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a) Directly prepares
+the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social immobility;
+(2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal
+favorability for change&mdash;(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors determining
+the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit and
+morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and
+lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.</p>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">If</span> the preceding narrative has been successful in setting
+forth the facts as they were observed, the reader has now
+before him a fairly accurate picture of a community as it
+reacts under the stimulus of catastrophe and proceeds to
+adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure of new conditions.
+It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness
+in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one
+by one the various steps in our study. These steps while
+primarily intended to follow the natural order in point of
+time will also be seen to represent a definite sociological process
+of development.</p>
+
+<p>At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been
+sufficiently terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city.
+This fact gives peculiar value to the investigation. The
+more a shock is limited in extent the more its analysis grows
+in complexity. In such cases consideration must necessarily
+be given to the frontiers of influence. The <a href="#Chapter_1">chapter <ins title="discribing">describing</ins>
+the shock</a> also found the immediate reaction to have been
+a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of
+the usual methods of social control&mdash;in short, a dissolution
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_142" title="142"> </a>
+of the customary. This turmoil into which society was
+thrown is sometimes called &ldquo;fluidity,&rdquo; and, for lack of a
+better one, this term has been retained. It would thus appear
+that if it were later observed that essential social
+changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of
+change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous
+thought upon the subject as set forth in our more theoretical
+<a href="#Page_13">introduction</a> and expressed in the proposition that
+fluidity is fundamental to social change.</p>
+
+<p>The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual
+and group reactions were then examined in greater
+detail, and the phenomena of the major sort were singled
+out and classified. These were found to be either abnormal
+and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or stimulative
+and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted
+the material of the <a href="#Chapter_2">second chapter</a>. Put in propositional
+form it would be that catastrophe is attended
+by phenomena of social psychology which may either retard
+or promote social reorganization.</p>
+
+<p><a href="#Chapter_3">Social organization</a> came next in order, and because its
+progress was largely expedited by the organization of relief,&mdash;the
+first social activity,&mdash;the sociological factors observed
+in the latter have been recorded. These factors were
+classified as physical, including climate and topography, and
+psychological, such as leadership, suggestion, imitation, discussion,
+recognition of utility and consciousness of kind.
+Reference was also made to biological and equipmental
+considerations. Two conclusions of interest are here deducible:
+first, that part of society which is most closely
+organized and disciplined in normality first recovers social
+consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only after
+division of function delegates to a special group the responsibility
+for relief work that public thought is directed
+to the resumption of a normal society. These conclusions
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_143" title="143"> </a>
+emphasize the conservation value to society of a militia
+organization in every community and also of a permanent
+vigilance committee.</p>
+
+<p>The <a href="#Chapter_5">fifth chapter</a> introduced a relatively new element,
+the presence of which may be relied upon in all future emergencies,
+that of a disaster social service. Its contribution
+was that of skillful service and wise direction; its
+permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The
+value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse
+proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community
+has advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly
+that self-dependence of a community in adversity is furthered
+by the socialization of the existing institutions.</p>
+
+<p>The next and latest group to function effectively was that
+of government, but <a href="#Chapter_6">social legislation</a> when forth-coming,
+contributed an important and deciding influence, and was
+itself in turn enriched by the calamity. Brought to the
+test of comparison with observed facts the statement in the
+introduction receives abundant justification; namely, that
+catastrophe is in close association with progress in social
+legislation.</p>
+
+<p>To the influences already mentioned an additional factor
+of recuperation is added,&mdash;the <a href="#Chapter_7">socio-economic one</a>. Disaster-stricken
+communities cannot become normal until the
+social surplus is restored. They may however always count
+upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly suggested
+a correlation between the magnitude or striking character
+of a disaster and the generosity of the relief response.</p>
+
+<p>The <a href="#Chapter_8">last chapter</a> is devoted to a cataloging of the indications
+of social change from the standpoint of the community
+as a whole. The old social order is contrasted with that
+obtaining two years subsequent to the disaster. It here appeared
+that the city of Halifax had as a community undergone
+and is undergoing an extraordinary social change.
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_144" title="144"> </a>
+This implies, according to the theory of social causation, an
+extraordinary antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor
+of catastrophe as such, the scientific reader may very
+properly ask whether there are not alternatives.</p>
+
+<p>To this query the answer is that there are alternatives,
+other very considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but
+that catastrophe was itself the precipitating factor there is
+little room for doubt. Of the other factors two only are
+of sufficient weight for our present consideration. The
+earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank of importance
+is that which Halifax residents understand as the
+coming of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so
+sudden in the nature of its announcement, and meant for
+many so much depreciation in property values, that it had
+something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It altered
+very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential
+and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused
+a jolt in the body politic, such as had not visited it for years&mdash;not
+since the middle of the nineteenth century brought the
+revolutionizing steam. It is not to be denied that this factor
+has contributed not a little to the weakening of immobility,
+and the preparation of the ground for an inrush of the spirit
+of progress.</p>
+
+<p>The other factor was the war. The war functioned
+mightily in community organization for service. It brought
+prosperity to many a door, and whetted the appetite of many
+a merchant to put the business of peace on a war basis. But
+it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity would
+have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would
+not be historically justifiable. Halifax has been through
+three important wars. In each, &ldquo;trade was active, prices
+were high, the population increased, industry was stimulated
+by the demand, rents doubled and trebled, streets were uncommonly
+busy.&rdquo; But in each case also Halifax settled
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_145" title="145"> </a>
+back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax
+began to feel the reaction consequent upon the close of a
+war. The large navy and army were withdrawn and Halifax
+and its inhabitants &ldquo;bore the appearance of a town at the
+close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle
+and business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration
+at times very perceptible. Money gradually disappeared
+and the failure of several mercantile establishments added
+to the general distress.&rdquo; But the closing of the war, now
+a hundred years later, has exhibited no such relapse. On
+the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and
+progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail,
+but rather increase. There is clearly some further influence
+associated with this change.</p>
+
+<p>But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed
+be said to have been the factor,&mdash;if we mean by it the
+fact that through the war and as a direct result of war-service
+the city was laid half in ruins by possibly the greatest
+single catastrophe on the American Continent. If we
+mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining
+event. The catastrophe was an episode of the great
+war.</p>
+
+<p>It only remains to add by way of clearer definition
+that the rôle of catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect.
+Functioning directly, it prepares the ground-work
+for social change by (1) weakening social immobility;
+(2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing environal
+favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion
+factors determining the nature of the social change, such as
+(1) the release of spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation;
+(3) the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on; (4) the
+socialization of institutions.</p>
+
+<p>Our final principle<a name="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> thus appears to be that progress in
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_146" title="146"> </a>
+catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors
+some of which are subject to social control. If there is one
+thing more than another which we would emphasize in conclusion
+it is this final principle. Progress is not necessarily
+a natural or assured result of change. It comes only
+as a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice
+which is sacrifice in truth.</p>
+
+<p>That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one
+in the direction of progress we think to be based on reason
+and not alone on hope. That it is also our fervent hope,
+we need hardly add. But every Haligonian who cherishes
+for his city the vision which this book contains, may help
+mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword
+and intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come
+tomorrow. We do say a wonderful beginning has been made
+since yesterday. And this is bright for the future. In no
+better words can we conclude than in those of one of her
+greatest lovers: &ldquo;Changes must come to Halifax. This
+is a world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that
+the changes will not disfigure his beloved city, but only
+heighten and enhance the intimate and haunting charms
+she borrows from the sea.&rdquo;<a name="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_147" title="147"> </a>INDEX</h2>
+
+<div id="index">
+<h3>A</h3>
+
+<p>Accidents, industrial, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+<p>Advancement, human, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_progress">progress</a></p>
+
+<p>Aesthetics, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Aggregation, social, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></p>
+
+<p>Altruism, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<p>Ameliorative legislation, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_legislation">legislation</a></p>
+
+<p>Analytic psychology, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Anxiety, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p>
+
+<p>Anger, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Animal relief, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></p>
+
+<p>Army, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_military">military</a></p>
+
+<p>Association, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;
+ utility of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Associations, state and voluntary, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p>
+
+<p>Attention, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Authority, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p>
+
+<h3>B</h3>
+
+<p><a name="index_behavior">Behavior</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p>
+
+<p>Beliefs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p>Bereavement, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p>
+
+<p>Biological factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Body politic, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Bureau, welfare, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Business, disorganization of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;
+ expansion of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;
+ indices of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;
+ relief, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;
+ resumption of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p>
+
+<h3>C</h3>
+
+<p>Capital, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_catastrophe">Catastrophe</a>, and crisis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;
+ and communication, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;
+ definition of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
+ and evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;
+ and generosity, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;
+ and heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+ and insurance, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
+ and poetry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;
+ and population, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
+ and progress, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;
+ and social change, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
+ and social disintegration, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;
+ and social economy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
+ and social legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_148" title="148"> </a>
+ and social organization, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
+ and social psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+ and suicide, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;
+ and social surplus, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;
+ and survival, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;
+ and tragedy, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;
+ and war, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p>
+
+<p>Cataclysm, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_catastrophe">catastrophe</a></p>
+
+<p>Causation, social, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Centralization, policy of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></p>
+
+<p>Ceremony, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_change">Change</a>, social, and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ and crisis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ definition of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ factor of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ and fluidity, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ indications of, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ and progress, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ resistance to, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p>
+
+<p>Charity, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p>
+
+<p>Child welfare, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+<p>Churches, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_religious_institutions">religious institutions</a></p>
+
+<p>Circumstantial pressure, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<p>Civic authority, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_municipal_control">municipal control</a></p>
+
+<p>Civic improvement, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Civilization, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Classes, social, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Clergy, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Clinics, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Climatic factors in society, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Clubs, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p>
+
+<p>Collective behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_behavior">behavior</a></p>
+
+<p>Commerce, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></p>
+
+<p>Commercialized recreation, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p>
+
+<p>Communication, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></p>
+
+<p>Community, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Comparative catastrophe, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p>
+
+<p>Compensation, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p>
+
+<p>Component groups, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_149" title="149"> </a>Consciousness, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Consciousness of kind, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Consciousness of underlying difference, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p>Conservation, social, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Conservatism in society, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p>Contagion of feeling, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p>
+
+<p>Control, social, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></p>
+
+<p>Conventionality, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Coöperation, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p>
+
+<p>Crime, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></p>
+
+<p>Criticism, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p>
+
+<p>Crisis, and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ definition of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ and fluidity, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;
+ and great men, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+ and progress, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+ and revolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
+ significance of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p>
+
+<p>Crises, in battles, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ in communities, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;
+ in diseases, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ in life-histories, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;
+ men skilled in dealing with, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
+ power to meet, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
+ in religions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ in social institutions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+ in world of thought, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></p>
+
+<p>Crowd, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Crowd psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Courts, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></p>
+
+<p>Culture, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></p>
+
+<p>Curiosity, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Custom, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Cycles, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p>
+
+<h3>D</h3>
+
+<p>Death rate, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p>
+
+<p>Delinquency, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p>
+
+<p>Delirium, oneiric, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Delusion, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p>
+
+<p>Determination, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<p>Diagnosis, social, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p>
+
+<p>Disaster, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_catastrophe">catastrophe</a></p>
+
+<p>Disaster psychology, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_psychology">psychology</a></p>
+
+<p>Disaster relief, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p>
+
+<p>Disease, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Discussion, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Disintegration of society, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p>
+
+<p>Dispensary, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p>
+
+<p>Distributive system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p>
+
+<p>Diversity of capacity, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p>Division of labor, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Dynamic forces, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_150" title="150"> </a>Dynamogenic reactions, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p>
+
+<h3>E</h3>
+
+<p>Economic factors in society, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></p>
+
+<p>Economy, social, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p>
+
+<p>Education, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_educational_institutions">Educational institutions</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Educational psychology, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+<p>Educational sociology, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+<p>Emergency, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Emotion, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p>
+
+<p>Endurance, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p>
+
+<p>Energies, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<p>Environmental effects, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Envy, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Erroneous recognition, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p>
+
+<p>Equipmental factors in society, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+
+<p>Exaltation, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Expectancy, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<h3>F</h3>
+
+<p>Factors in social change, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Family, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Fatigue, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p>
+
+<p>Fear, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p>First aid, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Flight instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p>
+
+<p>Fluidity, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Flux, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></p>
+
+<p>Folkways, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p>Food-getting, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></p>
+
+<p>Fraternal societies, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p>
+
+<h3>G</h3>
+
+<p>Generosity, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Geographic determinants, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></p>
+
+<p>Government, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
+ agencies of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+ aid in disaster, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;
+ an institution of society, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+ and leadership, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;
+ officials, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
+ over-emphasis of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p>Gratitude, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Great man, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p>Greed, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p>
+
+<p>Gregarious instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p>
+
+<p>Grief, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_151" title="151"> </a>Group, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Group heroism, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p>
+
+<h3>H</h3>
+
+<p>Habit, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></p>
+
+<p>Habitation, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p>
+
+<p>Hallucination, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p>
+
+<p>Happiness, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p>Health, public, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Helpfulness, psychology of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p>
+
+<p>Herd instinct, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p>
+
+<p>Heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p>
+
+<p>History, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></p>
+
+<p>Heredity, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></p>
+
+<p>Homes, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></p>
+
+<p>Homogeneity, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Housing, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Hospitals, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Human nature, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></p>
+
+<p>Hyperactivity of imagination, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Hyper-suggestibility, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Hypnosis, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<h3>I</h3>
+
+<p>Imagination, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></p>
+
+<p>Imitation, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Imitation, conditions <ins title="effecting">affecting</ins> rate of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_immobility">Immobility of society</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Impulsive social action, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p>
+
+<p>Indemnity, principle of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p>
+
+<p>Indications of social change, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Indices of business, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p>
+
+<p>Individual reactions, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p>
+
+<p>Industry, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Industrial, accidents, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
+ fatigue, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
+ hygiene, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+<p>Inhibitions, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Insanity, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Instincts, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Institutions, social, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_religious_institutions">religious</a>, <a href="#index_educational_institutions">educational</a></p>
+
+<p>Insurance, social, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p>
+
+<h3>J</h3>
+
+<p>Jealousy, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Justice, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p>
+
+<p>Juvenile delinquency, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></p>
+
+<h3>K</h3>
+
+<p>Kind, consciousness of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Kindliness, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></p>
+
+<h3><a class="pagenum" name="Page_152" title="152"> </a>L</h3>
+
+<p>Labor, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
+ division of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
+ legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></p>
+
+<p>Law, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p>Leadership, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_legislation">Legislation</a>, ameliorative, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
+ boundaries of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
+ and catastrophe, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ health, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;
+ ideals of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
+ labor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;
+ mining, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;
+ marine, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;
+ promotive, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;
+ progress in, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ social, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p>
+
+<p>Like-mindedness, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Like response, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p>Limitation of field of consciousness, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></p>
+
+<p>Lookers-on, stimulus of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<h3>M</h3>
+
+<p>Magic, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p>
+
+<p>Martial law, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+
+<p>Maternity, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+<p>Mass relief, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p>
+
+<p>Medical inspection, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Medical social service, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></p>
+
+<p>Mental hygiene, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Mental unity, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p>Meteorological pressure, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_military">Military and naval organization</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Ministerial association, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Models, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></p>
+
+<p>Modes of affective experience, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+
+<p>Morale, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Morality, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p>
+
+<p>Mores, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Morgue service, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></p>
+
+<p>Mortality, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_municipal_control">Municipal control</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></p>
+
+<p>Mutual aid, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<h3>N</h3>
+
+<p>Navy, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_military">military</a></p>
+
+<p>News-notice, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></p>
+
+<p>Normality, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<h3>O</h3>
+
+<p>Obstruction and the human will, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_153" title="153"> </a>Occupational change, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p>
+
+<p>Oneiric delirium, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Organization, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_social_organization">social</a>, <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p>
+
+<p>Orientation, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></p>
+
+<p>Original tendencies, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p>
+
+<h3>P</h3>
+
+<p>Pain economy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p>Pain, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p>
+
+<p>Parental instinct, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p>Pensions, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></p>
+
+<p>Percentage of indifference, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p>
+
+<p>Percentage of interest, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p>
+
+<p>Personal crises, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p>Phenomena, of bereavement, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;
+ of crowd psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;
+ diverse, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+ of emotion, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;
+ of endurance, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;
+ post-catastrophic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
+ of repression, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Philanthropy, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></p>
+
+<p>Physical factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Physiological reactions, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></p>
+
+<p>Pity, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></p>
+
+<p>Pleasure economy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></p>
+
+<p>Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_behavior"><ins title="behaviour">behavior</ins></a></p>
+
+<p>Plural leadership, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Police, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></p>
+
+<p>Political action, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></p>
+
+<p>Political Science, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></p>
+
+<p>Poor laws, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+
+<p>Population, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Post-catastrophic phenomena, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></p>
+
+<p>Precipitating agent, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Preparedness, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p>Press, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></p>
+
+<p>Pressure, social, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<p>Primitive household, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></p>
+
+<p>Principles of relief, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_relief">relief</a></p>
+
+<p>Production, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></p>
+
+<p>Profiteering, psychology of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p>
+
+<p>Procedure, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_progress">Progress</a>, in catastrophe, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
+ and change, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ degree of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ and evolution, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;
+ meaning of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ and relief, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
+ in social legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p>
+
+<p>Protocracy, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Psychiatry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Psychological factors in society, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_psychology">Psychology</a>, analytic, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;
+ crowd, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;
+ disaster, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;
+ of helpfulness, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;
+ of helplessness, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_154" title="154"> </a>
+ of insanity, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;
+ of profiteering, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;
+ of relief, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;
+ social, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+ and sociology, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></p>
+
+<p>Public opinion, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></p>
+
+<p>Public safety, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Public utilities, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p>Pugnacity, instinct of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p>
+
+<h3>R</h3>
+
+<p>Reconditioning of instincts, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p>Recreation, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></p>
+
+<p>Recuperation of society, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Regional influence, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></p>
+
+<p>Regulative system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p>
+
+<p>Rehabilitation, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></p>
+
+<p>Religion, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_religious_institutions">Religious institutions</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_relief">Relief</a>, administration of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;
+ division of labor in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
+ fluctuation of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
+ leadership in, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
+ medical, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;
+ military in, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;
+ organization of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;
+ psychology of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;
+ principles of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
+ procedure in, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
+ relation to progress, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
+ residuum of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
+ reserve, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
+ secret service in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
+ shelter, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;
+ stages in, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></p>
+
+<p>Repression, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></p>
+
+<p>Reproductive system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p>
+
+<p>Resentment, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Residuum of relief, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></p>
+
+<p>Resumption of normal society, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></p>
+
+<p>Restitution, principle of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></p>
+
+<p>Retrogressive evolution, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></p>
+
+<p>Revolution, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></p>
+
+<p>Ritual, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></p>
+
+<p>Rumor, responsiveness to, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></p>
+
+<h3>S</h3>
+
+<p>Sabbath observance, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<p>Safety, public, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Sanitation, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></p>
+
+<p>Schools, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_educational_institutions">educational institutions</a></p>
+
+<p>Science, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></p>
+
+<p>Security, feelings of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p><a class="pagenum" name="Page_155" title="155"> </a>Self-control, social, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Segregation, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p>Self-preservation, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></p>
+
+<p>Sensation, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></p>
+
+<p>Sense perception, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></p>
+
+<p>Sensorium, social, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></p>
+
+<p>Service, social, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Shibboleths, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<p>Shock, reaction, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></p>
+
+<p>Social, action, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
+ aggregation, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;
+ age, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
+ choices, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+ consciousness, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;
+ conservation, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ conservatism, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
+ contrasts, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
+ control, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
+ economy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
+ effects, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
+ factors, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
+ immobility, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;
+ insurance, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;
+ legislation, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+ memory, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+ mind, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;
+ order, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ <a name="index_social_organization">organization</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
+ policy, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
+ pressure, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
+ psychology, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+ reorganization, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
+ sensorium, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;
+ service, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ specialists, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+ standards, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
+ surplus, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="index_social_change">Social change</a>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_change">change</a></p>
+
+<p>Socialization, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></p>
+
+<p>Socialized recreation, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Society, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></p>
+
+<p>Societies, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></p>
+
+<p>Socio-economic factors, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Sociological factors, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Sociology, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
+ attractions of study, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;
+ educational, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;
+ and psychology, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+ virgin fields in, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></p>
+
+<p>Sorrow, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></p>
+
+<p>Standards, social, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></p>
+
+<p>Standards of living, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></p>
+
+<p>State, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></p>
+
+<p>Static conditions of society, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_immobility">immobility</a></p>
+
+<p>Statistics, vital, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></p>
+
+<p>Stimulus, of catastrophe, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;
+<a class="pagenum" name="Page_156" title="156"> </a>
+ of heroism, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
+ of leaders, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
+ of lookers-on, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;
+ of models, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
+ repetition of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Struggle for existence, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p>Sub-normal, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Suggestibility, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Suicide, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></p>
+
+<p>Supervised playgrounds, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Surplus, social, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Survival, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></p>
+
+<p>Sustaining system of society, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></p>
+
+<p>Sympathy, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></p>
+
+<h3>T</h3>
+
+<p>Taboo, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<p>Tender emotion, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></p>
+
+<p>Themistes, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></p>
+
+<p>Topography, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Tradition, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></p>
+
+<p>Transportation, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></p>
+
+<p>Trade-unions, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></p>
+
+<h3>U</h3>
+
+<p>Under-nutrition, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></p>
+
+<p>Unemployment, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></p>
+
+<p>Unit in relief, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></p>
+
+<p>Unity, mental, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></p>
+
+<p>Utility, of association, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></p>
+
+<p>Utilities, public, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></p>
+
+<h3>V</h3>
+
+<p>Variation, social, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <a href="#index_social_change">social change</a></p>
+
+<p>Vicissitudes, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></p>
+
+<p>Vigilance committee, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></p>
+
+<p>Vigor, economic, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></p>
+
+<p>Vocational training, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></p>
+
+<p>Volition, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></p>
+
+<p>Voluntary associations, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></p>
+
+<h3>W</h3>
+
+<p>War, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></p>
+
+<p>Wealth, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></p>
+
+<p>Welfare, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></p>
+
+<p>Will, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></p>
+
+<p>Workmen's compensation, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></p>
+
+<p>Worship, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></p>
+
+<h3>Z</h3>
+
+<p>Zeal, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></p>
+</div>
+
+<h2><a class="pagenum" name="Page_158" title="158"> </a>VITA</h2>
+
+<p><span class="small-caps">Born</span> at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick,
+Canada. Son of Samuel&nbsp;I. and Mary&nbsp;E. Perkins Prince.
+Graduate of St. John (N.&nbsp;B.) High School, the University
+of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at Ridley
+College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St.
+Paul's Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia
+University. Subject of primary interest, Sociology; of
+secondary interest, Statistics and Social Legislation. Graduate
+courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney, Chaddock,
+Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the
+British Empire Club of the University.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a>
+&ldquo;Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of lives,
+have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no fewer
+than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property valued
+at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past experience
+is that each year no less than half a dozen such catastrophies will occur.&rdquo;
+(Deacon J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite>, N.&nbsp;Y., 1918, p.&nbsp;7.) This quotation refers
+to the United States alone.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a>
+Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo
+express receipts used to call quaintly &ldquo;Acts of God, Indians and other
+public enemies of the government.&rdquo;
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a>
+If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there not
+reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and short-time
+changes which her observers note? May it not well be that the ever-swinging
+pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that the
+miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it
+wholesome and sweet?
+</p>
+
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&ldquo;The old order changeth yielding place to the new.<br/></div>
+<div class="line indent1">And God fulfils Himself in many ways<br/></div>
+<div class="line indent1">Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.&rdquo;<br/></div>
+<div class="line right">&mdash;Tennyson, Alfred, <cite>The Passing of Arthur</cite>.<br/></div>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a>
+Ross, Edward A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1905), ch.&nbsp;viii,
+p.&nbsp;189.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a>
+Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;198.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a>
+Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a>
+Mathews, Shailer, <cite>The Church in the Changing Order</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1907),
+ch.&nbsp;i, p.&nbsp;1.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a>
+Thomas, William I., <cite>Source Book of Social Origins</cite> (Chicago, 1909),
+Introduction, p.&nbsp;17.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a>
+Giddings, Franklin H., &ldquo;Pluralistic Behaviour,&rdquo; <cite>American Journal
+of Sociology</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxv, no.&nbsp;4 (Jan., 1920), p.&nbsp;401.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a>
+The phrases &ldquo;The world in a welter,&rdquo; &ldquo;nations in the melting pot,&rdquo;
+&ldquo;life in the smelting oven,&rdquo; are commonly heard and suggest a solution
+stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to crystallization.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a>
+Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote:
+</p>
+
+<div class="poetry width20">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line indent30">I lost<br/></div>
+<div class="line">All feeling of conviction and in fine<br/></div>
+<div class="line">Sick, wearied out with contrarieties<br/></div>
+<div class="line">Yielded up moral questions in despair.<br/></div>
+<div class="line right">&mdash;<cite>Prelude</cite>, bk.&nbsp;xi.<br/></div>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a>
+Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;200.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a>
+To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1)
+Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of population
+owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4)
+Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a>
+Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, pp.&nbsp;20, 21.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a>
+Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;18.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a>
+&ldquo;It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North America.
+In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing enormous damage
+and loss of life. While the city has had a certain growth since that
+time, it has been far outstripped by Houston, Dallas, and other Texas
+cities.&rdquo;&mdash;Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a letter to the author.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a>
+Another principle is suggested for study by the following sentence
+in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p.&nbsp;206<ins title=")">):</ins> &ldquo;Brusk revolution in the
+conditions of life or thought produces not sudden, but gradual changes
+in society.&rdquo; This might easily be elaborated.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a>
+The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a recent
+article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks &ldquo;whether often, if not
+always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the poet]
+the will to create.&rdquo;&mdash;Marks, Jeanette, &ldquo;Disaster and Poetry,&rdquo; <cite>North
+American Review</cite>, vol.&nbsp;212, no.&nbsp;1 (July, 1920), p.&nbsp;93.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a>
+Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;23.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a>
+In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South
+Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of
+seed.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a>
+It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume treats
+specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of many
+disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his conclusions.
+He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax in 1917, and
+at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of the expeditions
+to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street explosion
+occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a>
+During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of munitions
+passed over the railroad piers of Halifax.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a>
+The <i>Mont Blanc</i>, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis
+Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons
+gross, 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam,
+speed 7½ to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy.
+Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons benzol, employed
+in carrying munitions to France.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a>
+The <i>Imo</i>, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners
+Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons register,
+steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to 12 knots, outward
+bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying food to Belgium.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a>
+The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of
+dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a>
+Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a>
+McGlashen, Rev. J.&nbsp;A., <cite>The Patriot</cite> (Dartmouth, N.&nbsp;S.).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a>
+Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;ii, p.&nbsp;158.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a>
+&ldquo;The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was practically
+the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the ground.&rdquo;
+(MacMechan, Archibald, &ldquo;Halifax in Ruins,&rdquo; <cite>The Canadian Courier</cite>,
+vol.&nbsp;xxiii, no.&nbsp;4, p.&nbsp;6.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a>
+The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the
+hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a>
+Pliny, <cite>Letters</cite> (London, 1915), vol.&nbsp;i, bk.&nbsp;vi, p.&nbsp;495.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a>
+Smith, Stanley K., <cite>The Halifax Horror</cite> (Halifax, 1918), ch.&nbsp;ii, p.&nbsp;24.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a>
+Bell, McKelvie, <cite>A Romance of the Halifax Disaster</cite> (Halifax, 1918),
+p.&nbsp;57.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a>
+Spencer, Herbert, <cite>The Principles of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1908), pt.&nbsp;ii,
+p.&nbsp;499 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a>
+Lytton, Lord, <cite>The Last Days of Pompeii</cite> (London, 1896), p.&nbsp;405.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a>
+Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a>
+Ratshesky, A.&nbsp;C., &ldquo;Report of Halifax Relief Expedition,&rdquo; <cite>The
+State</cite> (Boston, 1918), p.&nbsp;11.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a>
+Keller, A.&nbsp;G., &ldquo;Sociology and Science,&rdquo; <cite>The Nation</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., May 4,
+1916), vol.&nbsp;102, no.&nbsp;2653, p.&nbsp;275.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a>
+For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an explosion
+at short range, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> Roussy and Llermette, <cite>The Psychoneuroses of War</cite>
+(London, 1918), ch.&nbsp;x.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a>
+Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society,
+London.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a>
+Crile, George W., <cite>The Origin and Nature of the Emotions</cite> (Phila.,
+1915), p.&nbsp;163.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a>
+Hart, Bernard, <cite>The Psychology of Insanity</cite> (Cambridge, 1916),
+ch.&nbsp;iii, p.&nbsp;30.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a>
+</p>
+
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&ldquo;So <ins title="hypochrondriac">hypochondriac</ins> fancies represent<br/></div>
+<div class="line">Ships, armies, battles in the firmament<br/></div>
+<div class="line">Till steady eyes the exhalations solve<br/></div>
+<div class="line">And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve.&rdquo;<br/></div>
+<div class="line right">&mdash;Defoe, <cite>Journal of the Plague Year</cite>.<br/></div>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a>
+Hart, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_42">op. cit.</a></i>, ch.&nbsp;iii, p.&nbsp;31.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a>
+For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> Le Bon,
+Gustave, <cite>The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind</cite> (London), bk.&nbsp;i,
+ch.&nbsp;i, p.&nbsp;51.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a>
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p.&nbsp;51.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a>
+Thorndike, Edward L., <cite>The Original Nature of Man</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1913),
+ch.&nbsp;v, p.&nbsp;43 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a>
+McDougall, William, <cite>An Introduction to Social Psychology</cite> (Boston,
+1917), ch.&nbsp;iii, p.&nbsp;49 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a>
+Sheldon, J., <cite>The Busy East</cite> (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a>
+The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: &ldquo;The master
+and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in
+not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a probable
+explosion.&rdquo; (Drysdale Commission, <i>Judgment of</i>, sec.&nbsp;viii.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a>
+Deacon, J. Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;vi, p.&nbsp;151.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a>
+Le Bon, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_45">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;26.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a>
+Trotter, William, <cite>Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War</cite> (London,
+1919), p.&nbsp;31.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a>
+Sidis, Boris, <cite>The Psychology of Suggestion</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1919), ch.&nbsp;vi,
+p.&nbsp;56 <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a>
+Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>Principles of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1916), bk.&nbsp;ii,
+ch.&nbsp;ii, p.&nbsp;136.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a>
+Stephens, Henry M., <cite>A History of the French Revolution</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y.,
+1886), vol.&nbsp;i, p.&nbsp;179.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a>
+Wells, H.&nbsp;G., <cite>In the Days of the Comet</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1906).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a>
+Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a>
+<cite>St. John Globe</cite>, Correspondence, Dec., 1917.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a>
+McDougall, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_48">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;46.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a>
+Woodworth, Robert S., <cite>Dynamic Psychology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;iii,
+p.&nbsp;54.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a>
+&ldquo;Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and probably
+identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same stimulus,
+namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some end.&rdquo; (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>,
+p.&nbsp;149.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a>
+Thorndike, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_47">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;101.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a>
+&ldquo;To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to
+hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them
+away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying
+to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <ins title="greed.">greed.&rdquo;</ins> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p.&nbsp;102.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a>
+M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards &ldquo;the hypnosis produced by
+emotional shock&mdash;and this occurs not only in war but in other great
+catastrophies as well&mdash;as genetically a defence reaction, like natural
+sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic against
+exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called death-shamming
+of animals.&rdquo; (Dide, M., <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les émotions et la guerre</cite> (Paris,
+1918), Review of, <cite>Psychological Bulletin</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xv, no.&nbsp;12, Dec., 1918, p.&nbsp;441.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a>
+Wallas, Graham, <cite>The Great Society</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1917), p.&nbsp;136.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a>
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p.&nbsp;440.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a>
+Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by McDougall
+a pseudo-instinct.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a>
+McDougall, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_48">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;152.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a>
+O'Connor, Chas. J., <cite>San Francisco Relief Survey</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1913), pt.&nbsp;i,
+p.&nbsp;6.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a>
+&ldquo;The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their
+character of loneliness.&rdquo;&mdash;(James, William, <cite>Memories and Studies</cite>,
+N.&nbsp;Y., 1911, p.&nbsp;224.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a>
+Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;58.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a>
+Ross, Edward A., <cite>Social Psychology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;iv, p.&nbsp;66.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a>
+A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's discussion
+of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a>
+It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth
+considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of
+civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a>
+Stewart, George, <cite>The Story of the Great Fire in St. John</cite> (Toronto,
+1877), p.&nbsp;35.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a>
+Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a>
+James, William, <cite>The Energies of Men</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1920), p.&nbsp;11.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a>
+Cannon, Walter B., <cite>Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage</cite>,
+ch.&nbsp;xi, p.&nbsp;184, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a>
+Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;147.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a>
+Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the
+internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers.
+(Conklin, Edwin G., <cite>Heredity and Environment in the Development
+of Man</cite> [Princeton], ch.&nbsp;vi, p.&nbsp;47.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a>
+Woodworth, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_61">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;149.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a>
+Sano, F., &ldquo;Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche notate
+durante il bombardamento di Anversa,&rdquo; <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Rivista di psichologia</cite>, anno
+xi, pp.&nbsp;119&ndash;128.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a>
+Smith, Stanley K., <cite>The Halifax Horror</cite> (Halifax, 1918), ch.&nbsp;iv, p.&nbsp;44.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a>
+Kropotkin, Prince, <cite>Mutual Aid</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1919), ch.&nbsp;i, p.&nbsp;14.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a>
+Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a>
+There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart to a
+great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand
+offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a>
+Bicknell, Ernest P., &ldquo;In the Thick of the Relief Work at San
+Francisco,&rdquo; <cite>Charities and the Commons</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xvi (June, 1906), p.&nbsp;299.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a>
+What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of sailors.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a>
+Giddings, Franklin H., &ldquo;Pluralistic Behaviour,&rdquo; <cite>American Journal
+of Sociology</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxv, no.&nbsp;4 (Jan., 1920), p.&nbsp;539.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a>
+Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a>
+Bell, McKelvie, <cite>A Romance of the Halifax Disaster</cite> (Halifax, 1918).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a>
+Tarde, Gabriel, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les lois de l'imitation</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1903), translation by
+E.&nbsp;C. Parsons, ch.&nbsp;i, p.&nbsp;14.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a>
+Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;396.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a>
+Bagehot, Walter, <cite>Physics and Politics</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1884), p.&nbsp;159, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a>
+Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;390.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a>
+From information kindly supplied by D.&nbsp;L. Hutchinson, director of
+the St. John (N.&nbsp;B.) observatory, and F.&nbsp;B. Ronnan, Halifax Station.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a>
+Semple, Ellen, <cite>Influences of Geographic Environment</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1911),
+p.&nbsp;607, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a>
+Giddings, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_90">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;389.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a>
+For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were distributed
+every day.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a>
+Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely, (a) the
+biological, including, besides the density of population, the heredity and
+the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b) the equipmental
+factor, including available economic resources, general enlightenment,
+social surplus and institutional facilities for re-education, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">etc.</i> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Vide</i>
+<a href="#Chapter_7">ch.&nbsp;vii</a>.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a>
+Durkheim, Émile, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De la division du travail social</cite> (Paris, 1893).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a>
+In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the <cite>Baltimore Sun</cite>, by remarkable
+enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant, and did not
+miss a single issue.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a>
+On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon
+Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same
+afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints
+Cathedral.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a>
+Quinn, J.&nbsp;P., <cite>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of <ins title="[not italicized in the original]">Halifax</ins></cite>, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a>
+Hanrahan, F., <cite>Report of Chief of Police</cite>, Halifax, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a>
+Saunders, E.&nbsp;A., <cite>Report of Halifax Board of Trade</cite>, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a>
+Thomas, William&nbsp;I., <cite>Source Book of Social Origins</cite> (Chicago, 1909),
+Introduction, p.&nbsp;18.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a>
+J.&nbsp;H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in
+Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the Y.&nbsp;W.&nbsp;C.&nbsp;A.,
+Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the rehabilitation
+work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful conclusion;
+Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service Department
+of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly Superintendent
+for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth Richards
+Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social Service
+Department of the Boston Dispensary; E.&nbsp;E. Allen, Superintendent of
+the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C.&nbsp;C. Carstens, Superintendent of
+the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children; John F.
