diff options
| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 05:22:15 -0700 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 05:22:15 -0700 |
| commit | 140db9f1452cde3551376a3cfbf0bfdf341076e7 (patch) | |
| tree | 1498afc3deb53fba03f37598db582d66ee57232e | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 3 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 3755-h.zip | bin | 0 -> 53188 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 3755-h/3755-h.htm | 2878 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 3755.txt | 2409 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 3755.zip | bin | 0 -> 52014 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/comsn10a.txt | 2394 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/comsn10a.zip | bin | 0 -> 51344 bytes |
9 files changed, 7697 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/3755-h.zip b/3755-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..27be205 --- /dev/null +++ b/3755-h.zip diff --git a/3755-h/3755-h.htm b/3755-h/3755-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9ebae6 --- /dev/null +++ b/3755-h/3755-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,2878 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<HTML> +<HEAD> + +<META HTTP-EQUIV="Content-Type" CONTENT="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + +<TITLE> +The Project Gutenberg E-text of The Writings of Thomas Paine, Volume 1 +</TITLE> + +<STYLE TYPE="text/css"> +BODY { color: Black; + background: White; + margin-right: 10%; + margin-left: 10%; + font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; + text-align: justify } + +P {text-indent: 4% } + +P.noindent {text-indent: 0% } + +P.poem {text-indent: 0%; + margin-left: 10%; + font-size: small } + +P.transnote {text-indent: 0%; + font-size: small ; + margin-left: 10% ; + margin-right: 10% } + +P.letter {text-indent: 0%; + font-size: small ; + margin-left: 10% ; + margin-right: 10% } + +P.finis { font-size: larger ; + text-align: center ; + text-indent: 0% ; + margin-left: 0% ; + margin-right: 0% } + +</STYLE> + +</HEAD> + +<BODY> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Common Sense + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Editor: Moncure Daniel Conway + +Posting Date: May 13, 2009 [EBook #3755] +Release Date: February, 2003 +First Posted: August 21, 2001 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMON SENSE *** + + + + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. HTML version by Al Haines. + + + + + +</pre> + + +<BR><BR> + +<P CLASS="transnote"> +[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine +Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*".] +</P> + +<BR> + +<HR> + +<BR> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> + THE WRITINGS<BR> +<BR> + OF<BR> +<BR> + THOMAS PAINE<BR> +<BR> + COLLECTED AND EDITED BY<BR> +<BR> + MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY<BR> +<BR><BR> + VOLUME I.<BR> +<BR><BR> + 1774 - 1779<BR> +</H2> + +<BR> + +<HR> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> + XV.<BR> +<BR> + COMMON SENSE<BR> +<BR> + Table of Contents<BR> +</H2> + +<BR> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +<A HREF="#intro">INTRODUCTION</A> +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> + I. <A HREF="#chap1">OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE<BR> + REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION</A><BR> +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> + II. <A HREF="#chap2">OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION</A><BR> +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> + III. <A HREF="#chap3">THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS</A><BR> +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> + IV. <A HREF="#chap4">OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS<BR> + REFLEXIONS</A><BR> +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> + <A HREF="#appendix">APPENDIX</A><BR> +</P> + +<BR> + +<HR> + +<BR> + +<A NAME="intro"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> + INTRODUCTION<BR> +</H3> + +<P> +PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not +YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long +habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial +appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry +in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more +converts than reason. +</P> + +<P> +As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of +calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might +never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated +into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his +OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and +as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the +combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the +pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either. +</P> + +<P> +In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every +thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as +censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the +worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose +sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves +unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. +</P> + +<P> +The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all +mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not +local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers +of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections +are interested. The laying of a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, +declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and +extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the +Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; +of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is +</P> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> + THE AUTHOR<BR> +</H4> + +<BR><BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> + POSTSCRIPT TO PREFACE IN THE THIRD EDITION<BR> +</H4> + +<P> +P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a +View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to +refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, +it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such +a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past. +</P> + +<P> +Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the +Public, as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the +MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected +with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but +the influence of reason and principle. +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +Philadelphia, February 14, 1776. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap1"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, <BR> +WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION +</H3> + +<P> +SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave +little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only +different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our +wants, and government by wickedness; the former promotes our +happiness POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter +NEGATIVELY by restraining our vices. The one encourages +intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, +the last a punisher. +</P> + +<P> +Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its +best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable +one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A +GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, +our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by +which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost +innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers +of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and +irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not +being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his +property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he +is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case +advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE, +security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably +follows that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it +to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to +all others. +</P> + +<P> +In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of +government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some +sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will +then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In +this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A +thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is +so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual +solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of +another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would +be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, +but ONE man might labour out the common period of life without +accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not +remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time +would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a +different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for +though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from +living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to +perish than to die. +</P> + +<P> +This necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly +arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessing of which, +would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government +unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as +nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably +happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of +emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will +begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this +remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form +of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. +</P> + +<P> +Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the +branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on +public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will +have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other +penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by +natural right, will have a seat. +</P> + +<P> +But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase +likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, +will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every +occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations +near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out +the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to +be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are +supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who +appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body +would act were they present. If the colony continues increasing, it +will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, +and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, +it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each +part sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never +form to themselves an interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence +will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as +the ELECTED might by that means return and mix again with the +general body of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the +public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod +for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a +common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually +and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning +name of king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS +OF THE GOVERNED. +</P> + +<P> +Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode +rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the +world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and +security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with snow, or our ears +deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest +darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason +will say, it is right. +</P> + +<P> +I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in +nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any +thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier +repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few +remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was +noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is +granted. When the world was over run with tyranny the least remove +therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to +convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is +easily demonstrated. +</P> + +<P> +Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this +advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they +know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the +remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But +the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the +nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover +in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in +another, and every political physician will advise a different +medicine. +</P> + +<P> +I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing +prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component +parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base +remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican +materials. +</P> + +<P> +FIRST. The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the +king. +</P> + +<P> +SECONDLY. The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of +the peers. +</P> + +<P> +THIRDLY. The new republican materials, in the persons of the +commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. +</P> + +<P> +The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; +wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards +the freedom of the state. +</P> + +<P> +To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three +powers reciprocally CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the +words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. +</P> + +<P> +To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two +things. +</P> + +<P> +FIRST. That the king is not to be trusted without being looked +after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the +natural disease of monarchy. +</P> + +<P> +SECONDLY. That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, +are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. +</P> + +<P> +But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to +check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king +a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other +bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it +has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! +</P> + +<P> +There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of +monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet +empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. +The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a +king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different +parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the +whole character to be absurd and useless. +</P> + +<P> +Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the +king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in +behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this +hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and +though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they +appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest +construction that words are capable of, when applied to the +description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too +incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be +words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot +inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, +viz. HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO +TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could not be the +gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING, +be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, +supposes such a power to exist. +</P> + +<P> +But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot +or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; +for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all +the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to +know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that +will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, +as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as +they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first +moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is +supplied by time. +</P> + +<P> +That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution +needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence +merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident; +wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door +against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish +enough to put the crown in possession of the key. +</P> + +<P> +The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by +king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride +than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in +some other countries, but the WILL of the king is as much the LAW +of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that +instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the +people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For +the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle—not +more just. +</P> + +<P> +Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour +of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO +THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE, AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE +GOVERNMENT that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in +Turkey. +</P> + +<P> +An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form of +government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a +proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under +the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable +of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate +prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted +to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a +rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a +good one. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap2"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> + OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION<BR> +</H3> + +<P> +MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the +equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the +distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted +for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names +of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but +seldom or never the MEANS of riches; and though avarice will +preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him +too timorous to be wealthy. +</P> + +<P> +But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly +natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the +distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the +distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but +how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and +distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and +whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. +</P> + +<P> +In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture +chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was there +were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into +confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this +last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. +Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of +the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes +away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. +</P> + +<P> +Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the +Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was +the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the +promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their +deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by +doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of +sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is +crumbling into dust! +</P> + +<P> +As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be +justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be +defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, +as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves +of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have +been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they +undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their +governments yet to form. "RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE THINGS WHICH ARE +CAESAR'S" is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support +of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a +king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. +</P> + +<P> +Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of +the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a +king. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary +cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic +administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had +none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that +title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the +idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, he need not +wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should +disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the +prerogative of heaven. +</P> + +<P> +Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for +which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of +that transaction is worth attending to. +</P> + +<P> +The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon +marched against them with a small army, and victory, thro' the divine +interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, +and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him +a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY SON AND THY SON'S +SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, +but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, +I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU, NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU. THE +LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon +doth not DECLINE the honor, but denieth their right to give it; +neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his +thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with +disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven. +</P> + +<P> +About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into +the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous +customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but +so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, +who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt +and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY +SONS WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US LIKE ALL +THE OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives +were bad, viz. that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i. e. +the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much UNLIKE +them as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, +GIVE US A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE +LORD SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL +THAT THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY +HAVE REJECTED ME, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. ACCORDING TO +ALL THE WORKS WHICH THEY HAVE DONE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM +UP OUT OF EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME +AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW THEREFORE +HEARKEN UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY UNTO THEM AND +SHEW THEM THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER THEM, I. E. +not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of +the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And +notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, +the character is still in fashion. AND SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF +THE LORD UNTO THE PEOPLE, THAT ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS +SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL +TAKE YOUR SONS AND APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO +BE HIS HORSEMEN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this +description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE +WILL APPOINT HIM CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, +AND WILL SET THEM TO EAR HIS GROUND AND TO READ HIS HARVEST, AND TO +MAKE HIS INSTRUMENTS OF WAR, AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE COOKS AND +TO BE BAKERS (this describes the expence and luxury as well as the +oppression of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE +YARDS, EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR FEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS, AND GIVE +THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS (by which we see that +bribery, corruption, and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) +AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID +SERVANTS, AND YOUR GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM +TO HIS WORK; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE SHALL +BE HIS SERVANTS, AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE OF YOUR +KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN, AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN +THAT DAY. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do +the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either +sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the +high encomium given of David takes no notice of him OFFICIALLY AS A +KING, but only as a MAN after God's own heart. NEVERTHELESS THE +PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL, AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT +WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US, THAT WE MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND +THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US, AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR +BATTLES. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he +set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and +seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL +UNTO THE LORD, AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a +punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE +AND SEE THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT +OF THE LORD, IN ASKING YOU A KING. SO SAMUEL CALLED UNTO THE LORD, +AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND ALL THE PEOPLE +GREATLY FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO +SAMUEL, PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT, +FOR WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These +portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no +equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his +protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is +false. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of +king-craft, as priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the +public in Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the +Popery of government. +</P> + +<P> +To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary +succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of +ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult +and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, +no ONE by BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in +perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might +deserve SOME decent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his +descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the +strongest NATURAL proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, +is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise, she would not so +frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ASS FOR A +LION. +</P> + +<P> +Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors +than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have +no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might +say "We choose you for OUR head," they could not, without manifest +injustice to their children, say "that your children and your +children's children shall reign over OURS for ever." Because such +an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next +succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most +wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary +right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once +established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from +superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the +plunder of the rest. +</P> + +<P> +This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have +had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could +we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their +first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than +the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or +pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among +plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his +depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their +safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea +of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a +perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and +unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, +hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take +place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; +but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditionary +history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a +few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently +timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the +vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to +threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for +elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at +first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as +it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a +convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. +</P> + +<P> +England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but +groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his +senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very +honorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and +establishing himself king of England against the consent of the +natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It +certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend +much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any +so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and +lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb +their devotion. +</P> + +<P> +Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? +The question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by +election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it +establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary +succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, +neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention +it ever should. If the first king of any country was by election, +that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that +the RIGHT of all future generations is taken away, by the act of +the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a +family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture +but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all +men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no +other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all +sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one +all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; +as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the +last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and +privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary +succession are parallels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! +Yet the most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile. +</P> + +<P> +As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that +William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be +contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English +monarchy will not bear looking into. +</P> + +<P> +But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary +succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and +wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens +a door to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it hath in +it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to +reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest +of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the +world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that +they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and +when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant +and unfit of any throughout the dominions. +</P> + +<P> +Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the +throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which +time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every +opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national +misfortune happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, +enters the last stage of human weakness. In both these cases the +public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully +with the follies either of age or infancy. +</P> + +<P> +The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of +hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil +wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the +most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history +of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned +in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there +have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars +and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it +makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand +on. +</P> + +<P> +The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York +and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. +Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought +between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in +his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war +and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the +ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to +a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; +yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his +turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. +The parliament always following the strongest side. +</P> + +<P> +This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not +entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families +were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. +</P> + +<P> +In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that +kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of +government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood +will attend it. +</P> + +<P> +If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in +some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives +without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw +from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle +round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and +military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request +for a king, urged this plea "that he may judge us, and go out before +us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither a +judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know +what IS his business. +</P> + +<P> +The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less +business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a +proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls +it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, +because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places +in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and +eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in +the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as +monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names +without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the +monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen +glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house of commons from out +of their own body—and it is easy to see that when republican virtue +fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but +because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed +the commons? +</P> + +<P> +In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give +away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and +set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be +allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped +into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in +the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap3"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> + THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS<BR> +</H3> + +<P> +IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain +arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to +settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice +and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to +determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he +will not put OFF, the true character of a man, and generously +enlarge his views beyond the present day. +</P> + +<P> +Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between +England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the +controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but +all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, +as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice +of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge. +</P> + +<P> +It hath been reported of the late Mr Pelham (who tho' an able +minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in +the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a +temporary kind, replied, "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME." Should a thought +so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the +name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with +detestation. +</P> + +<P> +The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the +affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a +continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. 