+Moors, president of the Associated Charities of Boston, who was in
+charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem and Chelsea fires;
+William&nbsp;H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident Association; J.&nbsp;Prentice
+Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston Children's Aid
+Society; A.&nbsp;C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public Safety Committee
+of the State of Massachusetts.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a>
+Carstens, C.&nbsp;C., &ldquo;From the Ashes of Halifax,&rdquo; <cite>Survey</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxxix,
+no.&nbsp;13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p.&nbsp;361.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a>
+With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a>
+The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit
+of the American Red Cross.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a>
+The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing
+committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter, fuel,
+burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and rebuilding.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a>
+&ldquo;During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with in
+large groups with little attention to the special needs of individuals ...
+in the rehabilitation stage the family or the individual becomes the unit
+of consideration.&rdquo;&mdash;(Bicknell, E.&nbsp;P., &ldquo;Disaster Relief and its Problems,&rdquo;
+<cite>National Conference of Charities and Corrections</cite>, sess.&nbsp;xxxvi, 1909,
+p.&nbsp;12.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a>
+Deacon, J.&nbsp;Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;v, p.&nbsp;137.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a>
+The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also
+suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief organization
+under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A.&nbsp;C. Johnstone.
+The nature of the relief work there did not differ essentially
+from that in Halifax.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a>
+Davis, Michael&nbsp;M., Jr., &ldquo;Medical Social Service in a Disaster,&rdquo;
+<cite>Survey</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxxix, no.&nbsp;25 (March 23, 1918), p.&nbsp;675.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a>
+Blois, Ernest H., <cite>Report of Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent
+Children</cite> (Halifax, 1918), p.&nbsp;110.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a>
+Fraser, Sir Frederick, <i>Report of</i>.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a>
+The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief at the
+Johnstown flood &ldquo;where two windows were set apart from which clothing
+and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and
+those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be getting
+the most of it&rdquo;; and where almoners passed through the streets handing
+&ldquo;ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met.&rdquo;
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a>
+Johnstone, Dwight, <cite>The Tragedy of Halifax</cite> (in MS.).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a>
+There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied as
+actually took place at the Slocum Disaster.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a>
+Johnstone, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_26">op. cit.</a></i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a>
+Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a
+position practically as good as that which they had occupied before.
+Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a>
+Devine, Edward T., <cite>Principles of Relief</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1904), pt.&nbsp;iv, p.&nbsp;462.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a>
+Moors, John&nbsp;F., Book Review, <cite>Survey</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxxix, no.&nbsp;17 (Jan. 26,
+1918), p.&nbsp;472.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a>
+The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The
+amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a>
+The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be finally
+stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish between the
+loss of property socially owned, and that of private ownership.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a>
+Thomas, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_8">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;19.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a>
+The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special mention
+of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies, which were
+actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the chapter to the
+principles employed by those mainly responsible for relief and administration.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a>
+Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a>
+Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>The Responsible State</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;iv,
+p.&nbsp;81.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a>
+Reference has already been made to the good work of the Government
+railroad officials in the quick restoration of service.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a>
+Cooley, Charles H., <cite>Social Organization</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1912), ch.&nbsp;xxxv,
+p.&nbsp;403.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a>
+This is not to be considered as without exception in catastrophies.
+A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the Paterson fire
+and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government took immediate
+and responsible action. This was also the case at Baltimore when the
+Mayor was the &ldquo;key to the situation.&rdquo; It should however be added
+that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of the Citizens'
+Committees were ex-mayors.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a>
+<cite>An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission</cite>, Halifax, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a>
+Parkinson, Thomas&nbsp;I., &ldquo;Problems growing out of the Titanic
+Disaster,&rdquo; <cite>Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science</cite>, vol.&nbsp;vi, no.&nbsp;1.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a>
+Ross, Edward&nbsp;A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1905), ch.&nbsp;viii,
+p.&nbsp;254.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a>
+Deacon, J.&nbsp;Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), p.&nbsp;43.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a>
+Ross, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_4">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;253.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a>
+<cite>Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the
+Harbors of Canada</cite> (Ottawa, June, 1919).
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a>
+In a letter to the author.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a>
+Mill, John Stuart, <cite>Principles of Political Economy</cite> (London, 1917),
+ch.&nbsp;v, p.&nbsp;74.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a>
+Tenney, Alvan&nbsp;A., &ldquo;Individual and Social Surplus,&rdquo; <cite>Popular Science
+Monthly</cite>, vol.&nbsp;lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p.&nbsp;552.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a>
+Patten, Simon&nbsp;N., <cite>Theory of the Social Forces</cite> (Phil., 1896), p.&nbsp;75.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a>
+At San Francisco &ldquo;after the fire, the proportion of families in the
+lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the
+higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire.&rdquo;
+(Motley, James&nbsp;M., <cite>San Francisco Relief Survey</cite>, New York, 1913,
+pt.&nbsp;iv, p.&nbsp;228.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a>
+Seager, Henry&nbsp;R., <cite>Economics, Briefer Course</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1909), ch.&nbsp;xiii,
+p.&nbsp;210.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a>
+At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York committee
+received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine, Edward&nbsp;T.,
+<cite>The Principles of Relief</cite>, N.&nbsp;Y., 1904, pt.&nbsp;iv, ch.&nbsp;vii, p.&nbsp;468.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a>
+Le Bon, Gustave, <cite>The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind</cite> (London),
+ch.&nbsp;iii, p.&nbsp;79.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a>
+Deacon, J.&nbsp;Byron, <cite>Disasters</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1918), ch.&nbsp;v, p.&nbsp;120.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a>
+Blackmar and Gillin, <cite>Outlines of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1915), pt.&nbsp;iv,
+ch.&nbsp;v, p.&nbsp;402.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a>
+Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of Canada.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a>
+For years real estate was marketed &ldquo;quietly.&rdquo; In fact, real property
+was in the hands of one or two specialists only.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a>
+<cite>The Acadian Recorder</cite>, C.&nbsp;C. Blackadar, editor.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a>
+Ross, Edward&nbsp;A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1905), <ins title="ch">ch.</ins>&nbsp;viii,
+p.&nbsp;197.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a>
+There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom
+from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her
+entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any
+consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her
+sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands to-day
+safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again communities are generally conservative in character when a
+large percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises
+of the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens
+were found to own at least in part the homes they lived in.
+</p>
+<p>
+There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were
+possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to
+disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to achieve
+desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge in
+radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of success?
+He would study too the distribution of people relative to their interests.
+Is there a majority of those whose experiences are narrow and whose
+interests are few? Or is there a majority of those who have long enjoyed
+varied experiences and cultivated manifold interests, that yet remain
+harmonious? He studies the character of the choices, decisions,
+selections in a people's industry, law-making, educational and religious
+undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in diagnosing a population
+as to the degree of conservatism and to discover what the ideal community
+should be.&mdash;Giddings, Franklin H., <cite>Inductive Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y.,
+1909), p.&nbsp;178, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">et seq.</i>
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a>
+Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be
+found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of
+$200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a>
+Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to
+Confederation.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a>
+Chaddock, Robert&nbsp;E., Unpublished Material.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a>
+The reader will of course remember the general inflation of currency.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a>
+Hoffman, Frederick&nbsp;L., <cite>Insurance, Science and Economics</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y.,
+1911), ch.&nbsp;ix, p.&nbsp;337.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a>
+In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they cannot
+be said to have been all associated with a single community.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a>
+Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John&nbsp;H. Barnstead, Registrar,
+Halifax.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a>
+The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be 85,000.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a>
+Halifax <cite>Morning Chronicle</cite>, April 29, 1920.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a>
+The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out by
+military engineers with narrow streets&mdash;the &ldquo;ideal was a fortified enclosure
+designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants
+with the minimum of space.&rdquo; In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set
+on foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of projections
+and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed in the
+center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but unfortunately
+many fine trees were cut down.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a>
+MacMechan, Archibald, &ldquo;Changing Halifax,&rdquo; <cite>Canadian Magazine</cite>,
+vol.&nbsp;xli, no.&nbsp;4, pp.&nbsp;328, 329.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a>
+Crowell, H.&nbsp;C., <cite>The Busy East</cite>, vol.&nbsp;x, no.&nbsp;7, p.&nbsp;12.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a>
+A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end
+has followed the disaster. &ldquo;It is reasonable to assume,&rdquo; writes an
+observer, &ldquo;that the standard of living will ascend. Already the influence
+of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are
+springing up all over the city.&rdquo;
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a>
+London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a>
+New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a>
+These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A
+Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed&mdash;Dr. B.&nbsp;Franklin
+Royer is the executive officer.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a>
+Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of nurses
+in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a>
+It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had
+been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under
+the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated association
+with which the Women's Council merged.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a>
+In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions, an
+increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the
+&ldquo;playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster,
+and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are,
+it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The
+records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children
+show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile arrests
+in 1918 over 1917.&rdquo;&mdash;(Leland, Arthur, &ldquo;Recreation as a Part of the City
+Plan for Halifax, N.&nbsp;S., Canada,&rdquo; <cite>Playground</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xiii, no.&nbsp;10, p.&nbsp;493.)
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a>
+Halifax <cite>Evening Mail</cite>, March 22, 1918.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a>
+Carstens, C.&nbsp;C., &ldquo;From the Ashes of Halifax,&rdquo; <cite>Survey</cite>, vol.&nbsp;xxxix,
+no.&nbsp;13, p.&nbsp;61.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a>
+The two additional propositions suggested in <ins title="the the">the</ins> <a href="#Page_13">Introduction</a>,
+namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the shock
+of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions of life
+accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require a study
+of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or rejection.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a>
+MacMechan, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a href="#Footnote_29">op. cit.</a></i>, p.&nbsp;336.
+</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+
+<div id="tnote-bottom">
+<p class="center"><a name="tn-bottom"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></a></p>
+<p>The following is a list of corrections made to the original. The
+first passage is the original passage, the second the corrected one.</p>
+
+<ul id="corrections">
+<li><a href="#Page_16">Page 16</a>:<br/>
+all the gods are dead.&rdquo; &ldquo;Crisis,&rdquo; Professor Shailer <span class="correction">Matthews</span><br/>
+all the gods are dead.&rdquo; &ldquo;Crisis,&rdquo; Professor Shailer <span class="correction">Mathews</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_25">Page 25</a>:<br/>
+of Chebucto <span class="correction">Bay</span> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline<br/>
+of Chebucto <span class="correction">Bay,</span> a deep inlet on the southeastern shoreline
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_27">Page 27</a>:<br/>
+coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <span class="correction">an</span> fro<br/>
+coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to <span class="correction">and</span> fro
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_39">Page 39</a>:<br/>
+Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <span class="correction">whereever</span><br/>
+Wearied and white after frantic and fruitless search <span class="correction">wherever</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_49">Page 49</a>:<br/>
+<span class="correction">sentiment.</span>[73]<br/>
+<span class="correction">sentiment.&rdquo;</span>[73]
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a>:<br/>
+effort, <span class="correction">conspicious</span> enough for special notice was the work<br/>
+effort, <span class="correction">conspicuous</span> enough for special notice was the work
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a>:<br/>
+hung about their waists. An effect which could not <span class="correction">escape,</span><br/>
+hung about their waists. An effect which could not <span class="correction">escape</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_58">Page 58</a>:<br/>
+it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <span class="correction">phenonema</span><br/>
+it may be stated that catastrophe is attended by <span class="correction">phenomena</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_63">Page 63</a>:<br/>
+became a miniature clothing and food depot <span class="correction">at</span> well as a<br/>
+became a miniature clothing and food depot <span class="correction">as</span> well as a
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_64">Page 64</a>:<br/>
+kind allays fear and engenders <span class="correction">comradeship.</span>[94] Then followed<br/>
+kind allays fear and engenders <span class="correction">comradeship.&rdquo;</span>[94] Then followed
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_66">Page 66</a>:<br/>
+min. <span class="correction">6.6</span><br/>
+min. <span class="correction">6.6.</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_80">Page 80</a>:<br/>
+<span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social</span> <span class="correction"><span class="small-caps">Organization</span> (Cont'd)</span><br/>
+<span class="small-caps">Catastrophe and Social <span class="correction">Economy</span></span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_88">Page 88</a>:<br/>
+into normal lives and <span class="correction">relationships.?</span>&rdquo; Having obtained<br/>
+into normal lives and <span class="correction">relationships?</span>&rdquo; Having obtained
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>:<br/>
+and wherever necessary to subsidize <span class="correction">familes</span> rather than institutions.<br/>
+and wherever necessary to subsidize <span class="correction">families</span> rather than institutions.
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>:<br/>
+3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><span class="correction">etc</span></i>, for children.<br/>
+3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la"><span class="correction">etc.</span></i>, for children.
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_95">Page 95</a>:<br/>
+thousand <span class="correction">dollars.</span> And while in case of the larger claims of<br/>
+thousand <span class="correction">dollars.&rdquo;</span> And while in case of the larger claims of
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_96">Page 96</a>:<br/>
+injury.&rdquo; Commenting on this statement John&nbsp;<span class="correction">R.</span> Moors<br/>
+injury.&rdquo; Commenting on this statement John&nbsp;<span class="correction">F.</span> Moors
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_100">Page 100</a>:<br/>
+<span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <span class="correction">influence</span><br/>
+<span class="small-caps">We</span> have thus far been tracing certain of the major <span class="correction">influences</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>:<br/>
+<span class="correction">federal.</span> provincial or municipal, according to their respective<br/>
+<span class="correction">federal,</span> provincial or municipal, according to their respective
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_104">Page 104</a>:<br/>
+The <span class="correction">Citizen's</span> Committee exercised the general control.<br/>
+The <span class="correction">Citizens'</span> Committee exercised the general control.
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_104">Page 104</a>:<br/>
+study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <span class="correction">muncipal</span><br/>
+study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described <span class="correction">municipal</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_111">Page 111</a>:<br/>
+But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <span class="correction">aplies</span><br/>
+But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed <span class="correction">applies</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_116">Page 116</a>:<br/>
+and technical leadership, welcome <span class="correction">at</span> it was, and saving the<br/>
+and technical leadership, welcome <span class="correction">as</span> it was, and saving the
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_141">Page 141</a>:<br/>
+be given to the frontiers of influence. The chapter <span class="correction">discribing</span><br/>
+be given to the frontiers of influence. The chapter <span class="correction">describing</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_151">Page 151</a>:<br/>
+Imitation, conditions <span class="correction">effecting</span> rate of, 77<br/>
+Imitation, conditions <span class="correction">affecting</span> rate of, 77
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Page_153">Page 153</a>:<br/>
+Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <span class="correction">behaviour</span><br/>
+Pluralistic behavior, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vide</i> <span class="correction">behavior</span>
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_17">Footnote 17:</a><br/>
+in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p.&nbsp;206<span class="correction">)</span> &ldquo;Brusk revolution in the<br/>
+in Ross' <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (p.&nbsp;206<span class="correction">):</span> &ldquo;Brusk revolution in the
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_43">Footnote 43</a>:<br/>
+&ldquo;So <span class="correction">hypochrondriac</span> fancies represent<br/>
+&ldquo;So <span class="correction">hypochondriac</span> fancies represent
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_64">Footnote 64:</a><br/>
+to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <span class="correction">greed.</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p.&nbsp;102.)<br/>
+to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of <span class="correction">greed.&rdquo;</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ibid.</i>, p.&nbsp;102.)
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_105">Footnote 105:</a><br/>
+Quinn, J.&nbsp;P., <i>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of</i> <span class="correction">Halifax</span>, 1918.<br/>
+Quinn, J.&nbsp;P., <i>Report of Board of School Commissioners for City of <span class="correction">Halifax</span></i>, 1918.
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_155">Footnote 155:</a><br/>
+Ross, Edward&nbsp;A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1905), <span class="correction">ch</span>&nbsp;viii,<br/>
+Ross, Edward&nbsp;A., <cite>Foundations of Sociology</cite> (N.&nbsp;Y., 1905), <span class="correction">ch.</span>&nbsp;viii,
+</li>
+<li><a href="#Footnote_178">Footnote 178:</a><br/>
+The two additional propositions suggested in <span class="correction">the the</span> Introduction,<br/>
+The two additional propositions suggested in <span class="correction">the</span> Introduction,
+</li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+Project Gutenberg's Catastrophe and Social Change, by Samuel Henry Prince
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Catastrophe and Social Change
+ Based Upon a Sociological Study of the Halifax Disaster
+
+Author: Samuel Henry Prince
+
+Release Date: September 30, 2011 [EBook #37580]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jana Srna and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ [ Transcriber's Notes:
+
+ Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully
+ as possible, including inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation
+ and non-standard punctuation. Some corrections of spelling and
+ punctuation have been made. They are listed at the end of the text.
+
+ Some of the entries in the index are not in alphabetical order; they
+ have been kept as printed.
+
+ Italic text has been marked with _underscores_.
+ ]
+
+
+
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+ BASED UPON A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF
+ THE HALIFAX DISASTER
+
+ BY
+ SAMUEL HENRY PRINCE, M. A. (Tor.)
+
+ SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
+ FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
+ IN THE
+ FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
+ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+ NEW YORK
+ 1920
+
+
+
+
+ Halifax
+ is not a large city
+ but there are those who love it
+ who would choose to dwell therein
+ before all cities beneath
+ the skies
+
+ To
+ All Such
+ CITIZENS, PAR EXCELLENCE,
+ I COUNT IT AN HONOR TO DEDICATE
+ THESE LINES
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The following pages embody the result of an observational study of the
+social phenomena attendant upon one of the greatest catastrophies in
+history--the Halifax Disaster. The idea of the work was suggested while
+carrying out a civic community study of the disaster city under the
+direction of Professor F. H. Giddings of Columbia University.
+
+The account deals first with the shock and disintegration as the writer
+observed it. Individual and group reactions are next examined in the
+light of sociological theory. The chapters on Social Organization are an
+effort to picture that process as it actually occurred.
+
+The writer has also tried faithfully to record any important
+contribution which Social Economy was able to make in the direction of
+systematic rehabilitation. Special reference is made to private
+initiative and governmental control in emergency relief. This monograph
+is in no sense, however, a relief survey. Its chief value to the
+literature of relief will lie in its bearing upon predictable social
+movements in great emergencies.
+
+Nor is the book a history of the disaster. It is rather, as the title
+suggests, an intensive study of two social orders, between which stands
+a great catastrophe, and its thesis is the place of catastrophe in
+social change.
+
+In the preparation of this work, which the author believes to be the
+first attempt to present a purely scientific and sociological treatment
+of any great disaster, he has received invaluable assistance. A few
+grateful lines can ill-express his obligation to his Professors of the
+Department of Sociology. To Professor F. H. Giddings the volume owes its
+inspiration and much of its social philosophy. To Professor A. A. Tenney
+it owes its present form and structure and any literary excellence it
+may possess. Professor R. E. Chaddock has read the manuscript throughout
+and has contributed many helpful suggestions. Professor S. M. Lindsay
+has read the chapter on Social Legislation, and Professor R. S.
+Woodworth of the Department of Psychology, that on Disaster Psychology.
+The author is under special tribute to Professor H. R. Seager, and to
+Professor Tenney, who most cheerfully sacrificed part of a summer
+vacation to read and revise the manuscript and proof.
+
+Without the walls of the University there are also those who have given
+aid. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Dr. Edward T.
+Devine of New York, of Mr. C. C. Carstens of Boston, of Mr. Thomas
+Mackay, of Ottawa, and of Miss E. M. A. Vaughan, of the St. John Public
+Library. He has enjoyed the cooperation of many friends and
+fellow-townsmen of Halifax. He desires to thank particularly, Miss L. F.
+Barnaby, of the Halifax Citizens' Library, Miss J. B. Wisdom, of the
+Halifax Welfare Bureau, Rev. W. J. Patton of St. Paul's Church, Mr.
+W. C. Milner, of the Public Archives of Canada, Mr. L. Fred. Monaghan,
+Halifax City Clerk, Mr. G. K. Butler, Supervisor of Halifax Schools, Mr.
+R. M. Hattie, Secretary of the Halifax Town-Planning Commission, Dr.
+Franklin B. Royer, Director of the Massachusetts-Halifax Health
+Commission, Mr. E. A. Saunders, Secretary of the Halifax Board of Trade,
+Mr. E. H. Blois, Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children,
+and last of all and most of all his friend of many years, Mr. A. J.
+Johnstone, editor of the _Dartmouth Independent_.
+
+ S. H. P.
+
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1920.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+ INTRODUCTION
+ PAGE
+
+ The "catastrophe" in sociological literature 13
+
+ The "catastrophic view" _vs._ progress in evolution 14
+
+ Factors in social change 15
+
+ The stimuli factors 16
+
+ What crises mean 16
+
+ Communities and great vicissitudes 19
+
+ Causes of immobility 19
+
+ Catastrophe and progress 21
+
+ Historic cases suggested for study 23
+
+
+ CHAPTER I
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+ The City of Halifax 25
+
+ Terrific nature of the explosion 26
+
+ Destruction of life and property 26
+
+ The subsequent fire and storms 29
+
+ Annihilation of homes 31
+
+ Arresting of business 31
+
+ Disintegration of the social order 32
+
+
+ CHAPTER II
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+ Shock reaction 36
+
+ Hallucination 37
+
+ Primitive instincts 39
+
+ Crowd psychology 41
+
+ Phenomena of emotion 44
+
+ How men react when bereft completely 47
+
+ Post-catastrophic phenomena 48
+
+ Human nature in the absence of repression by conventionality,
+ custom and law 49
+
+ Fatigue and the human will 52
+
+ The stimuli of heroism 55
+
+ Mutual aid 56
+
+
+ CHAPTER III
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+ The organization of relief 59
+
+ The disaster protocracy 60
+
+ The transition from chaos through leadership 61
+
+ Utility of association 62
+
+ Vital place of communication 62
+
+ Imitation 63
+
+ Social pressure 63
+
+ Consciousness of kind 63
+
+ Discussion 64
+
+ Circumstantial pressure 64
+
+ Climate 65
+
+ Geographic determinants 67
+
+ Classification of factors 67
+
+
+ CHAPTER IV
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (CONTINUED)
+
+ The reorganization of the civil social order 69
+
+ Division of labor 69
+
+ Resumption of normal activities 70
+
+ State and voluntary associations 71
+
+ Order of reestablishment 71
+
+ Effects of environmental change 75
+
+ The play of imitation 77
+
+ The stimulus of lookers-on 78
+
+ Social conservation 79
+
+
+ CHAPTER V
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+ The contribution of social service 80
+
+ Its four-fold character 83
+
+ The principles of relief 85
+
+ Rehabilitation 86
+
+ Phases of application 87
+
+ Criticisms 92
+
+ A new principle 95
+
+ Social results 96
+
+ Summary for future guidance 97
+
+
+ CHAPTER VI
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+ Governmental agencies in catastrophe 102
+
+ What seems to be expected of governments 103
+
+ What they actually do 103
+
+ Social legislation 104
+
+ A permanent contribution 109
+
+
+ CHAPTER VII
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+ Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities
+ recover from disaster 111
+
+ The case of San Francisco 111
+
+ The case of Halifax 112
+
+ Social surplus 112
+
+ The equipmental factors 113
+
+ Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe with generosity of
+ public response 114
+
+ Catastrophe insurance 116
+
+ A practical step 117
+
+
+ CHAPTER VIII
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+ The unchanging Halifax of the years 118
+
+ The causes of social immobility 119
+
+ The new birthday 122
+
+ The indications of change--appearance, expansion of business,
+ population, political action, city-planning, housing, health,
+ education, recreation, community spirit 123
+
+ Carsten's prophecy 140
+
+
+ CHAPTER IX
+
+ CONCLUSION
+
+ Recapitulation 141
+
+ The various steps in the study presented in propositional form 142
+
+ The role of catastrophe 145
+
+ Index 147
+
+
+
+
+ "This awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does
+ not end so. It is the way its chapters open."--_St. Augustine._
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+The "catastrophe" in sociological literature--The "catastrophic view"
+_vs._ progress in evolution--Factors in social change--The stimuli
+factors--What crises mean--Communities and great vicissitudes--Causes of
+immobility--Catastrophe and progress--Historic cases suggested for
+study.
+
+
+There are many virgin fields in Sociology. This is one of the
+attractions the subject has for the scientific mind. But of all such
+fields none is more interesting than the factor of catastrophe in social
+change.
+
+And strangely enough, if there are but few references to the problem in
+all our rapidly-growing literature, it is not because catastrophies are
+few. Indeed it would seem that with the advent of the industrial age,
+disasters grow more frequent every year.[1] Many are small, no doubt,
+touching but the life of a village or a borough--a broken dyke, a bridge
+swept out by ice, a caved-in mine. Others again write themselves on the
+pages of History--an Ohio flood, an Omaha tornado, a Chicago fire, a San
+Francisco earthquake, a Halifax explosion. Each in its own way inscribes
+its records of social change--some to be effaced in a twelve-month--some
+to outlast a generation. Records they are, for the most part unread. How
+to read them is the problem. And it may be that when readers have grown
+in number and the script is better known, we shall be able to seize the
+moment of catastrophe and multiply immeasurably its power for social
+good.
+
+ [1] "Within a score of years disasters ... have cost thousands of
+ lives, have affected by personal injury, or destruction of property no
+ fewer than a million and a half persons and have laid waste property
+ valued at over a billion dollars ... the expectation based on past
+ experience is that each year no less than half a dozen such
+ catastrophies will occur." (Deacon J. Byron, _Disasters_, N. Y., 1918,
+ p. 7.) This quotation refers to the United States alone.
+
+To define the term catastrophe is scarcely necessary. The dictionary
+calls catastrophe "an event producing a subversion of the order or
+system of things," and such as "may or may not be a cause of misery to
+man."[2] It is desirable however to limit the use of the term, in
+primary investigations at least, to those disasters which affect
+communities rather than states or nations, for restricted areas are more
+amenable to study. National cataclysms, such as war, famine, and
+financial panic are too general in character, and function on too grand
+a scale for satisfactory treatment, at least until the ground is
+cleared. It is necessary also to limit this investigation to those
+social changes which follow upon catastrophies, rather than precede
+them. For there are social effects which result from living in
+anticipation of disaster, such as are observable among communities in
+volcanic areas. Interesting as a broad study might be, it would be
+likely to lead the investigator too far afield into the realm of
+speculation. Nevertheless a general point of view is necessary to give
+meaning to even a limited treatment of the theme. For this purpose there
+may be contrasted the catastrophic view of history, as illustrated by
+that of the Hebrew peoples, and the modern conception of progress
+through evolution. The former looks upon history as a series of
+vicissitudes mercifully ending one day in final cataclysm. The spirit of
+apocalyptic expectancy prevails. Social conditions rest hopelessly
+static. Faith is pinned to a spiritual kingdom which can grow and can
+endure. Against this has been set an optimistic evolution, pictured like
+an escalade with resident forces lifting the world to better days.
+Progress becomes a smooth continuous growth. On the other hand the newer
+philosophy sees in history not necessarily the operation of progressive
+evolution but also of retrogressive evolution and cataclysm.[3] There
+are great stretches of smooth and even current in the stream, but always
+along the course are seen the rapid and the water-fall, the eddy and
+reversing tide. The latter is the general subject of this dissertation,
+and its thesis is the place of the water-fall. Only a very small, and
+specialized treatment is attempted; the great Niagaras must be left to
+abler hands.
+
+ [2] Catastrophies are those unforeseen events which the Wells-Fargo
+ express receipts used to call quaintly "Acts of God, Indians and other
+ public enemies of the government."
+
+ [3] If nature abhors a vacuum, she also abhors stagnation. Is there
+ not reason behind all this action and reaction, these cycles and
+ short-time changes which her observers note? May it not well be that
+ the ever-swinging pendulum has a stir-up function to perform and that
+ the miniature daily catastrophies of life are the things which keep it
+ wholesome and sweet?
+
+ "The old order changeth yielding place to the new.
+ And God fulfils Himself in many ways
+ Lest one good custom should corrupt the world."
+ --Tennyson, Alfred, _The Passing of Arthur_.
+
+The conception of social change as used in this monograph also needs
+definition. By social change is meant those rapid mutations which
+accompany sudden interferences with the equilibrium of society, break up
+the _status-quo_, dissipate mental inertia and overturn other tendencies
+resistant to structural modification. The various forces which initiate
+such disturbances are factors in social change. These factors may be
+intra-social,--within the group--such factors as operate in the regular
+social process, imitation and adaptation, for example; or they may be
+extra-social, "stimuli" factors--from without the group--such as,
+accidental, extraneous or dramatic events. Of the latter conquest may be
+one, or the sudden intrusion of a foreign element, or rapid changes of
+environment.[4]
+
+ [4] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 189.
+
+These sudden changes are fully worthy of careful study by scientific
+method. However important the accumulation of impulses toward social
+transformation may be, there is often a single "precipitating factor"
+which acts as the "igniting spark" or "the knocking away of the
+stay-block," or "the turning of a lever."[5] It is among such
+extra-social or "stimuli" factors that catastrophe falls as a
+precipitating agent in social change.
+
+ [5] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 198.
+
+The significance of crisis in social change likewise requires attention,
+and it will be clarifying to our thought at this point to distinguish
+carefully between crisis and catastrophe, and to inquire what the nature
+of the former really is. The word "crisis" is of Greek origin, meaning a
+point of culmination and separation, an instant when change one way or
+another is impending. Crises are those critical moments which are, as we
+say, big with destiny. Battles have crisis-hours when the tide of
+victory turns. Diseases have them--the seventh day in pneumonia, or the
+fourteenth day in typhoid fever. Social institutions afford numerous
+illustrations, such as the eighth year of marriage.[6] There are
+critical years of stress and strain--the ages of fourteen and forty in
+life-histories, the latter being according to Sir Robertson Nicoll the
+most dangerous hour of existence. Other crises are "hours of insight" in
+the world of thought, and hours of opportunity in the world of
+action,--that "tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood
+leads on to fortune," hours of doubt in religion "when all the gods are
+dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+than a relative term. It describes a situation which is no ordinary
+member of a line of antecedents and consequents, but one that assures
+radical change in the immediate future." He distinguishes between a
+crisis and a revolution. "The difference between a revolution and a
+crisis is the difference between the fire and the moment when someone
+with a lighted match in hand pauses to decide whether a fire shall be
+lighted." The term covers the situation preceding change, whether this
+situation be the culmination of a process or the result of some
+particular stimulus. "It is not necessarily precipitated by great
+issues. Quite as often it is occasioned by events .... which are so
+related to a new situation as to set in motion an entire group of forces
+as a match kindles a huge bonfire when once the fuel is laid."[7] The
+failure to distinguish between that which occasions the crisis and the
+crisis itself has been the source of some confusion in thinking. "Defeat
+in battle, floods, drought, pestilence and famine," are not strictly
+crises, but they super-induce the crisis-situation, as does anything
+which brings about "a disturbance of habit," though it be simply "an
+incident, a stimulation or a suggestion." In short, crises are the
+result either of a slowly maturing process or of sudden strain or shock;
+and the nature of the reaction in the crisis-hour is nothing more than
+the effort towards the reestablishment of habits, new or old, when the
+former functioning has been disturbed. The situation, as has been
+pointed out, is closely correlated with attention.
+
+ [6] Jeune, Sir Francis, a celebrated judge in divorce cases.
+
+ [7] Mathews, Shailer, _The Church in the Changing Order_ (N. Y.,
+ 1907), ch. i, p. 1.
+
+ When the habits are running smoothly the attention is relaxed; it is
+ not at work. But when something happens to disturb the run of habit,
+ the attention is called into play, and devises a new mode of
+ behavior which will meet the crisis. That is, the attention
+ establishes new and adequate habits, or it is its function so to
+ do.[8]
+
+ [8] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+ 1909), Introduction, p. 17.
+
+What appears to take place is analogous to what is known as the
+reconditioning of instincts in psychology. Professor Giddings has been
+the first to make the sociological application:
+
+ Folk-ways of every kind, including mores and themistes are the most
+ stable syntheses of pluralistic behavior; yet they are not
+ unchanging. Under new and widening experience they suffer attrition
+ and are modified. Instincts and with them emotion and imagination
+ which largely fills the vast realm between instinct and reason are
+ reconditioned. The word means simply that reflexes and higher
+ processes subjected to new experiences are in a degree or entirely
+ detached from old stimuli and associated with new ones. From time to
+ time also traditions are invaded and habits are broken down by
+ crisis. Pluralistic behavior then is scrutinized, criticized,
+ discussed. It is rationally deliberated.[9]
+
+ [9] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+ of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 401.
+
+Crises often, perhaps most often, precede catastrophies, as when
+revolutions break. The alternate truth that the catastrophies themselves
+are re-agents to generate the crisis-situation has not been so commonly
+noted. Nevertheless the disintegration of the normal by shock and
+calamity is an increasingly familiar spectacle.
+
+Heretofore it has been in the life-histories and careers of individual
+men rather than in the case of communities that the observations have
+been recorded. Our biographies teem with instances of personal crises
+precipitated by a great shock or disappointment--Hawthorne's dismissal
+from the custom house, Goldsmith's rejection from Civil Service, the
+refusal of Dickens's application for the stage, the turning back of
+Livingstone from China, the bankruptcy of Scott.
+
+Now examination reveals that the one thing characteristic of the
+crisis-period in the individual is a state of fluidity[10] into which
+the individual is thrown. Life becomes like molten metal. It enters a
+state of flux[11] from which it must reset upon a principle, a creed, or
+purpose. It is shaken perhaps violently out of rut and routine. Old
+customs crumble, and instability rules. There is generated a state of
+potentiality for reverse directions. The subject may "fall down" or he
+may "fall up." The presence of dynamic forces in such a state means
+change. But the precise role of the individual mind in a period of
+crisis is a problem not for sociology but for psychology.
+
+ [10] The phrases "The world in a welter," "nations in the melting
+ pot," "life in the smelting oven," are commonly heard and suggest a
+ solution stage prior to the hardening process, or antecedent to
+ crystallization.
+
+ [11] Following the French Revolution Wordsworth wrote:
+
+ I lost
+ All feeling of conviction and in fine
+ Sick, wearied out with contrarieties
+ Yielded up moral questions in despair.
+ --_Prelude_, bk. xi.
+
+The principle that fluidity is fundamental to social change is also
+true, however, of the community. Fluidity is not the usual state of
+society.
+
+ Most of the "functions" of society have no tendency to disturb the
+ _status quo_. The round of love, marriage and reproduction, so long
+ as births and death balance, production so far as it is balanced by
+ consumption, exchange so long as the argosies of commerce carry
+ goods and not ideas, education so far as it passes on the
+ traditional culture, these together with recreation, social
+ intercourse, worship, social control, government and the
+ administration of justice are essentially statical. They might
+ conceivably go on forever without producing change.[12]
+
+ [12] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 200.
+
+Indeed the usual condition of the body politic is immobility,
+conservatism and "determined resistance to change." The chief reason for
+this immobility is habit:[13]
+
+ When our habits are settled and running smoothly they most resemble
+ the instincts of animals. And the great part of our life is lived in
+ the region of habit. The habits like the instincts are safe and
+ serviceable. They have been tried and are associated with a feeling
+ of security. There consequently grows up in the folk mind a
+ determined resistance to change ... a state of rapid and constant
+ change implies loss of settled habits and disorganization. As a
+ result, all societies view change with suspicion, and the attempt to
+ revise certain habits is even viewed as immorality. Now it is
+ possible under such conditions for a society to become stationary or
+ to attempt to remain so. The effort of attention is to preserve the
+ present status, rather than to re-accommodate. This condition is
+ particularly marked among savages. In the absence of science and a
+ proper estimate of the value of change they rely on ritual and magic
+ and a minute unquestioning adhesion to the past. Change is
+ consequently introduced with a maximum of resistance ... Indeed the
+ only world in which change is at a premium and is systematically
+ sought is the modern scientific world.[14]
+
+But when there comes the shattering of the matrix of custom by
+catastrophe, then mores are broken up and scattered right and left.
+Fluidity is accomplished at a stroke. There comes a sudden chance for
+permanent social change.
+
+ [13] To this cause of immobility may be added others, such as: (1)
+ Narrow experience and few interests. (2) Large percentage of
+ population owning property. (3) Oriental pride in permanence. (4)
+ Fatalistic philosophies. (5) Over-emphasis of government.
+
+ [14] Thomas, _op. cit._, pp. 20, 21.
+
+Social changes follow both minor and major disasters. The destruction of
+a mill may change the economic outlook of a village. The loss of a
+bridge may result in an entirely different school system for an isolated
+community; a cloud-burst may move a town. Great visitations, like the
+Chicago fire or the San Francisco earthquake, reveal these social
+processes in larger and more legible scale. Take as a single instance
+the latter city. Its quick recovery has been called one of the wonders
+of the age. In the very midst of surrounding desolation and business
+extinction, the Californian city projected a Panama-Pacific exposition,
+and its citizens proceeded to arrange for one of the greatest of all
+world fairs. On the other hand, the social changes which succeed
+relatively small disturbances are often such as to elude an estimate.
+The reason has been well suggested that "big crises bring changes about
+most easily because they affect all individuals alike at the same time."
+In other words a more general fluidity is accomplished. We see,
+therefore, a second principle begin to emerge. Not only is fluidity
+fundamental to social change, but the degree of fluidity seems to vary
+directly as the shock and extent of the catastrophe.
+
+There yet remains to notice the bearing of catastrophe upon social
+progress. The following words are quotable in this connection:
+
+ It is quite certain that the degree of progress of a people has a
+ certain relation to the number of disturbances encountered, and the
+ most progressive have had a more vicissitudinous life. Our proverb
+ "Necessity is the mother of invention" is the formulation in
+ folk-thought of this principle of social change.[15]
+
+We cannot, however, remain long content with this suggestion as to the
+principle concerned--namely, that progress is a natural and an assured
+result of change. The point is that catastrophe always means social
+change. There is not always progress. It is well to guard against
+confusion here. Change means any qualitative variation, whereas progress
+means "amelioration, perfectionment." The latter will be seen to depend
+on other things--the nature of the shock, the models presented, the
+community culture and morale, the stimulus of leaders and lookers-on.
+The single case of Galveston, Texas,[16] is sufficient to disprove the
+too optimistic hypothesis that the effects of catastrophies are uniform.
+Here a city lost heart by reason of the overwhelming flood, and in spite
+of superior commercial advantages was outgrown by a rival fifty miles
+away. At the same time the case of Dayton, Ohio, should be borne in
+mind. Here also was a flood-stricken city and she became "the Gem City
+of the West." The principle[17] thus appears to be that progress in
+catastrophe is a resultant of specific conditioning factors, some of
+which are subject to social control.
+
+ [15] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 18.
+
+ [16] "It has one of the finest, if not the finest, ports in North
+ America. In 1900 a great tidal wave swept over the city, causing
+ enormous damage and loss of life. While the city has had a certain
+ growth since that time, it has been far outstripped by Houston,
+ Dallas, and other Texas cities."--Kirby Page, formerly of Texas, in a
+ letter to the author.
+
+ [17] Another principle is suggested for study by the following
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+ revolution in the conditions of life or thought produces not sudden,
+ but gradual changes in society." This might easily be elaborated.
+
+It is indeed this very thing which makes possible the hope of eventual
+social control over disaster-stricken cities, and the transmutation of
+seeming evil into tremendous good. And this is in addition to the many
+practical social lessons which we have already been intelligent enough
+to preserve, such as those of better city-planning, and a more efficient
+charity organization.
+
+How much of man's advancement has been directly or indirectly due to
+disaster?[18] The question asks itself and it is a question as yet
+without an answer. When the answer is at last written, will there not be
+many surprises? Pitt-Rivers tells us that "the idea of a large boat
+might have been suggested in the time of floods when houses floated down
+the rivers before the eyes of men."[19] A terrible storm at sea gave
+America its first rice.[20] City-planning may be said to have taken its
+rise in America as a result of the Chicago fire, and the role of
+catastrophe in the progress of social legislation is a study in itself.
+The impetus thus received is immeasurable. Historically,
+labor-legislation took its rise with the coming of an infectious fever
+in the cotton-mills of Manchester in 1784. After the Cherry mine
+disaster legislation ensued at once. Again it was the Triangle fire
+which led to the appropriation of funds for a factory investigation
+commission in the State of New York. The sinking of the Titanic has
+greatly reduced the hazards of the sea.
+
+ [18] The relationship of poetry and disaster is of interest. In a
+ recent article on Disaster and Poetry a writer asks "whether often, if
+ not always, suffering, disease and disaster do not bring to him [the
+ poet] the will to create."--Marks, Jeanette, "Disaster and Poetry,"
+ _North American Review_, vol. 212, no. 1 (July, 1920), p. 93.
+
+ [19] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 23.
+
+ [20] In this storm a ship from Madagascar was driven into a South
+ Carolina port. In gratitude the Captain gave the Governor a sack of
+ seed.
+
+It may easily prove true that the prophets of golden days to come who
+invariably arise on the day of disaster, are not entirely without ground
+for the faith which is in them; and that catastrophies are frequently
+only re-agents of further progress. But this is merely introductory.
+Thought becomes scientific only when its conclusions are checked up and
+under-written by observation or experiment. Prior to such procedure it
+must still remain opinion or belief.
+
+The whole subject is, it must be repeated, a virgin field in sociology.
+Knowledge will grow scientific only after the most faithful examination
+of many catastrophies. But it must be realized that the data of the
+greatest value is left ofttimes unrecorded, and fades rapidly from the
+social memory. Investigation is needed immediately after the event. It
+is, therefore, of the utmost importance that sociological studies of
+Chicago, Galveston, Baltimore, San Francisco, and other disaster cities
+should be initiated at once.[21]
+
+ [21] It is perhaps due to the reader to say that while this volume
+ treats specifically of Halifax, the writer has studied the records of
+ many disasters and these have been kept in mind in drawing his
+ conclusions. He participated in the rescue and relief work at Halifax
+ in 1917, and at the time of the Titanic disaster accompanied one of
+ the expeditions to the scene. He was in New York when the Wall Street
+ explosion occurred, and made a first hand study of its effects.
+
+Of such a series--if the work can be done--this little volume on Halifax
+is offered as a beginning. It is hoped that the many inadequacies of
+treatment will receive the generous allowances permitted a pioneer.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL DISINTEGRATION
+
+The City of Halifax--Terrific nature of the explosion--Destruction of
+life and property--The subsequent fire and storms--Annihilation of
+homes--Arresting of business--Disintegration of the social order.
+
+
+Halifax is the ocean terminal of the Dominion of Canada on her Atlantic
+seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+the southeastern shoreline of Nova Scotia. It is endowed by nature with
+a magnificent harbor, which as a matter of fact is one of the three
+finest in the world. In it a thousand vessels might safely ride at
+anchor. The possession of this harbor, together with ample defences, and
+a fortunate situation with regard to northern Europe established the
+Garrison City, early in the year 1914 as the natural war-base of the
+Dominion. Its tonnage leaped by millions, and it soon became the third
+shipping port in the entire British Empire. Hither the transports came,
+and the giant freighters to join their convoy. Cruisers and men-of-war
+put in to use its great dry-dock, or take on coal. Here too, cleared the
+supply and munition boats--some laden with empty shells, others with
+high explosives destined for the distant fields of battle. How much of
+the deadly cargo lay in the road-stead or came and went during those
+fateful years is not publicly known.[22] Certainly there was too much to
+breed a sense of safety, but no one gave the matter second thought. All
+were intent upon the mighty task of the hour. Sufficient unto each day
+was each day's evil. Each night the great war-gates were swung across
+the channels. Powerful searchlights swept unceasingly the sea and sky.
+The forts were fully manned. The gunners ready. The people knew these
+things, and no one dreamed of danger save to loved ones far away. Secure
+in her own defences the city lay unafraid, and almost apathetic.
+
+ [22] During the month of December, 1915, alone, 30,000 tons of
+ munitions passed over the railroad piers of Halifax.
+
+About midway in the last two years of war--to be exact December,
+1917,--a French munitioner[23] heavily laden with trinitrotoluol, the
+most powerful of known explosives, reached Halifax from New York. On the
+early morning of the sixth of that month, she was proceeding under her
+own steam up the harbor-length toward anchorage in the basin--an oval
+expansion half-hidden by a blunt hill called Turple Head. Suddenly an
+empty Belgian relief ship[24] swept through the Narrows directly in her
+pathway. There was a confusion of signals; a few agonized manoeuvers.
+The vessels collided; and the shock of their colliding shook the world!
+
+ [23] The _Mont Blanc_, St. Nazaire, Captain Lemedec, Pilot Francis
+ Mackay, owners La Compagnie General Transatlantique 3,121 tons gross,
+ 2252 net register, steel, single screw, 330 ft. long, 40 ft. beam,
+ speed 7-1/2 to 8 knots, inward bound, from New York to await convoy.
+ Cargo 450,000 lbs. trinitrotoluol, 2300 tons picric acid, 35 tons
+ benzol, employed in carrying munitions to France.
+
+ [24] The _Imo_, Christiania, Captain Fron, Pilot William Hayes, owners
+ Southern Pacific Whaling Company, 5,041 tons gross, 3161 tons
+ register, steel, single screw, 430 ft. long, 45 ft. beam, speed 11 to
+ 12 knots, outward bound to New York, in ballast, employed in carrying
+ food to Belgium.
+
+War came to America that morning. Two thousand slain, six thousand
+injured, ten thousand homeless, thirty-five millions of dollars in
+property destroyed, three hundred acres left a smoking waste, churches,
+schools, factories blown down or burned--such was the appalling havoc of
+the greatest single explosion in the history of the world.[25] It was an
+episode which baffles description. It is difficult to gain from words
+even an approximate idea of the catastrophe and what followed in its
+trail.
+
+ [25] The greatest previous explosion was when 500,000 pounds of
+ dynamite blew up in Baltimore Harbor.
+
+It was all of a sudden--a single devastating blast; then the sound as of
+the crashing of a thousand chandeliers. Men and women cowered under the
+shower of debris and glass. There was one awful moment when hearts sank,
+and breaths were held. Then women cried aloud, and men looked dumbly
+into each other's eyes, and awaited the crack of doom. To some death was
+quick and merciful in its coming. Others were blinded, and staggered to
+and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+themselves forth into the light--naked, blackened, unrecognizable human
+shapes. They lay prone upon the streetside, under the shadow of the
+great death-cloud which still dropped soot and oil and water. It was
+truly a sight to make the angels weep.
+
+Men who had been at the front said they had seen nothing so bad in
+Flanders. Over there men were torn with shrapnel, but the victims were
+in all cases men. Here father and mother, daughter and little child, all
+fell in "one red burial blent." A returned soldier said of it: "I have
+been in the trenches in France. I have gone over the top. Friends and
+comrades have been shot in my presence. I have seen scores of dead men
+lying upon the battlefield, but the sight .... was a thousand times
+worse and far more pathetic."[26] A well-known relief worker who had
+been at San Francisco, Chelsea and Salem immediately after those
+disasters said "I am impressed by the fact that this is much the saddest
+disaster I have seen." It has been compared to the scenes pictured by
+Lord Lytton in his tale of the last days of Pompeii:
+
+ True there was not that hellish river of molten lava flowing down
+ upon the fleeing people; and consuming them as feathers in fierce
+ flames. But every other sickening detail was present--that of
+ crashing shock and shaking earth, of crumbling homes, and cruel
+ flame and fire. And there were showers, not it is true of ashes from
+ the vortex of the volcano, but of soot and oil and water, of
+ death-dealing fragments of shrapnel and deck and boiler, of glass
+ and wood and of the shattered ship.[27]
+
+Like the New Albany tornado, it caused loss "in all five of the ways it
+is possible for a disaster to do so, in death, permanent injury,
+temporary injury, personal property loss, and real property loss."[28]
+Here were to be found in one dread assembling the combined horrors of
+war, earthquake, fire, flood, famine and storm--a combination seen for
+the first time in the records of human disaster.
+
+ [26] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+ [27] McGlashen, Rev. J. A., _The Patriot_ (Dartmouth, N. S.).
+
+ [28] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. ii, p. 158.
+
+It was an earthquake[29] so violent that when the explosion occurred the
+old, rock-founded city shook as with palsy. The citadel trembled, the
+whole horizon seemed to move with the passing of the earth waves. These
+were caught and registered, their tracings[30] carefully preserved, but
+the mute record tells not of the falling roofs and flying plaster and
+collapsing walls which to many an unfortunate victim brought death and
+burial at one and the same time.
+
+ [29] "The effect of the vast, sudden interference with the air was
+ practically the same as if an earthquake had shaken Halifax to the
+ ground." (MacMechan, Archibald, "Halifax in Ruins," _The Canadian
+ Courier_, vol. xxiii, no. 4, p. 6.)
+
+ [30] The tracings on the seismograph show three distinct shocks at the
+ hours 9.05, 9.10 and 10.05.
+
+It was a flood, for the sea rushed forward in a gigantic tidal wave,
+fully a fathom in depth. It swept past pier and embankment into the
+lower streets, and receding, left boats and wreckage high and dry, but
+carried to a watery doom score upon score of human lives. Nearly two
+hundred men were drowned.
+
+It was a fire or rather a riot of fires, for the air was for a second
+filled with tongues of igneous vapour hiding themselves secretly within
+the lightning discharge of gas, only to burst out in gusts of sudden
+flame. Numberless buildings were presently ablaze. Soon there was naught
+to the northward but a roaring furnace. Above, the sky was crimson;
+below, a living crematorium--church and school, factory and home burned
+together in one fierce conflagration; and the brave firemen knew that
+there were men and women pinned beneath the wreckage, wounded past
+self-help. Frantic mothers heard the cries of little children, but in
+vain. Fathers desperately tore through burning brands, but often failed
+to save alive the captives of the flame. And so the last dread process
+went on,--earth to earth, ashes to ashes, dust to dust. And when the
+fires at last abated, the north end of the City of Halifax looked like
+some blackened hillside which a farmer had burned for fallow in the
+spring.
+
+But perhaps the most terrible of all the terrible accompaniments was the
+tornado-like gas-blast from the bursting ship. It wrought instant havoc
+everywhere. Trees were torn from the ground. Poles were snapped like
+toothpicks. Trains were stopped dead. Cars were left in twisted masses.
+Pedestrians were thrown violently into the air, houses collapsed on all
+sides. Steamers were slammed against the docks. Then followed a
+veritable air-raid, when the sky rained iron fragments upon the helpless
+city. Like a meteoric shower of death, they fell piercing a thousand
+roofs, and with many a mighty splash bore down into the sea.
+
+Nor yet did this complete the tale of woes of this _Dies Irae_. Scarce
+was the catastrophe an hour old when the news was flashed around that a
+second explosion was approaching. It was the powder magazine in the
+Navy-yard, and the flames were perilously near. Through the crowded
+streets raced the heralds like prophets of wrath to come. "Flee!....
+Flee!.... Get into the open ground" was the cry. Shops were abandoned
+unguarded, goods laid open on every side. No key was turned, no till was
+closed, but all instanter joined the precipitant throng, driven like
+animals before a prairie fire--yet this was not all; for "the plight of
+the aged, the sick, the infants, the bed-ridden, the cripples, the
+nursing mothers, the pregnant can not be described."
+
+It was like the flight from Vesuvius of which Pliny the Younger tells:
+
+ You could hear the shrieks of women, the crying of children and the
+ shouts of men. Some were seeking their children; others their
+ parents, others their wives and husbands ... one lamenting his own
+ fate, another that of his family. Some praying to die from the very
+ fear of dying, many lifting their hands to the gods, but the greater
+ part imagining that there were no gods left anywhere, and that the
+ last and eternal night was come upon the world.[31]
+
+It has been said that "Moscow was no more deserted before Napoleon than
+were the shattered streets of Halifax when this flight had been carried
+out."[32] And when the hegira was over, and when there had ensued a
+partial recovery from the blow and gloom, a still lower depth of agony
+had yet to be undergone--a succession of winter storms. Blizzards, rain,
+floods and zero weather were even then upon the way. They came in close
+procession and as if to crown and complete the terrors of the great
+catastrophe thunder rumbled, lightning broke sharply and lit up weirdly
+the snow-clad streets. Such was the catastrophe of Halifax--"a calamity
+the appalling nature of which stirred the imagination of the world."[33]
+
+ [31] Pliny, _Letters_ (London, 1915), vol. i, bk. vi, p. 495.
+
+ [32] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. ii,
+ p. 24.
+
+ [33] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+ 1918), p. 57.
+
+The description here concluded, brief and inadequate as it is, will
+sufficiently indicate the terrific nature of the catastrophic shock, and
+explain how utter and complete was the social disintegration which
+followed.
+
+There was the disintegration of the home and the family,--the
+reproductive system of society--its members sundered and helpless to
+avert it. There was the disintegration of the regulative
+system--government was in perplexity, and streets were without patrol.
+There was the disintegration of the sustaining system--a dislocation of
+transportation, a disorganization of business while the wheels of
+industry ceased in their turning. There was a derangement of the
+distributive system[34]--of all the usual services, of illumination,
+water-connections, telephones, deliveries. It was impossible to
+communicate with the outside world. There were no cars, no mails, no
+wires. There was a time when the city ceased to be a city, its citizens
+a mass of unorganized units--struggling for safety, shelter, covering
+and bread. As Lytton wrote of Pompeii; "The whole elements of
+civilization were broken up .... nothing in all the varied and
+complicated machinery of social life was left save the primal law of
+self preservation."[35]
+
+ [34] Spencer, Herbert, _The Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1908),
+ pt. ii, p. 499 _et seq._
+
+ [35] Lytton, Lord, _The Last Days of Pompeii_ (London, 1896), p. 405.
+
+A writer has given a vivid word picture of the social contrasts of the
+disaster night and the beautiful evening before.
+
+ What a change from the night before! No theatres open, no happy
+ throngs along the street, no cheery gatherings around the fire-side.
+ The houses were all cold, and dark and silent. Instead of laughter,
+ weeping; instead of dancing, agonizing pain; instead of Elysian
+ dreams, ominous nightmares. Fears and sorrow were in the way and all
+ the daughters of music were brought low ... Halifax had become in a
+ trice a city of dead bodies, ruined homes and blasted hopes.[36]
+
+To have looked in upon one of the great makeshift dormitories that first
+night, to have seen men, women and children, of all stations, huddled
+together on the stages of theatres, the chancels of churches, in
+stables, box-cars and basements was to have beheld a rift in the social
+structure such as no community had ever known. Old traditional social
+lines were hopelessly mixed and confused. The catastrophe smashed
+through strong walls like cobwebs, but it also smashed through fixed
+traditions, social divisions and old standards, making a rent which
+would not easily repair. Rich and poor, debutante and chambermaid,
+official and bellboy met for the first time as victims of a common
+calamity.
+
+ [36] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Even on the eighth, two days after the disaster, when Mr. Ratshesky of
+the Massachusetts' Relief arrived he could report: "An awful sight
+presented itself, buildings shattered on all sides--chaos apparent." In
+a room in the City Hall twelve by twenty, he found assembled "men and
+women trying to organize different departments of relief, while other
+rooms were filled to utmost capacity with people pleading for doctors,
+nurses, food, and clothing for themselves and members of their families.
+Everything was in turmoil."[37] This account faithfully expresses the
+disintegration which came with the great shock of what had come to pass.
+It is this disintegration and the resultant phenomena which are of
+utmost importance for the student of social science to observe. To be
+quite emotionally free in the observation of such phenomena, however, is
+almost impossible. It has been said of sociological investigations that
+
+ observation is made under bias because the facts under review are
+ those of human life and touch human interest. A man can count the
+ legs of a fly without having his heart wrung because he thinks there
+ are too many or too few. But when he observes the life of the
+ society in which he moves, lives and has his being, or some other
+ society nearby, it is the rule that he approves or disapproves, is
+ edified or horrified, by what he observes. When he does that he
+ passes a moral judgment.[38]
+
+Sociology has suffered because of this inevitable bias. In our present
+study it is natural that our sympathy reactions should be especially
+strong. "_Quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam_" must be our
+motto. As students we must now endeavor to dissociate ourselves from
+them, and look upon the stricken Canadian city with all a chemist's
+patient detachment. In a field of science where the prospect of
+large-scale experimental progress is remote, we must learn well when the
+abnormal reveals itself in great tragedies and when social processes are
+seen magnified by a thousand diameters. Only thus can we hope for
+advances that will endure.
+
+ [37] Ratshesky, A. C., "Report of Halifax Relief Expedition," _The
+ State_ (Boston, 1918), p. 11.
+
+ [38] Keller, A. G., "Sociology and Science," _The Nation_ (N. Y., May
+ 4, 1916), vol. 102, no. 2653, p. 275.
+
+In this spirit then let us watch the slow process of the reorganization
+of Halifax, and see in it a picture of society itself as it reacts under
+the stimulus of catastrophe, and adjusts itself to the circumstantial
+pressure of new conditions.
+
+Before doing so, however, we shall pause, in the next chapter, to glance
+at a number of social phenomena which should be recorded and examined in
+the light of social psychology. But we must not lose the relationship of
+each chapter to our major thesis. It is sufficient for our purpose if
+thus far it has been shown that at Halifax the shock resulted in
+disintegration of social institutions, dislocation of the usual methods
+of social control and dissolution of the customary; that through the
+catastrophe the community was thrown into the state of flux which, as
+was suggested in the introduction, is the logical and natural
+prerequisite for social change; and finally that the shock was of a
+character such as "to affect all individuals alike at the same time,"
+and to induce that degree of fluidity most favorable to social change.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
+
+Shock reaction--Hallucination--Primitive instincts--Crowd
+psychology--Phenomena of emotion--How men react when bereft
+completely--Post-catastrophic phenomena--Human nature in the absence of
+repression by conventionality, custom and law--Fatigue and the human
+will--The stimuli of heroism--Mutual aid.
+
+
+Social Psychology is a subject of primary importance to the student of
+society. Like Sociology itself its field is far from being exhausted.
+One looks in vain for a treatment of disaster psychology. In such a
+study the diverse phenomena involved would be of interest to the
+psychologist. Their effects in retarding or promoting social
+organization would concern the sociologist. With such possible effects
+in mind we are now to proceed to an examination of the major subjective
+reactions as they were to be seen in the Halifax catastrophe.
+
+It is improbable that any single community has ever presented so
+composite a picture of human traits in such bold relief as appeared in
+the City of Halifax upon the day of the explosion. Human phenomena which
+many knew of only as hidden away in books, stood out so clearly that he
+who ran might read. Besides the physiological reactions there was
+abundant illustration of hallucination, delusion, primitive instincts,
+and crowd psychology as well of other phenomena all of which have
+important sociological significance tending either to prolong
+disintegration, or to hasten social recovery.
+
+The first of these phenomena was the "stun" of the catastrophe itself.
+The shock reaction at Halifax has been variously described. It has been
+graphically likened "to being suddenly stricken with blindness and
+paralysis." It was a sensation of utter helplessness and disability. "We
+died a thousand horrible deaths" ran one description, "the nervous shock
+and terror were as hard to bear as were the wounds." "The people are
+dazed," wrote another observer, "they have almost ceased to exercise the
+sensation of pain." This physiological reaction animals and men shared
+alike. The appearance of the terror-stricken horses was as of beasts
+which had suddenly gone mad.
+
+A physiological accompaniment of shock and distraction is the abnormal
+action of the glands. The disturbance of the sympathetic nervous system
+produced by the emotional stress and strain of a great excitement or a
+great disappointment is reflected in the stimulation or inhibition of
+glandular action. Much physical as well as nervous illness was
+precipitated by the grief, excitement and exposure of the disaster.[39]
+Among cases observed were those of diabetes, tuberculosis and
+hyper-thyroidism, as well as the nervous instability to which reference
+is subsequently made. Such an epidemic of hyper-thyroidism--exaggerated
+action of the thyroid gland--is said to have followed the Kishineff
+massacres, the San Francisco earthquake and the air-raids on London.[40]
+As to diabetes, it has been shown that
+
+ emotions cause increased output of glycogen. Glycogen is a step
+ toward diabetes and therefore this disease is prone to appear in
+ persons under emotional strain ... so common is this particular
+ result in persons under prolonged emotion that someone has said that
+ "when stocks go down in New York, diabetes goes up."[41]
+
+ [39] For a full discussion of nervous disorders induced by an
+ explosion at short range, _vide_ Roussy and Llermette, _The
+ Psychoneuroses of War_ (London, 1918), ch. x.
+
+ [40] Brown, W. Langden, Presidential address to Hunterian Society,
+ London.
+
+ [41] Crile, George W., _The Origin and Nature of the Emotions_
+ (Phila., 1915), p. 163.
+
+Turning now to other psychological aspects, we have to note the presence
+of hallucination in disaster.
+
+ Hallucination may be roughly defined as false sense impression. For
+ example, the patient sees an object which has no real existence, or
+ hears an imaginary voice. Hallucinations are termed visual,
+ auditory, tactile, _etc._ according to the sense to which the false
+ impression appears to belong.[42]
+
+Hallucination is induced by the unusual suggesting the expected. It is
+sense-perception colored by association. It is the power of a dominant
+idea that, unbidden, enters the field of consciousness and takes
+possession of even the senses themselves. In Halifax one idea seemed to
+dominate most minds and clothe itself in the semblance of reality--the
+expected Germans. For a long time there had been under public discussion
+the question as to whether or not the city would be shelled by Zeppelin
+raiders, or possibly by a fleet at sea. All street-lights had been
+darkened by military orders. The failure to draw window shades had been
+subject to heavy penalty. It is no wonder eyes looked upward when there
+came the crash, and when seeing the strange unusual cloud beheld the
+Zeppelin of fancy. A man residing on the outskirts of the town of
+Dartmouth "heard" a German shell pass shrieking above him. Dartmouth
+Heights looks out over Halifax harbor, and here perhaps the vista is
+most expansive, and the eye sees furthest. The instant after the
+explosion a citizen standing here "saw" clearly a German fleet
+manoeuvering in the distance.[43] That shells had actually come few on
+the instant doubted. The head of one firm advised his employees not to
+run elsewhere, as "two shots never fall in the same place."
+
+ [42] Hart, Bernard, _The Psychology of Insanity_ (Cambridge, 1916),
+ ch. iii, p. 30.
+
+ [43] "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+ Ships, armies, battles in the firmament
+ Till steady eyes the exhalations solve
+ And all to its first matter, cloud, resolve."
+ --Defoe, _Journal of the Plague Year_.
+
+This--a German assault--was the great mental explanation that came into
+the majority of minds. There was one other--that of the end of the
+world. Many fell to their knees in prayer. One woman was found in the
+open yard by her broken home repeating the general confession of the
+church. Few would have been surprised if out of the smoky cloud-ridden
+skies there should have appeared the archangels announcing the
+consummation of mundane affairs. Indeed there were instances, not a few,
+of those who "saw" in the death-cloud "the clear outlines of a face."
+Thus both auditory and visual hallucination were manifested to a degree.
+
+Hallucination has been described as "seeing" something which has no
+basis in reality. Thus it differs from delusion, which is rather a
+misinterpretation of what is seen. "Delusions are closely allied to
+hallucinations and generally accompany the latter. The distinction lies
+in the fact that delusions are not false sensations but false
+beliefs."[44] Anxiety, distraction by grief and loss, as well as nervous
+shock play freely with the mind and fancy and often swerve the judgment
+of perception. This was especially noticeable at Halifax in the hospital
+identification, particularly of children. A distracted father looked
+into a little girl's face four different times but did not recognize her
+as his own which, in fact, she was. The precisely opposite occurrence
+was also noted. A fond parent time and time again "discovered" his lost
+child, "seeing" to complete satisfaction special marks and features on
+its little body. But often there were present those who knew better, and
+the better judgment prevailed. Again this phenomenon was repeated in
+numberless instances at the morgue. Wearied and white after frantic and
+fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+overwrought searchers would walk through the long lines of dead, and
+suddenly "recognize" a missing relative or friend.[45] Regretfully the
+attendant fulfilled the same thankless task from day to day. There had
+been no recognition at all. The observer had seen "not the object itself
+but the image evoked in the mind."[46]
+
+ [44] Hart, _op. cit._, ch. iii, p. 31.
+
+ [45] For parallel cases of erroneous recognition of the dead, _vide_
+ Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd, a Study of the Popular Mind_ (London),
+ bk. i, ch. i, p. 51.
+
+ [46] _Ibid._, p. 51.
+
+The primitive instincts of man were for a long time vaguely and loosely
+defined, until James and later McDougall essayed to give them name and
+number. But only with Thorndike's critical examination has it become
+clear how difficult a thing it is to carry the analysis of any situation
+back to the elemental or "primal movers of all human activity."
+Thorndike is satisfied to describe them as nothing save a set of
+original tendencies to respond to stimuli in more or less definite
+directions. When he speaks of instincts it is to mean only a "series of
+situations and responses" or "a set of tendencies for various situations
+to arouse the feelings of fear, anger, pity, _etc._ with which certain
+bodily movements usually go." Among them, there are those resulting in
+"food-getting and habitation," in "fear, fighting and anger" and in
+"human intercourse."[47] But McDougall's classification preserves the
+old phrases, and men are likely to go on speaking of the "instinct of
+flight," the "instinct of pugnacity," "parental instinct," "gregarious
+instinct" and the others.[48] For the sociologist it is enough that all
+agree that men are held under some powerful grip of nature and driven at
+times almost inevitably to the doing of acts quite irrespective of their
+social effects.
+
+ [47] Thorndike, Edward L., _The Original Nature of Man_ (N. Y., 1913),
+ ch. v, p. 43 _et seq._
+
+ [48] McDougall, William, _An Introduction to Social Psychology_
+ (Boston, 1917), ch. iii, p. 49 _et seq._
+
+In catastrophe these primitive instincts are seen most plainly and less
+subject to the re-conditioning influences of ordinary life. This was
+especially noticeable at Halifax. The instinct of flight for
+self-preservation was reflected in the reaction of thousands. "Almost
+without thought, probably from the natural instinct of self-preservation
+I backed from the window to a small store-room and stood there
+dazed."[49] The experience so described may be said to have been
+general. This instinct was to be seen again in the action of the crew of
+the explosives-laden ship. Scarcely had the collision occurred when the
+whole complement lowered away the boats, rowed like madmen to the
+nearest shore--which happened to be that opposite to Halifax--and
+"scooted for the woods." As the ship, although set on fire immediately
+after the impact, did not actually blow up until some twenty minutes
+later, much might have been done by men less under the domination of
+instinct, in the way of warning and perhaps of minimizing the inevitable
+catastrophe.[50]
+
+ [49] Sheldon, J., _The Busy East_ (Sackville, N. B. Can.), March,
+ 1918.
+
+ [50] The judgment of the court of enquiry ran as follows: "The master
+ and pilot of the Mont Blanc are guilty of neglect of public safety in
+ not taking proper steps to warn the inhabitants of the city of a
+ probable explosion." (Drysdale Commission, _Judgment of_, sec. viii.)
+
+The instinct of pugnacity was to be seen in many a fine example of
+difficulty overcome in the work of rescue; as also in other instances,
+some suggestive of that early combat when animals and men struggled for
+mere physical existence.
+
+The parental instinct was everywhere in evidence, and was reflected not
+only in the sacrifices made and the privations endured by parents for
+their young, but in every act of relief, which arose in involuntary
+response to the cry of the distressed. It perhaps partially explains the
+phenomenon often noticed in disasters that "immediately and
+spontaneously neighbors and fellow-townsmen spring to the work of rescue
+and first aid."[51]
+
+ [51] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. vi, p. 151.
+
+The gregarious instinct--the instinct to herd--showed itself in the
+spontaneous groupings which came about and which seemed somehow to be
+associated with feelings of security from further harm. The refugees
+found comfort in the group. They rarely remained alone.
+
+These and other instinctive responses in a greater or less degree of
+complication were to be remarked of the actions not only of individuals
+but of groups as well. In the latter the typical phenomena of crowd
+psychology were manifested upon every hand. The crowd was seen to be
+what it is--"the like response of many to a socially inciting event or
+suggestion such as sudden danger." Out of a mere agglomeration of
+individuals and under the stress of emotional excitement there arose
+that mental unity, which Le Bon emphasizes.[52] There was noticeable the
+feeling of safety associated with togetherness which Trotter
+suggests.[53] There was the suggestibility, with its preceding
+conditions which Sidis[54] has clarified, namely, expectancy,
+inhibition, and limitation of the field of consciousness. There were the
+triple characteristics which Giddings notes: "Crowds are subject to
+swift contagion of feeling, they are sensitive to suggestion .... and
+always manifest a tendency to carry suggested ideas immediately into
+action."[55]
+
+ [52] Le Bon, _op. cit._, p. 26.
+
+ [53] Trotter, William, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_
+ (London, 1919), p. 31.
+
+ [54] Sidis, Boris, _The Psychology of Suggestion_ (N. Y., 1919),
+ ch. vi, p. 56 _et seq._
+
+ [55] Giddings, Franklin H., _Principles of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1916),
+ bk. ii, ch. ii, p. 136.
+
+Of illustrations of impulsive social action there are none more apt than
+those furnished by the reactions following the Halifax tragedy. Only
+Pliny's narrative of the flight from the eruption of Vesuvius, or the
+story of the "Day of Fear" in France,[56] or that depicting the days of
+the comet[57] are comparable thereto.
+
+ [56] Stephens, Henry M., _A History of the French Revolution_ (N. Y.,
+ 1886), vol. i, p. 179.
+
+ [57] Wells, H. G., _In the Days of the Comet_ (N. Y., 1906).
+
+At first all was confusion. Some ran to the cellars. Some ran to the
+streets. Some ran to their shops. Those in the shops ran home. This was
+in the area of wounds and bruises. Farther north was the area of death.