'Tis +not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually +involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to +the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of +continental union, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be +like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a +young oak; The wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read +it in full grown characters. +</P> + +<P> +By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new era for +politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, +proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, I. E. to the +commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; +which, though proper then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever +was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, +terminated in one and the same point, viz. a union with +Great Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method +of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but +it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second +hath withdrawn her influence. +</P> + +<P> +As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, +like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it +is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the +argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which +these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected +with, and dependant on Great Britain. To examine that connexion and +dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what +we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if +dependant. +</P> + +<P> +I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished +under her former connexion with Great Britain, that the same +connexion is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always +have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind +of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived +upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty +years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But +even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that +America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no +European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which +she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will +always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe. +</P> + +<P> +But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is +true, and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is +admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, +viz. the sake of trade and dominion. +</P> + +<P> +Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made +large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of +Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was INTEREST +not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from OUR ENEMIES on +OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from +those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will +always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her +pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the +dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they +at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn +us against connexions. +</P> + +<P> +It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have +no relation to each other but through the parent country, I. E. +that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister +colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about +way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way +of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never +were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our +being the SUBJECTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. +</P> + +<P> +But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame +upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages +make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns +to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, +and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically +adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design +of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. +Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new +world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and +religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, +not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of +the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny +which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants +still. +</P> + +<P> +In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits +of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry +our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every +European christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. +</P> + +<P> +It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount +the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the +world. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will +naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their +interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the +name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he +drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of +TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any +other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls +him COUNTRYMAN; i. e. COUNTY-MAN; but if in their foreign +excursions they should associate in France or any other part of +EUROPE, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of +ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans +meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are +COUNTRYMEN; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared +with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which +the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; +distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the +inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore +I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England +only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous. +</P> + +<P> +But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it +amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes +every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our +duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present +line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of +England are descendants from the same country; wherefore, by the same +method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France. +</P> + +<P> +Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the +colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. +But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither +do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never +suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British +arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe. +</P> + +<P> +Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our +plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the +peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of +all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a +protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from +invaders. +</P> + +<P> +I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a +single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected +with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is +derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and +our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will. +</P> + +<P> +But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, +are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to +ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any +submission to, or dependance on Great Britain, tends directly to +involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at +variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and +against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our +market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any +part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of +European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance +on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale on British +politics. +</P> + +<P> +Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, +and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, +the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH +BRITAIN. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it +not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for +separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer +convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads +for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature +cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty +hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that +the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of +Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds +weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled +encreases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the +discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a +sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford +neither friendship nor safety. +</P> + +<P> +The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of +government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious +mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful +and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present +constitution" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, +knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure +any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method +of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we +ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and +pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we +should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years +farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few +present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight. +</P> + +<P> +Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am +inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of +reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. +Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who CANNOT +see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of +moderate men, who think better of the European world than it +deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be +the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other +three. +</P> + +<P> +It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of +sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to THEIR doors to make +THEM feel the precariousness with which all American property is +possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to +Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct +us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The +inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were +in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay +and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their +friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the +soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are +prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for +their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. +</P> + +<P> +Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of +Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "COME, +COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS." But examine the +passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of +reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether +you can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that +hath carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all +these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay +bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, +whom you can neither love nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, +and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a +little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if +you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath +your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your +face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or +bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, +and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then +are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can +shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy of the name of +husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or +title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a +sycophant. +</P> + +<P> +This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by +those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without +which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of +life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror +for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and +unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. +It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if +she do not conquer herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY. The present +winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, +the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no +punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or +where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so +precious and useful. +</P> + +<P> +It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all +examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer +remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain +does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this +time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the +continent even a year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a falacious +dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her +place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement +grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep." +</P> + +<P> +Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers +have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that +nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than +repeated petitioning—and noting hath contributed more than that very +measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and +Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, +let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation +to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent +and child. +</P> + +<P> +To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we +thought so at the repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or two +undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been +once defeated, will never renew the quarrel. +</P> + +<P> +As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do +this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, +and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of +convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of +us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be +always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a +petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when +obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few +years be looked upon as folly and childishness—There was a time when +it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. +</P> + +<P> +Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper +objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something +very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by +an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than +its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each +other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong +to different systems: England to Europe, America to itself. +</P> + +<P> +I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to +espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, +positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true +interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of THAT +is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity,—that it is +leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, +when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this +continent the glory of the earth. +</P> + +<P> +As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a +compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy +the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of +blood and treasure we have been already put to. +</P> + +<P> +The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just +proportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole +detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. +A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have +sufficiently ballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had +such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up +arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while +to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we +pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a +just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price +for law, as for land. As I have always considered the independancy of +this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so +from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event +could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, +it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time +would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; +otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate +the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was +a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal +nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was +made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of +England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended +title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE, can unfeelingly hear of their +slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. +</P> + +<P> +But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the +event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several +reasons. +</P> + +<P> +FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of +the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this +continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to +liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or +is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "YOU SHALL MAKE NO +LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE." And is there any inhabitant in America so +ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the +PRESENT CONSTITUTION, that this continent can make no laws but what +the king gives it leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to +see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be +made here, but such as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually +enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws +made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) +can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be +exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? +Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually +quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. We are already greater than +the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make +us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is +jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says +NO to this question is an INDEPENDANT, for independancy means no +more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or, whether the king, +the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us, +"THERE SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE." +</P> + +<P> +But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people +there can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and +good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of +twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions +of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of +yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, +though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only +answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, +make quite another case. The king's negative HERE is ten times more +dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for THERE he will +scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as +strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never +suffer such a bill to be passed. +</P> + +<P> +America is only a secondary object in the system of British +politics, England consults the good of THIS country, no farther +than it answers her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads +her to suppress the growth of OURS in every case which doth not +promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty +state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, +considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to +friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that +reconciliation NOW is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, THAT IT +WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL THE ACTS FOR THE +SAKE OF REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES; in +order that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILITY, IN THE LONG RUN, +WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. +Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. +</P> + +<P> +SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to +obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind +of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the +colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the +interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property +will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs +but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of +commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants +would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit +the continent. +</P> + +<P> +But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but +independance, i. e. a continental form of government, can keep the +peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I +dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more +than probable, that it will followed by a revolt somewhere or other, +the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice +of Britain. +</P> + +<P> +Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more +will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings +than us who have nothing suffered. All they NOW possess is liberty, +what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having +nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general +temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like +that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very +little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, +is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for +nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be +wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after +reconciliation? I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe +spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing +that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first +thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are +ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from +independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that +were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my +circumstances ruined, that as a man, sensible of injuries, I could +never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound +thereby. +</P> + +<P> +The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and +obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every +reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the +least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, that such as are +truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving +for superiority over another. +</P> + +<P> +Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, +perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are +all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are +without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is +true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to +enterprizing ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride and +insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture +with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by +being formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake. +</P> + +<BR> + +<P> +If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is +because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way +out—Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the +following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no +other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of +giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of +individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for +wise and able men to improve into useful matter. +</P> + +<P> +Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The +representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and +subject to the authority of a Continental Congress. +</P> + +<P> +Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient +districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to +Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number +in Congress will be least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose +a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let +a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after +which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out +of the delegates of THAT province. In the next Congress, let a +colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from +which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so +proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper +rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is +satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be +called a majority. He that will promote discord, under a government +so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt. +</P> + +<P> +But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, +this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and +consistent that it should come from some intermediate body between +the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the +people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following +manner, and for the following purpose. +</P> + +<P> +A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each +colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial +Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be +chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in +behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall +think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that +purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in +two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, +thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, +KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or +Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be +able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the +people, will have a truly legal authority. +</P> + +<P> +The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a +CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to +what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and +manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with +their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and +jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is +continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all +men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according +to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary +for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said +Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen +comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors +of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may +God preserve, Amen. +</P> + +<P> +Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some +similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise +observer on governments DRAGONETTI. "The science" says he "of the +politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and +freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should +discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of +individual happiness, with the least national expense." "DRAGONETTI +ON VIRTUE AND REWARDS." +</P> + +<P> +But where says some is the King of America? I'll tell you Friend, +he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal +Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in +earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the +charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word +of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, +that so far as we approve as monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS +KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free +countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no other. +But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the +conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the +people whose right it is. +</P> + +<P> +A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man +seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will +become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a +constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it +in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and +chance. If we omit it now, some, [*1] Massanello may hereafter arise, +who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the +desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers +of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a +deluge. Should the government of America return again into the hands +of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation +for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, +what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal +business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched +Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose +independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to +eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are +thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to +expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which +hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty +hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously +by them. +</P> + +<P> +To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to +have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores +instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the +little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any +reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will +increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more +and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? +</P> + +<P> +Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us +the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former +innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last +cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses +against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would +cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the +ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of +Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable +feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his +image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common +animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated +from the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to +the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often +escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, +provoke us into justice. +</P> + +<P> +O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, +but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun +with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and +Africa, have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, +and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the +fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind. +</P> + +<P> +Note 1 Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, +who after spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, +against the oppression of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then +subject, prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became +king. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap4"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, <BR>WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS +</H3> + +<P> +I HAVE never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath +not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, +would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in +which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, +what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for +independance. +</P> + +<P> +As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the +time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of +things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But +we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH +FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things +prove the fact. +</P> + +<P> +It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; +yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the +world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed +and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at +that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support +itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and +either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our +land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot +be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war +to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we +should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we +are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber +of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain +at last, will be far off and difficult to procure. +</P> + +<P> +Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under +the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port +towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose. +Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no +man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the +necessities of an army create a new trade. +</P> + +<P> +Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account +will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave +posterity with a settled form of government, an independant +constitution of it's own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. +But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts +repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the +charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is +leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from +which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of +honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling +politician. +</P> + +<P> +The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be +but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national +debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case +a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one +hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of +four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a +large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for +the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as +large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more +than three millions and an half sterling. +</P> + +<P> +The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published +without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof +that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. SEE ENTIC'S +NAVAL HISTORY, INTRO. page 56. +</P> + +<P> +The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with +masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight +months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. +Burchett, Secretary to the navy. +</P> + +<BR> + +<PRE> + For a ship of a 100 guns | | 35,553 L. + 90 | | 29,886 + 80 | | 23,638 + 70 | | 17,785 + 60 | | 14,197 + 50 | | 10,606 + 40 | | 7,558 + 30 | | 5,846 + 20 | | 3,710 +</PRE> + +<P> +And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of +the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its +greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns. +</P> + +<PRE> + SHIPS. | GUNS. | COST OF ONE. | COST OF ALL. + + 6 | 100 | 35,553 _l._ | 213,318 _l._ + 12 | 90 | 29,886 | 358,632 + 12 | 80 | 23,638 | 283,656 + 43 | 70 | 17,785 | 746,755 + 35 | 60 | 14,197 | 496,895 + 40 | 50 | 10,606 | 424,240 + 45 | 40 | 7,558 | 340,110 + 58 | 20 | 3,710 | 215,180 + 85 | Sloops, bombs, and + fireships, one + with another, at + | 2,000 | 170,000 + Cost 3,266,786 + Remains for guns | 233,214 + Total. 3,500,000 +</PRE> + +<P> +No country on the globe is so happily situated, so internally +capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage +are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the +Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the +Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials +they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of +commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the +best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it +cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce +and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can +sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold +and silver. +</P> + +<P> +In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great +errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailor. +The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement +of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her +complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social +sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in +the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to +begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our +fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. +Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in +New England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's +greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world. +The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently +excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state +of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of +coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath +given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she +been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out +from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and +cordage are only articles of commerce. +</P> + +<P> +In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the +little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we +might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and +slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The +case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve +with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, +might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia +under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same +might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a +brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole +Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are +circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity +of naval protection. +</P> + +<P> +Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with +Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that +she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense +will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is +of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be +effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a +long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if +her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how +is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be +of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if +we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why +do it for another? +</P> + +<P> +The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a +tenth part of them are at any time fit for service, numbers of them +not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if +only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as +are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. +The East, and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts +over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her +navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted +a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if +we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that +reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being +instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised +Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther +from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the +naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her; +because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our +whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in +the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or +four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and +the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And +although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, +we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by +laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its +mercy. +</P> + +<P> +Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of +peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant +navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ +in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty +guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the +merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on +constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without +burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, +of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the +docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy; +for when our strength and our riches, play into each other's hand, we +need fear no external enemy. +</P> + +<P> +In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even +to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior +to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. +Cannons we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every +day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our +inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. +Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From +Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to +the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth +living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be +constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will +venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? +The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some +unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, +and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate +Continental matters. +</P> + +<P> +Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, +is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet +unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his +worthless dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the +discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of +government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this. +</P> + +<P> +The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from +being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are +sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. +It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is +peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the +ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for +trade being the consequence of population, men become too much +absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else. Commerce diminishes the +spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history +sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always +accomplished in the non age of a nation. With the increase of +commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, +notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the +patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are +they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit +to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. +</P> + +<P> +Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in +individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the +Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety +of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, +would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being +able might scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and +foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, +that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT +TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is +contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in +misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our +present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and +we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, +and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in. +</P> + +<P> +The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never +happens to a nation but once, VIZ. the time of forming itself into +a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that +means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, +instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and +then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of +government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them +afterwards: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn +wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity—TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT +AT THE RIGHT END. +</P> + +<P> +When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the +point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of +government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we +shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who +may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? +Where our property? +</P> + +<P> +As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all +government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I +know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let +a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of +principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to +part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that +head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all +good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that +it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of +religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our +Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious +dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal +principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like +children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their +Christian names. +</P> + +<P> +In page [III par 47], I threw out a few thoughts on +the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer +hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of +rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be +understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters +into, to support the right of every separate part, whether or +religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right +reckoning make long friends. +</P> + +<P> +In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and +equal representation; and there is no political matter which more +deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number +of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the +representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is +increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the +Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of +Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks +county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the +Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed +by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The +unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last +sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that +province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out +of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put +together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored +a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW +without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN +BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with +what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public +measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of +such a trust. +</P> + +<P> +Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if +continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are +different things. When the calamities of America required a +consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so +proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for +that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath +preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable +that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good +order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, +deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make +a study of mankind, whether REPRESENTATION AND ELECTION is not too +great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we +are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not +hereditary. +</P> + +<P> +It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are +frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one +of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New York +Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but +of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not +with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary +honesty. [*Note 1] +</P> + +<P> +TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however +unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and +striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our +affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for +independance. Some of which are, +</P> + +<P> +FIRST—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for +some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as +mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while +America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however +well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our +present state we may quarrel on for ever. +</P> + +<P> +SECONDLY—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain +will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of +that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and +strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, +those powers would be sufferers by the consequences. +</P> + +<P> +THIRDLY—While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we +must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The +precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in +arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the +paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea +much too refined for the common understanding. +</P> + +<P> +FOURTHLY—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to +foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the +peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, +at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or +safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been +driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at +the same time, assuring all such courts of our peacable disposition +towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: +Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent, +than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain. +</P> + +<P> +Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither +be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, +and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other +nations. +</P> + +<P> +These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, +like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a +little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance +is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues +putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it +must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is +continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity. +</P> + +<P> +Note 1 Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a +large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's +political Disquisitions. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="appendix"></A> +<H3 ALIGN="center"> + APPENDIX<BR> +</H3> + +<P> +SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or +rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made +its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the +birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a +more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody +mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of +the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech instead of +terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. +</P> + +<BR> + +<P> +Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, +have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of +countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim +be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a +piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general +execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic +tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what +may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass +some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new +methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that +guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing +to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before +now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, +is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, +the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and +pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of +tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the +privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows +them NOT, they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our +OWN creating, they know not US, and are become the gods of their +creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not +calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived +by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us +at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, +that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored +Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain. +</P> + +<P> +Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical +piece, fallaciously called, "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND +TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain +supposition, that the people HERE were to be frightened at the pomp +and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) +the real character of the present one: "But," says this writer, "if +you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do +not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal +of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from +that prince, BY WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY +THING." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even +without a mask: And he who can so calmly hear, and digest such +doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality—an apostate from +the order of manhood; and ought to be considered—as one, who hath, +not only given up the proper dignity of a man, but sunk himself +beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the +world like a worm. +</P> + +<P> +However, it matters very little now, what the king of England +either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and +human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; +and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, +procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of +America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young +family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting +away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the +names of men and christians—YE, whose office it is to watch over the +morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as +well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public +liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by +European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation—But leaving +the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my +farther remarks to the following heads. +</P> + +<P> +First, That it is the interest of America to be separated from +Britain. +</P> + +<P> +Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, +RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks. +</P> + +<P> +In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce +the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this +continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly +known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a +state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and +fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material +eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although +the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history +of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would +be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the +legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, +proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish +it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final +ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of +America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a +great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each +other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go +to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of +Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of +contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, +will appear clearer and stronger every day. +</P> + +<P> +First, Because it will come to that one time or other. +</P> + +<P> +Secondly, Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be +to accomplish. +</P> + +<P> +I have frequently amused myself both in public and private +companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who +speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the +following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened +forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would +have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I +reply, that our military ability AT THIS TIME, arises from the +experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years +time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by +that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and +we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of +martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, +closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time +is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus—at the +conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; +and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without +experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some +particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of +the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: +And that point of time is the present time. +</P> + +<P> +The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly +come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return +by the following position, viz. +</P> + +<P> +Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the +governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now +circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive +ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may +contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are +clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of +Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount +to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the +quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. +</P> + +<P> +It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without +burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always +lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of +government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that +the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the +execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the +continental trustees. +</P> + +<P> +I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and +most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some +occasional remarks. +</P> + +<P> +He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his +argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLY THAT INDEPENDANCE +BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND +RECONCILIATION, A MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND +IN WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE +ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT. +</P> + +<P> +The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is +capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any +other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. +Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is +nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is +endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation +without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and, +what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for +dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never +existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property +of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The +mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object +before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is +criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one +thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not +have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that +act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction +should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and +inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but +the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his +head. +</P> + +<P> +Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some +of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissentions. The +Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done +in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into +a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will +be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their +old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among +us, Printers, who will be busy spreading specious falsehoods. The +artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two +of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence +that there are men who want either judgment or honesty. +</P> + +<P> +It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of +reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the +task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide +thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of +men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to +be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the +sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath +quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged +moderation be suited to their own private situations ONLY, +regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are +reckoning without their Host." +</P> + +<P> +Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To +which I answer, the request is not NOW in the power of Britain to +comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even +should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is +such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? +Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the +obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or +unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?