+Thither the rescuers turned. Automobiles sped over broken glass and
+splintered boards toward the unknown. Then came the orders of the
+soldiers, whose barracks were situated in the very heart of the danger
+district, for the people to fly southward, Common-ward, to the open
+spaces--anywhere. Another explosion was imminent. Then came further
+outbreaks of the flight impulse. Runs a graphic account:
+
+ The crowd needed no second warning. They turned and fled. Hammers,
+ shovels and bandages were thrown aside. Stores were left wide open
+ with piles of currency on their counters. Homes were vacated in a
+ twinkling. Little tots couldn't understand why they were being
+ dragged along so fast. Some folks never looked back. Others did,
+ either to catch a last glimpse of the home they never expected to
+ see again or to tell if they could from the sky how far behind them
+ the Dreaded Thing was.... They fled as they were.... Some carried
+ children or bundles of such things as they had scrambled
+ together.... Many were but scantily clad. Women fled in their night
+ dresses. A few were stark naked, their bodies blackened with soot
+ and grime. These had come from the destroyed section of the North
+ End. What a storm-tossed motley throng, and as varied in its aspect
+ and as poignant in its sufferings as any band of Belgian or Serbian
+ refugees fleeing before the Hun.... A few rode in autos, but the
+ great majority were on foot. With blanched faces, bleeding bodies
+ and broken hearts, they fled from the Spectral Death they thought
+ was coming hard after, fled to the open spaces where possibly its
+ shadow might not fall. Soon Citadel Hill and the Common were black
+ with terrified thousands. Thousands more trudged along St.
+ Margaret's Bay road, seeking escape among its trees and winding
+ curves.... Many cut down boughs and made themselves fires--for they
+ were bitterly cold. Here they were--poorly clad, badly wounded, and
+ with not one loaf of bread in all their number, so hastily did they
+ leave, when galloping horsemen announced the danger was over and it
+ was safe to return.[58]
+
+ [58] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+The ever-shifting responsiveness to rumor which distinguishes a crowd
+was noted.
+
+ The entrance to the Park was black with human beings, some massed in
+ groups, some running anxiously back and forth like ants when their
+ hill has been crushed. There were blanched faces and trembling
+ hands. The wildest rumors were in circulation and every bearer of
+ tidings was immediately surrounded.[59]
+
+ [59] _St. John Globe_, Correspondence, Dec., 1917.
+
+Not only here but when the crowd trekked back, and in the subsequent
+scenes which were witnessed in supply stations and shelters, the
+association which Sidis draws between calamity and hyper-suggestibility
+in the body politic was abundantly endorsed.
+
+We must now endeavor to understand the phenomena of emotion which
+accompany a great catastrophe. This is not the less difficult because
+the term emotion is not given consistent use even by psychologists. One
+interprets it as merely the affective side of the instinctive
+process--those "modes of affective experience," such as "anger, fear,
+curiosity," which accompany the excitement of "the principal powerful
+instincts."[60] Another sees it as also an impulsive, not merely a
+receptive state. It is "the way the body feels when it is prepared for a
+certain reaction," and includes "an impulse toward the particular
+reaction."[61]
+
+ [60] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 46.
+
+ [61] Woodworth, Robert S., _Dynamic Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918),
+ ch. iii, p. 54.
+
+It will be accurate enough for our purpose to think of the emotions as
+complicated states of feeling more or less allied to one another and to
+the human will.[62] Among them are jealousy and envy--"discomfort at
+seeing others approved and at being out-done by them."[63] This appeared
+repeatedly in the administration of relief and should be included in
+disaster psychology. Again greed[64]--more strictly a social instinct
+than an emotion--was common. How common will receive further
+exemplification in a later chapter.
+
+ [62] "Anger, zeal, determination, willing, are closely allied, and
+ probably identical in part. Certainly they are aroused by the same
+ stimulus, namely, by obstruction, encountered in the pursuit of some
+ end." (_Ibid._, p. 149.)
+
+ [63] Thorndike, _op. cit._, p. 101.
+
+ [64] "To go for attractive objects, to grab them when within reach, to
+ hold them against competitors, to fight the one who tries to take them
+ away. To go for, grab and hold them all the more if another is trying
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+ p. 102.)
+
+Fear has already been referred to. Anger, shame, resentment while
+evident, were of less significance. Gratitude was early shown and there
+were many formal expressions of it. Later on, it seemed to be replaced
+by a feeling that as sufferers they, the victims, were only receiving
+their due in whatever aid was obtained.
+
+Of special interest is the role of the tender emotions, kindliness,
+sympathy and sorrow, as well as the reactions which may be expected when
+these occur in unusual exaltation through the repetition of stimuli or
+otherwise. Whatever may be the nature of the process whereby the
+feelings of his fellows affect a man, that which chiefly concerns us
+here, is how these reactions differ when the stimulation is multiplex.
+Of this multiplex stimulation in collective psychology Graham Wallas has
+written:
+
+ The nervous exaltation so produced may be the effect of the rapid
+ repetition of stimuli acting as repetition acts, for instance, when
+ it produces seasickness or tickling.... If the exaltation is extreme
+ conscious control of feeling and action is diminished.[65] Reaction
+ is narrowed and men may behave, as they behave in dreams, less
+ rationally and morally than they do if the whole of their nature is
+ brought into play.[66]
+
+ [65] M. Dide, a French psychologist, regards "the hypnosis produced by
+ emotional shock--and this occurs not only in war but in other great
+ catastrophies as well--as genetically a defence reaction, like natural
+ sleep whose function according to him is primarily prophylactic
+ against exhaustion and fatigue, ... it is comparable to the so-called
+ death-shamming of animals." (Dide, M., _Les emotions et la guerre_
+ (Paris, 1918), Review of, _Psychological Bulletin_, vol. xv, no. 12,
+ Dec., 1918, p. 441.)
+
+ [66] Wallas, Graham, _The Great Society_ (N. Y., 1917), p. 136.
+
+What Wallas has said of the additional stimulation which the presence of
+a crowd induces may be given wider application, and is indeed a most
+illuminating thought, describing exactly the psycho-emotional reactions
+produced by the stimulation of terrifying scenes, such as were witnessed
+at Halifax.
+
+A case in point was that of the nervous exaltation produced upon a young
+doctor who operated continuously for many hours in the removal of
+injured eyes. The emotional tension he went through is expressed in his
+words to a witness: "If relief doesn't come to me soon, I shall murder
+somebody."
+
+Another instance where conscious control of feeling and action was
+diminished was that of a soldier. He was so affected by what he passed
+through during the explosion and his two days' participation in relief
+work, that he quite unwittingly took a seat in a train departing for
+Montreal. Later in a hospital of that city after many mental wanderings
+he recovered his memory. Over and over again he had been picturing the
+dreadful scenes which he had experienced. This condition includes a
+hyperactivity of the imagination "characterized by oneirism [oneiric
+delirium] reproducing most often the tragic or terrible scenes which
+immediately preceded the hypogenic shock."[67]
+
+ [67] _Ibid._, p. 440.
+
+The nature of sympathy[68] may not be clearly comprehended but of its
+effects there is no doubt. It may lead to the relief of pain or induce
+the exactly opposite effect; or it may bring about so lively a distress
+as to quite incapacitate a man from giving help. Again it may lead to
+the avoidance of disaster scenes altogether. Thus some could on no
+account be prevailed upon to go into the hospitals or to enter the
+devastated area. Others by a process understood in the psychology of
+insanity secured the desired avoidance by suicide. The association of
+suicide with catastrophe has been already remarked in the case of San
+Francisco. A Halifax instance was that of a physician who had labored
+hard among the wounded. He later found the reaction of his emotional
+experiences too strong. He lost his mental balance and was discovered
+dead one morning near his office door. He had hanged himself during the
+night. Still another, a railroad man, driven to despair by loneliness
+and loss, his wife and children having perished, attempted to follow
+them in death.
+
+ [68] Classed by William James as an emotion, but considered by
+ McDougall a pseudo-instinct.
+
+Joy and sorrow are pleasure-pain conditions of emotional states. Sorrow
+is painful because "the impulse is baffled and cannot attain more than
+the most scanty and imperfect satisfaction in little acts, such as the
+leaving of flowers on the grave;"[69] although the intensity is
+increased by other considerations. Here again the unusual degree of
+stimulation which catastrophe induces brings about a behavior other than
+that which commonly attends the experience of grief. A phenomenon
+associated with wholesale bereavement is the almost entire absence of
+tears. A witness of the San Francisco disaster said it was at the end of
+the second day that he saw tears for the first time.[70] At Halifax,
+where the loss of life was many times greater, there was little crying.
+There seemed to be indeed a miserable but strong consolation in the fact
+that all were alike involved in the same calamity.[71]
+
+ [69] McDougall, _op. cit._, p. 152.
+
+ [70] O'Connor, Chas. J., _San Francisco Relief Survey_ (N. Y., 1913),
+ pt. i, p. 6.
+
+ [71] "The cutting edge of all our usual misfortunes comes from their
+ character of loneliness."--(James, William, _Memories and Studies_,
+ N. Y., 1911, p. 224.)
+
+There was "no bitterness, no complaint, only a great and eager desire to
+help some one less fortunate." Another observer said: "I have never seen
+such kindly feeling. I have never seen such tender sympathy. I have
+never heard an impatient word." And this was amongst men "who were
+covered with bruises, and whose hearts were heavy, who have not had a
+night's sleep, and who go all day long without thought of food." Another
+visitor remarked "there is not a more courageous, sane and reasonable
+people. Everyone is tender and considerate. Men who have lost wives and
+children, women whose sons and husbands are dead, boys and girls whose
+homes have been destroyed, are working to relieve the distress." A
+Montreal clergyman reported that "Halifax people have been meeting with
+dry eyes and calm faces the tragedies, the horrors, the sufferings and
+the exposures which followed the explosion." Grief is after all "a
+passive emotion," a "reaction of helplessness." It is "a state of mind
+appropriate to a condition of affairs where nothing is to be done"--[72]
+and there was much to be done at Halifax.
+
+ [72] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 58.
+
+There are also to be added the phenomena of emotional parturition. As
+was to be expected the shock meant the immediate provision of a
+maternity hospital. Babies were born in cellars and among ruins.
+Premature births were common, one indeed taking place in the midst of
+the huddled thousands of refugees waiting in anguish upon the Common for
+permission to return to their abandoned homes. Nor were all the ills for
+which the shock was responsible immediately discernible. There were many
+post-catastrophic phenomena. Three months after the explosion many found
+themselves suffering an inexplicable breakdown, which the doctors
+attributed unquestionably to the catastrophe. It was a condition closely
+allied to "war-neurasthenia." Another disaster after-effect also may be
+here recorded. This was the not unnatural way in which people "lived on
+edge," for a long period after the disaster. There was a readiness and
+suggestibility to respond to rumor or to the least excitant. Twice at
+least the schools were emptied precipitately, and citizens went forth
+into pell-mell flight from their homes upon the circulation of reports
+of possible danger. No better illustration is afforded of the
+sociological fact that "the more expectant, or overwrought the public
+mind, the easier it is to set up a great perturbation. After a series of
+public calamities .... minds are blown about by every gust of passion or
+sentiment."[73]
+
+ [73] Ross, Edward A., _Social Psychology_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. iv,
+ p. 66.
+
+There are also to be included a few miscellaneous observations of
+behavior associated with the psychology of disaster relief. (1) The
+preference upon the part of the refugee for plural leadership and
+decision. (2) The aggravation of helplessness through the open
+distribution of relief. (3) The resentment which succeeds the intrusion
+of strangers in relief leadership. (4) The reaction of lassitude and
+depression after a period of strain. (5) The desire for privacy during
+interviews. (6) The vital importance of prompt decision in preventing an
+epidemic of complaint.[74]
+
+ [74] A list compiled by the author from suggestions in Deacon's
+ discussion of disasters. All were to be observed at Halifax.
+
+Analytic psychology is becoming increasingly interested in the phenomena
+of repression, inhibition and taboo. The real motives of action are
+often very different from the apparent motives which overlie them.
+Instinctive tendencies are buried beneath barriers of civilization, but
+they are buried alive. They are covered not crushed. These resistances
+are either within our minds or in society. The latter are summed up in
+conventionality, custom and law, all so relatively recent[75] in time as
+to supply a very thin veneer over the primitive tendencies which have
+held sway for ages. Few realize the place which conventionality, custom
+and law possess in a community until in some extraordinary catastrophe
+their power is broken, or what is the same thing the ability to enforce
+them is paralyzed. This fact is especially true of repressive
+enactments, and most laws fall within this category. Catastrophe
+shatters the unsubstantial veneer. When the police of Boston went on
+strike it was not only the signal for the crooks of all towns to repair
+to the unguarded center, but an unexpected reserve of crookedness came
+to light within the city itself. Lytton discovered at Pompeii signs of
+plunder and sacrilege which had taken place "when the pillars of the
+world tottered to and fro." At the time of the St. John Fire "loafers
+and thieves held high carnival. All night long they roamed the streets
+and thieved upon the misfortunes of others."[76]
+
+ [75] It has been said that were the period of man's residence on earth
+ considered as having covered an hundred thousand years, that of
+ civilization would be represented by the last ten minutes.
+
+ [76] Stewart, George, _The Story of the Great Fire in St. John_
+ (Toronto, 1877), p. 35.
+
+With the possibility of apprehension reduced to a minimum in the
+confusion at Halifax, with the deterrent forces of respectability and
+law practically unknown, men appeared for what they were as the
+following statement only too well discloses:
+
+ Few folk thought that Halifax harbored any would-be ghouls or
+ vultures. The disaster showed how many. Men clambered over the
+ bodies of the dead to get beer in the shattered breweries. Men
+ taking advantage of the flight from the city because of the
+ possibility of another explosion went into houses and shops, and
+ took whatever their thieving fingers could lay hold of. Then there
+ were the nightly prowlers among the ruins, who rifled the pockets of
+ the dead and dying, and snatched rings from icy fingers. A woman
+ lying unconscious on the street had her fur coat snatched from her
+ back.... One of the workers, hearing some one groaning rescued a
+ shop-keeper from underneath the debris. Unearthing at the same time
+ a cash box containing one hundred and fifty dollars, he gave it to a
+ young man standing by to hold while he took the victim to a place of
+ refuge. When he returned the box was there, but the young man and
+ the money had disappeared.
+
+ Then there was the profiteering phase. Landlords raised their rents
+ upon people in no position to bear it. The Halifax Trades and Labor
+ Council adopted a resolution urging that the Mayor be authorized to
+ request all persons to report landlords who "have taken advantage of
+ conditions created by the explosion." ... Plumbers refused to hold
+ their union rules in abeyance and to work one minute beyond the
+ regular eight hours unless they received their extra rates for
+ overtime; and the bricklayers assumed a dog-in-the-manger attitude
+ and refused to allow the plasterers to help in the repair of the
+ chimneys. And this during days of dire stress ... when many men and
+ women were working twelve and fourteen hours a day without a cent or
+ thought of remuneration. One Halifax newspaper spoke of these men as
+ "squeezing the uttermost farthing out of the anguished necessities
+ of the homeless men, women and children." Truckmen charged
+ exorbitant prices for the transferring of goods and baggage.
+ Merchants boosted prices. A small shopkeeper asked a little starving
+ child thirty cents for a loaf of bread.
+
+ On Tuesday, December the twelfth, the Deputy Mayor issued a
+ proclamation warning persons so acting that they would be dealt with
+ under the provisions of the law.[77]
+
+ [77] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Slowly the arm of repression grew vigorous once more. The military
+placed troops on patrol. Sentries were posted preventing entrance to the
+ruins to those who were not supplied with a special pass. Orders were
+issued to shoot any looter trying to escape. The Mayor's proclamation,
+the warning of the relief committee, the storm of popular indignation
+gradually became effectual.
+
+The stimulus of the same catastrophe, it thus appears, may result in two
+different types of responses--that of greed on the one hand or
+altruistic emotion on the other. One individual is spurred to increased
+activity by the opportunity of business profit, another by the sense of
+social needs. Why this is so--indeed the whole field of
+profiteering--would be a subject of interesting enquiry. Whether it is
+due to the varying degrees of socialization represented in the different
+individuals or whether it is not also partly due to the fact that
+philanthropy functions best in a sphere out of line with a man's own
+particular occupation, the truth remains that some display an altogether
+unusual type of reaction in an emergency to the actions of others; and
+perhaps exhibit behavior quite different from that which appears normal
+in a realm of conduct where associations based on habit are so strongly
+ingrained.
+
+The human will as we have seen is in close association with the
+emotions. We are now to notice the dynamogenic value of the strong
+emotions aroused by catastrophe. It is first of all essential to
+remember the role of adrenin in counteracting the effects of fatigue.
+Wonderful phenomena of endurance in disaster might well be anticipated
+for "adrenin set free in pain and in fear and in rage would put the
+members of the body unqualifiedly at the disposal of the nervous
+system." This is "living on one's will" or on "one's nerve." There are
+"reservoirs" of power ready to pour forth streams of energy if the
+occasion presents itself. Strong emotions may become an "arsenal of
+augmented strength." This fact William James was quick to see when he
+said "on any given day there are energies slumbering within us which the
+incitements of that day do not call forth."[78] But it was left to
+Cannon to unfold the physiological reasons,[79] and for Woodworth to
+explain how the presence of obstruction has power to call forth new
+energies.[80] Indeed the will[81] is just the inner driving force of the
+individual and an effort of will is only "the development of fresh motor
+power."[82] Following the lines of least resistance the will experiences
+no unusual exercise. Catastrophe opposes the tendency to eliminate from
+life everything that requires a calling forth of unusual energies.
+
+ [78] James, William, _The Energies of Men_ (N. Y., 1920), p. 11.
+
+ [79] Cannon, Walter B., _Bodily changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and
+ Rage_, ch. xi, p. 184, _et seq._
+
+ [80] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 147.
+
+ [81] Will is indeed the supreme faculty, the whole mind in action, the
+ internal stimulus which may call forth all the capacities and powers.
+ (Conklin, Edwin G., _Heredity and Environment in the Development of
+ Man_ [Princeton], ch. vi, p. 47.)
+
+ [82] Woodworth, _op. cit._, p. 149.
+
+The energizing influence of an emotional excitant was shown at Halifax
+in the remarkable way in which sick soldiers abandoned their beds and
+turned them over to the victims rushed to the military hospitals. It was
+seen again in the sudden accession of strength displayed by the invalids
+and the infirm during the hurried evacuation of the houses--a behavior
+like that of the inhabitants of Antwerp during the bombardment of that
+city in October 1914, when those who fled to Holland showed
+extraordinary resistance to fatigue.[83] The resistance to fatigue and
+suffering received more abundant illustration at Halifax in the work of
+rescue and relief. Often men themselves were surprised at their own
+power for prolonged effort and prodigious strain under the excitement of
+catastrophe. It was only on Monday (the fifth day) that collapses from
+work began to appear. Among the more generally known instances of
+unusual endurance was that of a private, who with one of his eyes
+knocked out, continued working the entire day of the disaster. Another
+was that of a chauffeur who with a broken rib conveyed the wounded trip
+after trip to the hospital, only relinquishing the work when he
+collapsed. An unknown man was discovered at work in the midst of the
+ruins although his own face was half blown off. Those who escaped with
+lesser injuries worked day and night while the crisis lasted. Many did
+not go home for days, so manifold and heavy were the tasks. There was no
+pause for comment. Conversation was a matter of nods and silent signs,
+the direction of an index finger. Weeks later the workers were surprised
+to find themselves aged and thin. The excitement, the stimulus of an
+overwhelming need had banished all symptoms of fatigue. During the
+congestion which followed the arrival of the relief trains there were
+men who spent seventy-two hours with scarcely any rest or sleep. One of
+the telephone terminal room staff stuck to his post for ninety-two
+hours, probably the record case of the disaster for endurance under
+pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+the work of the search parties who, facing bitterest cold and in the
+midst of blinding storms, continued their work of rescue; and the
+instance of the business girls who in the same weather worked for many
+hours with bottles of hot water hung about their waists. An effect which
+could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+on the part of many of the victims themselves. Men, women and little
+children endured the crudest operations without experiencing the common
+effects of pain. They seemed to have been anaesthetized by the general
+shock. Sidewalk operations, the use of common thread for sutures, the
+cold-blooded extracting of eyes were carried on often without a tremor.
+This resistance to suffering was due not only to the increase of energy
+already described but also to the fact that the prostrating effect of
+pain is largely relative to the diversion of attention,--as "headaches
+disappear promptly upon the alarm of fire" and "toothaches vanish at the
+moment of a burglar's scare." Much pain is due to the super-sensitivity
+of an area through hyperaemia, or increased blood supply, following
+concentrated attention. Thus it is actually possible by volition to
+control the spread of pain, and the therapeutic virtues of an electric
+shock or a slap in the face are equally demonstrable. This reasoning is
+also applicable to the absence of sympathetic reactions among many
+disaster workers. They were found often to be "curiously detached and
+not greatly moved by the distressing scenes in morgue, in hospital, in
+the ruins and at the inquiry stations."[84]
+
+ [83] Sano, F., "Documenti della guerra: Osservazioni psicologiche
+ notate durante il bombardamento di Anversa," _Rivista di psichologia_,
+ anno xi, pp. 119-128.
+
+ [84] Smith, Stanley K., _The Halifax Horror_ (Halifax, 1918), ch. iv,
+ p. 44.
+
+Catastrophe and the sudden termination of the normal which ensues become
+the stimuli of heroism and bring into play the great social virtues of
+generosity and of kindliness--which, in one of its forms, is mutual aid.
+The new conditions, perhaps it would be more correct to say, afford the
+occasion for their release. It is said that battle does to the
+individual what the developing solution does to the photographic
+plate,--brings out what is in the man. This may also be said of
+catastrophe. Every community has its socialized individuals, the
+dependable, the helpful, the considerate, as well as the "non-socialized
+survivors of savagery," who are distributed about the zero point of the
+social scale. Calamity is the occasion for the discovery of the
+"presence of extraordinary individuals in a group." The relation of them
+to a crisis is one of the most important points in the problem of
+progress.
+
+At Halifax there were encountered many such individuals as well as
+families who refused assistance that others might be relieved.
+Individual acts of finest model were written ineffaceably upon the
+social memory of the inhabitants. There was the case of a child who
+released with her teeth the clothes which held her mother beneath a pile
+of debris. A wounded girl saved a large family of children, getting them
+all out of a broken and burning home. A telegraph operator at the cost
+of his life stuck to his key, sent a warning message over the line and
+stopped an incoming train in the nick of time.
+
+Group heroism was no less remarkable. For the flooding of the powder
+magazine in the naval yard an entire battery volunteered. This was why
+the second explosion did not actually occur. Freight handlers too, as
+well as soldiers, revealed themselves possessors of the great spirit. A
+conspicuous case was that of the longshoremen working on board of a ship
+laden with explosives. Fully realizing the impending danger, because of
+the nearness of the burning munitioner, they used what precious minutes
+of life remained them to protect their own ship's explosives from
+ignition. A fire did afterwards start upon the ship but a brave captain
+loosed her from the pier, and himself extinguished the blaze which might
+soon have repeated in part the devastations already wrought.
+
+No disaster psychology should omit a discussion of the psychology of
+helpfulness--that self-help to which the best relief workers always
+appeal, as well as of the mutual aid upon which emergency relief must
+largely depend. Mutual aid while not a primary social fact is inherent
+in the association of members of society, as it also "obtains among
+cells and organs of the vital organism." As it insured survival in the
+earlier stages of evolution[85] so it reveals itself when survival is
+again threatened by catastrophe.
+
+ [85] Kropotkin, Prince, _Mutual Aid_ (N. Y., 1919), ch. i, p. 14.
+
+The illustrations of mutual aid at Halifax would fill a volume. Not only
+was it evidenced in the instances of families and friends but also in
+the realm of business. Cafes served lunches without charge. Drug stores
+gave out freely of their supplies. Firms released their clerks to swell
+the army of relief. A noteworthy case of community service was that of
+the Grocers' Guild announcing that its members would
+
+ fill no orders for outside points during the crisis, that they would
+ cooperate with the relief committee in delivering foodstuffs free of
+ charge to any point in the city, and that their stocks were at the
+ disposal of the committee at the actual cost to them.[86]
+
+By incidents such as these, Halifax gained the appellation of the City
+of Comrades.
+
+ [86] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+Catastrophe becomes also the excitant for an unparalleled opening of the
+springs of generosity.[87] Communication has transformed mutual aid into
+a term of worldwide significance. As at San Francisco, when from all
+directions spontaneous gifts were hurried to the stricken city, when in
+a period of three months seventeen hundred carloads and five
+steamerloads of relief goods arrived, in addition to millions of cash
+contributions, so was it at Halifax. So it has always been, as is proven
+by Chicago, Dayton, Chelsea as well as by numbers of other instances.
+The public heart responds with instantaneous and passionate sympathy.
+Halifax specials were on every railroad. Ships brought relief by sea.
+Cities vied with each other in their responses. Every hour brought
+telegraphed assistance from governments and organizations. In about
+fifteen weeks approximately eight millions had been received, aside from
+the Federal grant. But it was not the totality of the gifts, but the
+number of the givers which gives point to our study. So many rushed with
+their donations to the Calvin Austin before she sailed from Boston on
+her errand of relief that "the police reserves were called out to
+preserve order." A great mass of the contributions involved much
+personal sacrifice upon the part of the contributors, as accompanying
+letters testified. It could be written of Halifax as it was of San
+Francisco that:
+
+ all the fountains of good fellowship, of generosity, of sympathy, of
+ good cheer, pluck and determination have been opened wide by the
+ common downfall. The spirit of all is a marvelous revelation of the
+ good and fine in humanity, intermittent or dormant under ordinary
+ conditions, but dominant and all pervading in the shadow of
+ disaster.[88]
+
+Abridged and sketchy as the foregoing necessarily is, it is perhaps full
+enough to have at least outlined the social phenomena of the major sort
+which a great disaster presents. These are found to be either abnormal
+and handicapping, such as, emotional parturition; or stimulative and
+promotive, such as the dynamogenic reactions. In propositional form it
+may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+psychology, which may either retard or promote social organization.
+
+ [87] There is no better evidence of the response of the public heart
+ to a great tragedy than the fact that at Halifax upwards of a thousand
+ offers were received for the adoption of the orphaned children.
+
+ [88] Bicknell, Ernest P., "In the Thick of the Relief Work at San
+ Francisco," _Charities and the Commons_, vol. xvi (June, 1906),
+ p. 299.
+
+In addition this chapter has discussed the role of catastrophe in
+stimulating community service, in presenting models of altruistic
+conduct, in translating energy into action, in defending law and order,
+and in bringing into play the great social virtues of generosity,
+sympathy and mutual aid.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+The organization of relief--The disaster protocracy--The transition from
+chaos through leadership--Vital place of communication--Utility of
+association--Imitation--Social pressure--Consciousness of
+kind--Discussion--Circumstantial pressure--Climate--Geographic
+determinants--Classification of factors.
+
+
+We have seen something of the disintegration which followed what has
+been called the "stun of the explosion." It included the abrupt flight
+from, and the emptying of, all the houses and centers of employment, the
+division of families in the haste of the running and the rescue, and the
+utter helplessness of thousands in the three basic necessities of
+life--food, raiment and a roof. There was the dislocation of
+transportation, the disorganization of business, and the problem of
+unemployment aggravated because not only was the work gone, but also
+with it the will to work.
+
+Social organization comes next in order and because its process was
+associated with the organization of relief--the first social
+activity--the sociological factors observed in the latter call for
+descriptive treatment. When the human organism receives an accident to
+one of its parts, automatic relief processes from within spring at once
+into being, and it is so with the body politic. This "_vis medicatrix
+naturae_" assumes sovereign power over all the resources of the
+community. That part of the social sensorium which is most closely
+organized in normal hours, first recovers consciousness in disaster. In
+the case of Halifax it was the army. So was it in San Francisco, and in
+Chelsea. The army has the intensive concentration, the discipline, the
+organization and often the resource of supplies instantly available. Its
+training is of the kind for the endurance of shock.[89] It so happened
+that at Halifax large numbers of men in uniform were stationed where
+they could quickly respond to call. They were very soon under orders.
+The military authorities realized before midday, the part which the army
+should play. The firemen too were a social group which largely remained
+organized, and responded to the general alarm soon after the explosion.
+Their chief and deputy-chief had been instantly killed so they were
+leaderless, until one of the city controllers assumed command, and in
+spite of the wild exodus when the alarm of a second explosion spread,
+these men remained at their posts.
+
+ [89] What has been said of soldiers is of course equally true of
+ sailors.
+
+Play actors also display similar traits of collective behavior. They are
+accustomed to think quickly, to live in restricted spaces, and to meet
+emergencies. Than the stage there is no better school. Each actor does
+his or her part and it alone. The Academy Stock Company, forsaking the
+school of Thespis for that of Esculapius, organized the first relief
+station established at Halifax. This was in operation about noon on the
+day of the disaster.
+
+Thus it came about that the soldiers, firemen and play actors may be
+called the disaster protocracy.[90] They were "the alert and effective,"
+the most promptly reacting units in emergency. And it would appear that
+the part of society which is most closely organized and disciplined in
+normal periods first recovers social consciousness in disaster.
+
+ [90] Giddings, Franklin H., "Pluralistic Behaviour," _American Journal
+ of Sociology_, vol. xxv, no. 4 (Jan., 1920), p. 539.
+
+It is the events of the first few hours which are of special interest to
+the sociologist. The word most descriptive of the first observable
+phenomenon was leadership. The soldiers were foremost in the work of
+rescue, of warning, of protection, of transportation and of food
+distribution. But the earliest leadership that could be called social,
+arising from the public itself, was that on the part of those who had no
+family ties, much of the earliest work being done by visitors in the
+city. The others as a rule ran first to their homes to discover if their
+own families were in danger. From this body in a short while however
+many came forward to join in the activities of relief.
+
+As already said those with no social, family or property ties were among
+the first to begin relief work. But many of these started early simply
+because they were present where need arose. Many indeed of the uninjured
+folk at a distance seemed unable to realize the terribleness of the
+immediate need in the stricken area. In fact, owing to the collapse of
+communication they did not for an appreciable time discover that there
+was an area more stricken than their own, and devoted themselves to
+cleaning up glass and the like. But within a quarter of an hour a
+hospital ship had sent ashore two landing parties with surgeons and
+emergency kits. With almost equal dispatch the passengers of an incoming
+train--the railroad terminal at the time being in the north end of the
+city--were on hand, and were among the earliest first-aid workers. One,
+a Montreal man, was known individually to have rendered first aid to at
+least a half hundred of the wounded.
+
+It was early afternoon, perhaps five hours after the catastrophe, when a
+semblance of cooperative action in rescue work began. Previous to this
+the work had been done in a rapid and random fashion, a single ruin
+being dug through a second or even a third time. Then came the
+recognition of the utility of association.[91] Thereafter the searchers
+became parties each of which was detailed to go over a definite area.
+When a particular section had been covered it was so recorded. This
+process considerably expedited the work in hand. Meanwhile relief was
+organized in other important directions.
+
+ [91] Tenney, Alvan A., Unpublished lectures on Social Organization.
+
+The vital place of communication in society was recognized at once. It
+is a major influence in association, and upon it in disaster depends the
+immediacy as well as the adequacy of relief. Connections had been cut by
+the explosion and the outside world could only wait and wonder. How
+little real information filtered through is shown by the fact that at
+Truro, only sixty-two miles distant, the announcement was made three
+hours after the explosion that the death roll would not bear more than
+fifty names. Nevertheless within an hour after the explosion a telegraph
+company had a single line established, and with news of the disaster,
+communities everywhere took up the role of the Samaritan.
+
+While the great hegira was in progress another leader, a railroad
+official, drove rapidly out the Bedford Road and commandeered the first
+unbroken wire to Moncton. Thereafter all that the government railroad
+equipment could do was at the community's service. Meanwhile the
+dislocated railroad yards were being combed for a live engine and
+coaches in commission. A hospital train was put together and in less
+than four hours after the explosion a large number of injured people
+were being transported to Truro.
+
+Even before the rushing of the wounded to the hospitals a few began to
+realize the great human needs which would soon be manifest among the
+concourse of thousands who waited in helpless suspense upon the Common
+and the hill. Here they were _en masse_, a typical social aggregation,
+responding to the primitive, gregarious instinct of the herd. "Like
+sheep they had flocked together too bewildered for consecutive
+thought."[92] Yet here ministrations of one sort or another came into
+spontaneous operation. Soon the military began raising white tents upon
+the field. One after another they rose, presenting the appearance of an
+huge encampment. The idea spread by imitation,[93] the repetition of a
+model,--"the imitative response of many minds to the suggestive
+invention of one." One or two here and one or two there began to prepare
+the big church halls and other roomy institutional buildings for
+occupancy. Hastily the windows were patched up, the glass swept out, and
+no sooner had the danger of a second explosion passed, and the rumor of
+a possible roof reached the homeless, than they began to repair thither.
+At first each improvised shelter became a miniature clothing and food
+depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+refugees into such private homes as had fared less badly. Imitation is
+the foundation of custom. It became the thing to do. The thing to do is
+social pressure. It may be unwilled and unintended but it is inexorable.
+It worked effectively upon all who had an unused room. Many sheltered
+upwards of a dozen for weeks; some, more.
+
+ [92] Bell, McKelvie, _A Romance of the Halifax Disaster_ (Halifax,
+ 1918).
+
+ [93] Tarde, Gabriel, _Les lois de l'imitation_ (N. Y., 1903),
+ translation by E. C. Parsons, ch. i, p. 14.
+
+In the homes and shelters association of the like-minded soon came about
+through consciousness of kind. At first it was a very general
+consciousness which seemed to draw all together into a fellowship of
+suffering as victims of a common calamity. There was neither male nor
+female, just nor unjust, bond nor free. Men, women and little children
+lay side by side in the large sleeping rooms and "shared each other's
+woes," for "the consciousness of kind allays fear and engenders
+comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+dormitories, and for changes of seats at the dining tables. As various
+shelters sprang up, the religious element appeared. Applications came
+for transfers from Roman Catholic institutions to Protestant stations
+and _vice versa_. Even the politically congenial were only too ready to
+segregate when occasion offered.
+
+ [94] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 396.
+
+Discussion and agreement must precede all wise concerted volition. There
+must be "common discussion of common action."[95] Propositions must be
+"put forth" and talked over. There must be a "meeting of minds" and a
+"show of hands," and decisions made. There had been no preparedness. The
+city possessed not even a paper organization for such a contingency as a
+sudden disaster; so that during the most precious hours citizens and
+civic officials had to consult and map out a program as best the
+circumstances allowed. It was late afternoon on the day of the disaster
+when a tentative plan had been formulated in the City Hall. The newly
+formed committees could do but little until the following dawn.
+
+ [95] Bagehot, Walter, _Physics and Politics_ (N. Y., 1884), p. 159,
+ _et seq._
+
+Men at best are largely creatures of circumstance. Innumerable causes,
+small and great, conspire to incite social action. But in catastrophe
+the control of circumstantial pressure[96] becomes almost sovereign in
+extent. The conditions it brings about, while often delaying measures of
+individual relief, account very largely for the rapidity of
+organization. While they limit they also provoke effort. The common
+danger constrains great numbers to "overlook many differences, to
+minimize many of their antagonisms and to combine their efforts." At
+Halifax the pressure of indescribable suffering precipitated the medical
+and hospital arrangements which were the earliest forms of communal
+service. But it was the meteorological conditions which commanded the
+most prompt attention to the consideration of shelter and clothing. The
+months appeared to have lost station and February to have come out of
+season. The following table gives the weather record for the seven days
+which followed the catastrophe.[97] It is the record of a succession of
+snow, wind, cold and blizzard.
+
+Thursday, Dec. 6th.
+
+9 a. m. Fair. Frozen ground. Light N. W. wind. No precipitation.
+Temperature: max. 39.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Friday, Dec. 7th.
+
+9 a. m. N. E. wind, velocity 19. Snow falling. At noon N. W. gale.
+Afternoon, blizzard conditions. 9 p. m. N. W. wind, velocity 34.
+Precipitation 16.0 in. snow. Temperature: max. 32.2, min. 24.8.
+
+Saturday, Dec. 8th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity 20. Intermittent sunshine. 9 p. m. N. W.
+wind, velocity 11. Precipitation 1.2 snow (in a. m.). Temperature: max.
+29.8, min. 15.
+
+Sunday, Dec. 9th.
+
+9 a. m. S. E. gale, velocity 39. Streets icy and almost impassable.
+9 p. m. S. W. wind, velocity 27. Precipitation .99 rainfall (1.40 a. m.
+till noon). Temperature: max. 50.41, min. 14.6.
+
+Monday, Dec. 10th.
+
+9 a. m. S. W. wind, velocity 11. Afternoon, blizzard (worst in years).
+Knee-deep drifts. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 20. Precipitation 5.6
+snowfall (2 p. m. till 5.40 p. m.). Temperature: max. 34.2, min. 16.8.
+
+Tuesday, Dec. 11th.
+
+9 a. m. Clear. W. wind, velocity 18. 9 p. m. W. wind, velocity 11. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+Wednesday, Dec. 12th.
+
+9 a. m. N. W. wind, velocity, 15. 9 p. m. N. E. wind, velocity 3. No
+precipitation. Temperature: max. 17, min. 2.
+
+ [96] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 390.
+
+ [97] From information kindly supplied by D. L. Hutchinson, director of
+ the St. John (N. B.) observatory, and F. B. Ronnan, Halifax Station.
+
+In consequence of otherwise unendurable conditions, the most rapid
+repairs were made to all habitable houses or those possible of being
+made so. The same was true of public buildings, hospitals, factories and
+warehouses. Moreover the same explanation accounts for the exodus of
+many who sought for shelter to the countryside nearby; and the many more
+who accepted the invitation of, and entrained for various Nova Scotian
+towns which became veritable "cities of refuge" to hundreds. The
+climate[98] decided the question of reconstruction in favor of temporary
+structures; for it was a time of year when prompt rebuilding was out of
+the question. Climatic conditions also seriously delayed the arrival of
+relief supplies, allowed but scanty provision for many, kept some from
+the depots of relief, or from surgical aid; and others standing in line
+in the bitter cold. It also added seriously to the sanitation and
+shelter problem. But it speeded and spurred the workers to prevent the
+maximum of exposure and neglect. It called imperatively for the most
+effective system, and many of the workable methods were hit upon under
+the stress of storm. An illustration of this may be found in the
+adoption of many food depots instead of one central station. Regional
+influence thus "fixes the possibilities of organization and collective
+effectiveness."[99] The sociologist must study maps of lands and plans
+of cities. The location of the food stations at Halifax was a matter of
+topography as were the later administration districts. The city is
+widely spread out. It has fifty more miles of street than a city of
+similar population in a neighboring province. Six depots were
+established for the public distribution of supplies,[100] situated so as
+to touch the entire needy population most effectively, and to equalize
+the groups to some degree. So too, in the matter of dressing stations,
+accessibility was a deciding factor. But even this system had to be
+supplemented. Bread vans were driven hither and thither and when halted
+in the center of a street were usually immediately surrounded. Thus
+social reorganization in catastrophe witnesses to an urgency resident no
+less in space than in time and reemphasizes the importance placed upon
+the physical factors in sociology.
+
+ [98] Semple, Ellen, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y.,
+ 1911), p. 607, _et seq._
+
+ [99] Giddings, _op. cit._, p. 389.
+
+ [100] For a period of two weeks meals for 15,000 people were
+ distributed every day.
+
+Thus may be said to have come about the transition from chaos to a
+semblance of community organization. Not the normal civil social order
+of pre-disaster days, but the establishment of a species of collective
+behavior, and the organization of relationships apparently of a quite
+different character. The difference was one which might be compared to
+that between a great relief camp and a city. But the difference was only
+superficial. Fundamentally there were to be seen the factors underlying
+all social organization. These have been already illustrated, and are
+classified as psychological, such as leadership, gregarious instinct,
+imitation, consciousness of kind, discussion, recognition of utility of
+association and custom; and as physical, including climate and
+topography.[101] The conclusion was drawn that the part of society which
+is most closely organized and disciplined in normality, first recovers
+consciousness in catastrophe, and the value of a militia organization in
+every community is a practical corollary. This follows not only because
+of the imperturbability and the promptitude of reaction, of an army in
+crisis, but also because of the rapidity with which it can be mobilized,
+its value in preserving law and order, its authoritative control and
+power to punish, and because of the attending psychological effects of
+orderly bearing and coolness in a time of general chaos, bespeaking a
+care that is at once paternal and sympathetic.
+
+ [101] Other sociological factors might also be illustrated, namely,
+ (a) the biological, including, besides the density of population, the
+ heredity and the physical and mental health of the inhabitants. (b)
+ the equipmental factor, including available economic resources,
+ general enlightenment, social surplus and institutional facilities for
+ re-education, _etc._ (_Vide_ ch. vii.)
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+
+The reorganization of the civil social order--Division of
+labor--Resumption of normal activities--State and voluntary
+associations--Order of reestablishment--Effects of environmental
+change--The play of imitation--The stimulus of lookers-on--Social
+conservation.
+
+
+It is not necessary to repeat the fact, which the reader has already
+seen, that the process of complete social organization was largely
+expedited by the organization of relief, and materially reacted upon by
+it. The community's "big men," the men of prominence, the men of broad
+experience in civic and philanthropic work, the men who knew the
+resources of the city and had the prestige to command them, were deeply
+immersed in the relief work while the businesses and the departments of
+the shattered body politic waited or went forward in a more or less
+indifferent way.
+
+But this could be both economically and socially of a temporary nature
+only. "Business and industry must be set agoing. Church and school must
+resume the ordinary routine. One by one the broken threads of the former
+everyday life, the life of custom and habit must be reconnected." The
+division of social labor[102] is a law of society. It is traceable back
+to the primitive household itself, and is a result of underlying
+differences. The great "cause which determines the manner by which work
+is divided is diversity of capacity." With the advent of the social
+specialists at Halifax a major division of function began. The
+responsibility for the relief work having been delegated to a special
+social group, public thought and public men were free to turn their
+energies to the restoration of a normal society.
+
+ [102] Durkheim, Emile, _De la division du travail social_ (Paris,
+ 1893).
+
+But it was the reorganization rather than the organization of relations
+which the sociologist observes to have first taken place. The stage was
+all laid. It was necessary only for the actors in the drama to resume
+their places. The old "parts" awaited them, although many of the
+"properties" were no more. Or to use the more sociological jargon one
+might say, there was still the homogeneity of stock, still a dominating
+like-mindedness, still a protocracy, still a group of mores to serve as
+media of social self-control. Indeed most of the former complexities of
+social structure remained. But this was only potentially true. The
+social relations based upon the underlying factors had to be resumed.
+Moreover the resumption was accompanied by various changes the
+significance of which will appear in later discussion. The order of the
+resumption of normal activities is of unusual social interest as are
+also the influences which were in play and the changes which ensued. It
+may be objected that such a tabulation is unfair to the various socially
+component groups and that the special exigencies of each preclude
+comparison. But at least one index of the bent of the social mind is the
+separation of those activities which must needs be first rehabilitated,
+from those which can wait. Organizing genius was not entirely occupied
+with relief in the ordinary sense of the term.
+
+Economic vigor is one of the most vital things in a community's life. It
+is in a sense fundamental not only to happiness and general well-being
+but accompanies and conditions the cultural institutions, religious,
+educational and aesthetic. It is not surprising then that commercial
+activity was in actual fact the earliest aspect of life to resume a
+semblance of normality. Naturally public utilities were first on the
+list, for these include systems of communication without which society
+can hardly be. Reference has already been made to the speed with which a
+makeshift service was established, but our purpose here is to record the
+resumption of normal activity.
+
+Wire communication is led out from the city by pole lines. Many of these
+had been demolished, or broken at the crossbeam. Clerks had been injured
+and instruments damaged. In spite of these odds one was reconnected
+within an hour, and by the evening of the day of the disaster six direct
+multiplex wires to Montreal, three to St. John and one each to Boston
+and New York, had been established. Upwards of a thousand messages an
+hour went forth the first week. The work became normal about December
+twentieth.
+
+The telephone system suffered the loss of the entire northern exchange
+and of the harbor cable--broken through ships dragging anchor--a total
+material damage of one hundred thousand dollars. Its personnel was also
+depleted. Nevertheless telephone business may be said to have been
+generally resumed on the seventh, the day after the disaster, and the
+load of local traffic soon attained over one hundred and twenty percent
+above its average figure. Telephone service was absolutely suspended for
+only about two hours,--the period of prohibition from buildings,--and
+the cable telephone for about three days. Messages of a social character
+were tabooed for several weeks, when the work again became normal.
+
+The illumination service was quickly restored. The company was able to
+give partial light and some service from noon on the sixth. Periods of
+intermittent darkness however, were not unusual. Gas service was off
+until December the ninth--the top of the gasometer having been broken
+and two hundred thousand cubic feet deflected from the mains into the
+air--when repairs were completed and on the tenth the service resumed.
+On the fourteenth gas and electric light service became normal.
+
+Railroad communication had been dislocated. The explosion occurred in
+the vicinity of the principal sidings and vital portions of the system.
+Three miles of the main road were buried in debris, the station wrecked,
+equipment damaged, and crews scattered searching for their dead. In
+spite of this, as already noted, a hospital train was sent out in the
+early afternoon of the disaster day and incoming trains were switched to
+their new tracks leading to the south end terminal. On the evening of
+the day following the disaster--Friday--the first regular train for
+Montreal left the city. Two days later the main lines were clear and the
+first train left the old passenger station on Saturday evening. By
+Monday the full passenger service was resumed, to and from the station.
+Eight days after the catastrophe all branches of the service were
+working and conditions were fairly normal.
+
+The rolling stock of the street-car system sustained much damage. Some
+of the employees were injured and others were unavailable. A scant
+service was restored at noon on December the sixth. By six o'clock of
+the seventh, tram lines in the north section were able to resume an
+eight-car service. Then the blizzard came and tied up all lines. It was
+not until Sunday, December ninth, that it was possible to resume any
+semblance of car service. On the twenty-second of December, twenty-two
+cars were operating--twenty-seven is the normal number,--but the
+shortage of men made it difficult to operate the full number. The
+service was not entirely normal for some months owing to the severe
+storms all winter which tied up the lines and caused delays, and to the
+shortage of men to handle the cars.
+
+The newspaper offices by the employment of hand compositors were able to
+produce papers on December seventh but in limited editions and of
+reduced size. This was owing to the dependency of the linotypes upon the
+gas service which had failed. The normal-size production recommenced in
+a week's time.[103]
+
+ [103] In the great Baltimore fire of 1904 the _Baltimore Sun_, by
+ remarkable enterprise was gotten out at Washington, 45 miles distant,
+ and did not miss a single issue.
+
+The postal service was completely disorganized and was not restored to
+any extent until Monday the tenth of December. Owing to the innumerable
+changes of address, as well as many other reasons, it was weeks before
+there was a normal and reliable distribution of mails.
+
+The banks were open for business the morning following the catastrophe,
+just as soon as the doors and windows were put in. Traffic of relief
+trains coming in affected the ordinary trade for three months, more or
+less, but principally outside of the city. In the city all business in
+the banks went on as usual the day after the explosion.
+
+Two instances are selected at random to illustrate the resumption of
+general business activity. Out of much wreckage and a forty-thousand-dollar
+loss one company restarted paint and varnish making on January
+second. A large clothing establishment, had been badly damaged.
+The factory and all branches of the business were running in
+five weeks--January tenth. Machines were in operation with shortened
+staffs at an earlier date.
+
+The regular meetings of the City Council recommenced on December
+twentieth, and were held regularly from that time on. The Board of Trade
+rooms were not badly damaged and there was no cessation of work or
+meetings. The theatres were speedily repaired and resumed business on
+Friday, December the twenty-eighth. The Citizen's Library was a few
+weeks closed for the circulation of books, and used in relief service as
+a food depot, thus ministering to a hunger which is more imperious than
+that of mind in the hour of catastrophe.
+
+Of the churches several were entirely destroyed. In all cases the
+edifices were injured, organs disordered and windows shattered. Parishes
+were in some instances almost wiped out. In a single congregation four
+hundred and four perished. In another nearly two hundred were killed,
+the remainder losing their property. In a third, of the one hundred and
+eight houses represented in the congregation only fourteen were left
+standing. Hurried efforts were made to safeguard church property, but
+church services were not generally resumed until the second Sunday.[104]
+Even then the congregations were small and the worshipping-places were
+not in all cases churches. Theatres, halls and other buildings housed
+many a religious gathering. While the restoration of churches waited,
+clergy and church workers gave themselves unremittingly to the relief of
+the needy, the succor of the injured and the burial of the dead. Their
+intimate knowledge of family conditions was of inestimable value in the
+relief administration. Sunday schools were reassembled as accommodations
+permitted, but it was many months before the attendances approximated
+the normal.
+
+ [104] On the first Sunday, December ninth at eleven o'clock Archdeacon
+ Armitage conducted Divine service in St. Paul's Church, and the same
+ afternoon this edifice was used by the congregation of All Saints
+ Cathedral.
+
+The school system was badly disorganized. Three buildings were totally
+destroyed, and all were rendered uninhabitable for some time. The loss
+was approximately eight-hundred thousand dollars. The members of the
+staff were given over to relief committees, registration, nursing and
+clothing service. Early in March, about three months after the
+explosion, arrangements were completed whereby nearly all the children
+in the city could attend classes. The double-session system was
+introduced to accomplish this. Rooms were necessarily over-crowded and
+ventilation impaired. By May eighth, fifteen school buildings were in
+use.[105]
+
+ [105] Quinn, J. P., _Report of Board of School Commissioners for City
+ of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+Progress in reopening schools is indicated by the following schedule.
+
+ Dec. 10 ................ classes in one institution
+ Jan. 7 ................ " " three emergency shelters
+ Jan. 8 ................ " " a church hall
+ Jan. 14 ................ " " five school buildings
+ Jan. 17 ................ " " one institution
+ Jan. 21 ................ " " two school buildings
+ Jan. 22 ................ " " one school building
+ Jan. 24 ................ " " one school building
+ Feb. 1 ................ " " one institution
+ Feb. 25 ................ " " two school buildings
+ Mar. 16 ................ " " one school building
+ Apr. 8 ................ " " one school building
+ May 8 ................ " " one school building
+ May 20 ................ " " two portable schools
+
+The community as finally reorganized differed materially from that which
+had preceded. The picture of the conditions at a considerably later
+period will be fully presented elsewhere. Here will be noted only a few
+social effects immediately apparent and due to the temporary
+environmental conditions.
+
+Owing to the number of men required for reconstruction work the Tramway
+Company found it very difficult to get a full complement of men back
+into the service. As a result they took into consideration the
+advisability of employing women conductors, and finally adopted this
+plan.
+
+At the time of the explosion a heated election campaign was in progress.
+Then representative men of both political parties urged their followers
+to drop the election fight and the election was deferred and later
+rendered unnecessary by the withdrawal of one of the candidates.
+
+The darkening of the water-front, the shading of windows, and other
+war-protective measures against the submarine menace, were given little
+attention for many weeks, and the coming into operation of the Military
+Service Act was postponed.
+
+The establishment of relief stations, and later, of the temporary relief
+houses in the central and southern portion of the city brought about a
+very unusual commingling of classes, as well as a readjustment of
+membership in schools, parishes and various institutions.
+
+Club life, social life, lodge and society "evenings" were for a
+considerable period tabooed, because of a general sentiment against
+enjoyment under the existing conditions as well as to lack of
+accommodation and of time.
+
+The clamor for arrests, for the fixing of responsibility for the
+disaster, and for the meting out of punishment was for a long time in
+evidence, but never received complete satisfaction.
+
+The difficulties of restoration of school attendance repeated the
+experience of the Cherry disaster, and the Truant Officer had a very
+strenuous time owing to the fact that so many people had changed their
+addresses.
+
+A number of "special policemen" were recruited from citizens of all
+ranks, and this force materially assisted the members of the regular
+department. Owing to the large influx of workmen following the
+catastrophe, as well as for other reasons the work of the detectives was
+greatly increased.[106]
+
+ [106] Hanrahan, F., _Report of Chief of Police_, Halifax, 1918.
+
+The survivors of two neighboring congregations, although belonging to
+different denominations, united in erecting a temporary church
+building--their respective churches having been destroyed--and have
+since worshipped together--a demonstration of the practicability of
+church union under circumstantial pressure.
+
+The display apartments of a furniture concern were utilized as actual
+living rooms by refugees for a period, while at the same time business
+was in operation throughout the rest of the establishment.
+
+The necessary functioning of relief activities, seven days in the week,
+the keeping of stores open on Sundays and the general disorganization of
+the parishes was reflected for a long period in a changed attitude upon
+the part of many towards Sabbath observance.
+
+German residents of the city were immediately placed under arrest when
+the disaster occurred, but all were later given their freedom.
+
+The citizens of Halifax were almost entirely oblivious to the progress
+of the war and other matters of world interest, for many days after the
+disaster.
+
+The reversion to the use of candles, oil lamps and lanterns was an
+interesting temporary effect.
+
+The rapidity of the reorganization, as well as the subsequent expansion,
+noted later, was largely effected by the social law of imitation already
+noticed. Many of the conditions affecting the rate of imitation were
+present. There was a crisis, there was necessity, there was trade and
+business advantage, social pressure, public demand, shibboleths--"a new
+Halifax" for example--but above all there was a multitude of models. The
+extent and scale of the rebuilding program in one area, the
+civic-improvement plans which accompanied the work in that district, the
+record time in which relief houses were completed, the marvellous speed
+at which the demolition companies cleared away the debris acted as
+models and stimuli to all inhabitants. The process of speeding-up spread
+like a great contagion, until the most hardened pessimist began to
+marvel at the recuperation daily enacted before his eyes.
+
+Among the models thus presented may be mentioned that of the rapid
+establishment of the morgue. This, the largest ever organized in Canada,
+was fitted up by forty soldiers and mechanics in the brief period of a
+day and a half. Another instance was that of the American Hospital. "At
+nine a. m. Bellevue was an officer's mess. By ten p. m. the same day it
+was a first-class sixty-six bed hospital, stocked with food and medicine
+and, in charge of Major Giddings;" it expressed a veritable "triumph of
+organizing ability." In the record time of three months, Messrs.
+Cavicchi and Pagano, with a maximum strength of nine hundred and fifty
+men and two hundred and seventy horses working ten hours a day removed
+every vestige of the debris in the devastated area. Apartments were
+built at the rate of one an hour. Motor lorries multiplied so rapidly
+that visitors said there had been an outbreak of "truck fever" in the
+place.
+
+By the stimulus of models, such as these, fresh vitality and motive were
+imparted to the members of the community. Halifax became busy as never
+before. New homes, new stores, new piers, new banks, replaced the old as
+if by magic. Men worked desperately hard.
+
+An influence which must not be left unrecorded because of its continuity
+of functioning is that of the stimulus of lookers-on. More than two
+hundred cities in all parts of the world had contributed to the
+reconstruction, and citizens of Halifax knew they were not unobserved.
+Articles, lectures and sermons were telling forth to interested
+thousands how a city blown to pieces, swept by fire, buried under ice
+and snow, and deluged by rain, was a city courageous beyond words.
+During the month of December, five leading periodicals in Canada and
+twelve in the United States arranged for articles and photographs
+descriptive of the city's advantages commercial and residential.[107]
+Halifax became a world-known city. This added still further spur to
+action. Halifax simply had to make good. She was bonded to the world.
+
+ [107] Saunders, E. A., _Report of Halifax Board of Trade_, 1918.
+
+There are two considerations which may appropriately bring this chapter
+to a close. The first arises naturally from what has been said, namely,
+that in catastrophe it is only after division of function delegates to a
+special group the responsibility for relief work that public thought is
+directed to the resumption of normal society. The second is a practical
+deduction--that of social conservation. Every community should possess a
+permanent vigilance committee. There should be an emergency procedure on
+paper with duties outlined to which pledged men may be immediately
+drafted. Only in this way can social economy be preserved until the
+arrival of experienced disaster authorities from a distance.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+The contribution of social service--Its four-fold character--The
+principles of relief--Rehabilitation--Phases of application--Criticisms--A
+new principle--Social results--Summary for future guidance.
+
+
+We have already seen that there are certain determining factors in
+catastrophe and its social results. There is not only the level of the
+general capability and culture of the community, its power to meet
+crises and to readjust itself, the scarcity or plenitude of its
+resources, but also the presence or absence of "men skilled in dealing
+with crises."[108] In the past, disaster-stricken communities have had
+such men or have had them not. The disasters of the future--with the
+exception of those far remote from civilization--may depend on the
+presence of such leaders. They will come from near and far. The
+contribution of social service is the contribution of men skilled in
+dealing with crises. Relief thus becomes "an incident of progress and a
+social policy." We are now to notice this further determining factor in
+catastrophe as it applied itself to Halifax.
+
+ [108] Thomas, William I., _Source Book of Social Origins_ (Chicago,
+ 1909), Introduction, p. 18.
+
+During the first week at Halifax not only did each day bring its
+contribution of relief supplies in the way of food and clothing, but
+each day brought also men and women of skill and experience in social
+work to place freely their vision and ability at the service of the
+community.[109]
+
+ [109] J. H. Falk, an expert in charge of the social welfare work in
+ Winnipeg; Miss Rathburn of Toronto, Mrs. Burrington of the
+ Y. W. C. A., Toronto. Christopher Lanz, under whose guidance the
+ rehabilitation work after the Salem fire was brought to a successful
+ conclusion; Katherine McMahon, Head worker of the Social Service
+ Department of the Boston Dispensary, Lucy Wright, formerly
+ Superintendent for the Mass. Commission for the Blind; Elizabeth
+ Richards Day, Organizer and for many years Head Worker of the Social
+ Service Department of the Boston Dispensary; E. E. Allen,
+ Superintendent of the Perkins Institute for the Blind, C. C. Carstens,
+ Superintendent of the Mass. Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
+ Children; John F. Moors, president of the Associated Charities of
+ Boston, who was in charge of the Red Cross relief following the Salem
+ and Chelsea fires; William H. Pear, Agent of the Boston Provident
+ Association; J. Prentice Murphy, General Secretary of the Boston
+ Children's Aid Society; A. C. Ratshesky, Vice-chairman of the Public
+ Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts.
+
+The Halifax disaster was one of the first of great extent which has
+occurred since the principles of relief have been authoritatively
+written. No other community has experienced their application so fully
+or so promptly. One of the workers publicly stated that "Halifax was
+further ahead in relief work in two weeks than Lynn had been in a
+month." It was said that:
+
+ Never before in any extensive disaster were the essential principles
+ of disaster relief so quickly established as at Halifax. In less
+ than twelve hours from the time the American Unit from Boston
+ arrived, the necessary features of a good working plan were accepted
+ by the local committee.[110]
+
+This was, it is true, sixty hours after the disaster, but nevertheless
+the advent of the social specialists brought to Halifax that something
+which was wanting when the citizens, astounded at the magnitude of their
+task, wondered just how and where to begin. When Mr. Ratshesky[111] of
+the Public Safety Committee of the State of Massachusetts, came into the
+room in the City Hall where a dozen or so were gathered in counsel,
+already overwrought with fatigue, it was the coming of a friend in need.
+It was soon clear that the new-comers had had unusual experience in
+dealing with other disasters. At once everyone took new heart. Only nine
+hours later, the Citizens' Relief Committee was ready, and a working
+plan adopted; and from it grew up a wonderful system worthy of study by
+all students of emergency relief. Thus social service broke into the
+midst of the great calamity not as a mere adjunct to what was already
+well devised, but as a central and deciding element, justifying its
+faith by its work, and its presence by its wisdom in grappling with an
+inexorable need.
+
+ [110] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+ vol. xxxix, no. 13 (Dec. 28, 1917), p. 361.
+
+ [111] With Mr. Ratshesky were Mr. John F. Moors, and Major Giddings.
+
+Of course there had already been a commendable essay toward the solution
+of what had to be done. Applications for relief came pouring in two
+hours after the explosion, and industrious workers had already been
+dispensing to hundreds. On Friday morning volunteers were early at the
+City Hall, among them many of the public school teachers. A species of
+organization had already begun, but under congested and the least
+favorable conditions. A large number of investigators had gone forth,
+giving information and relief and bringing back reports of the missing,
+needy, helpless and injured. The Salvation Army had commenced a program
+of visits to follow up appeals. Clothing of all kinds was pouring into
+every station where the refugees were gathered together. The Canadian
+Red Cross was already active. But with the coming of the American
+Unit,[112] the transfer of the work to a new headquarters upon their
+advice, and the adoption of a complete plan of organization,[113] the
+systematic relief work may be said to have in reality begun.
+
+ [112] The Public Safety Committee of Massachusetts and the Boston Unit
+ of the American Red Cross.
+
+ [113] The scheme as finally decided upon consisted of a small managing
+ committee with sub-committees in control of food, clothing, shelter,
+ fuel, burial, medical relief, transportation, information, finance and
+ rebuilding.
+
+There was a four-fold contribution made by those experienced in relief
+and disaster organization. The initial service was the establishment of
+a policy of centralization of authority and administration into one
+official relief organization. This policy comprised first the
+coordination of the relief work into one central relief committee,
+second the placing of the relief funds from all sources into the hands
+of one finance committee, third the granting of relief by one central
+management, all records being cleared through one registration bureau,
+fourth the giving of emergency relief in food, clothing and other things
+immediately without waiting for the perfection of the relief
+organization, and fifth, the appointing of a small managing committee to
+carry out and interpret the general policy determined upon by the
+executive committee.
+
+If the first great service rendered was that of centralization, the
+second was that of effecting cooperation. The latter was only partially
+successful. There was at first an inevitable overlapping, especially in
+the matter of visiting, some families being visited and subjected to
+interview a dozen times. Failing to achieve complete coordination, the
+central committee endeavored to limit duplication so far as possible. An
+invitation extended to the Salvation Army about December eleventh, to
+place their visitors at the disposal of the general staff of visitors
+was declined and it was not until January first that this organization
+fully coordinated with the rehabilitation committee. It was about this
+time also that the Roman Catholic clergy agreed to cooperate in the
+registration plans. On December eighteenth the School Board gave
+official cooperation by assigning fifteen school teachers as volunteer
+visitors under the direction of the rehabilitation committee. Another
+obstacle to the complete systematization of the relief work was the most
+generous but independent distribution of clothing and supplies from the
+Eaton Center, and from the station established by a charitable Boston
+lady. The Protestant and Roman Catholic clergy, as well as the Salvation
+Army and other organizations received supplies in bulk and distributed
+to their constituents often with hasty or inadequate investigation.
+
+There was also at times lack of cooperation among the official
+committees themselves. Friction and crises arose from time to time,
+which were only stopped short of scandal. They were the consequence
+either of assumption of authority upon the part of the under-committees,
+of ineffectiveness of leadership, or of unfamiliarity with the
+principles of relief. There were also other problems, some of which it
+may be useful to note. One of these was the problem of the wisest use of
+local leaders who knew and could interpret the local point of view and
+method of doing things. Another that of the absorption of volunteers,
+many of whom could not be expected to understand the nature of
+scientific relief service.
+
+A third great contribution of social service was that of education in
+the principles of disaster relief. It was the problem of getting the
+idea of social conservation understood and established in a community
+which had not given the subject any thought, and which was quite
+unfamiliar with the ideals and purposes in view. This was the cause of
+much delaying of plans, overlapping in giving relief, and giving without
+substantial inquiry. It explained also the reason for the abundant
+criticism which arose. When criticism came there was, consequently, no
+well-informed body of public opinion to which to anchor the committee's
+work.
+
+Educational effort on this subject may be said to have begun with a
+masterful presentation of the nature of rehabitation at the meeting of
+the managing committee six days after the disaster. Here was set forth
+and illustrated the kind of service required and the desirability of
+such work was at once recognized and inaugurated. Thus the idea of
+rehabilitation filtered through to the various departments. Trained
+leaders imparted it to the untrained volunteers. Church, school and club
+caught something of its spirit and one of the permanent social results
+of the disaster remains in the partial socialization of institutions. It
+was this original absence of socialization, this lack of understanding
+of the true nature of disaster psychology and of the accepted methods of
+relief that at first made the community so utterly dependent upon the
+visiting social workers. It may be safely concluded as a fundamental
+principle that the self-dependence of a community in adversity is
+furthered by the socialization of existing institutions.
+
+The principles of disaster relief cover three stages, first, that of the
+emergency period; second, that of the period of transition; and third,
+that of rehabilitation. These principles in order of application may be
+thus briefly summarized:
+
+1. The coordination of all the relief agencies arising, into one central
+relief service.
+
+2. The directing of relief funds from all sources to one bonded finance
+committee.
+
+3. The establishment of a temporary committee only, at first,--the more
+permanent organization to await the counsel of specialists in disaster
+relief, an early call having been sent for experienced workers.
+
+4. The avoidance of, or the early abolition of mass treatment, _e. g._
+bread lines, food depots, _etc._, as detrimental to a psychology of
+helpfulness and as calculated to delay a return to self-support.
+
+5. The issuing of orders for supplies on local merchants to follow
+mass-provisioning.
+
+6. The establishment of a policy of renewable cash grants for short
+periods until temporary aid is discontinued.
+
+7. Continuance of relief upon a temporary basis until all claimants are
+registered and the aggregate of available aid ascertained, and the
+needs, resources and potentialities of self-help studied.
+
+8. An early effort to influence public opinion as to the wisdom of
+careful policies and critical supervision.
+
+9. The family to be considered the unit of treatment.[114]
+
+10. A substitution of local workers wherever wise, and the use of local
+leaders in responsible positions.
+
+11. The publication of a report, including a critical survey of policies
+and methods employed, and a discriminating record of the social results
+arising therefrom, the mistakes made and other information of value for
+future emergencies. This report in justice to contributors to include a
+financial statement.
+
+ [114] "During the emergency stage of relief the people are dealt with
+ in large groups with little attention to the special needs of
+ individuals ... in the rehabilitation stage the family or the
+ individual becomes the unit of consideration."--(Bicknell, E. P.,
+ "Disaster Relief and its Problems," _National Conference of Charities
+ and Corrections_, sess. xxxvi, 1909, p. 12.)
+
+The fourth great service rendered was that of the establishment of
+rehabilitation policies and methods. The work of organizing for
+rehabilitation, as noted above, did not begin until the sixth day after
+the disaster. On the eighteenth of December the first chairman was
+appointed. There followed a developmental period during which little
+progress was made, save in the familiarizing of committees with the
+object of rehabilitation. "The object of rehabilitation" says J. Byron
+Deacon "is to assist families to recover from the dislocation induced by
+the disaster, and to regain their accustomed social and economic status.
+Emergency aid takes into account only present needs; rehabilitation
+looks to future welfare."[115] This was the purpose constantly kept in
+view. The division of work indicates the nature of the task attempted.
+The division provided for an advisor, a chief of staff, a supervisor of
+home visitors, a bureau of application and registration, an emergency
+department, a department of medical social service and a visitor in
+children's work. Later a children's sub-committee was included.
+
+ [115] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 137.
+
+There was first the record and registration made and verified of all the
+sufferers and those in need. Over six thousand names of registrants
+resulted. Five districts or divisional areas were arranged for
+convenience and thoroughness of administration. One of these covered all
+cases outside of the city itself.[116] In charge of each district was a
+supervisor, and under the supervisor the various department heads.
+Trained workers were drawn into the service and their work and that of
+the volunteer visitors was directed by capable supervisors. The
+administration of relief was put upon a discriminating "case system."
+
+ [116] The town of Dartmouth on the Eastern side of Halifax harbor also
+ suffered very seriously in the explosion. It had its own relief
+ organization under the very capable chairmanship of ex-mayor A. C.
+ Johnstone. The nature of the relief work there did not differ
+ essentially from that in Halifax.
+
+There were four important phases in which the work developed; the work
+of general rehabilitation, the medical social work, the children's
+problem and the problem of the blind.
+
+The general rehabilitation service was carried on with varied success.
+It secured valuable intelligence for all committees and gradually
+increased in working power and efficiency. How many were put upon their
+feet again through its kindly counsel and careful cooperation cannot be
+estimated or told in figures.
+
+The problem of medical social service is to learn the social condition
+of the patient, and to relate that knowledge to his medical condition in
+order that restoration to health and return to normal family and
+community relationships shall go hand in hand. A division of medical
+social service became active a week after the disaster, its workers
+becoming attached to the several emergency hospitals within the city
+itself and those established in nearby towns. It had as well a working
+relationship with the military and the permanent Halifax hospitals.
+Three thousand patients were cared for in twelve Halifax hospitals
+alone. Trained medical social workers interviewed eight hundred. The one
+question to which they sought an answer was: "How shall these patients
+be brought back again as fully as possible into normal lives and
+relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+was made to help and relieve to the fullest extent that service and
+science made possible.
+
+The contribution of medical social service was two-fold, immediate
+assistance and education. By the latter service, which represents the
+more permanent value to the community, very valuable information and
+guidance was given to the Halifax Medical Society and the children's and
+nursing interests. The improvements resulting from these efforts cannot
+fail to make "follow-up" and "after-care" important considerations in
+the public health and dispensary work of the future.
+
+Immediate assistance was given by the medical social service in six
+ways:
+
+1. Arranging for clothing and shelter prior to discharge from hospital.
+
+2. Interviews to understand medical social needs.
+
+3. Arranging about eye problems with the committee on the blind,
+children's problems with the children's committee, family problems with
+the rehabilitation committee, _etc._
+
+4. Making a census of the handicapped, and classifying the returns.
+
+5. Placing responsibility for follow-up and after-care.
+
+6. Intensive case work where social problems involved a medical
+situation.
+
+Dr. M. M. Davis, Jr. Director of the Boston Dispensary, writes of the
+medical social service as follows:
+
+ It may well be concluded that no organization or "unit" formed to
+ deal with a flood, fire or explosion or disaster, can hereafter be
+ regarded as complete unless in addition to doctors, nurses, relief
+ workers and administrators there is also a due proportion of trained
+ medical social workers. If twelve years ago medical social service
+ received its baptism, Halifax has been its confirmation day.[117]
+
+ [117] Davis, Michael M., Jr., "Medical Social Service in a Disaster,"
+ _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 25 (March 23, 1918), p. 675.
+
+The children's service was thorough, as it should have been. If the
+measure of success in disaster relief is the treatment which the
+children receive, Halifax relief was above reproach. The children's laws
+of the province are carefully drawn and adequate, the Superintendent of
+Neglected and Delinquent Children is a man of singular ability and has
+wide powers. He became chairman of a strong children's committee with
+which were associated, besides representatives of the children's
+institutions, two child-welfare workers of high reputation. This
+committee came in contact with upwards of five hundred families,
+including more than fifteen hundred children. Their work dealt with the
+special problems listed below. More permanent supervision was assumed by
+the Government Commission about five months after the disaster. The
+modern principle of the widest possible child-placing was encouraged,
+the effort being to keep children with parents and wherever necessary to
+subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+The work of the children's committee consisted of
+
+1. Getting urgent temporary repairs made to existing children's
+institutions.
+
+2. Investigating cases to ascertain if children were in proper custody
+and receiving proper care.
+
+3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+4. Hunting for "missing" children, identifying "unclaimed" children, and
+restoring children to their parents.
+
+5. Interviewing hundreds of people who were: (a) hunting for lost
+children; (b) wishing to adopt homeless children; (c) arranging for the
+care of children.
+
+6. Attending to a large correspondence, mostly regarding the adoption of
+children, for which upwards of a thousand applications were received.
+
+7. Arranging for and supervising the transfer of children from
+hospitals, shelters, _etc._, the committee in most cases having sent
+some one to accompany the children.
+
+8. Arranging for temporary maintenance, permanent care, pensions and
+compensations or allowances for children, including the finding of
+permanent homes.
+
+9. Locating and referring to the proper agencies a number of wounded
+children.
+
+10. Getting possession of children unlawfully taken possession of by
+improper persons.
+
+11. Arranging for the proper guardianship of certain children.[118]
+
+ [118] Blois, Ernest H., _Report of Superintendent of Neglected and
+ Delinquent Children_ (Halifax, 1918), p. 110.
+
+The problem of the blind, was a special feature of the Halifax disaster.
+Blindness frequently resulted from the blizzard of glass which caused so
+great a percentage of the wounds. In large proportion the wounded were
+women who were engaged in their household duties. The rehabilitation of
+the blind presented problems of care and retraining upon which was
+concentrated the skill of three superintendents of important
+institutions for the blind as well as other specialists and workers. The
+presence in Halifax of a school for the blind with a capable president
+facilitated greatly an early grappling with the problem. The
+contributions of the social workers were chiefly of the character
+already indicated such as that of general medical social service. There
+were reported on March first, six hundred and thirty-three
+registrants,[119] but owing to the difficulties of registration this
+figure remains inexact.
+
+ [119] Fraser, Sir Frederick, _Report of_.
+
+Rehabilitation "takes into account the feelings as well as the material
+requirements of the bereaved families." An additional phase for social
+workers is therefore mortuary service. Here is required an exceedingly
+delicate ministry for which few are qualified. It includes quiet
+cooperation in the painful process of identification, a sympathetic care
+for those who succumb to shock or grief, and helpful direction regarding
+the necessary steps to be taken, in interment. At Halifax this presented
+a remarkable opportunity for service, and an experienced Young Women's
+Christian Association worker from Toronto attended in such capacity.
+
+There is still another secondary phase which must be referred to as not
+being without social and moral results,--that of relief of animals. For
+the sheltering of homeless animals, the dressing of wounds, and the
+humane dispatch of the badly injured, specially designated gifts had
+been received. This work received the attention of the Society for the
+Prevention of Cruelty.
+
+It will be useful as reference data to present here the nature of the
+criticism to which careful supervision gave rise. It was of the most
+trenchant character, and it centered about the alleged over-emphasis
+which seemed to be placed on system[120] and detailed investigations
+inflicted upon persons of whom many were still suffering from
+deprivation and from shock, and who were unused to the cross-examination
+methods of expert social diagnosticians. Often the thoroughness of the
+records seemed to the sufferers to be the more emphasized part of the
+proceedings. When all classes of people found themselves in need, there
+were naturally many who deeply resented being treated so palpably as
+"cases." But theirs was a choice which left but little regard for
+personal wishes or sensibilities. It is regrettable however to have to
+say that the cause of social service did not receive in the community
+the much larger repute which its magnificent work justified, chiefly
+because the innumerable "typewriters, card catalogues, involved indexes,
+and multifarious office equipment"[121] were not made less obtrusive.
+The merest touch of "cold professionalism" soon became fuel for the
+burning disapproval which spread through the city regarding the methods
+of relief.[122] Letters to the press gave vent to the indignation of the
+sufferers. One of the judges of the Supreme Court was as outspoken as
+anyone. In criticizing the food-distribution system he wrote very
+plainly of the "overdose of business efficiency and social service
+pedantry." Why should needy families be required, he asked, to go
+through a personal visit and reexamination at the office every week,
+before receiving a renewal order for food. Such things were not easily
+understood or explained. It became increasingly felt that such
+discriminating and tardy administration of provisions was not the will
+of the innumerable donors who so spontaneously forwarded the generous
+aid. It was not, so the criticism ran, for the committee to detain and
+delay the needy recipients for the mere sake of preventing duplication
+and for the sake of the niceties of case records. At a public meeting in
+Wards Five and Six, it was charged that "too much red tape had been
+insisted upon by those in charge of the relief and in consequence of
+this and other objectionable features of management, there had been many
+cases of hardship and much unnecessary suffering."
+
+ [120] The reader may contrast with this the early days of the relief
+ at the Johnstown flood "where two windows were set apart from which
+ clothing and boots were being thrown over the heads of the crowd, and
+ those having the longest arms and the stoutest backs seemed to be
+ getting the most of it"; and where almoners passed through the streets
+ handing "ten dollar bills to everyone whom they met."
+
+ [121] Johnstone, Dwight, _The Tragedy of Halifax_ (in MS.).
+
+ [122] There was however no definite organization of the dissatisfied
+ as actually took place at the Slocum Disaster.
+
+As to the justice of this it has been already indicated that criticism
+was inevitable because there existed no well-grounded body of public
+opinion to which could be anchored the wisdom of sound and thorough
+social methods. The passing of time has reenforced the rightness of the
+course taken, and not a few former critics would now be ready to condemn
+the methods used as not having been radical enough. Still there was an
+element of justice in what was said, and social workers of the future
+when thrown into a similar situation should curtain their machinery a
+little closer, at least until the community can realize the principles
+which organization must conserve.
+
+The principle on which rigid procedure is justified is based upon
+disaster psychology itself, and is the fruit of a long series of trials
+and errors. On the first few days after disaster the finer sensibilities
+of human nature appear. Men and women say "others have lost more, we
+will get on with a minimum of help." About the fifth day when the
+poignancy of the horrors has passed and the dead are buried, these same
+people suddenly discover that there are thousands of dollars available.
+Then another aspect of human nature comes into evidence. Every device is
+utilized by each to out-distance the other in the scramble. There has
+not been a single disaster where this state of mind has not shown
+itself. The way to deal with it without complete records as yet has not
+been suggested. The only way a committee can protect itself against
+disgruntled criticism is to know what it is doing. This is the
+justification of rigid desk procedure. It is a way to detect and to
+defeat imposture; though it serves also many other purposes. It was not,
+however, all adverse criticism which developed at Halifax. There were
+many who were able to see the beneficent purpose behind the careful
+service, and as months passed on the value of this experienced
+administration came to be more generally realized. Indeed
+
+ so large a place did the Social Service workers eventually fill in
+ the community that many reestablished families begged for the
+ continuance of the department's supervision even though its aid was
+ no longer required. No greater testimony to the value of this
+ rehabilitation work could be given.[123]
+
+ [123] Johnstone, _op. cit._
+
+When on January twenty-first the Federal Relief Commission took charge
+of the entire system, it may be said that there was a change not only of
+hands, but of policy as well. The large amounts made available by the
+Imperial and Dominion governments and by public subscription made it
+possible to substitute for rehabilitation the principle of modified
+restitution. This change of policy the government adopted because of the
+conviction upon the part of the people that they were suffering from the
+vicissitudes of war, and that full restoration was in law and equity of
+national obligation. The step is of special social significance for
+Halifax is the first instance where on any large scale[124] the
+principle of restitution became the guide, rather than that of
+rehabilitation. This principle of indemnity
+
+ implies the reinstatement of the beneficiary as nearly as possible
+ into the position from which he was hurled by the calamity which has
+ befallen him. It implies that to the householder shall be given the
+ use of a house, to the mechanic his tools, to the family its
+ household furniture. For the community as a whole it means a speedy
+ restoration of such economical and industrial activities as have
+ been temporarily suspended, the rebuilding of bridges, the reopening
+ of streets, the reestablishment of banks, business houses, churches,
+ schools. It requires that protection shall be given the defenseless,
+ food and shelter to the homeless, suitable guardianship to the
+ orphan and as nearly as possible normal social and industrial
+ conditions to all.[125]
+
+It must be made clear that while in no case was the Halifax policy
+denominated restitution, but rather "generous relief," in actual
+practice a large proportion of claims were verified and paid on a
+percentage basis of the loss suffered, rather than that of ascertained
+need. The Commission was granted power to "pay in full all personal
+property and real estate claims duly established to an amount not
+exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+of churches, schools, business properties and manufacturing
+establishments, and the property of the more prosperous classes, there
+was a policy of just and adequate relief declared, the agitation
+continued and continues that "every dollar of loss shall be paid in
+full."
+
+ [124] Both in Chicago and Johnstown many families were placed in a
+ position practically as good as that which they had occupied before.
+ Carnegie once completely reimbursed the sufferers from a bank failure.
+
+ [125] Devine, Edward T., _Principles of Relief_ (N. Y., 1904), pt. iv,
+ p. 462.
+
+Of such a policy in disaster relief Deacon writes: "It is not the policy
+of disaster relief to employ its funds in restoring losses and
+compensating for death or personal injury." Commenting on this statement
+John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+latest scene of serious disaster, such full compensation is
+intended."[126]
+
+ [126] Moors, John F., Book Review, _Survey_, vol. xxxix, no. 17 (Jan.
+ 26, 1918), p. 472.
+
+What were the social results of this policy? This question is one of no
+less interest to the community itself than to the student of sociology.
+It is perhaps too early for adequate examination and comparison with the
+policy which formerly held sway. While still a vital question there are
+observers who have grown dubious, if not of restitution certainly of the
+lump-sum method of restoration.[127] They assert that for many it proved
+simply a lesson in extravagance and did not safeguard the economic
+future of the recipients. Unused to carrying all their worldly goods in
+their vest pockets, these same pockets became empty again with uncommon
+rapidity. Victrolas, silk shirts and furbelows multiplied. Merchants'
+trade grew brisk with "explosion money." There seemed to be a temporary
+exchange of positions by the social classes. The following statement
+made by one closely associated with social conditions in Halifax and
+written over two years after the disaster, shows only too well the
+danger involved in the application of such a principle. After referring
+to "the spirit of passive criticism directed chiefly against the few who
+have borne the burden of restoration" the statement continues:
+
+ The individuals who after all make up a community have been blinded
+ to the bigger interests by their own individual material losses, and
+ the idea of material compensation on a dollar for dollar basis. As
+ some of us earlier foresaw, the disaster wrought much moral damage,
+ for which no "claims" were even presented, even by those to whom we
+ might look for special moral teaching in such an experience. In the
+ course of our work we come daily upon evidences of this condition
+ lingering in our midst.
+
+ [127] The courts of small claims devoted ten minutes to each case. The
+ amount awarded was paid on the day the case was heard.
+
+Upon the whole disaster-study inclines to the unwisdom of "the
+disposition to proceed as though the relief committee were a
+compensation board or an insurance society, and to indemnify for loss."
+But as already said it is early to appraise. What in ordinary times
+might be condemned might conceivably under the abnormal conditions of
+war be less morally dangerous. The system may have been at fault and not
+the principle.[128] Partly for reasons connected with the war it was
+desired to conclude the business with dispatch, and not to set up a
+banking house or a training school in thrift. There remains also the
+final test, the residuum of relief, the number of those who will remain
+permanently upon the charity list of the community. Will it be said of
+Halifax as formerly of Johnstown, that "probably so large a sum never
+passed into a community of equal size with so little danger to the
+personal character of the citizens and so complete an absence of any
+pauperizing or demoralizing influences?"
+
+ [128] The policy to be pursued in disaster relief cannot yet be
+ finally stated. It may ultimately be found necessary to distinguish
+ between the loss of property socially owned, and that of private
+ ownership.
+
+The lessons which come out of this experience at Halifax may easily be
+summarized.
+
+1. The socialization of all communities should be promoted if for no
+other reason than for protection.
+
+2. More technical methods of coordination are desirable.
+
+3. To display the machinery of organization is unwise.
+
+4. The supervision of voluntary services should be in the hands of one
+vocationally trained for the purpose.
+
+5. Further consideration is required as to the policy of restitution and
+its administration.
+
+6. The wisdom should be considered of establishing a secret relief
+distribution service, such as fraternal societies conduct for those who
+though in need will not publicly accept assistance.
+
+7. The necessity of using trained searchers for the dead, who will note
+the precise spot where bodies are recovered, the centralization of all
+morgue service, the use of metal tags instead of paper, the
+sterilization and preservation of clothing and effects for purposes of
+identification, and in addition the development of a morgue social
+service with training and qualifications of a special character.
+
+8. The complete organization of a social relief reserve with members
+beforehand definitely assigned to special tasks, with requisite printed
+supplies in readiness would render the most effective social economy in
+emergency. This reserve should be trained in the general organization of
+shelter, food and clothing, in the shaping of a policy of general
+rehabilitation, in medical social service, in children's work and in the
+use of volunteers.
+
+To answer the requirements of what could be called in any sense a
+sociological treatment of the disaster, the foregoing chapter on the
+contribution of social service could with difficulty be omitted. Social
+service introduces a relatively new element of leadership and control
+upon which disaster sufferers of the future may rely and which assures
+to any community the presence of those who have special skill in dealing
+with crises. The "relation of the great man to the crisis is indeed one
+of the most important points in the problem of progress"[129] in
+catastrophe. The subject also assumes special importance in the
+development of the thesis itself. No accounting for social changes which
+may hereafter be enumerated can be accurately undertaken without full
+consideration of the major influences which were present. Thus by
+elimination we may be able to better gauge the strength of the factor of
+catastrophe itself. The place of government and other social factors,
+however, has yet to be discussed.[130]
+
+ [129] Thomas, _op. cit._, p. 19.
+
+ [130] The author regrets that it has been necessary to omit special
+ mention of the many institutions, societies and voluntary agencies,
+ which were actively engaged in the relief work, and to confine the
+ chapter to the principles employed by those mainly responsible for
+ relief and administration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION
+
+Governmental agencies in catastrophe--What seems to be expected of
+governments--What they actually do--Social legislation--A permanent
+contribution.
+
+
+We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+brought to bear upon a community when, after having been overtaken by
+catastrophe, it is settling back into its former habitistic
+channels,--channels which not even catastrophe can altogether efface.
+Some of these influences are intra-communal and self-generating, such as
+the reconstructive impulses already examined. Others are ultra-communal,
+such as those vigorous social forces which sweep in upon a disaster city
+with the suddenness of catastrophe itself.
+
+There is a further influence which is of a community yet in a sense not
+of it alone, but of all communities--government--that institution of
+society which expresses its will by legislation, a will which may or may
+not be the will of the community concerned. And because legislative
+action is responsible action, and precedent-setting action, it is apt to
+be deliberative action. Perhaps this is especially true of the new and
+less familiar field of social legislation. While it may be that the
+latest group to function effectively at Halifax was government, social
+legislation when forthcoming contributed an important and deciding
+influence, and was in turn itself enriched by the calamity.
+
+The boundaries of social legislation are still in the making and daily
+enclosing a wider and wider field. But not all governments are
+sympathetic with this process. There are two standards of
+legislation--the one conserves above all things the rights and
+privileges of the individual, the other considers first the community as
+a whole. The superiority of the new ideals of legislation rests here,
+that it is the general interest which is primarily consulted and becomes
+the norm, rather than the rights of the individual citizen. Progress in
+legislation includes its extension into all the affairs of life,
+retaining as much as may be the liberty of the individual while
+progressively establishing the interests of all.[131] Its evolution is
+traceable from the first poor laws, all down the long succeeding line of
+those dealing with education, health, labor and recreation. However much
+agreement or disagreement there may be and is as to the wisdom of this
+mutable sphere of ameliorative legislation, changing just as one ideal
+or the other happens to be in the ascendancy, there is at least no doubt
+as to the duty of the government to protect and safeguard its citizens.
+
+ [131] Lindsay, Samuel M., Unpublished Lectures on Social Legislation.
+
+ The one duty of the state, that all citizens, except the
+ philosophical anarchists, admit, is the obligation to safeguard the
+ commonwealth by repelling invasion and keeping the domestic peace.
+ To discharge this duty it is necessary to maintain a police force
+ and a militia, and a naval establishment. Such dissent from this
+ proposition as we hear now and then is negligible for practical
+ purposes.[132]
+
+In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+provincial or municipal, according to their respective powers.
+
+ [132] Giddings, Franklin H., _The Responsible State_ (N. Y., 1918),
+ ch. iv, p. 81.
+
+At Halifax authoritative control following the disaster was not wholly
+municipal or wholly martial, but rather an admixture of authorities.
+Policeman and soldier joined hands as agents of general protection. This
+service government did and did at once.
+
+One of the activities of the disaster relief first taken[133] was that
+by the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, when he sent
+to the Chief of Police of Halifax the following order:
+
+ You are hereby authorized to commandeer and make use of any vehicle
+ of any kind that you find necessary for the purpose of removing the
+ injured and the dead of this city.
+
+ [133] Reference has already been made to the good work of the
+ Government railroad officials in the quick restoration of service.
+
+The service of the police of Halifax was highly commendable. They worked
+for long periods with little rest to maintain public peace and order.
+The splendid service of the King's soldiers and sailors has already been
+considered. They were first and foremost in the work of rescue and of
+warning. Military orders to vacate the North End district as a
+precautionary measure followed hard upon the explosion. Military orders
+permitted the people to return. Within a few hours after the disaster
+the military established a cordon around the devastated district which
+no one was allowed to pass without an order, which citizens having
+business obtained at the City Hall. This was to prevent looting as well
+as to facilitate the search for the wounded pinned under the debris, and
+to permit the removal of the bodies of the killed. The burned and
+devastated area was policed by the military for about two months with
+the concurrence of civic authority.
+
+But catastrophe calls for much more than protection. It calls for a
+procedure, a guidance, a paternal care, and it calls for it at once. If
+we ask whether it be the function of government to take the foremost
+step of leadership in this care, the question is one for Political
+Science. If we ask the more sociological question whether governments
+actually and always do so, the answer is unhesitatingly--they do not.
+Says Cooley: "Like other phases of organization, government is merely
+one way of doing things, fitted by its character for doing some things,
+and unfitted for doing others."[134] This proved one of the things for
+which it was unfitted. Not one of the governmental authorities, civic,
+provincial, or federal, at once assumed and held authoritatively and
+continuously the relief leadership. Indeed it is a peculiar commentary
+that they were scarcely thought of as likely immediately to do so. It
+should be said, however, that the Deputy-mayor--the Mayor being absent
+from the city--was very active personally. While one of the controllers
+was himself replacing the dead fire-chief, the Deputy-mayor called an
+emergency meeting of citizens on the morning of the disaster, and
+another at three in the afternoon to consider what to do. This meeting
+of citizens was presided over by the Lieutenant-Governor, and at it, as
+already noticed, a beginning in relief organization was made. The
+committees, it will be remembered, were afterwards reformed upon a new
+basis on the advice of the American unit. But no civic resources were
+pledged to the people as was done at the Chicago fire. No moneys were
+then or subsequently appropriated. The Board of Health did not assert or
+assume the leadership in the unprecedented situation. The City Hall was
+indeed set up as the relief center temporarily, but the advice to remove
+it elsewhere was not successfully opposed. How little civic authority
+was retained under the disaster circumstances is evidenced by the
+following complaint. The Board of Control which was then the legal
+representative body of the city had no member on the executive committee
+of the disaster administration. One of these controllers publicly
+criticised the method of the Citizens' Committee as autocratic. He
+"almost had to have a page to reach the Committee as representative of
+the Board of Control." When the cabinet ministers from Ottawa were
+sitting in session in the legislative council room, and giving a hearing
+to a representative public gathering, the Mayor entered a complaint that
+the City Council and Corporation had been ignored by the acting
+committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+were entrusted with the special grants and the civic authorities, Board
+of Health, police, _etc._, so far as emergency matters went, cooperated
+with them. But the various civic officers were not idle. No one was idle
+at Halifax. They were occupied with the rehabilitation of the various
+departments at City Hall and with individual programs of relief. What
+the civic government continued to do officially was rather in the way of
+providing the stiff formality of proclamation to the carefully weighed
+suggestions of the Citizens' Committee. Several of these proclamations
+were issued. Among them was one urging all people excepting those on
+relief work or upon especially urgent business to stay away from Halifax
+for two weeks. Another proclamation was a warning to merchants with
+regard to demanding exorbitant prices. Over the Mayor's signature went
+out the nation-wide appeal for aid that "a sorely afflicted people
+should be provided with clothing and food." The subsequent time, thought
+and help which City Hall contributed is of less sociological importance
+to this study. It is sufficient if we have faithfully described
+municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+service, rather than direction.[135]
+
+ [134] Cooley, Charles H., _Social Organization_ (N. Y., 1912),
+ ch. xxxv, p. 403.
+
+ [135] This is not to be considered as without exception in
+ catastrophies. A special Citizens' Committee led the operations at the
+ Paterson fire and flood, but at the Chicago fire the City government
+ took immediate and responsible action. This was also the case at
+ Baltimore when the Mayor was the "key to the situation." It should
+ however be added that both at Halifax and Dartmouth the chairmen of
+ the Citizens' Committees were ex-mayors.
+
+Turning briefly to the provincial and federal spheres of activity in
+disaster we note that no special session of the provincial legislature
+was called, as was done by the Governor of Illinois after the calamity
+which overtook Chicago in 1871. Yet when the legislature of Nova Scotia
+convened a fully considered and detailed act was passed incorporating
+the Halifax Relief Commission, and designating and defining its
+powers.[136] The several articles defined its establishment as a
+rehabilitation and reconstruction committee, a town-planning board, as
+well as its powers of expropriation, its relationship to the city
+charter, certain parts of which it could amend or repeal; its powers to
+enforce attendance at its courts and boards; its relationship to the
+Workmen's Compensation Act and to the insurance problem. Besides, the
+Commission was also invested with full and adequate discretion regarding
+schools, churches and business properties.
+
+ [136] _An Act to Incorporate the Halifax Relief Commission_, Halifax,
+ 1918.
+
+Some of the disaster legislative powers and procedures are of special
+interest to social legislation. Among these were the power to repair,
+rebuild or restore buildings, the power to repair and carry out a
+town-planning scheme, the power to amend, repeal, alter or add to
+provisions in the city charter, the automatic assumption of rights of
+owner to insure to the extent of the amount expended in repair, and the
+automatic cancellation of workmen's compensation claims. The act
+incorporating the commission with powers to make investigation, and
+administer all funds and properties constitutes Chapter VI of the year
+1918. The local legislature also passed Chapter XVIII authorizing the
+provincial loan of one hundred thousand dollars for the benefit of the
+sufferers; and Chapter XIX authorizing cities, towns and municipalities
+to contribute for the relief of sufferers.
+
+The action of Premier Borden of Canada for promptitude and wisdom is
+comparable to that of President Harrison of the United States at the
+time of the Johnstown flood. The Canadian Premier at the time of the
+disaster was in Prince Edward Island, an island province lying near Nova
+Scotia. He at once left for Halifax and arrived the following day. He
+immediately placed resources from the Federal government at the disposal
+of the local authorities to assist them in coping with the situation.
+The third day after the disaster he attended an important meeting
+regarding the harbor, and strengthened greatly the morale of the city by
+assuring a complete and rapid restoration of the harbor. Following the
+Premier came the Minister of Public Works and he too gave much
+administrative assistance. Then came five members of the Federal
+Cabinet, each announcing such programs of restoration as to give the
+community new heart and inspiration. Among these announcements was that
+of the establishment of a large ship-building plant upon the explosion
+area. The Canadian government had already as its first act made a grant
+of one million dollars, toward the sufferers' relief. It was then
+forcibly urged upon the government that it assume a responsibility
+towards Halifax such as the British government accepts in "its policy of
+holding itself responsible for loss and damage by air-raids and
+explosions." Public opinion seemed to demand that the work of
+restoration and reparation be undertaken by the government of Canada as
+a national enterprise. The government while disclaiming all legal
+liability, acceded to the request. On January twenty-first there was
+announced the formation of a Federal Halifax Relief Commission to take
+over the whole work of rehabilitation and reconstruction,--an
+announcement which brought a feeling of relief to the already
+discouraged workers.
+
+Another interesting contrast may be noted in the fact that while the
+Governor of Ohio appointed the Ohio Flood Commission to receive and
+administer relief funds and supplies, the Halifax Relief Commission was
+appointed by the Governor-General of Canada in Council. This was done
+under the "Enquiries Act of Canada, being Chapter CIV of the Revised
+Statutes of Canada, 1906, and under the War Measures Act, 1914, being
+Chapter II of the Acts of Canada for the year 1914." The Federal grant
+was later increased to five million dollars, and subsequently to
+eighteen millions.
+
+There should also be here recorded the timely succour afforded by the
+Imperial Government at Westminster. Following the King's gracious cable
+of sympathy, the sum of five million dollars was voted by the British
+Government to the relief of Halifax. The King's words were:
+
+ Most deeply regret to hear of serious explosion at Halifax resulting
+ in great loss of life and property. Please convey to the people of
+ Halifax, where I have spent so many happy times, my true sympathy in
+ this grievous calamity.
+
+Reference has already been made to the policy to which the Commission
+was committed. This policy may be more exactly stated by an extract from
+the act incorporating the commission:
+
+ _Whereas_, the said Halifax Relief Commission as heretofore
+ constituted has recommended to the Governor-General of Canada in
+ Council, that reasonable compensation or allowance should be made to
+ persons injured in or by reason of the said disaster and the
+ dependents of persons killed or injured in or by reason of the said
+ disaster and the Governor-General of Canada in Council has been
+ pleased to adopt said recommendation; _etc._
+
+In the provision of material assistance, the strengthening of morale and
+the eventual establishment of a Relief Commission, government may be
+said to have contributed an important and deciding influence in the
+reorganization of the community of Halifax and its restoration to normal
+conditions.
+
+Not only must social legislation be acknowledged to have had a very
+direct determining influence upon whatever picture of the community is
+subsequently drawn, but social legislation itself was enriched by the
+catastrophe. The association of catastrophe with progress in social
+legislation has already been noticed in our introduction, the mass of
+facts in support of which no writer has yet compiled. In this
+introduction we noted how on many occasions disasters have been the
+preceding reagents in effecting legislation of permanent social value.
+It is instanced that city-planning in America took its rise from the
+Chicago fire, that the origin of labor legislation is traceable to a
+calamitous fever at Manchester and that the Titanic disaster
+precipitated amendment to the Seamen's laws.[137] It has been said that
+"the vast machinery of the Public Health Department in England has
+rapidly grown up in consequence of the cholera visitations in the middle
+of the last century;"[138] and also that public health work in America
+practically began with yellow fever epidemics. Writing of mining
+disasters, J. Byron Deacon says in this connection
+
+ If it can be said that any circumstance attending such disasters is
+ fortunate, it was that they exercised a profound influence upon
+ public opinion, to demand new effort and legislation both for the
+ prevention of industrial accidents and for the more equitable
+ distribution of the burden of individual loss and community relief
+ which they involved.[139]
+
+Again E. A. Ross writes:
+
+ A permanent extension to the administration of the state has often
+ dated from a calamity,--a pestilence, a famine, a murrain, a flood
+ or a tempest--which, paralyzing private efforts has caused
+ application for state aid.[140]
+
+ [137] Parkinson, Thomas I., "Problems growing out of the Titanic
+ Disaster," _Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science_, vol. vi,
+ no. 1.
+
+ [138] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 254.
+
+ [139] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), p. 43.
+
+ [140] Ross, _op. cit._, p. 253.
+
+The student of social legislation who reads this book will turn first to
+this chapter, and ask what permanent legislation will the future
+associate with so dire a calamity as that suffered at Halifax. It may be
+said that not only has special disaster legislation of precedent-setting
+value been enacted serving in a measure to standardize relief
+legislative procedure, but social legislation of wider application and
+more general character ensued. And this was along the line which the
+student of social law should be led to expect.
+
+As calamitous epidemics bring forth regulations of sanitation; as marine
+disasters foster regulations ensuring greater safety at sea, it might
+well be expected that a great explosion would bring about regulations
+controlling the handling of explosives. And this is in reality what has
+occurred. There were approved on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1919, by
+the Parliament of Canada, regulations respecting the loading and
+handling of explosives in harbors, applicable to all public harbors in
+Canada, to which the provisions of Part XII of the Canada Shipping Act
+apply; and to all other public harbors insofar as the same are not
+inconsistent with regulations already or hereafter made applicable.[141]
+They cover
+
+1. The provision of special areas for berth, for explosives-carriers.
+
+2. Regulations of ship control to be observed in the navigation in
+harbors of explosives-laden vessels.
+
+3. Regulations to be observed upon vessels carrying explosives.
+
+4. Regulations governing the handling of explosives.
+
+"The enactment of these regulations" writes the Under-Secretary of State
+for Canada[142] "was suggested in large measure by the Halifax
+disaster." Had these regulations been in effect and observed in Halifax
+Harbor it is hardly conceivable that the great disaster of 1917 could
+have occurred.
+
+ [141] _Regulations for the Loading and Handling of Explosives in the
+ Harbors of Canada_ (Ottawa, June, 1919).
+
+ [142] In a letter to the author.
+
+It should be borne in mind that the recommendation for this general
+legislation of social utility originated with the Drysdale commission--a
+board of enquiry appointed by the Federal Government to determine the
+cause of the disaster and whose judgment, was issued on February fourth,
+1918. In Section XIII of this judgment, the following occurs:
+
+ that the regulations governing the traffic in Halifax harbor in
+ force since the war were prepared by competent naval authorities;
+ that such traffic regulations do not specifically deal with the
+ handling of ships laden with explosives, and we recommend that such
+ competent authority forthwith take up and make specific regulations
+ dealing with such subject.
+
+We, therefore, conclude that the function of government in disaster is
+of primary importance, and that social legislation when forthcoming
+constitutes an important and deciding influence and is itself in turn
+enriched by calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed
+facts the statement in the Introduction, that catastrophe is in close
+association with progress in social legislation receives abundant
+justification.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL SURPLUS
+
+Mill's explanation of the rapidity with which communities recover from
+disaster--The case of San Francisco--The case of Halifax--Social
+surplus--The equipmental factors--Correlation of tragedy in catastrophe
+with generosity of public response--Catastrophe insurance--A practical
+step.
+
+
+John Stuart Mill offers a very interesting explanation
+
+ of what has so often created wonder, the great rapidity with which
+ countries recover from a state of devastation, the disappearance in
+ a short time of all traces of the mischiefs done by earthquakes,
+ floods, hurricanes and the ravages of war.[143]
+
+This "_vis medicatrix naturae_" he explains on an economic principle.
+All the wealth destroyed was merely the rapid consumption of what had
+been produced previously, and which would have in due course been
+consumed anyway. The rapid repairs of disasters mainly depends, he says,
+on whether the community has been depopulated.
+
+ [143] Mill, John Stuart, _Principles of Political Economy_ (London,
+ 1917), ch. v, p. 74.
+
+But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+particularly to countries which have not been bereft of the raw
+materials of industrial machinery. San Francisco recovered exceedingly
+rapidly from her terrible experience of 1906. Indeed her quick recovery
+has been called one of the wonders of the age. San Francisco was not
+depopulated. Her actual losses of life were but four hundred and
+ninety-eight, and those injured four hundred and fifteen. The loss of
+life on the other hand was about two thousand in Halifax, a city of
+fifty thousand population--but one-eighth that of San Francisco--and her
+list of injured ran into many thousands. And yet the same phenomenon
+appeared.
+
+There are other factors both social and economic which must not be
+omitted from an account of the influences of recuperation, namely the
+equipmental and other factors which produce social surplus.
+Disaster-stricken communities cannot survive unless their "surplus
+energy exceeds their needs." They cannot become normal until the social
+surplus is restored. The social surplus, according to Professor Tenney,
+is "merely the sum-total of surplus energy existing in the individuals
+composing a social group, or immediately available to such
+individuals."[144] It includes not only "bodily vigor" but "such
+material goods also as are immediately available for the restoration of
+depleted bodily vigor." It is not only physiological, as life energy,
+and social, as conditions of knowledge and institutional facilities, but
+also socio-economic, as equipment for the maintenance or restoration of
+physiological and social needs. In catastrophe bodily vigor may have
+been depleted, and material goods been consumed. No period of
+recuperation or rapid gain can ensue unless such equipment is in some
+degree replaced and a balance of social surplus restored. This is the
+_conditio sine qua non_ of recuperation, and of the transition from a
+pain-economy to a pleasure-economy,[145] after disaster. Certainly the
+maintenance of the standard of living demands it. The standard of living
+has been defined as the "mode of activity and scale of comfort which a
+person has come to regard as indispensable to his happiness and to
+secure and retain which he is willing to make any reasonable sacrifice."
+Following Professor Seager's association of the standard of living with
+population, the reduction of population in catastrophe of a certain
+character might conceivably operate to automatically heighten the
+standard of living, just as the growth of population often brings about
+its fall. But catastrophe often consumes great quantities of material
+goods and brings about a change in incomes and in occupations.[146]
+Seager notes that:
+
+ Actual starvation confronts more rarely those belonging to the class
+ of manual workers, but for them also under-nutrition is a
+ possibility which prolonged illness or inability to obtain
+ employment may at any time change into a reality. The narrow margin
+ which their usual earnings provide above the bare necessaries of
+ life, coupled with their lack of accumulated savings, makes them
+ especially liable, when some temporary calamity reduces their
+ incomes, to sink permanently below the line of self-support and
+ self-respect.[147]
+
+ [144] Tenney, Alvan A., "Individual and Social Surplus," _Popular
+ Science Monthly_, vol. lxxxii (Dec., 1912), p. 552.
+
+ [145] Patten, Simon N., _Theory of the Social Forces_ (Phil., 1896),
+ p. 75.
+
+ [146] At San Francisco "after the fire, the proportion of families in
+ the lower income groups was somewhat larger, and the proportion in the
+ higher income groups somewhat smaller than before the fire." (Motley,
+ James M., _San Francisco Relief Survey_, New York, 1913, pt. iv,
+ p. 228.)
+
+ [147] Seager, Henry R., _Economics, Briefer Course_ (N. Y., 1909),
+ ch. xiii, p. 210.
+
+It must be remembered that at Halifax while the equipmental damage was
+stupendous, still the heart of the downtown business section remained
+sound. The banking district held together, and the dislocation of
+business machinery was less protracted on that account. To this it is
+necessary to add how to a very considerable extent the material losses
+were replaced by communities and countries which not only supplied the
+city with the material of recuperation but with men and means as well.
+Were her own workmen killed and injured? Glaziers, drivers, repair men
+and carpenters came by train-loads bringing their tools, their food and
+their wages with them. The city's population was increased by
+thirty-five hundred workmen, twenty-three hundred of whom were
+registered with the committee at one time. Was her glass destroyed?
+Eighty acres of transparences came for the temporary repairs and had
+been placed by January the twenty-first. Were her buildings gone? Seven
+million, five hundred thousand feet of lumber were soon available to
+house the homeless. Were her people destitute? Food and clothing were
+soon stacked high. Were her citizens bankrupt because of losses? Fifty
+thousand dollars came from Newfoundland, another fifty thousand from New
+Zealand, one hundred thousand from Quebec, one hundred thousand from
+Montreal, two hundred and fifty thousand from Australia, five million
+from Great Britain. In merchandise, clothing and cash a million came
+from Massachusetts. In about fifteen weeks, aside from the Federal
+grant, eight millions were contributed. The total contributions from all
+sources amounted finally to twenty-seven million dollars.
+
+Factors such as these must not be omitted in examining the sociological
+recuperation of a smitten city. And when the experience of Halifax is
+set side by side with the related experiences of other cities a
+conclusion may be drawn that disaster-stricken communities can always
+count upon public aid, for the reasons which have already been
+discussed. But there is found to be strongly suggested a correlation
+between the striking character or magnitude of a disaster and the
+generosity of the relief response,[148] as there is also with the
+immediacy of the appeal. "It is not the facts themselves which strike
+the popular imagination" says Le Bon, "but the way in which they take
+place."[149] There have been disasters relatively serious, such as the
+St. Quentin forest fire, where repeated appeals met with astonishingly
+little response from the people. "A single great accident" continues Le
+Bon, "will profoundly impress them even though the results be infinitely
+less disastrous than those of a hundred small accidents put together."
+It was in recognition of this principle that "it was decided to transfer
+the residue of the amount contributed [after the Triangle fire] to the
+contingent fund of the American Red Cross, to be used in disasters,
+which in their nature do not evoke so quick or generous public response,
+but where the suffering is as grievous."[150]
+
+ [148] At the time of the tragic Martinique disaster the New York
+ committee received $80,000 more than it could disburse. (Devine,
+ Edward T., _The Principles of Relief_, N. Y., 1904, pt. iv, ch. vii,
+ p. 468.)
+
+ [149] Le Bon, Gustave, _The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind_
+ (London), ch. iii, p. 79.
+
+ [150] Deacon, J. Byron, _Disasters_ (N. Y., 1918), ch. v, p. 120.
+
+Besides the relation of the tragic in catastrophe to generosity and
+other expressions of sympathy, the experience at Halifax suggests also a
+relationship between the aid furnished by a contributing community and
+that community's own previous history in regard to calamity. As an
+instance may be cited the quick and splendid response which came from
+St. John and Campbellton, two New Brunswick cities with unforgettable
+memories of great disasters which they themselves had suffered. It is
+also not improbable that the study of comparative catastrophe would
+reveal a correlation between the relative amount of aid given and the
+distance of those who give. Indeed there are reasons which suggest that
+the relationship might be written thus: that relief in disaster varies
+inversely as the square of the cost distance. The association here
+suggested is given additional plausibility from the fact that attention
+to certain types of news seems to vary according to this principle, and
+news notice is no inconsiderable factor in disaster aid.
+
+Enough has been said to make it clear that at the present time, in the
+absence of any scientific method of socially ameliorating the
+consequences of catastrophe, relief is a fluctuating quantity, and is
+poorly apportioned from the point of view of need. While such conditions
+obtain, disasters must inevitably contribute to the inequalities which
+break the hearts of men. It is alas true, that after all our
+generosities and philanthropies
+
+ many people lose their normal position in the social and economic
+ scale through earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, droughts, railway
+ wrecks, fires, and the common accidents of industrial life. These
+ accidents naturally have a vast influence over the lives of their
+ victims; for they often render people unfit to struggle along in the
+ rank and file of humanity.[151]
+
+ [151] Blackmar and Gillin, _Outlines of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1915),
+ pt. iv, ch. v, p. 402.
+
+The only socially defensible way of doing is to spread the economic
+results of these disasters over the entire community in some form of
+intra-city catastrophe insurance administered by the Federal government.
+This alone will overcome the irrationality of an inequitable levy upon
+the more sympathetic, and the fluctuations of disproportionate relief.
+And even beyond this step is there not the possibility of an
+international system in which each nation will insure the other?
+Certainly at Halifax the aid contributed came from many nations and
+tongues. But while we are discussing what ought to be and eventually
+will be done, one very practical step remains which may be taken at
+once. At the Halifax disaster, we have seen that much of the direction
+and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+it did, yet came from without rather than from within the country. There
+is no Canadian who will close these pages without asking whether this
+must always be. May it not be respectfully suggested, as a concluding
+result of this study, that the Canadian government, take immediate steps
+to develop a staff of experts, a reserve fund, and stations of relief
+strategically located in Canada--these stations to have in their keeping
+left-over war-material, such as tents, stores, and other equipment
+together with records of available experts who have had experience in
+disasters and who may be subject to call when emergencies arise.
+
+And now to return to our thesis, and its special enquiry, namely,
+wherein is the specific functioning of catastrophe in social change? We
+have thus far concerned ourselves with the major factors of
+recuperation, intra-social forces, social service, and legislation.
+
+We find it necessary now to add that the socio-economic constitutes a no
+less important factor. But the effects may not stop with mere
+recuperation. Suppose a city becomes in a trice more prosperous and
+progressive than ever. Suppose she begins to grow populous with uncommon
+rapidity; her bank clearings do not fail but rather increase; her
+industries rebuild and grow in numbers; new companies come looking for
+sites as if dimly conscious that expansion is at hand! Suppose a city
+rises Phoenix-like from the flames, a new and better city, her people
+more kind, more charitable, more compassionate to little children, more
+considerate of age! Suppose there come social changes which alter the
+conservatism and civic habits of many years--changes which foster a
+spirit of public service, and stimulate civic pride! Then there is
+clearly some further influence associated with the day of disaster.
+Perhaps we shall find progress innate in catastrophe itself.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL CHANGE
+
+The unchanging Halifax of the years--The causes of social
+immobility--The new birthday--The indications of change: appearance,
+expansion of business, population, political action, city-planning,
+housing, health, education, recreation, community spirit--Carsten's
+prophecy.
+
+
+Halifax has had her fair proportion of tribute in her time. Kipling has
+called her "the Warden of the Honor of the North." Pauline Johnston
+sings of her pride of situation. As Edinburgh, "it is a city of many
+charms; beautiful for situation, beyond most of the cities of the world;
+vocal with history beyond most, for at every turn of its streets some
+voice from the past 'comes sounding through the toon.'" Her public
+gardens are the envy of all. Her vistas of the sea are without compare.
+Her Northwest Arm is a veritable joy. Birds sing in her homes. Cheery
+wood-fires burn brightly in her open grates. No city of her size is more
+hospitable than she.
+
+But she has always been a city which has never quite entered into her
+heritage commercially. Situated where by nature she might well be great,
+she has always been small. Unambitious, wealthy[152] and little jealous
+of the more rapidly-growing cities, she has prided herself on being a
+lover of better things. Commerce and industry were things alien[153] and
+secular. She devoted herself to standards of art, music, learning,
+religion and the philanthropies. Charitable and philanthropic
+institutions abounded. She has had her own conservative English ways.
+She affected homage to "old families," and to that illusory element
+"social prestige." She welcomed each new knight which the favor of the
+king conferred, and grew careless of civic prosperity and growth. She
+had leaned "too long upon the army and the navy" and her citizens had
+become "anaemic," "lethargic" and standstill; their "indifference" and
+"inertia" were a commonplace. Halifax had been complacent and academic
+rather than practical in her outlook upon the world and her general
+attitude toward life.
+
+ [152] Halifax is the wealthiest city per capita in the Dominion of
+ Canada.
+
+ [153] For years real estate was marketed "quietly." In fact, real
+ property was in the hands of one or two specialists only.
+
+Geographically she suffered by her situation on the rim of the
+continent. She experienced not a little neglect and isolation because
+she was an undeveloped terminal, and not a junction point. Travellers
+and commercial men could not visit her _en route_ but only by special
+trip.
+
+Again "the government has had altogether too many interests in Halifax
+for the good of the place." "Government-kept towns" are not as a rule
+"those which have achieved the greatest prosperity." Halifax as a
+civil-service headquarters and a government military depot was perhaps
+open to the charge of being at least "self-satisfied." Valuable acres of
+non-taxable land have been far from stimulating to civic enterprise.
+
+An historic city too, Halifax fell under the blight of overmuch looking
+backward, and sociologically the back look has been always recognized as
+the foe of progress. But she has had a past to be proud of--one which
+throbs with incident and interest. Born as a military settlement, she
+has been a garrison city and naval station for more than a hundred and
+fifty years. She has been called "the stormy petrel among the
+cities--always to the front in troublous times." She has served and
+suffered in four hard wars. She has gloried in this wealth of years and
+storied past. Her traditions have been traditions of royalty, blue
+blood, dashing officers, church parades, parliamentary ceremonies,
+fetes, levees and all the splendor and spirit of old colonial times. A
+newspaper has published daily items of a generation before, and weekly
+featured a reverie in the past.[154] Old in her years she remained old
+in her appearance, old in her ways, and in her loves. She boasted old
+firms which have kept their jubilees, old churches wherein was cradled
+the religious life of Canada, an old university with a century of
+service. Each noon a cannon boomed the mid-day hour, and like a curfew
+sounded in the night.
+
+ [154] _The Acadian Recorder_, C. C. Blackadar, editor.
+
+Search where one will, it would be difficult to find another city which
+has more completely exhibited the causes of social immobility as set
+forth by sociology. For there are, it must be remembered, causes of
+immobility as well as factors of social change. They may be geographical
+difficulties, or elements more distinctively social--an over-emphasis of
+government, discouraging innovation, too great a "volume of suggestion,"
+the drag of "collective customs and beliefs," a "traditionalist
+educational system," the "inheritance of places and functions" tending
+to arrest development, "government, law, religion and ceremony, hallowed
+by age."[155] All these reenforce the conservative tendencies in society
+and preserve the _status quo_.[156]
+
+ [155] Ross, Edward A., _Foundations of Sociology_ (N. Y., 1905),
+ ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+ [156] There are other causes of conservatism. A comparative freedom
+ from disasters in the past is one. Halifax has suffered few in her
+ entire history. Indeed the cholera epidemic is the only one of any
+ consequence. She remained one of the last large wooden cities. Her
+ sister city, St. John, was stricken by a disastrous fire and stands
+ to-day safer, more substantial, more progressive in every way.
+
+ Again communities are generally conservative in character when a large
+ percentage are property-holding people. It was one of the surprises of
+ the Halifax catastrophe that so large a number of citizens were found
+ to own at least in part the homes they lived in.
+
+ There are other questions which the sociologist would ask if it were
+ possible to carry the investigation further. Is the community loath to
+ disturb the existing relations or to resort to extreme means to
+ achieve desired ends? Or is it eager to sweep away the old, to indulge
+ in radical experiment and to try any means that give promise of
+ success? He would study too the distribution of people relative to
+ their interests. Is there a majority of those whose experiences are
+ narrow and whose interests are few? Or is there a majority of those
+ who have long enjoyed varied experiences and cultivated manifold
+ interests, that yet remain harmonious? He studies the character of the
+ choices, decisions, selections in a people's industry, law-making,
+ educational and religious undertakings. It is thus that he proceeds in
+ diagnosing a population as to the degree of conservatism and to
+ discover what the ideal community should be.--Giddings, Franklin H.,
+ _Inductive Sociology_ (N. Y., 1909), p. 178, _et seq._
+
+Diagnosis in detail is not essential here. Up to the time of the
+disaster Halifax had certainly preserved the _status quo_. We need not
+labor the how and why. Tourists had returned year after year and found
+her unaltered. "Dear, dirty old Halifax" they had called her. They had
+found business as usual,--old unpainted wooden houses on every side,
+unswept chimneys, an antiquated garbage system and offensive gutters;
+the best water and the poorest water system an inspector ever examined;
+the purest air but the most dust-laden in a storm; an obsolete
+tramway,[157] a "green market," ox-carts on the main streets, crossings
+ankle-deep with mud, a citizenship given over to late rising. Instead of
+making the city they had been "letting it happen." The "transient, the
+good-enough, the cheapest possible" had been the rule of action.
+
+ [157] Halifax has now one of the best equipped tramway systems to be
+ found anywhere. There has recently been appropriated the sum of
+ $200,000 for sewers, $150,000 for water, $300,000 for street paving.
+
+Such has been the unchanging Halifax of the years. But the old order
+changeth. The spell of the past is broken. A change has come over the
+spirit of her dreams. There are signs that a new birthday has come. The
+twenty-first day of June was the old Natal Day, kept each year with
+punctilious regularity. But Halifax is now just beginning to realize
+that there was a new nativity, and that it dates from December--that
+fatal Sixth. "Sad as was the day, it may be the greatest day in the
+city's history."
+
+Almost instinctively since the disaster Halifax has come to see the
+sources of her weakness and of her strength. Her geographical position
+which once meant isolation[158] will henceforth be her best asset. Just
+as the geographical expansion of Europe made the outposts of the Old
+World the entrepots of the New, so the expansion of Canada and of Nova
+Scotia--the province with the greatest number of natural resources of
+any in the Dominion--to the newly awakening city appears full of
+substantial promise. It will be largely hers to handle the water-borne
+commerce of a great country. Henceforth the ocean will become a link and
+not a limit. World-over connections are the certainties of the future,
+bound up inevitably with the economic and social solidarity of nations.
+Closer to South America than the United States, closer to South Africa
+than England, closer to Liverpool than New York, Halifax sees and
+accepts her destiny, forgets the inconvenience and loss she has
+undergone and the many annoyances of blasting and of digging, that the
+facilities of her "triple haven" might be multiplied and the march of
+progress begin. "The new terminals with their impressive passenger
+station, will not only be an attractive front door for Halifax, but will
+fit her to be one of the great portals of the Dominion."
+
+ [158] Halifax long felt herself to have been commercially a martyr to
+ Confederation.
+
+There has come upon the city a strange impatience of unbuilt spaces and
+untaxed areas sacred for decades to military barracks and parades. She
+has urged for some immediate solution, with the result that military
+property will be concentrated and many acres released to the city for
+its own disposal.
+
+Whether the pendulum will swing so far as to imperil the retention of
+old historic buildings, time-stained walls, and century-old church-yards
+is not yet apparent; although suggestions have been made which would
+have astounded the Halifax of a generation ago. Certain it is that a
+period of orientation is at hand. There is a stirring in the wards and
+clubs for progressive administration and modern policies. "Here as
+elsewhere the time has now come for clear thinking and the rearrangement
+of traditional thought."
+
+Indications of change are already abundant. The first to note is that of
+appearance. For illustration may be quoted an editorial published near
+the second anniversary of the explosion:
+
+ Halifax has been improving in appearance since the explosion,
+ exhibiting very sudden changes at particular points. One almost
+ forgets what the city was like about ten years ago. Still there is a
+ great deal to be done in the way of improvement to our streets. The
+ move in the direction of permanent streets is an excellent one and
+ if carried out as designed will be an improvement and saving to the
+ city.
+
+The report of the Secretary of the Board of Trade makes the following
+reference to the change in appearance of the city:
+
+ One of the pleasing features in reference to both the wholesale and
+ retail business of Halifax is the improved condition of premises
+ over a few years ago; retail stores are now having up-to-date and
+ attractive fronts, while wholesalers are improving their show-rooms
+ and thereby increasing their sales.
+
+The Mayor writes regarding the sidewalk improvement:
+
+ Some twenty miles of concrete sidewalks to be constructed are on the
+ order paper to be taken in turn so as to be as uniform as possible.
+ This will go a long way toward improving the appearance of the city.
+
+As to the change in the style of houses the Mayor states:
+
+ A pleasing feature of the new construction is the departure from the
+ former square box style of dwelling, also the method of placing rows
+ of houses exactly in the same style. Today homelike houses of modern
+ design, set back from the street with lawns in front are the order
+ of the day--bungalows are particularly in favor.
+
+Fine new residences are being built, apartment ideas are spreading, new
+lights are being tried out, a new tram company has taken hold. Indeed
+one citizen is credited with the words: "It is almost a sacrilege that
+Halifax should be so changed."
+
+The consciousness of change is seen in an altered public opinion and the
+beginnings of a new civic outlook. Evidence of the new note is a
+statement by one of the progressive Halifax firms:
+
+ Halifax is going to make good. Outside firms are taking up valuable
+ sites in our business districts. The banks are increasing their
+ activities. Some of the biggest industries are coming our way.
+ Surely everything points toward prosperity.
+
+Another feature indicative of the changing consciousness, which has
+infected a much wider region than Halifax itself is the plan now making
+rapid progress for an Old Home Summer, to be held from June to October,
+1924. The project has already received legislative recognition. An
+effort will be made to recall former residents on a scale such as has
+never been attempted before. The committee in charge is made up of many
+prominent citizens and the "1924 Club" grows. One may observe still
+another indication of the determination to progress in the recent
+completion of a system linking-up Halifax by telephone with Montreal,
+Toronto, New York and Chicago.
+
+Indices of business conditions are far from satisfactory, yet the items
+used in their computations are the only ones upon which variations may
+be even roughly gauged. Roger Babson puts as the leading considerations:
+(1) Building and real estate; (2) bank clearings; (3) business failures.
+Other symptomatic facts are postal revenues, tramway receipts, exports,
+taxes, interest rates, insurance, wages and hours, commodity prices,
+unfilled orders, immigration and unemployment.[159]
+
+ [159] Chaddock, Robert E., Unpublished Material.
+
+With regard to the first the following statement issued by the Mayor is
+significant. He says:
+
+ The year 1919 has been one of exceptional prosperity in the City of
+ Halifax. It has been a record year for building. Permits to the
+ approximate value of $5,000,000 have been issued to the engineer's
+ office, the largest amount by far in its history, the amount being
+ practically ten times that of 1913, or the year before the Great War
+ commenced. A part of this only can be attributed to the terrible
+ explosion of 1917.
+
+He refers to the great amount of construction going on in the western
+and northwestern parts of the city which were relatively untouched by
+the disaster. The Mayor further states:
+
+ It must be remembered that it is only two years since the
+ devastation caused by the explosion and strangers in the city have
+ considered it wonderful that we are so far advanced in building up
+ that portion which only a year ago had not a house upon it.
+
+The following tabulation gives the building figures according to the
+permits issued at the City Hall. It shows a remarkable recent increase.
+
+ Building Permits
+
+ 1910 .................... $471,140
+ 1911 .................... 508,836
+ 1912 .................... 589,775
+ 1913 .................... 839,635
+ 1914 .................... 874,320
+ 1915 .................... 1,066,938
+ 1916 .................... 1,177,509
+ 1917 .................... 844,079
+ 1918 .................... 2,955,406
+ 1919 .................... 5,194,806
+
+With regard to real estate the Mayor writes in December 1919
+
+ The increase in the selling values of properties is remarkable.
+ Business property has taken a jump in value, and it is difficult to
+ get for business purposes property well situated unless at very high
+ prices. Property has been known to change hands within a year at
+ approximately double the amount originally paid.
+
+The Secretary of the Board of Trade reports:
+
+ Real estate has been active, and prices have been obtained greatly
+ in excess of what properties were valued at in pre-war days.
+
+In the matter of bank clearings[160] the following table indicates a
+very considerable change:
+
+ Bank Clearings
+
+ 1910 .................... $95,855,319
+ 1911 .................... 87,994,043
+ 1912 .................... 100,466,672
+ 1913 .................... 105,347,626
+ 1914 .................... 100,280,107
+ 1915 .................... 104,414,598
+ 1916 .................... 125,997,881
+ 1917 .................... 151,182,752
+ 1918 .................... 216,084,415
+ 1919 .................... 241,200,194
+
+ [160] The reader will of course remember the general inflation of
+ currency.
+
+As to business failures the Secretary says:
+
+ Business failures have been few--practically the whole amount of the
+ liabilities will be made up of one failure, and it is believed the
+ loss to creditors in this particular case will be slight.
+
+ Additional Indices
+
+ Gross Postal Revenue Tramway Receipts (gross)
+
+ 1910 ................ $114,318 $477,109
+ 1911 ................ 119,561 502,399
+ 1912 ................ 132,097 539,853
+ 1913 ................ 140,102 605,933
+ 1914 ................ 147,943 645,341
+ 1915 ................ 154,499 718,840
+ 1916 ................ 167,594 559,513
+ 1917 ................ 255,815 859,667
+ 1918 ................ 305,412 998,702
+ 1919 ................ 349,507 1,258,503
+
+Among other assurances at the new prosperity and the beginnings of fresh
+faith in the city's future is the coming of new large business interests
+into the city. Among the largest construction work is the building of
+the Halifax shipyards upon the explosion ground, involving an outlay of
+ten millions of dollars. There is the ever-extending plant of the
+Imperial Oil Company, which will eventually make of Halifax a great
+oil-distribution port. There is the continuation of the
+thirty-million-dollar scheme of modern terminal facilities, which have
+been constructed so close to the ocean that a ship may be out of sight
+of land within an hour after casting off from the quay.
+
+In short there has been, as has been said, an "impetus given to business
+generally." That the impetus will continue there is every prospect.
+Halifax may experience a temporary wave of depression when such waves
+are flowing elsewhere. But today there are fewer doubters and more
+believers. The day of new elevators, new hotels, harbor-bridges and
+electric trains is not very far away. The prophecy of Samuel Cunard made
+in 1840--when he inaugurated the first Trans-Atlantic line--that
+"Halifax would be the entering port of Canada"--seems destined to
+fulfilment.
+
+As regards population after disasters Hoffman writes:
+
+ Even an earthquake such as affected the city of San Francisco may
+ not materially change the existing numbers of the population after a
+ sufficient period of time has elapsed for a reassembling of the
+ former units, and a return to the normal conditions of life and
+ growth.[161]
+
+Yet as before remarked, the catastrophe at Halifax eclipsed all
+preceding disasters to single communities on the Continent of America in
+the toll of human life.[162] In the San Francisco earthquake the loss
+was four hundred and ninety-eight; at the Chicago fire three hundred; at
+the Iroquois theatre fire in the same city, five hundred and
+seventy-five; at the Chester explosion one hundred and twelve; at the
+Johnstown flood two thousand. It is now estimated that the disaster at
+Halifax probably passed this latter figure, decreasing the city's
+population by four per cent. Notwithstanding this heavy draught upon the
+population, the 1918 volume of the Halifax Directory contained six
+hundred and fifty more names than the previous year.
+
+ [161] Hoffman, Frederick L., _Insurance, Science and Economics_
+ (N. Y., 1911), ch. ix, p. 337.
+
+ [162] In the Texas flood of 1900 there were lost 5,000 lives, but they
+ cannot be said to have been all associated with a single community.
+
+In the light of this consideration the following indication of the
+growth of population is also of contributory interest.[163]
+
+ Table
+
+ 1911 ...................... 46,619
+ 1912 ...................... 46,619
+ 1913 ...................... 47,109
+ 1914 ...................... 47,109
+ 1915 ...................... 47,473
+ 1916 ...................... 50,000
+ 1917 ...................... 50,000
+ 1918 ...................... 50,000
+ 1919 ...................... 55,000
+ 1920 ...................... 65,000[164]
+
+ [163] Figures kindly supplied by Mr. John H. Barnstead, Registrar,
+ Halifax.
+
+ [164] The Directory of 1920 estimates the present population to be
+ 85,000.
+
+An index of the growth of practical civic interest upon the part of
+citizens is revealed by the comparison of the numbers participating in
+political action by means of the vote. Recent figures for Halifax are:
+
+ Political Action
+
+ Year Purpose Eligible No. Percentage Percentage
+ voters voting of Indifference of Interest
+
+ 1918 ......... For Mayor 7,632 2,769 63.8 36.2
+ 1919 ......... " " 8,890 4,264 52.1 47.9
+ 1920 ......... " " 11,435 5,491 51.99 48.01
+
+Instead of the disaster resulting in disheartenment and a gradually
+diminishing civic interest, the percentage of indifference is smaller
+and the percentage of interest is larger for 1920 than for 1919, and the
+percentage of interest for 1919 is larger than that for the previous
+year. The number of eligible voters also shows increase. "The campaign
+[for 1920] has marked a new era .... and will make it easier to
+institute new reforms."[165]
+
+ [165] Halifax _Morning Chronicle_, April 29, 1920.
+
+Of further sociological interest is the change affecting city-planning,
+civic improvement, housing, health, education and recreation.
+
+In the realm of city-planning[166] and civic improvement, Halifax is
+awaking to the importance of taking advantage of an opportunity which
+comes to a city but seldom save through the avenue of disaster. The
+present Town-planning Board was formed as a result of the Town-planning
+Act of 1915. A board of four members, including the city engineer
+constitute the committee. The limits of the area to be brought under the
+scheme were still undecided when the explosion came. The disaster
+"hastened the resolution" of the Board. "When the disaster came it
+seemed that things would have to come to a head." Mr. Thomas Adams, the
+Dominion Housing and Town-planning Advisor, was brought to Halifax to
+help determine what should be done. "The disaster simply had the effect
+of bringing to a point certain things which were pending at the time. If
+that event had not occurred we would by this time be into a scheme,
+though possibly not so far as we are." Today the limits of the area have
+been defined and the scheme is nearly ready for presentation to the
+Council for adoption. The Dominion Town-planning Advisor's assistant
+reports that real progress has been made in the Halifax plan dealing
+with the proposed zoning of the city into factory, shopping and
+residential districts, the provision for future streets, street-widening
+and building lines, and suggestions for park and aerodrome sites. In the
+devastated area he has remarked progress in street-opening, in grading
+of the slope and in architectural treatment of the houses. Five hundred
+trees and three hundred shrubs have been ordered to be planted in this
+area. The whole area is under the control of the Relief Commission, for
+the Act appointing the Commission gave it the powers of a Town-planning
+Board.
+
+ [166] The earliest city-planning was mediaeval. Halifax was laid out
+ by military engineers with narrow streets--the "ideal was a fortified
+ enclosure designed to accommodate the maximum number of inhabitants
+ with the minimum of space." In 1813 a town-planning scheme was set on
+ foot for the purpose of straightening streets, the removal of
+ projections and banks of earth and stones which at that time existed
+ in the center of streets. Considerable betterment resulted but
+ unfortunately many fine trees were cut down.
+
+The disaster may thus be said not only to have hastened the resolution
+of the existing committee, but to have produced two planning-boards
+instead of one. Each must keep in mind the true ideal. For it is not the
+"City Beautiful" idea, but that of utility that is fundamental to
+city-planning. It is a principle to reduce to the minimum the social
+problems of community life, to accomplish Aristotle's ideal--"the
+welfare and happiness of everyone." In so doing civic beauty will not be
+neglected. "Scientific, sensible and sane city-planning" says an
+authority "with utility and public convenience as its primary
+consideration produces beauty--the beauty that is the result of adapting
+successfully a thing to its purpose." It is in accordance with this
+principle of civic art that the terminal area is being developed--a work
+designed by the same architect who planned the Chateau Laurier and the
+Ottawa Plaza with such aesthetic taste.
+
+To "deep cuttings, spanned by fine bridges, and bordered with trees and
+pleasant driveways, after the manner of Paris," and to a "waterfront as
+stately as Genoa's, a terminal station with a noble facade, overlooking
+a square and space of flowers,"[167] the future will also bring to
+Halifax
+
+ more street-paving, sidewalks, parks, fountains, hedges, driveways,
+ cluster-lighting, statuary, buildings of majesty, spaciousness and
+ beauty. Wires will be buried, unsightly poles will disappear....
+ With time will come all these things which stamp a city as modern,
+ as caring for the comfort of its people, their pleasure and rest,
+ and health and safety. All these things come with time, effort,
+ development of city pride, and the concentrated desire of a people
+ for them.[168]
+
+ [167] MacMechan, Archibald, "Changing Halifax," _Canadian Magazine_,
+ vol. xli, no. 4, pp. 328, 329.
+
+ [168] Crowell, H. C., _The Busy East_, vol. x, no. 7, p. 12.
+
+The question of housing is recognized as an old Halifax problem. It was
+already an acute one when the blow of the catastrophe fell and
+multiplied the difficulty a thousand-fold. The Relief Commission has
+grappled with its end of the problem, namely, the housing of the many
+refugees who were first accommodated in lodgings and in temporary
+shelters.[169] The old sombre frame-constructed buildings of the
+pre-disaster days are being replaced with attractive hydrostone. A
+hard-working wage-earning community is stepping out of indifferent
+structures into homes both comfortable and well-ordained.
+
+ [169] A model housing development of 346 houses in the new north end
+ has followed the disaster. "It is reasonable to assume," writes an
+ observer, "that the standard of living will ascend. Already the
+ influence of these new houses is showing itself in the homes that are
+ springing up all over the city."
+
+But the old problem would have still remained unsolved, had not the city
+authorities caught something of the reconstruction spirit and felt the
+sharp urge of increasing difficulties. Action has been at last
+precipitated. However, lacking in comprehensiveness the first attempts,
+the city has bestirred itself and has come to realize adequate housing
+to be a supreme need of the community and vitally associated with the
+city's health and welfare. A Housing Committee of five members has been
+formed, having as chairman a man of widely recognized building
+experience and as director of housing, a capable citizen. It is intended
+to make full use of the federal housing scheme, in a practical way, the
+City Council having reversed its former decisions and accepted by by-law
+the obligation which the government act requires. It is hoped in this
+way to promote the erection of modern dwellings and to "contribute to
+the general health and well-being of the community."
+
+Thus the principle of promotive legislation and government aid, which
+when finally accepted in 1890, began the remarkable housing reform in
+England, has entered the City of Halifax, and will eventually write a
+record of increased health, comfort and contentment. How soon that
+record is written will largely depend upon the citizens themselves and
+their response to a leadership that is forceful as well as wise.
+
+The matter of health organization in Halifax affords perhaps the most
+significant contrast with the pre-disaster days. Prior to the
+catastrophe public health organization was not a matter for civic pride.
+The dispensary, which is often regarded as the index of a city's care
+for health, had received scant support and could only perform
+indifferent service. Adequate sanitary inspection could not be carried
+out for want of inspectors. The death rate[170] had averaged about
+twenty percent for a period of ten years, and the infant and
+tuberculosis mortality had been tremendously high--the former reaching
+the figure of one hundred and eighty-two.[171] There was no spur to
+progressive administration. The city was too ill-equipped to cope with
+such conditions.
+
+ [170] London's is 14.6, New York's 13.6.
+
+ [171] New York's is 90, New Zealand's 60.
+
+Today Halifax has the finest public health program and most complete
+public health organization in the Dominion. The fact that this is so is
+in very close relation to the catastrophe inasmuch as an unexpended
+balance of relief moneys[172] has been redirected by request for health
+purposes in Halifax. A five-year policy has been inaugurated. Fifty
+thousand dollars per year of the relief money, fifteen thousand dollars
+per year of the Canadian government money and five thousand dollars per
+year each, of the city and provincial money are to be expended in the
+five-year campaign. The sum totals seventy-five thousand dollars per
+year, or practically one dollar per capita.
+
+ [172] These funds are from the munificent gift of Massachusetts. A
+ Massachusetts-Halifax Health Commission has been formed--Dr.
+ B. Franklin Royer is the executive officer.
+
+A completely equipped health centre has been established including all
+the essential remedial and educational agencies, namely, pre-natal,
+pre-school-age, school-age, tuberculosis, venereal disease, eye, ear,
+nose and throat clinics. There will also be provision for the growth of
+health ideas through mother's classes, first-aid, and sanitary leagues.
+A public health course for nurses is included in the educational
+campaign.[173] A most successful baby-saving exhibit has been held, and
+the plan calls for a full-time tuberculosis specialist.
+
+ [173] Dalhousie University has recently graduated the first class of
+ nurses in Canada to receive the Diploma of Public Health.
+
+Upon the part of the civic authorities there has been a greater
+realization of responsibility. Progressive steps have been already taken
+including the appointment of a Doctor of Public Health, and the
+provision of district sanitary inspectors. Restaurants and all places
+where food is exposed for sale are being systematically inspected with a
+view of effecting improvements. A single instance of commendable
+activity along sanitary lines is the prohibition of movable lunch cars,
+which have been seen on the streets of Halifax for years. The removal of
+a lot of dwellings unfit for occupation is receiving the attention of
+the officials. In fact it is the intention of the present Council to
+improve conditions throughout the city generally as quickly as is
+feasible to do so. Another illustration of the direction of attention to
+modern social methods is the present discussion of plans for a
+psychiatric clinic for mental hygiene and the discovery of defectives,
+especially those attending the schools. Still another indication of
+interest in child welfare is the fact that a clinic for babies was
+established in a central locality and a nurse for babies regularly
+employed. The hitherto meager hospital facilities are being amplified by
+the building of a maternity hospital and the enlargement of the
+children's hospital,--a centralization plan of hospital service being a
+unique and distinctive feature. In the way of industrial hygiene a
+full-time nurse is employed in the ship-building plant and here also
+safety policies have been introduced and have reduced accidents to a
+minimum. The movement for the control of preventable disease is gaining
+impetus and a modern tuberculosis hospital is being established. The
+Victoria General Hospital is being enlarged and extended, the additions
+having an estimated cost of half a million dollars.
+
+But it is not alone the activities of the Health Commission but also the
+earlier vigorous policy of disaster medical relief, which is seen
+reflected in the growing sense of community-responsibility for health
+conditions. Halifax has come to see the principle fundamental to all
+health reform, that public health is a purchasable commodity and that
+improvement in vital statistics is in close correlation with the
+progress of health organization. It remains to be seen whether so
+favored a community will also lead the way in the registration and
+periodic health examination of every individual citizen which is the
+final goal of all policies of health reform.
+
+The standards of education have always been high in Halifax. She has
+been the educational center of the Maritime Provinces. Her academic
+attainments have brought to her much distinction and not a little glory.
+Her public schools boast many a fine record to furnish inspiration to
+each successive generation. To secure appointment to the Halifax
+teaching staff the applicant must possess the highest qualifications.
+But however much educational leaders may desire them, modern methods and
+up-to-date equipment await in large measure the public will. Only where
+there is a will is there a way. That the public will in Halifax is
+becoming awakened to the vital role her educators play is being proven
+by the response to the campaign for the expansion of Dalhousie
+University. That response has been most generous and general, while
+local contributions have been amplified by large benefactions from the
+Carnegie Corporation and the Rockefeller Foundation. Of the latter
+benefactions together amounting to one million dollars--four hundred
+thousand will be expended upon buildings and equipment. The modernizing
+process is shown again in the decision of the university to establish at
+once a Faculty of Commerce and to encourage the teaching of Spanish and
+Portuguese in the educational institutions of the city.
+
+In the old teaching methods all are given the same course of instruction
+regardless of the individual mental differences. Today the effort is to
+provide an education to fit the mind rather than to force the mind to
+fit the education. In the public schools of Halifax there are not
+lacking indications which herald the coming of the newer pedagogy. Among
+these may be mentioned the opening of sub-normal classes for retarded
+children, experimentation with the social-recitation system, the display
+of Safety-First League posters and the development of those departments
+already established, _viz._ vocational and domestic training, manual and
+physical education, medical inspection, supervised playgrounds, school
+nurses, dental clinics, and the wider use of school plants in evening
+technical classes.
+
+Halifax will sooner or later decide to employ to the fullest degree all
+the opportunities which child-training affords. The school system is an
+institution of society to mediate between a child and his environment.
+Children must learn to do and to be as well as to know. Their plastic
+minds must receive practice in resistance to domination by feeling and
+in the use of the intellect as the servant and guide of life. To the
+children of Halifax is due eventually a thorough training in
+citizenship. This is the last call of the new future in education. It
+rests upon the twin pillars of educational psychology and educational
+sociology.
+
+Recreation is still another sphere of civic life wherein the City of
+Halifax has taken a forward step. In making her plans for the future she
+has not forgotten that the rebuilt city should contain every facility
+for children to grow up with strong bodies and sane minds; as well as
+public provision for the leisure time of the adult population. A
+Recreation Commission has been formed made up of representatives of the
+various civic bodies and from the civic and provincial governments.[174]
+A playground expert was called in by the city government, who after
+study of the situation and conference with local groups, recommended a
+system of recreation as part of the general city plan. Already marked
+progress has resulted; indeed it has been said that the "municipal
+recreation system of Halifax has made a record for itself." A hill of
+about fifteen acres in the heart of the devastated area has been
+reserved for a park and playground. The city has built and turned over
+to the Commission a temporary bath-house, and has set aside the sum of
+ten thousand dollars for a permanent structure. The plans contain
+recommendations for minimum play-space for every school child, a central
+public recreation area, an open-air hillside stadium, as well as a
+community center with auditorium, community theatre, natatorium,
+gymnasium, and public baths. The real significance of this movement
+Halifax has not, herself, as yet fully realized. Just as there is a
+close relationship between health organization and mortality tables, so
+there is a close association between open spaces, street play, _etc._,
+and juvenile, as well as other forms of delinquency.[175] The moral
+value of organized recreation was itself demonstrated in the war, while
+the increasing menace of industrial fatigue, as well as the fact of the
+shorter working-day, call for public recreational facilities as a social
+policy. This policy is not however fully carried out with merely
+constructive and promotive action. It must be followed by restrictive
+and regulatory control of commercialized recreation, and wise and
+adequate systems of inspection for amusement in all its forms. This is
+the path of progress in socialized recreation.
+
+ [174] It should be stated that the supervised playground movement had
+ been developing in Halifax for a period of fourteen years, first under
+ the Women's Council, afterwards under a regularly incorporated
+ association with which the Women's Council merged.
+
+ [175] In view of the explosion and the resulting housing conditions,
+ an increase in juvenile delinquency might have been expected, but the
+ "playgrounds which were established immediately after the disaster,
+ and which adjoined both of the large temporary housing projects, are,
+ it is felt, responsible for the excellent conditions which exist. The
+ records of the Superintendent of Neglected and Delinquent Children
+ show that there was an actual decrease in the number of juvenile
+ arrests in 1918 over 1917."--(Leland, Arthur, "Recreation as a Part of
+ the City Plan for Halifax, N. S., Canada," _Playground_, vol. xiii,
+ no. 10, p. 493.)
+
+Progress in cooperation has also to be noticed. There has been a new
+sense of unity in dealing with common problems. The number of things
+which perforce had to be done together during the catastrophe was great.
+This doing of things together will be continued. The establishment of
+the Halifax Cooperative Society is initial evidence of a movement
+towards cooperative buying. Cooperation for community ends even now is
+revealing itself in the new interest for the common control of
+recreation, health conditions, _etc._ "The disaster," runs an article in
+the press, "has given our social movement an impetus. The social workers
+of the different creeds and classes have discovered each other and are
+getting together."[176] The organization of social service which only a
+few years back took a beginning in the form of an unpretentious bureau
+has shot ahead with amazing rapidity and now exercises an influence of
+coordination upon the churches, charities and philanthropic societies of
+the city.
+
+ [176] Halifax _Evening Mail_, March 22, 1918.
+
+The unifying process is well illustrated by the increased cooperation
+upon the part of the churches. Following the disaster the churches of
+the city united into a single organization for relief service under the
+chairmanship of the Archbishop of Nova Scotia. Since then a Ministerial
+Association has been formed which has directed cooperative effort along
+various lines and has exercised pressure upon those in authority where
+the best interests of the city were involved.
+
+Thus the City of Halifax has been galvanized into life through the
+testing experience of a great catastrophe. She has undergone a civic
+transformation, such as could hardly otherwise have happened in fifty
+years. She has caught the spirit of the social age. This spirit after
+all means only that the community is just a family on a larger scale,
+and the interests of each member are interwoven with those of all. But
+merely to catch the spirit will not suffice. It must be cherished
+through an inevitable period of reaction and passivity, and then carried
+on still further into the relations of capital and labor, into the realm
+of socialized recreation and into those multiform spheres of social
+insurance whither all true social policies lead.
+
+All these converging lines taken not singly but together constitute a
+very real basis of faith in the city's future, and of hope for permanent
+changes for the better. Perhaps this attitude cannot be more fittingly
+expressed than in the words of Carstens:
+
+ The Halifax disaster will leave a permanent mark upon the city for
+ at least a generation, because so many of the living have been
+ blinded or maimed for life. But it is possible that the disaster may
+ leave a mark of another sort, for it is confidently believed by
+ those who took part in the relief work during the first few weeks
+ that Halifax will gain as well as lose. The sturdy qualities of its
+ citizens will bring 'beauty out of ashes.'
+
+But it is rather for social than for material progress that the
+sociologist will seek and Carstens continues:
+
+ It may reasonably be expected that through this Calvary, there may
+ be developed a program for the care, training and education of the
+ sightless as good if not better than any now existing, that medical
+ social service will be permanently grafted upon the hospital and
+ out-patient service of the community, and that the staff of teachers
+ of the stricken city, by direct contact with the intimate problems
+ of the families of the children they have in their class-rooms may
+ acquire a broader view of their work. If there should result no
+ other benefits, and there are likely to be many, as for example
+ city-planning, housing and health, the death and suffering at
+ Halifax will not have been in vain, will not have been all
+ loss.[177]
+
+ [177] Carstens, C. C., "From the Ashes of Halifax," _Survey_,
+ vol. xxxix, no. 13, p. 61.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+Recapitulation--The various steps in the study presented in
+propositional form--The role of catastrophe direct and indirect. (a)
+Directly prepares the ground-work for change by: (1) weakening social
+immobility; (2) producing fluidity of custom; (3) enhancing environal
+favorability for change--(b) Indirectly sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the change such as: (1) the release of spirit
+and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of leaders and
+lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+
+If the preceding narrative has been successful in setting forth the
+facts as they were observed, the reader has now before him a fairly
+accurate picture of a community as it reacts under the stimulus of
+catastrophe and proceeds to adjust itself to the circumstantial pressure
+of new conditions. It will be well, however, for the sake of clearness
+in emphasizing our closing propositions to recapitulate one by one the
+various steps in our study. These steps while primarily intended to
+follow the natural order in point of time will also be seen to represent
+a definite sociological process of development.
+
+At first the shock of the catastrophe was seen to have been sufficiently
+terrific to affect every inhabitant of the city. This fact gives
+peculiar value to the investigation. The more a shock is limited in
+extent the more its analysis grows in complexity. In such cases
+consideration must necessarily be given to the frontiers of influence.
+The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+have been a fairly general disintegration of social institutions, and of
+the usual methods of social control--in short, a dissolution of the
+customary. This turmoil into which society was thrown is sometimes
+called "fluidity," and, for lack of a better one, this term has been
+retained. It would thus appear that if it were later observed that
+essential social changes ensued, fluidity was one of the requisites of
+change; and this is indeed in perfect tally with previous thought upon
+the subject as set forth in our more theoretical introduction and
+expressed in the proposition that fluidity is fundamental to social
+change.
+
+The more general and preliminary treatment over, individual and group
+reactions were then examined in greater detail, and the phenomena of the
+major sort were singled out and classified. These were found to be
+either abnormal and handicapping such as emotional parturition; or
+stimulative and promotive, as dynamogenic reaction. This constituted the
+material of the second chapter. Put in propositional form it would be
+that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social psychology which may
+either retard or promote social reorganization.
+
+Social organization came next in order, and because its progress was
+largely expedited by the organization of relief,--the first social
+activity,--the sociological factors observed in the latter have been
+recorded. These factors were classified as physical, including climate
+and topography, and psychological, such as leadership, suggestion,
+imitation, discussion, recognition of utility and consciousness of kind.
+Reference was also made to biological and equipmental considerations.
+Two conclusions of interest are here deducible: first, that part of
+society which is most closely organized and disciplined in normality
+first recovers social consciousness in catastrophe; second, it is only
+after division of function delegates to a special group the
+responsibility for relief work that public thought is directed to the
+resumption of a normal society. These conclusions emphasize the
+conservation value to society of a militia organization in every
+community and also of a permanent vigilance committee.
+
+The fifth chapter introduced a relatively new element, the presence of
+which may be relied upon in all future emergencies, that of a disaster
+social service. Its contribution was that of skillful service and wise
+direction; its permanent effect, the socialization of the community. The
+value of the presence of visiting social specialists is in inverse
+proportion to the degree to which the socialization of a community has
+advanced. The practical conclusion is clearly that self-dependence of a
+community in adversity is furthered by the socialization of the existing
+institutions.
+
+The next and latest group to function effectively was that of
+government, but social legislation when forth-coming, contributed an
+important and deciding influence, and was itself in turn enriched by the
+calamity. Brought to the test of comparison with observed facts the
+statement in the introduction receives abundant justification; namely,
+that catastrophe is in close association with progress in social
+legislation.
+
+To the influences already mentioned an additional factor of recuperation
+is added,--the socio-economic one. Disaster-stricken communities cannot
+become normal until the social surplus is restored. They may however
+always count upon public aid. But there is found to be strongly
+suggested a correlation between the magnitude or striking character of a
+disaster and the generosity of the relief response.
+
+The last chapter is devoted to a cataloging of the indications of social
+change from the standpoint of the community as a whole. The old social
+order is contrasted with that obtaining two years subsequent to the
+disaster. It here appeared that the city of Halifax had as a community
+undergone and is undergoing an extraordinary social change. This
+implies, according to the theory of social causation, an extraordinary
+antecedent. Before finally accepting the factor of catastrophe as such,
+the scientific reader may very properly ask whether there are not
+alternatives.
+
+To this query the answer is that there are alternatives, other very
+considerable extra-social factors to be noted, but that catastrophe was
+itself the precipitating factor there is little room for doubt. Of the
+other factors two only are of sufficient weight for our present
+consideration. The earliest in order of time, and perhaps also in rank
+of importance is that which Halifax residents understand as the coming
+of the new ocean terminals. The coming was so sudden in the nature of
+its announcement, and meant for many so much depreciation in property
+values, that it had something of the nature of catastrophe within it. It
+altered very extensively the previously accepted ideas of residential
+and business and industrial sections of the city, and caused a jolt in
+the body politic, such as had not visited it for years--not since the
+middle of the nineteenth century brought the revolutionizing steam. It
+is not to be denied that this factor has contributed not a little to the
+weakening of immobility, and the preparation of the ground for an inrush
+of the spirit of progress.
+
+The other factor was the war. The war functioned mightily in community
+organization for service. It brought prosperity to many a door, and
+whetted the appetite of many a merchant to put the business of peace on
+a war basis. But it would be merely speculation to say that prosperity
+would have continued in peace. Indeed such a conclusion would not be
+historically justifiable. Halifax has been through three important wars.
+In each, "trade was active, prices were high, the population increased,
+industry was stimulated by the demand, rents doubled and trebled,
+streets were uncommonly busy." But in each case also Halifax settled
+back to her ante-bellum sluggishness. In 1816 Halifax began to feel the
+reaction consequent upon the close of a war. The large navy and army
+were withdrawn and Halifax and its inhabitants "bore the appearance of a
+town at the close of a fair. The sudden change from universal hustle and
+business to ordinary pursuits made this alteration at times very
+perceptible. Money gradually disappeared and the failure of several
+mercantile establishments added to the general distress." But the
+closing of the war, now a hundred years later, has exhibited no such
+relapse. On the other hand Halifax grows daily more prosperous and
+progressive than before. Her bank clearings do not fail, but rather
+increase. There is clearly some further influence associated with this
+change.
+
+But there is a very real sense in which the war may indeed be said to
+have been the factor,--if we mean by it the fact that through the war
+and as a direct result of war-service the city was laid half in ruins by
+possibly the greatest single catastrophe on the American Continent. If
+we mean this, we have named the all-precipitating and determining event.
+The catastrophe was an episode of the great war.
+
+It only remains to add by way of clearer definition that the role of
+catastrophe appears to be both direct and indirect. Functioning
+directly, it prepares the ground-work for social change by (1) weakening
+social immobility; (2) precipitating fluidity of custom; (3) forcing
+environal favorability for change. Indirectly, it sets in motion factors
+determining the nature of the social change, such as (1) the release of
+spirit and morale; (2) the play of imitation; (3) the stimulus of
+leaders and lookers-on; (4) the socialization of institutions.
+
+Our final principle[178] thus appears to be that progress in catastrophe
+is a resultant of specific conditioning factors some of which are
+subject to social control. If there is one thing more than another which
+we would emphasize in conclusion it is this final principle. Progress is
+not necessarily a natural or assured result of change. It comes only as
+a result of effort that is wisely expended and sacrifice which is
+sacrifice in truth.
+
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+ namely, that the degree of fluidity seems to vary directly as the
+ shock of the catastrophe, and that brusk revolution in the conditions
+ of life accomplish not sudden, but gradual changes in society, require
+ a study of comparative catastrophic phenomena for verification or
+ rejection.
+
+That the nature of the social change in Halifax is one in the direction
+of progress we think to be based on reason and not alone on hope. That
+it is also our fervent hope, we need hardly add. But every Haligonian
+who cherishes for his city the vision which this book contains, may help
+mightily to bring it to pass by making effort his watchword and
+intelligence his guide. We do not say it will all come tomorrow. We do
+say a wonderful beginning has been made since yesterday. And this is
+bright for the future. In no better words can we conclude than in those
+of one of her greatest lovers: "Changes must come to Halifax. This is a
+world of change. But every true Haligonian hopes that the changes will
+not disfigure his beloved city, but only heighten and enhance the
+intimate and haunting charms she borrows from the sea."[179]
+
+ [179] MacMechan, _op. cit._, p. 336.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+A
+
+ Accidents, industrial, 116, 135
+
+ Advancement, human, _vide_ progress
+
+ Aesthetics, 70
+
+ Aggregation, social, 62
+
+ Altruism, 51, 58
+
+ Ameliorative legislation, _vide_ legislation
+
+ Analytic psychology, 49
+
+ Anxiety, 38
+
+ Anger, 39, 44, 45
+
+ Animal relief, 91
+
+ Army, _vide_ military
+
+ Association, 56, 63;
+ utility of, 62, 142
+
+ Associations, state and voluntary, 73, 99
+
+ Attention, 17, 20, 54, 55, 134
+
+ Authority, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+
+B
+
+ Behavior, 17, 18, 52, 53, 60, 67
+
+ Beliefs, 23, 38, 120
+
+ Bereavement, 47
+
+ Biological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Body politic, 44, 69, 144
+
+ Bureau, welfare, 139
+
+ Business, disorganization of, 31, 59, 113;
+ expansion of, 77, 124;
+ indices of, 125;
+ relief, 105, 113;
+ resumption of, 69, 71, 72, 73
+
+
+C
+
+ Capital, 139
+
+ Catastrophe, and crisis, 16, 18;
+ and communication, 31;
+ definition of, 14;
+ and evolution, 14, 15;
+ and generosity, 57, 58, 115;
+ and heroism, 55;
+ and insurance, 116;
+ and poetry, 22;
+ and population, 128;
+ and progress, 21, 22, 23;
+ and social change, 118;
+ and social disintegration, 31;
+ and social economy, 80;
+ and social legislation, 23, 100;
+ and social organization, 59, 69;
+ and social psychology, 35;
+ and suicide, 46;
+ and social surplus, 111;
+ and survival, 56;
+ and tragedy, 114, 115;
+ and war, 14
+
+ Cataclysm, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+ Causation, social, 144
+
+ Centralization, policy of, 83
+
+ Ceremony, 120
+
+ Change, social, and catastrophe, 20, 21;
+ and crisis, 16, 21;
+ definition of, 15, 21;
+ factor of, 15, 16;
+ and fluidity, 21;
+ indications of, 123, 143;
+ and progress, 21;
+ resistance to, 19
+
+ Charity, 22, 97
+
+ Child welfare, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 135, 137
+
+ Churches, _vide_ religious institutions
+
+ Circumstantial pressure, 33, 64, 77
+
+ Civic authority, _vide_ municipal control
+
+ Civic improvement, 22, 77, 105, 108, 129, 130, 140
+
+ Civilization, 31, 49
+
+ Classes, social, 96, 139
+
+ Clergy, 74, 83, 84, 139
+
+ Clinics, 134
+
+ Climatic factors in society, 66, 67, 142
+
+ Clubs, 76, 123
+
+ Collective behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ Commerce, 70, 118, 122
+
+ Commercialized recreation, 138
+
+ Communication, 31, 57, 61, 62, 71, 72, 73
+
+ Community, 19, 21, 32, 49, 55, 62, 67, 78, 80, 84, 85, 88, 92, 95, 96,
+ 97, 100, 101, 109, 115, 135, 138, 143
+
+ Comparative catastrophe, 146
+
+ Compensation, 90, 96, 97, 105, 107
+
+ Component groups, 70
+
+ Consciousness, 37, 42, 59, 60, 68, 124, 142
+
+ Consciousness of kind, 63, 67, 142
+
+ Consciousness of underlying difference, 69
+
+ Conservation, social, 79, 84, 143
+
+ Conservatism in society, 19, 117, 120
+
+ Contagion of feeling, 42
+
+ Control, social, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146
+
+ Conventionality, 49
+
+ Cooperation, 61, 83, 84, 97, 138
+
+ Crime, 50, 76
+
+ Criticism, 49, 84, 86, 92, 94
+
+ Crisis, and catastrophe, 16;
+ definition of, 16;
+ and fluidity, 18;
+ and great men, 55;
+ and progress, 55;
+ and revolution, 17;
+ significance of, 16
+
+ Crises, in battles, 16;
+ in communities, 18;
+ in diseases, 16;
+ in life-histories, 16, 18;
+ men skilled in dealing with, 83, 98;
+ power to meet, 80;
+ in religions, 16;
+ in social institutions, 16;
+ in world of thought, 16
+
+ Crowd, 41, 42, 43, 45
+
+ Crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45
+
+ Courts, 96
+
+ Culture, 19, 21, 80
+
+ Curiosity, 44
+
+ Custom, 15, 19, 34, 49, 63, 67, 69, 120, 142, 145
+
+ Cycles, 15
+
+
+D
+
+ Death rate, 133
+
+ Delinquency, 138
+
+ Delirium, oneiric, 46
+
+ Delusion, 35, 38
+
+ Determination, 44, 58
+
+ Diagnosis, social, 92, 121
+
+ Disaster, _vide_ catastrophe
+
+ Disaster psychology, _vide_ psychology
+
+ Disaster relief, _vide_ relief
+
+ Disease, 22, 36, 48, 134
+
+ Discussion, 37, 64, 67, 142
+
+ Disintegration of society, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 59
+
+ Dispensary, 88, 133
+
+ Distributive system of society, 31
+
+ Diversity of capacity, 69
+
+ Division of labor, 69, 79, 142
+
+ Dynamic forces, 19
+
+ Dynamogenic reactions, 52
+
+
+E
+
+ Economic factors in society, 68
+
+ Economy, social, 80, 98
+
+ Education, 19, 84, 101, 120, 121, 129, 134, 135, 136, 137
+
+ Educational institutions, 20, 69, 70, 74, 76, 82, 85, 91, 95, 135, 136
+
+ Educational psychology, 137
+
+ Educational sociology, 137
+
+ Emergency, 52, 60, 79, 82, 83, 87, 98, 143
+
+ Emotion, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53
+
+ Endurance, 52, 53, 54, 60
+
+ Energies, 52, 58
+
+ Environmental effects, 15, 75, 136, 145
+
+ Envy, 44
+
+ Erroneous recognition, 39
+
+ Equipmental factors in society, 68, 142
+
+ Evolution, 14, 15, 56, 101
+
+ Exaltation, 45, 46
+
+ Expectancy, 41
+
+
+F
+
+ Factors in social change, 15, 16, 22, 144
+
+ Family, 59, 61, 74, 86, 88, 89, 140
+
+ Fatigue, 45, 52, 53, 54
+
+ Fear, 39, 44, 45, 64
+
+ First aid, 41, 61, 134
+
+ Flight instinct, 40
+
+ Fluidity, 18, 19, 20, 21, 34, 142, 145
+
+ Flux, 19, 34
+
+ Folkways, 18
+
+ Food-getting, 39, 92
+
+ Fraternal societies, 76, 98
+
+
+G
+
+ Generosity, 55, 57, 58, 115, 116, 143
+
+ Geographic determinants, 67, 119
+
+ Government, 19, 31, 100, 101;
+ agencies of, 100;
+ aid in disaster, 94, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107;
+ an institution of society, 100;
+ and leadership, 117;
+ officials, 62, 102, 106;
+ over-emphasis of, 19, 119, 120
+
+ Gratitude, 45
+
+ Great man, 55, 69
+
+ Greed, 44, 51, 94
+
+ Gregarious instinct, 40, 41, 63, 67
+
+ Grief, 38, 48
+
+ Group, 41, 55, 56, 60, 70, 142
+
+ Group heroism, 56
+
+
+H
+
+ Habit, 17, 19, 20, 52, 69, 117
+
+ Habitation, 39, 63
+
+ Hallucination, 35, 37, 38
+
+ Happiness, 70, 112
+
+ Health, public, 68, 88, 101, 108, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140
+
+ Helpfulness, psychology of, 56, 85
+
+ Herd instinct, 41, 63
+
+ Heroism, 55, 56
+
+ History, 14
+
+ Heredity, 67
+
+ Homes, 31, 32, 48, 63, 87, 114
+
+ Homogeneity, 70
+
+ Housing, 114, 129, 132, 140
+
+ Hospitals, 53, 66, 88, 90, 135, 140
+
+ Human nature, 93, 94
+
+ Hyperactivity of imagination, 46
+
+ Hyper-suggestibility, 44
+
+ Hypnosis, 45
+
+
+I
+
+ Imagination, 31, 37, 46, 114
+
+ Imitation, 15, 63, 67, 77, 142, 145
+
+ Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+ Immobility of society, 19, 20, 120, 144, 145
+
+ Impulsive social action, 42, 48
+
+ Indemnity, principle of, 95
+
+ Indications of social change, 123, 143
+
+ Indices of business, 125
+
+ Individual reactions, 41, 51, 53, 55
+
+ Industry, 31, 69, 118, 121, 144
+
+ Industrial, accidents, 116, 135;
+ fatigue, 138;
+ hygiene, 135
+
+ Inhibitions, 36, 41, 49
+
+ Insanity, 46
+
+ Instincts, 18, 20, 35, 39, 40, 44
+
+ Institutions, social, _vide_ religious, educational
+
+ Insurance, social, 105, 116, 125
+
+
+J
+
+ Jealousy, 44
+
+ Justice, 19
+
+ Juvenile delinquency, 138
+
+
+K
+
+ Kind, consciousness of, 63, 67, 142
+
+ Kindliness, 45, 55
+
+
+L
+
+ Labor, 139;
+ division of, 69, 79;
+ legislation, 23, 101, 108
+
+ Law, 49, 50, 58, 120
+
+ Leadership, 21, 61, 67, 80, 84, 86, 145
+
+ Legislation, ameliorative, 101;
+ boundaries of, 101;
+ and catastrophe, 23, 110, 143;
+ health, 108;
+ ideals of, 101;
+ labor, 23, 101, 108;
+ mining, 23, 108;
+ marine, 23, 108, 109;
+ promotive, 133;
+ progress in, 101, 108, 110, 143;
+ social, 23, 100
+
+ Like-mindedness, 63, 70
+
+ Like response, 41
+
+ Limitation of field of consciousness, 42
+
+ Lookers-on, stimulus of, 21, 78, 145
+
+
+M
+
+ Magic, 20, 78
+
+ Martial law, 101
+
+ Maternity, 48, 135
+
+ Mass relief, 85
+
+ Medical inspection, 136
+
+ Medical social service, 87, 88, 89, 98, 140
+
+ Mental hygiene, 134
+
+ Mental unity, 41
+
+ Meteorological pressure, 65
+
+ Military and naval organization, 51, 60, 63, 68, 88, 101, 102, 122,
+ 143, 145
+
+ Ministerial association, 139
+
+ Models, 21, 77, 78
+
+ Modes of affective experience, 44
+
+ Morale, 21, 106, 108, 145
+
+ Morality, 20, 97
+
+ Mores, 70
+
+ Morgue service, 39, 91, 98
+
+ Mortality, 112
+
+ Municipal control, 101, 102, 103, 104
+
+ Mutual aid, 55, 56, 57, 58
+
+
+N
+
+ Navy, _vide_ military
+
+ News-notice, 115
+
+ Normality, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 142
+
+
+O
+
+ Obstruction and the human will, 52
+
+ Occupational change, 113
+
+ Oneiric delirium, 46
+
+ Organization, _vide_ social, relief
+
+ Orientation, 123
+
+ Original tendencies, 39
+
+
+P
+
+ Pain economy, 112
+
+ Pain, 53, 54
+
+ Parental instinct, 40, 41
+
+ Pensions, 90
+
+ Percentage of indifference, 129
+
+ Percentage of interest, 129
+
+ Personal crises, 18
+
+ Phenomena, of bereavement, 47;
+ of crowd psychology, 35, 41, 45;
+ diverse, 35;
+ of emotion, 44;
+ of endurance, 52, 53;
+ post-catastrophic, 48;
+ of repression, 49
+
+ Philanthropy, 52, 69, 116
+
+ Physical factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Physiological reactions, 35, 36, 52
+
+ Pity, 39
+
+ Pleasure economy, 112
+
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ Plural leadership, 49
+
+ Police, 76, 101, 102
+
+ Political action, 64, 76, 129
+
+ Political Science, 103
+
+ Poor laws, 101
+
+ Population, 19, 67, 113, 114, 128, 137, 144
+
+ Post-catastrophic phenomena, 48
+
+ Precipitating agent, 16, 144, 145
+
+ Preparedness, 64
+
+ Press, 72
+
+ Pressure, social, 63, 77
+
+ Primitive household, 69
+
+ Principles of relief, _vide_ relief
+
+ Production, 19
+
+ Profiteering, psychology of, 51
+
+ Procedure, 23, 79, 102, 109
+
+ Progress, in catastrophe, 21, 22, 23, 55, 98, 108, 146;
+ and change, 21;
+ degree of, 21;
+ and evolution, 14, 15;
+ meaning of, 21;
+ and relief, 80;
+ in social legislation, 23
+
+ Protocracy, 60, 70
+
+ Psychiatry, 134
+
+ Psychological factors in society, 67, 142
+
+ Psychology, analytic, 49;
+ crowd, 35, 41, 45;
+ disaster, 35, 56;
+ of helpfulness, 56, 85;
+ of helplessness, 49;
+ of insanity, 46;
+ of profiteering, 51;
+ of relief, 49, 94;
+ social, 35;
+ and sociology, 19, 35
+
+ Public opinion, 23, 84, 86, 93
+
+ Public safety, 132, 136
+
+ Public utilities, 71
+
+ Pugnacity, instinct of, 40
+
+
+R
+
+ Reconditioning of instincts, 18
+
+ Recreation, 19, 73, 101, 129, 137
+
+ Recuperation of society, 20, 35, 112, 114, 117, 143
+
+ Regional influence, 66
+
+ Regulative system of society, 31
+
+ Rehabilitation, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 104, 105, 107
+
+ Religion, 64, 118, 120, 121
+
+ Religious institutions, 32, 63, 69, 70, 74, 77, 85, 95, 120, 139
+
+ Relief, administration of, 44, 66, 83, 86, 87, 93, 94;
+ division of labor in, 69;
+ fluctuation of, 116;
+ leadership in, 61, 103, 116;
+ medical, 61, 62, 65;
+ military in, 51, 60, 63, 68;
+ organization of, 59;
+ psychology of, 49, 94;
+ principles of, 81, 84, 85, 96;
+ procedure in, 79;
+ relation to progress, 80;
+ residuum of, 97;
+ reserve, 98;
+ secret service in, 98;
+ shelter, 63, 64, 66, 82, 90;
+ stages in, 85
+
+ Repression, 49, 50
+
+ Reproductive system of society, 31
+
+ Resentment, 45, 49
+
+ Residuum of relief, 97
+
+ Resumption of normal society, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75
+
+ Restitution, principle of, 94, 95
+
+ Retrogressive evolution, 15
+
+ Revolution, 17, 22
+
+ Ritual, 20
+
+ Rumor, responsiveness to, 43, 63
+
+
+S
+
+ Sabbath observance, 77
+
+ Safety, public, 132, 136
+
+ Sanitation, 66, 133, 134
+
+ Schools, _vide_ educational institutions
+
+ Science, 33, 88
+
+ Security, feelings of, 41
+
+ Self-control, social, 70
+
+ Segregation, 64
+
+ Self-preservation, 31, 40
+
+ Sensation, 36, 38, 54
+
+ Sense perception, 37, 38
+
+ Sensorium, social, 59
+
+ Service, social, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143
+
+ Shibboleths, 77
+
+ Shock, reaction, 31, 36, 45, 54, 60, 91, 141
+
+ Social, action, 64;
+ aggregation, 62;
+ age, 139;
+ choices, 121;
+ consciousness, 60;
+ conservation, 79, 84, 143;
+ conservatism, 19, 117, 120;
+ contrasts, 32;
+ control, 19, 22, 34, 141, 146;
+ economy, 80, 98;
+ effects, 75, 96;
+ factors, 59, 67, 142;
+ immobility, 18, 20, 120, 144, 145;
+ insurance, 105, 116, 125;
+ legislation, 23, 100;
+ memory, 23, 55;
+ mind, 49, 70;
+ order, 143;
+ organization, 35, 59, 142;
+ policy, 80, 139;
+ pressure, 63, 77;
+ psychology, 35;
+ reorganization, 69;
+ sensorium, 59;
+ service, 80, 82, 84, 98, 117, 139, 143;
+ specialists, 69, 81, 85, 94, 143;
+ standards, 32;
+ surplus, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+ Social change, _vide_ change
+
+ Socialization, 52, 55, 85, 97, 142, 145
+
+ Socialized recreation, 138, 139
+
+ Society, 33, 35, 49, 69, 70, 76, 79, 91, 100
+
+ Societies, 76, 99
+
+ Socio-economic factors, 112, 117, 143
+
+ Sociological factors, 59, 67, 142
+
+ Sociology, 33, 35, 120;
+ attractions of study, 13;
+ educational, 137;
+ and psychology, 19, 35;
+ virgin fields in, 13, 23
+
+ Sorrow, 45, 47
+
+ Standards, social, 32
+
+ Standards of living, 112, 113, 133
+
+ State, 101
+
+ Static conditions of society, _vide_ immobility
+
+ Statistics, vital, 135
+
+ Stimulus, of catastrophe, 33, 51, 53, 54, 57;
+ of heroism, 55;
+ of leaders, 21;
+ of lookers-on, 21, 78, 145;
+ of models, 78;
+ repetition of, 45
+
+ Struggle for existence, 41
+
+ Sub-normal, 136
+
+ Suggestibility, 41, 42, 48, 142
+
+ Suicide, 46
+
+ Supervised playgrounds, 136
+
+ Surplus, social, 68, 111, 112, 143
+
+ Survival, 56
+
+ Sustaining system of society, 31
+
+ Sympathy, 45, 46, 55, 58
+
+
+T
+
+ Taboo, 49, 71
+
+ Tender emotion, 45
+
+ Themistes, 18
+
+ Topography, 67, 142
+
+ Tradition, 32, 120
+
+ Transportation, 43
+
+ Trade-unions, 51
+
+
+U
+
+ Under-nutrition, 113
+
+ Unemployment, 59, 125
+
+ Unit in relief, 60
+
+ Unity, mental, 41
+
+ Utility, of association, 62, 67, 142
+
+ Utilities, public, 71
+
+
+V
+
+ Variation, social, _vide_ social change
+
+ Vicissitudes, 14, 21
+
+ Vigilance committee, 19, 143
+
+ Vigor, economic, 70
+
+ Vocational training, 98, 136
+
+ Volition, 55, 64
+
+ Voluntary associations, 73, 84
+
+
+W
+
+ War, 14, 26, 45, 48, 94, 97, 101, 117, 144
+
+ Wealth, 111
+
+ Welfare, 70, 86, 132, 139
+
+ Will, 22, 44, 52, 53
+
+ Workmen's compensation, 105
+
+ Worship, 19, 77
+
+
+Z
+
+ Zeal, 44
+
+
+
+
+VITA
+
+
+Born at Hammond River, Province of New Brunswick, Canada. Son of
+Samuel I. and Mary E. Perkins Prince. Graduate of St. John (N. B.) High
+School, the University of Toronto, Wycliffe College (Tor.). Taught at
+Ridley College, St. Catharines, Ont. Appointed to staff of St. Paul's
+Halifax N. S. Studied for doctorate at Columbia University. Subject of
+primary interest, Sociology; of secondary interest, Statistics and
+Social Legislation. Graduate courses with Professors, Giddings, Tenney,
+Chaddock, Lindsay, Andrews, Montague, McCrea. President of the British
+Empire Club of the University.
+
+
+
+
+ [ Transcriber's Note:
+
+ The following is a list of corrections made to the original.
+ The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
+
+ dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Matthews observes, "is something more
+ dead." "Crisis," Professor Shailer Mathews observes, "is something more
+
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206) "Brusk
+ sentence in Ross' _Foundations of Sociology_ (p. 206): "Brusk
+
+ seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay a deep inlet on
+ seaboard. It is situated at the head of Chebucto Bay, a deep inlet on
+
+ an fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+ and fro before they dropped. Still others with shattered limbs dragged
+
+ "So hypochrondriac fancies represent
+ "So hypochondriac fancies represent
+
+ fruitless search whereever refugees were gathered together, the
+ fruitless search wherever refugees were gathered together, the
+
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed. (_Ibid._,
+ to do so, these lines of conduct are the roots of greed." (_Ibid._,
+
+ sentiment.[73]
+ sentiment."[73]
+
+ pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicious enough for special notice was
+ pressure. Magnificent effort, conspicuous enough for special notice was
+
+ could not escape, observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+ could not escape observation was the strange insensibility to suffering
+
+ may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenonema of social
+ may be stated that catastrophe is attended by phenomena of social
+
+ depot at well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+ depot as well as a habitation. Then the idea spread of taking the
+
+ comradeship.[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+ comradeship."[94] Then followed requests for changes of location in the
+
+ precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6
+ precipitation. Temperature: max. 18.2, min. 6.6.
+
+ of_ Halifax, 1918.
+ of Halifax_, 1918.
+
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION (Cont'd)
+ CATASTROPHE AND SOCIAL ECONOMY
+
+ relationships.?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+ relationships?" Having obtained an answer as best they could, the effort
+
+ subsidize familes rather than institutions.
+ subsidize families rather than institutions.
+
+ 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc_, for children.
+ 3. Procuring necessary articles of clothing, _etc._, for children.
+
+ exceeding five thousand dollars. And while in case of the larger claims
+ exceeding five thousand dollars." And while in case of the larger claims
+
+ John R. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+ John F. Moors says: "It is interesting to note that at Halifax, the
+
+ We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influence which are
+ We have thus far been tracing certain of the major influences which are
+
+ In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal.
+ In this duty all governments alike share, be they imperial, federal,
+
+ committees. The Citizen's Committee exercised the general control. They
+ committees. The Citizens' Committee exercised the general control. They
+
+ muncipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+ municipal aid in disaster as falling under the general category of
+
+ But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed aplies
+ But this is not an all-sufficient explanation, and indeed applies
+
+ and technical leadership, welcome at it was, and saving the situation as
+ and technical leadership, welcome as it was, and saving the situation as
+
+ ch viii, p. 197.
+ ch. viii, p. 197.
+
+ The chapter discribing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+ The chapter describing the shock also found the immediate reaction to
+
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the the Introduction,
+ [178] The two additional propositions suggested in the Introduction,
+
+ Imitation, conditions effecting rate of, 77
+ Imitation, conditions affecting rate of, 77
+
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behaviour
+ Pluralistic behavior, _vide_ behavior
+
+ ]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Catastrophe and Social Change, by
+Samuel Henry Prince
+
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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #37580 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/37580)