—No going to +law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, +not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of +sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the +same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same +state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our +private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) +discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at +that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a +year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent—but now +it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed." +</P> + +<P> +Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a +pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as +repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce +obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the +means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such +trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our +persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the +invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously +qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of +defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have +ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, +as dating its era from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS +FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn +by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of +events, of which the colonies were not the authors. +</P> + +<P> +I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well +intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different +ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that +ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of +America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a +military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our +soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; +virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it +perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of +those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before +us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. +We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, +similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah +until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, +perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their +portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is +awful—and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the +little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, +when weighed against the business of a world. +</P> + +<P> +Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an +Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge +the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and +prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either +inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of +Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be +publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be +independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, +and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. +Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such +beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most +solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at +first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well +established form of government, will be the only certain means of +continuing it securely to them. WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue +enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for +Independance. +</P> + +<P> +In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us +together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally +shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. +We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for +there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be +less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, +than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for +terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to +hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the +war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our +trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us NOW try the +alternative, by INDEPENDANTLY redressing them ourselves, and then +offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in +England, will be still with us; because, peace WITH trade, is +preferable to war WITHOUT it. And if this offer be not accepted, +other courts may be applied to. +</P> + +<P> +On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been +made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this +pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be +refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be +opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious +or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the +hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like +an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former +dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none +other be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND +RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND +AND OF THE FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA. +</P> + +<BR> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +——End of COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +Corrections: 55,553 replaced by 35,553 +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR><BR> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMON SENSE *** + +***** This file should be named 3755-h.htm or 3755-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/5/3755/ + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. HTML version by Al Haines. + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + +</BODY> + +</HTML> + + diff --git a/3755.txt b/3755.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9a56ee --- /dev/null +++ b/3755.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2409 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Common Sense + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Editor: Moncure Daniel Conway + +Posting Date: May 13, 2009 [EBook #3755] +Release Date: February, 2003 +First Posted: August 21, 2001 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMON SENSE *** + + + + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. HTML version by Al Haines. + + + + + + + + + +[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine +Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*".] + + +-------------------------------------------------------------------- + + THE WRITINGS + + OF + + THOMAS PAINE + + COLLECTED AND EDITED BY + + MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY + + VOLUME I. + + 1774 - 1779 + + +-------------------------------------------------------------------- + + XV. + + COMMON SENSE + + Table of Contents + +INTRODUCTION + + I. OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE + REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION + + II. OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION + + III. THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS + + IV. OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS + REFLEXIONS + +--------------------------------------------------------------------- + + INTRODUCTION + +PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not +YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long +habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial +appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry +in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more +converts than reason. + +As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of +calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might +never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated +into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his +OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and +as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the +combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the +pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either. + +In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every +thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as +censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the +worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose +sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves +unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. + +The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all +mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not +local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers +of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections +are interested. The laying of a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, +declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and +extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the +Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; +of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is + + THE AUTHOR + + + + POSTSCRIPT TO PREFACE IN THE THIRD EDITION + +P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a +View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to +refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, +it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such +a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past. + +Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the +Public, as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the +MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected +with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but +the influence of reason and principle. + +Philadelphia, February 14, 1776. + + + +OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE +REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION + +SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave +little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only +different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our +wants, and government by wickedness; the former promotes our +happiness POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter +NEGATIVELY by restraining our vices. The one encourages +intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, +the last a punisher. + +Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its +best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable +one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A +GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, +our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by +which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost +innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers +of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and +irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not +being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his +property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he +is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case +advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE, +security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably +follows that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it +to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to +all others. + +In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of +government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some +sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will +then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In +this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A +thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is +so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual +solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of +another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would +be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, +but ONE man might labour out the common period of life without +accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not +remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time +would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a +different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for +though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from +living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to +perish than to die. + +This necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly +arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessing of which, +would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government +unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as +nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably +happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of +emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will +begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this +remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form +of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. + +Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the +branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on +public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will +have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other +penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by +natural right, will have a seat. + +But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase +likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, +will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every +occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations +near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out +the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to +be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are +supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who +appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body +would act were they present. If the colony continues increasing, it +will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, +and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, +it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each +part sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never +form to themselves an interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence +will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as +the ELECTED might by that means return and mix again with the +general body of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the +public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod +for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a +common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually +and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning +name of king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS +OF THE GOVERNED. + +Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode +rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the +world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and +security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with snow, or our ears +deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest +darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason +will say, it is right. + +I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in +nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any +thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier +repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few +remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was +noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is +granted. When the world was over run with tyranny the least remove +therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to +convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is +easily demonstrated. + +Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this +advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they +know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the +remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But +the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the +nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover +in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in +another, and every political physician will advise a different +medicine. + +I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing +prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component +parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base +remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican +materials. + +FIRST. The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the +king. + +SECONDLY. The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of +the peers. + +THIRDLY. The new republican materials, in the persons of the +commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. + +The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; +wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards +the freedom of the state. + +To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three +powers reciprocally CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the +words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. + +To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two +things. + +FIRST. That the king is not to be trusted without being looked +after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the +natural disease of monarchy. + +SECONDLY. That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, +are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. + +But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to +check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king +a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other +bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it +has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! + +There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of +monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet +empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. +The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a +king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different +parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the +whole character to be absurd and useless. + +Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the +king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in +behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this +hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and +though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they +appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest +construction that words are capable of, when applied to the +description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too +incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be +words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot +inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, +viz. HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO +TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could not be the +gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING, +be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, +supposes such a power to exist. + +But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot +or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; +for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all +the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to +know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that +will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, +as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as +they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first +moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is +supplied by time. + +That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution +needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence +merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident; +wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door +against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish +enough to put the crown in possession of the key. + +The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by +king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride +than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in +some other countries, but the WILL of the king is as much the LAW +of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that +instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the +people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For +the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle--not +more just. + +Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour +of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO +THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE, AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE +GOVERNMENT that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in +Turkey. + +An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form of +government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a +proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under +the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable +of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate +prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted +to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a +rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a +good one. + + + + OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION + +MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the +equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the +distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted +for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names +of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but +seldom or never the MEANS of riches; and though avarice will +preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him +too timorous to be wealthy. + +But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly +natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the +distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the +distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but +how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and +distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and +whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. + +In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture +chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was there +were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into +confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this +last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. +Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of +the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes +away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. + +Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the +Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was +the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the +promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their +deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by +doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of +sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is +crumbling into dust! + +As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be +justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be +defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, +as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves +of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have +been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they +undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their +governments yet to form. "RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE THINGS WHICH ARE +CAESAR'S" is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support +of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a +king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. + +Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of +the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a +king. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary +cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic +administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had +none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that +title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the +idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, he need not +wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should +disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the +prerogative of heaven. + +Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for +which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of +that transaction is worth attending to. + +The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon +marched against them with a small army, and victory, thro' the divine +interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, +and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him +a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY SON AND THY SON'S +SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, +but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, +I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU, NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU. THE +LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon +doth not DECLINE the honor, but denieth their right to give it; +neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his +thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with +disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven. + +About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into +the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous +customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but +so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, +who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt +and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY +SONS WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US LIKE ALL +THE OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives +were bad, viz. that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i. e. +the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much UNLIKE +them as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, +GIVE US A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE +LORD SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL +THAT THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY +HAVE REJECTED ME, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. ACCORDING TO +ALL THE WORKS WHICH THEY HAVE DONE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM +UP OUT OF EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME +AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW THEREFORE +HEARKEN UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY UNTO THEM AND +SHEW THEM THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER THEM, I. E. +not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of +the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And +notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, +the character is still in fashion. AND SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF +THE LORD UNTO THE PEOPLE, THAT ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS +SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL +TAKE YOUR SONS AND APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO +BE HIS HORSEMEN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this +description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE +WILL APPOINT HIM CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, +AND WILL SET THEM TO EAR HIS GROUND AND TO READ HIS HARVEST, AND TO +MAKE HIS INSTRUMENTS OF WAR, AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE COOKS AND +TO BE BAKERS (this describes the expence and luxury as well as the +oppression of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE +YARDS, EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR FEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS, AND GIVE +THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS (by which we see that +bribery, corruption, and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) +AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID +SERVANTS, AND YOUR GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM +TO HIS WORK; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE SHALL +BE HIS SERVANTS, AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE OF YOUR +KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN, AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN +THAT DAY. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do +the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either +sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the +high encomium given of David takes no notice of him OFFICIALLY AS A +KING, but only as a MAN after God's own heart. NEVERTHELESS THE +PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL, AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT +WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US, THAT WE MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND +THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US, AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR +BATTLES. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he +set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and +seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL +UNTO THE LORD, AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a +punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE +AND SEE THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT +OF THE LORD, IN ASKING YOU A KING. SO SAMUEL CALLED UNTO THE LORD, +AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND ALL THE PEOPLE +GREATLY FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO +SAMUEL, PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT, +FOR WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These +portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no +equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his +protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is +false. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of +king-craft, as priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the +public in Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the +Popery of government. + +To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary +succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of +ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult +and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, +no ONE by BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in +perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might +deserve SOME decent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his +descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the +strongest NATURAL proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, +is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise, she would not so +frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ASS FOR A +LION. + +Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors +than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have +no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might +say "We choose you for OUR head," they could not, without manifest +injustice to their children, say "that your children and your +children's children shall reign over OURS for ever." Because such +an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next +succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most +wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary +right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once +established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from +superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the +plunder of the rest. + +This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have +had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could +we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their +first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than +the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or +pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among +plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his +depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their +safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea +of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a +perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and +unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, +hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take +place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; +but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditionary +history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a +few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently +timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the +vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to +threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for +elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at +first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as +it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a +convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. + +England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but +groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his +senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very +honorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and +establishing himself king of England against the consent of the +natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It +certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend +much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any +so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and +lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb +their devotion. + +Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? +The question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by +election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it +establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary +succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, +neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention +it ever should. If the first king of any country was by election, +that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that +the RIGHT of all future generations is taken away, by the act of +the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a +family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture +but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all +men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no +other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all +sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one +all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; +as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the +last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and +privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary +succession are parallels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! +Yet the most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile. + +As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that +William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be +contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English +monarchy will not bear looking into. + +But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary +succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and +wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens +a door to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it hath in +it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to +reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest +of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the +world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that +they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and +when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant +and unfit of any throughout the dominions. + +Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the +throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which +time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every +opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national +misfortune happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, +enters the last stage of human weakness. In both these cases the +public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully +with the follies either of age or infancy. + +The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of +hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil +wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the +most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history +of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned +in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there +have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars +and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it +makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand +on. + +The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York +and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. +Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought +between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in +his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war +and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the +ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to +a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; +yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his +turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. +The parliament always following the strongest side. + +This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not +entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families +were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. + +In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that +kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of +government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood +will attend it. + +If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in +some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives +without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw +from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle +round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and +military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request +for a king, urged this plea "that he may judge us, and go out before +us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither a +judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know +what IS his business. + +The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less +business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a +proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls +it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, +because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places +in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and +eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in +the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as +monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names +without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the +monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen +glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house of commons from out +of their own body--and it is easy to see that when republican virtue +fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but +because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed +the commons? + +In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give +away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and +set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be +allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped +into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in +the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived. + + + + THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS + +IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain +arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to +settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice +and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to +determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he +will not put OFF, the true character of a man, and generously +enlarge his views beyond the present day. + +Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between +England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the +controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but +all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, +as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice +of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge. + +It hath been reported of the late Mr Pelham (who tho' an able +minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in +the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a +temporary kind, replied, "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME." Should a thought +so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the +name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with +detestation. + +The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the +affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a +continent--of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. 'Tis +not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually +involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to +the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of +continental union, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be +like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a +young oak; The wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read +it in full grown characters. + +By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new era for +politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, +proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, I. E. to the +commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; +which, though proper then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever +was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, +terminated in one and the same point, viz. a union with +Great Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method +of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but +it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second +hath withdrawn her influence. + +As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, +like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it +is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the +argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which +these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected +with, and dependant on Great Britain. To examine that connexion and +dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what +we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if +dependant. + +I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished +under her former connexion with Great Britain, that the same +connexion is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always +have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind +of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived +upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty +years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But +even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that +America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no +European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which +she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will +always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe. + +But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is +true, and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is +admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, +viz. the sake of trade and dominion. + +Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made +large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of +Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was INTEREST +not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from OUR ENEMIES on +OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from +those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will +always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her +pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the +dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they +at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn +us against connexions. + +It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have +no relation to each other but through the parent country, I. E. +that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister +colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about +way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way +of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never +were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our +being the SUBJECTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. + +But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame +upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages +make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns +to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, +and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically +adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design +of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. +Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new +world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and +religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, +not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of +the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny +which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants +still. + +In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits +of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry +our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every +European christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. + +It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount +the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the +world. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will +naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their +interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the +name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he +drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of +TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any +other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls +him COUNTRYMAN; i. e. COUNTY-MAN; but if in their foreign +excursions they should associate in France or any other part of +EUROPE, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of +ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans +meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are +COUNTRYMEN; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared +with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which +the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; +distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the +inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore +I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England +only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous. + +But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it +amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes +every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our +duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present +line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of +England are descendants from the same country; wherefore, by the same +method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France. + +Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the +colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. +But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither +do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never +suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British +arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe. + +Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our +plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the +peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of +all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a +protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from +invaders. + +I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a +single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected +with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is +derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and +our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will. + +But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, +are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to +ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any +submission to, or dependance on Great Britain, tends directly to +involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at +variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and +against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our +market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any +part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of +European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance +on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale on British +politics. + +Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, +and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, +the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH +BRITAIN. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it +not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for +separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer +convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads +for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature +cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty +hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that +the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of +Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds +weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled +encreases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the +discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a +sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford +neither friendship nor safety. + +The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of +government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious +mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful +and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present +constitution" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, +knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure +any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method +of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we +ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and +pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we +should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years +farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few +present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight. + +Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am +inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of +reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. +Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who CANNOT +see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of +moderate men, who think better of the European world than it +deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be +the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other +three. + +It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of +sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to THEIR doors to make +THEM feel the precariousness with which all American property is +possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to +Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct +us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The +inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were +in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay +and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their +friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the +soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are +prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for +their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. + +Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of +Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "COME, +COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS." But examine the +passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of +reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether +you can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that +hath carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all +these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay +bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, +whom you can neither love nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, +and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a +little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if +you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath +your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your +face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or +bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, +and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then +are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can +shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy of the name of +husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or +title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a +sycophant. + +This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by +those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without +which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of +life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror +for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and +unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. +It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if +she do not conquer herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY. The present +winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, +the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no +punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or +where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so +precious and useful. + +It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all +examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer +remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain +does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this +time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the +continent even a year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a falacious +dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her +place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement +grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep." + +Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers +have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that +nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than +repeated petitioning--and noting hath contributed more than that very +measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and +Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, +let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation +to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent +and child. + +To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we +thought so at the repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or two +undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been +once defeated, will never renew the quarrel. + +As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do +this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, +and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of +convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of +us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be +always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a +petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when +obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few +years be looked upon as folly and childishness--There was a time when +it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. + +Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper +objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something +very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by +an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than +its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each +other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong +to different systems: England to Europe, America to itself. + +I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to +espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, +positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true +interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of THAT +is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity,--that it is +leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, +when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this +continent the glory of the earth. + +As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a +compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy +the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of +blood and treasure we have been already put to. + +The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just +proportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole +detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. +A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have +sufficiently ballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had +such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up +arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while +to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we +pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a +just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price +for law, as for land. As I have always considered the independancy of +this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so +from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event +could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, +it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time +would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; +otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate +the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was +a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal +nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was +made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of +England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended +title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE, can unfeelingly hear of their +slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. + +But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the +event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several +reasons. + +FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of +the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this +continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to +liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or +is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "YOU SHALL MAKE NO +LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE." And is there any inhabitant in America so +ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the +PRESENT CONSTITUTION, that this continent can make no laws but what +the king gives it leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to +see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be +made here, but such as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually +enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws +made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) +can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be +exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? +Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually +quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. We are already greater than +the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make +us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is +jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says +NO to this question is an INDEPENDANT, for independancy means no +more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or, whether the king, +the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us, +"THERE SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE." + +But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people +there can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and +good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of +twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions +of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of +yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, +though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only +answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, +make quite another case. The king's negative HERE is ten times more +dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for THERE he will +scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as +strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never +suffer such a bill to be passed. + +America is only a secondary object in the system of British +politics, England consults the good of THIS country, no farther +than it answers her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads +her to suppress the growth of OURS in every case which doth not +promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty +state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, +considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to +friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that +reconciliation NOW is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, THAT IT +WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL THE ACTS FOR THE +SAKE OF REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES; in +order that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILITY, IN THE LONG RUN, +WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. +Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. + +SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to +obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind +of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the +colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the +interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property +will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs +but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of +commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants +would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit +the continent. + +But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but +independance, i. e. a continental form of government, can keep the +peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I +dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more +than probable, that it will followed by a revolt somewhere or other, +the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice +of Britain. + +Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more +will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings +than us who have nothing suffered. All they NOW possess is liberty, +what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having +nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general +temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like +that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very +little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, +is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for +nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be +wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after +reconciliation? I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe +spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing +that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first +thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are +ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from +independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that +were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my +circumstances ruined, that as a man, sensible of injuries, I could +never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound +thereby. + +The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and +obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every +reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the +least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, that such as are +truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving +for superiority over another. + +Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, +perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are +all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are +without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is +true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to +enterprizing ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride and +insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture +with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by +being formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake. + + +If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is +because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way +out--Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the +following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no +other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of +giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of +individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for +wise and able men to improve into useful matter. + +Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The +representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and +subject to the authority of a Continental Congress. + +Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient +districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to +Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number +in Congress will be least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose +a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let +a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after +which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out +of the delegates of THAT province. In the next Congress, let a +colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from +which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so +proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper +rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is +satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be +called a majority. He that will promote discord, under a government +so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt. + +But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, +this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and +consistent that it should come from some intermediate body between +the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the +people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following +manner, and for the following purpose. + +A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each +colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial +Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be +chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in +behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall +think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that +purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in +two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, +thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, +KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or +Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be +able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the +people, will have a truly legal authority. + +The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a +CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to +what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and +manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with +their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and +jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is +continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all +men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according +to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary +for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said +Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen +comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors +of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may +God preserve, Amen. + +Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some +similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise +observer on governments DRAGONETTI. "The science" says he "of the +politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and +freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should +discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of +individual happiness, with the least national expense." "DRAGONETTI +ON VIRTUE AND REWARDS." + +But where says some is the King of America? I'll tell you Friend, +he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal +Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in +earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the +charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word +of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, +that so far as we approve as monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS +KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free +countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no other. +But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the +conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the +people whose right it is. + +A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man +seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will +become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a +constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it +in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and +chance. If we omit it now, some, [*1] Massanello may hereafter arise, +who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the +desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers +of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a +deluge. Should the government of America return again into the hands +of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation +for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, +what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal +business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched +Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose +independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to +eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are +thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to +expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which +hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty +hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously +by them. + +To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to +have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores +instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the +little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any +reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will +increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more +and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? + +Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us +the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former +innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last +cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses +against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would +cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the +ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of +Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable +feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his +image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common +animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated +from the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to +the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often +escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, +provoke us into justice. + +O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, +but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun +with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and +Africa, have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, +and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the +fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind. + +Note 1 Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, +who after spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, +against the oppression of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then +subject, prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became +king. + + + +OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS + +I HAVE never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath +not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, +would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in +which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, +what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for +independance. + +As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the +time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of +things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But +we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH +FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things +prove the fact. + +It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; +yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the +world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed +and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at +that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support +itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and +either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our +land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot +be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war +to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we +should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we +are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber +of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain +at last, will be far off and difficult to procure. + +Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under +the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port +towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose. +Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no +man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the +necessities of an army create a new trade. + +Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account +will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave +posterity with a settled form of government, an independant +constitution of it's own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. +But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts +repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the +charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is +leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from +which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of +honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling +politician. + +The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be +but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national +debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case +a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one +hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of +four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a +large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for +the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as +large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more +than three millions and an half sterling. + +The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published +without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof +that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. SEE ENTIC'S +NAVAL HISTORY, INTRO. page 56. + +The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with +masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight +months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. +Burchett, Secretary to the navy. + + + + For a ship of a 100 guns | | 35,553 L. + 90 | | 29,886 + 80 | | 23,638 + 70 | | 17,785 + 60 | | 14,197 + 50 | | 10,606 + 40 | | 7,558 + 30 | | 5,846 + 20 | | 3,710 + +And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of +the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its +greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns. + + SHIPS. | GUNS. | COST OF ONE. | COST OF ALL. + + 6 | 100 | 35,553 _l._ | 213,318 _l._ + 12 | 90 | 29,886 | 358,632 + 12 | 80 | 23,638 | 283,656 + 43 | 70 | 17,785 | 746,755 + 35 | 60 | 14,197 | 496,895 + 40 | 50 | 10,606 | 424,240 + 45 | 40 | 7,558 | 340,110 + 58 | 20 | 3,710 | 215,180 + 85 | Sloops, bombs, and + fireships, one + with another, at + | 2,000 | 170,000 + Cost 3,266,786 + Remains for guns | 233,214 + Total. 3,500,000 + +No country on the globe is so happily situated, so internally +capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage +are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the +Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the +Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials +they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of +commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the +best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it +cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce +and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can +sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold +and silver. + +In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great +errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailor. +The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement +of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her +complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social +sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in +the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to +begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our +fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. +Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in +New England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's +greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world. +The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently +excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state +of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of +coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath +given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she +been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out +from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and +cordage are only articles of commerce. + +In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the +little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we +might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and +slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The +case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve +with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, +might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia +under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same +might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a +brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole +Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are +circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity +of naval protection. + +Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with +Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that +she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense +will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is +of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be +effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a +long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if +her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how +is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be +of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if +we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why +do it for another? + +The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a +tenth part of them are at any time fit for service, numbers of them +not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if +only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as +are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. +The East, and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts +over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her +navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted +a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if +we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that +reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being +instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised +Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther +from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the +naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her; +because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our +whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in +the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or +four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and +the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And +although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, +we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by +laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its +mercy. + +Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of +peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant +navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ +in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty +guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the +merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on +constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without +burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, +of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the +docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy; +for when our strength and our riches, play into each other's hand, we +need fear no external enemy. + +In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even +to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior +to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. +Cannons we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every +day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our +inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. +Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From +Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to +the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth +living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be +constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will +venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? +The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some +unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, +and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate +Continental matters. + +Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, +is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet +unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his +worthless dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the +discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of +government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this. + +The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from +being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are +sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. +It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is +peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the +ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for +trade being the consequence of population, men become too much +absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else. Commerce diminishes the +spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history +sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always +accomplished in the non age of a nation. With the increase of +commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, +notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the +patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are +they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit +to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. + +Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in +individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the +Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety +of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, +would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being +able might scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and +foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, +that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT +TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is +contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in +misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our +present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and +we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, +and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in. + +The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never +happens to a nation but once, VIZ. the time of forming itself into +a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that +means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, +instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and +then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of +government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them +afterwards: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn +wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity--TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT +AT THE RIGHT END. + +When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the +point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of +government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we +shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who +may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? +Where our property? + +As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all +government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I +know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let +a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of +principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to +part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that +head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all +good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that +it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of +religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our +Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious +dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal +principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like +children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their +Christian names. + +In page [III par 47], I threw out a few thoughts on +the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer +hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of +rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be +understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters +into, to support the right of every separate part, whether or +religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right +reckoning make long friends. + +In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and +equal representation; and there is no political matter which more +deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number +of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the +representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is +increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the +Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of +Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks +county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the +Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed +by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The +unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last +sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that +province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out +of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put +together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored +a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW +without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN +BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with +what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public +measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of +such a trust. + +Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if +continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are +different things. When the calamities of America required a +consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so +proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for +that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath +preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable +that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good +order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, +deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make +a study of mankind, whether REPRESENTATION AND ELECTION is not too +great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we +are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not +hereditary. + +It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are +frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one +of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New York +Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but +of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not +with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary +honesty. [*Note 1] + +TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however +unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and +striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our +affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for +independance. Some of which are, + +FIRST--It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for +some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as +mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while +America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however +well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our +present state we may quarrel on for ever. + +SECONDLY--It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain +will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of +that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and +strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, +those powers would be sufferers by the consequences. + +THIRDLY--While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we +must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The +precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in +arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the +paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea +much too refined for the common understanding. + +FOURTHLY--Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to +foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the +peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, +at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or +safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been +driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at +the same time, assuring all such courts of our peacable disposition +towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: +Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent, +than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain. + +Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither +be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, +and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other +nations. + +These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, +like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a +little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance +is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues +putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it +must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is +continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity. + +Note 1 Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a +large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's +political Disquisitions. + + + + APPENDIX + +SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or +rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made +its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the +birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a +more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody +mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of +the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech instead of +terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. + + +Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, +have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of +countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim +be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a +piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general +execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic +tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what +may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass +some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new +methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that +guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing +to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before +now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, +is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, +the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and +pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of +tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the +privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows +them NOT, they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our +OWN creating, they know not US, and are become the gods of their +creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not +calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived +by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us +at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, +that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored +Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain. + +Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical +piece, fallaciously called, "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND +TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain +supposition, that the people HERE were to be frightened at the pomp +and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) +the real character of the present one: "But," says this writer, "if +you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do +not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal +of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from +that prince, BY WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY +THING." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even +without a mask: And he who can so calmly hear, and digest such +doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality--an apostate from +the order of manhood; and ought to be considered--as one, who hath, +not only given up the proper dignity of a man, but sunk himself +beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the +world like a worm. + +However, it matters very little now, what the king of England +either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and +human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; +and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, +procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of +America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young +family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting +away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the +names of men and christians--YE, whose office it is to watch over the +morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as +well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public +liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by +European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation--But leaving +the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my +farther remarks to the following heads. + +First, That it is the interest of America to be separated from +Britain. + +Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, +RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks. + +In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce +the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this +continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly +known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a +state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and +fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material +eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although +the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history +of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would +be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the +legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, +proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish +it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final +ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of +America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a +great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each +other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go +to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of +Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of +contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, +will appear clearer and stronger every day. + +First, Because it will come to that one time or other. + +Secondly, Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be +to accomplish. + +I have frequently amused myself both in public and private +companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who +speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the +following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened +forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would +have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I +reply, that our military ability AT THIS TIME, arises from the +experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years +time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by +that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and +we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of +martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, +closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time +is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus--at the +conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; +and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without +experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some +particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of +the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: +And that point of time is the present time. + +The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly +come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return +by the following position, viz. + +Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the +governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now +circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive +ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may +contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are +clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of +Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount +to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the +quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. + +It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without +burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always +lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of +government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that +the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the +execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the +continental trustees. + +I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and +most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some +occasional remarks. + +He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his +argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLY THAT INDEPENDANCE +BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND +RECONCILIATION, A MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND +IN WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE +ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT. + +The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is +capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any +other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. +Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is +nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is +endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation +without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and, +what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for +dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never +existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property +of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The +mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object +before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is +criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one +thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not +have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that +act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction +should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and +inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but +the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his +head. + +Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some +of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissentions. The +Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done +in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into +a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will +be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their +old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among +us, Printers, who will be busy spreading specious falsehoods. The +artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two +of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence +that there are men who want either judgment or honesty. + +It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of +reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the +task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide +thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of +men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to +be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the +sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath +quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged +moderation be suited to their own private situations ONLY, +regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are +reckoning without their Host." + +Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To +which I answer, the request is not NOW in the power of Britain to +comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even +should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is +such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? +Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the +obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or +unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going to +law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, +not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of +sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the +same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same +state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our +private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) +discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at +that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a +year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent--but now +it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed." + +Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a +pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as +repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce +obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the +means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such +trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our +persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the +invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously +qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of +defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have +ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, +as dating its era from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS +FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn +by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of +events, of which the colonies were not the authors. + +I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well +intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different +ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that +ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of +America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a +military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our +soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; +virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it +perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of +those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before +us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. +We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, +similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah +until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, +perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their +portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is +awful--and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the +little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, +when weighed against the business of a world. + +Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an +Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge +the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and +prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either +inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of +Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be +publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be +independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, +and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. +Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such +beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most +solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at +first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well +established form of government, will be the only certain means of +continuing it securely to them. WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue +enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for +Independance. + +In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us +together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally +shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. +We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for +there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be +less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, +than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for +terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to +hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the +war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our +trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us NOW try the +alternative, by INDEPENDANTLY redressing them ourselves, and then +offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in +England, will be still with us; because, peace WITH trade, is +preferable to war WITHOUT it. And if this offer be not accepted, +other courts may be applied to. + +On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been +made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this +pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be +refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be +opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious +or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the +hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like +an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former +dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none +other be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND +RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND +AND OF THE FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA. + + +----End of COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine + +Corrections: 55,553 replaced by 35,553 + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Common Sense, by Thomas Paine + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COMMON SENSE *** + +***** This file should be named 3755.txt or 3755.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/7/5/3755/ + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. HTML version by Al Haines. + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/3755.zip b/3755.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..0739915 --- /dev/null +++ b/3755.zip diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2f8e873 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #3755 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3755) diff --git a/old/comsn10a.txt b/old/comsn10a.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2e8073c --- /dev/null +++ b/old/comsn10a.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2394 @@ +The Project Gutenberg Etext of Common Sense +by Thomas Paine +#5 in our series by Thomas Paine + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check +the laws for your country before redistributing these files!!! + +Please take a look at the important information in this header. +We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an +electronic path open for the next readers. + +Please do not remove this. + +This should be the first thing seen when anyone opens the book. +Do not change or edit it without written permission. The words +are carefully chosen to provide users with the information they +need about what they can legally do with the texts. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These Etexts Are Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** + +Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get Etexts, and +further information is included below, including for donations. + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a 501(c)(3) +organization with EIN [Employee Identification Number] 64-6221541 + +Title: Common Sense + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Release Date: February, 2003 [Etext #3755] +[Yes, we are about one year ahead of schedule] +[The actual date this file first posted = 8/21/01] + +Edition: 10a + +Language: English + +The Project Gutenberg Etext of Common Sense +by Thomas Paine +******This file should be named comsn10a.txt or comsn10a.zip****** + +Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, comsn11a.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, comsn10b.txt + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. + +Project Gutenberg Etexts are usually created from multiple editions, +all of which are in the Public Domain in the United States, unless a +copyright notice is included. Therefore, we usually do NOT keep any +of these books in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +We are now trying to release all our books one year in advance +of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. +Please be encouraged to send us error messages even years after +the official publication date. + +Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til +midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. +The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at +Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A +preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment +and editing by those who wish to do so. + +Most people start at our sites at: +http://gutenberg.net +http://promo.net/pg + + +Those of you who want to download any Etext before announcement +can surf to them as follows, and just download by date; this is +also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the +indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an +announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter. + +http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 +or +ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03 + +Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90 + +Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want, +as it appears in our Newsletters. + + +Information about Project Gutenberg (one page) + +We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The +time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours +to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright +searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. This +projected audience is one hundred million readers. If our value +per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2 +million dollars per hour this year as we release fifty new Etext +files per month, or 500 more Etexts in 2000 for a total of 3000+ +If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total +should reach over 300 billion Etexts given away by year's end. + +The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext +Files by December 31, 2001. [10,000 x 100,000,000 = 1 Trillion] +This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers, +which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users. + +At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third +of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 4,000 Etexts unless we +manage to get some real funding. + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created +to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +As of July 12, 2001 contributions are only being solicited from people in: +Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, +Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, +Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North +Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, +Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, +Wisconsin, and Wyoming. + +We have filed in about 45 states now, but these are the only ones +that have responded. + +As the requirements for other states are met, +additions to this list will be made and fund raising +will begin in the additional states. Please feel +free to ask to check the status of your state. + +In answer to various questions we have received on this: + +We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork +to legally request donations in all 50 states. If +your state is not listed and you would like to know +if we have added it since the list you have, just ask. + +While we cannot solicit donations from people in +states where we are not yet registered, we know +of no prohibition against accepting donations +from donors in these states who approach us with +an offer to donate. + + +International donations are accepted, +but we don't know ANYTHING about how +to make them tax-deductible, or +even if they CAN be made deductible, +and don't have the staff to handle it +even if there are ways. + +All donations should be made to: + +Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +PMB 113 +1739 University Ave. +Oxford, MS 38655-4109 + + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a 501(c)(3) +organization with EIN [Employee Identification Number] 64-6221541, +and has been approved as a 501(c)(3) organization by the US Internal +Revenue Service (IRS). Donations are tax-deductible to the maximum +extent permitted by law. As the requirements for other states are met, +additions to this list will be made and fund raising will begin in the +additional states. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +You can get up to date donation information at: + +http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html + + +*** + +If you can't reach Project Gutenberg, +you can always email directly to: + +Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com> + +hart@pobox.com forwards to hart@prairienet.org and archive.org +if your mail bounces from archive.org, I will still see it, if +it bounces from prairienet.org, better resend later on. . . . + +Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message. + +We would prefer to send you information by email. + + +*** + + +Example command-line FTP session: + +ftp ftp.ibiblio.org +login: anonymous +password: your@login +cd pub/docs/books/gutenberg +cd etext90 through etext99 or etext00 through etext02, etc. +dir [to see files] +get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files] +GET GUTINDEX.?? [to get a year's listing of books, e.g., GUTINDEX.99] +GET GUTINDEX.ALL [to get a listing of ALL books] + + +**The Legal Small Print** + + +(Three Pages) + +***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START*** +Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers. +They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with +your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from +someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our +fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement +disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how +you may distribute copies of this etext if you want to. + +*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT +By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm +etext, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept +this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive +a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this etext by +sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person +you got it from. If you received this etext on a physical +medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request. + +ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS +This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etexts, +is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart +through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project"). +Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright +on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and +distribute it in the United States without permission and +without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth +below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext +under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark. + +Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market +any commercial products without permission. + +To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable +efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain +works. Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any +medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other +things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other +intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged +disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer +codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. + +LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES +But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below, +[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may +receive this etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) disclaims +all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including +legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR +UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT, +INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE +OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE +POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES. + +If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of +receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) +you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that +time to the person you received it from. If you received it +on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and +such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement +copy. If you received it electronically, such person may +choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to +receive it electronically. + +THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS +TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT +LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A +PARTICULAR PURPOSE. + +Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or +the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the +above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you +may have other legal rights. + +INDEMNITY +You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation, +and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated +with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm +texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including +legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the +following that you do or cause: [1] distribution of this etext, +[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the etext, +or [3] any Defect. + +DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm" +You may distribute copies of this etext electronically, or by +disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this +"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg, +or: + +[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this + requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the + etext or this "small print!" statement. You may however, + if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable + binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, + including any form resulting from conversion by word + processing or hypertext software, but only so long as + *EITHER*: + + [*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and + does *not* contain characters other than those + intended by the author of the work, although tilde + (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may + be used to convey punctuation intended by the + author, and additional characters may be used to + indicate hypertext links; OR + + [*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at + no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent + form by the program that displays the etext (as is + the case, for instance, with most word processors); + OR + + [*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at + no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the + etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC + or other equivalent proprietary form). + +[2] Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this + "Small Print!" statement. + +[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the + gross profits you derive calculated using the method you + already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you + don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are + payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation" + the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were + legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent + periodic) tax return. Please contact us beforehand to + let us know your plans and to work out the details. + +WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO? +Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of +public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed +in machine readable form. + +The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time, +public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses. +Money should be paid to the: +"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or +software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at: +hart@pobox.com + +[Portions of this header are copyright (C) 2001 by Michael S. Hart +and may be reprinted only when these Etexts are free of all fees.] +[Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be used in any sales +of Project Gutenberg Etexts or other materials be they hardware or +software or any other related product without express permission.] + +*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.07/27/01*END* + + + + + + + + + + + +Produced by Norman M. Wolcott. + + + + + +[Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine +Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*".] + ----------------------------------------------------------------------- + + THE WRITINGS + + OF + + THOMAS PAINE + + COLLECTED AND EDITED BY + + MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY + + VOLUME I. + + 1774 - 1779 + + +-------------------------------------------------------------------- + + XV. + + COMMON SENSE + + Table of Contents + +INTRODUCTION + +I. OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE +REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION + +II. OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION + +III. THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS + +IV. OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS +REFLEXIONS + +--------------------------------------------------------------------- + + INTRODUCTION + +PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not +YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long +habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial +appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry +in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more +converts than reason. + + As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of +calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might +never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated +into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his +OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and +as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the +combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the +pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either. + + In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every +thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as +censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the +worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose +sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves +unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. + + The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all +mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not +local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers +of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections +are interested. The laying of a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, +declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and +extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the +Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; +of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is + THE AUTHOR + + POSTSCRIPT TO PREFACE IN THE THIRD EDITION + + P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a +View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to +refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, +it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such +a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past. + + Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the +Public, as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the +MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected +with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but +the influence of reason and principle. + + Philadelphia, February 14, 1776. + +OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL, WITH CONCISE +REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION + +SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave +little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only +different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our +wants, and government by wickedness; the former promotes our +happiness POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter +NEGATIVELY by restraining our vices. The one encourages +intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, +the last a punisher. + + Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its +best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable +one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A +GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, +our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by +which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost +innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers +of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and +irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not +being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his +property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he +is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case +advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE, +security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably +follows that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it +to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to +all others. + + In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of +government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some +sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will +then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In +this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A +thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is +so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual +solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of +another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would +be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, +but ONE man might labour out the common period of life without +accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not +remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time +would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a +different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for +though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from +living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to +perish than to die. + + This necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly +arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessing of which, +would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government +unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as +nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably +happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of +emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will +begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this +remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form +of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. + + Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the +branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on +public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will +have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other +penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by +natural right, will have a seat. + + But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase +likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, +will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every +occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations +near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out +the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to +be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are +supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who +appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body +would act were they present. If the colony continues increasing, it +will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, +and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, +it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each +part sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never +form to themselves an interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence +will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as +the ELECTED might by that means return and mix again with the +general body of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the +public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod +for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a +common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually +and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning +name of king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS +OF THE GOVERNED. + + Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode +rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the +world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and +security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with snow, or our ears +deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest +darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason +will say, it is right. + + I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in +nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any +thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier +repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few +remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was +noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is +granted. When the world was over run with tyranny the least remove +therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to +convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is +easily demonstrated. + + Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this +advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they +know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the +remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But +the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the +nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover +in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in +another, and every political physician will advise a different +medicine. + + I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing +prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component +parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base +remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican +materials. + + FIRST. The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the +king. + + SECONDLY. The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of +the peers. + + THIRDLY. The new republican materials, in the persons of the +commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. + + The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; +wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards +the freedom of the state. + + To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three +powers reciprocally CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the +words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. + + To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two +things. + + FIRST. That the king is not to be trusted without being looked +after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the +natural disease of monarchy. + + SECONDLY. That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, +are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. + + But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to +check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king +a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other +bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it +has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! + + There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of +monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet +empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. +The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a +king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different +parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the +whole character to be absurd and useless. + + Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the +king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in +behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this +hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and +though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they +appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest +construction that words are capable of, when applied to the +description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too +incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be +words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot +inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, +viz. HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO +TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could not be the +gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING, +be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, +supposes such a power to exist. + + But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot +or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; +for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all +the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to +know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that +will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, +as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as +they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first +moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is +supplied by time. + + That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution +needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence +merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident; +wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door +against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish +enough to put the crown in possession of the key. + + The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by +king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride +than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in +some other countries, but the WILL of the king is as much the LAW +of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that +instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the +people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For +the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle--not +more just. + + Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour +of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO +THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE, AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE +GOVERNMENT that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in +Turkey. + + An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form of +government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a +proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under +the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable +of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate +prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted +to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a +rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a +good one. + + OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION + +MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the +equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the +distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted +for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names +of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but +seldom or never the MEANS of riches; and though avarice will +preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him +too timorous to be wealthy. + + But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly +natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the +distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the +distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but +how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and +distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and +whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. + + In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture +chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was there +were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into +confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this +last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. +Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of +the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes +away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. + + Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the +Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was +the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the +promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their +deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by +doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of +sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is +crumbling into dust! + + As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be +justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be +defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, +as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves +of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have +been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they +undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their +governments yet to form. "RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE THINGS WHICH ARE +CAESAR'S" is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support +of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a +king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. + + Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of +the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a +king. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary +cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic +administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had +none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that +title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the +idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, he need not +wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should +disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the +prerogative of heaven. + + Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for +which a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of +that transaction is worth attending to. + + The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon +marched against them with a small army, and victory, thro' the divine +interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, +and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him +a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY SON AND THY SON'S +SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, +but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, +I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU, NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU. THE +LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon +doth not DECLINE the honor, but denieth their right to give it; +neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his +thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with +disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven. + + About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into +the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous +customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but +so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, +who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt +and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY +SONS WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US LIKE ALL +THE OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives +were bad, viz. that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i. e. +the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much UNLIKE +them as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, +GIVE US A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE +LORD SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL +THAT THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY +HAVE REJECTED ME, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. ACCORDING TO +ALL THE WORKS WHICH THEY HAVE DONE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM +UP OUT OF EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME +AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW THEREFORE +HEARKEN UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY UNTO THEM AND +SHEW THEM THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER THEM, I. E. +not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of +the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And +notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, +the character is still in fashion. AND SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF +THE LORD UNTO THE PEOPLE, THAT ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS +SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL +TAKE YOUR SONS AND APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO +BE HIS HORSEMEN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this +description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE +WILL APPOINT HIM CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, +AND WILL SET THEM TO EAR HIS GROUND AND TO READ HIS HARVEST, AND TO +MAKE HIS INSTRUMENTS OF WAR, AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE COOKS AND +TO BE BAKERS (this describes the expence and luxury as well as the +oppression of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE +YARDS, EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS; AND HE +WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR FEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS, AND GIVE +THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS (by which we see that +bribery, corruption, and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) +AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID +SERVANTS, AND YOUR GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM +TO HIS WORK; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE SHALL +BE HIS SERVANTS, AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE OF YOUR +KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN, AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN +THAT DAY. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do +the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either +sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the +high encomium given of David takes no notice of him OFFICIALLY AS A +KING, but only as a MAN after God's own heart. NEVERTHELESS THE +PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL, AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT +WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US, THAT WE MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND +THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US, AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR +BATTLES. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he +set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and +seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL +UNTO THE LORD, AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a +punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE +AND SEE THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT +OF THE LORD, IN ASKING YOU A KING. SO SAMUEL CALLED UNTO THE LORD, +AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND ALL THE PEOPLE +GREATLY FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO +SAMUEL, PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT, +FOR WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These +portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no +equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his +protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is +false. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of +king-craft, as priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the +public in Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the +Popery of government. + + To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary +succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of +ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult +and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, +no ONE by BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in +perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might +deserve SOME decent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his +descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the +strongest NATURAL proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, +is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise, she would not so +frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ASS FOR A +LION. + + Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors +than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have +no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might +say "We choose you for OUR head," they could not, without manifest +injustice to their children, say "that your children and your +children's children shall reign over OURS for ever." Because such +an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next +succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most +wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary +right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once +established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from +superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the +plunder of the rest. + + This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have +had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could +we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their +first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than +the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or +pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among +plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his +depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their +safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea +of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a +perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and +unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, +hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take +place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; +but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditionary +history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a +few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently +timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the +vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to +threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for +elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at +first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as +it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a +convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. + + England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but +groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his +senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very +honorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and +establishing himself king of England against the consent of the +natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It +certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend +much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any +so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and +lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb +their devotion. + + Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? +The question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by +election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it +establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary +succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, +neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention +it ever should. If the first king of any country was by election, +that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that +the RIGHT of all future generations is taken away, by the act of +the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a +family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture +but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all +men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no +other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all +sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one +all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; +as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the +last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and +privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary +succession are parallels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! +Yet the most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile. + + As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that +William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be +contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English +monarchy will not bear looking into. + + But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary +succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and +wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens +a door to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it hath in +it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to +reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest +of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the +world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that +they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and +when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant +and unfit of any throughout the dominions. + + Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the +throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which +time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every +opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national +misfortune happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, +enters the last stage of human weakness. In both these cases the +public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully +with the follies either of age or infancy. + + The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of +hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil +wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the +most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history +of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned +in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there +have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars +and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it +makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand +on. + + The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York +and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. +Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought +between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in +his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war +and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the +ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to +a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; +yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his +turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. +The parliament always following the strongest side. + + This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not +entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families +were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. + + In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that +kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of +government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood +will attend it. + + If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in +some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives +without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw +from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle +round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and +military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request +for a king, urged this plea "that he may judge us, and go out before +us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither a +judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know +what IS his business. + + The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less +business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a +proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls +it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, +because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places +in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and +eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in +the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as +monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names +without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the +monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen +glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house of commons from out +of their own body--and it is easy to see that when republican virtue +fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but +because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed +the commons? + + In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give +away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and +set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be +allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped +into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in +the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived. + + THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS + +IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain +arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to +settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice +and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to +determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he +will not put OFF, the true character of a man, and generously +enlarge his views beyond the present day. + + Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between +England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the +controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but +all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, +as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice +of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge. + + It hath been reported of the late Mr Pelham (who tho' an able +minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in +the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a +temporary kind, replied, "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME." Should a thought +so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the +name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with +detestation. + + The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the +affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a +continent--of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. 'Tis +not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually +involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to +the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of +continental union, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be +like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a +young oak; The wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read +it in full grown characters. + + By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new era for +politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, +proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, I. E. to the +commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; +which, though proper then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever +was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, +terminated in one and the same point, viz. a union with +Great Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method +of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but +it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second +hath withdrawn her influence. + + As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, +like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it +is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the +argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which +these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected +with, and dependant on Great Britain. To examine that connexion and +dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what +we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if +dependant. + + I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished +under her former connexion with Great Britain, that the same +connexion is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always +have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind +of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived +upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty +years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But +even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that +America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no +European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which +she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will +always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe. + + But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is +true, and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is +admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, +viz. the sake of trade and dominion. + + Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made +large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of +Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was INTEREST +not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from OUR ENEMIES on +OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from +those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will +always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her +pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the +dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they +at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn +us against connexions. + + It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have +no relation to each other but through the parent country, I. E. +that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister +colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about +way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way +of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never +were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our +being the SUBJECTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. + + But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame +upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages +make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns +to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, +and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically +adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design +of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. +Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new +world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and +religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, +not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of +the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny +which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants +still. + + In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits +of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry +our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every +European christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. + + It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount +the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the +world. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will +naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their +interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the +name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he +drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of +TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any +other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls +him COUNTRYMAN; i. e. COUNTY-MAN; but if in their foreign +excursions they should associate in France or any other part of +EUROPE, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of +ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans +meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are +COUNTRYMEN; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared +with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which +the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; +distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the +inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore +I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England +only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous. + + But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it +amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes +every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our +duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present +line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of +England are descendants from the same country; wherefore, by the same +method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France. + + Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the +colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. +But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither +do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never +suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British +arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe. + + Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our +plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the +peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of +all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a +protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from +invaders. + + I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a +single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected +with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is +derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and +our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will. + + But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, +are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to +ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any +submission to, or dependance on Great Britain, tends directly to +involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at +variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and +against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our +market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any +part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of +European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance +on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale on British +politics. + + Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, +and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, +the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH +BRITAIN. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it +not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for +separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer +convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads +for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature +cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty +hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that +the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of +Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds +weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled +encreases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the +discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a +sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford +neither friendship nor safety. + + The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of +government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious +mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful +and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present +constitution" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, +knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure +any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method +of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we +ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and +pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we +should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years +farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few +present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight. + + Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am +inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of +reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. +Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who CANNOT +see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of +moderate men, who think better of the European world than it +deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be +the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other +three. + + It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of +sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to THEIR doors to make +THEM feel the precariousness with which all American property is +possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to +Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct +us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The +inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were +in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay +and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their +friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the +soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are +prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for +their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. + + Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of +Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "COME, +COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS." But examine the +passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of +reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether +you can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that +hath carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all +these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay +bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, +whom you can neither love nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, +and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a +little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if +you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath +your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your +face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or +bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, +and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then +are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can +shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy of the name of +husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or +title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a +sycophant. + + This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by +those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without +which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of +life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror +for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and +unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. +It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if +she do not conquer herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY. The present +winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, +the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no +punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or +where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so +precious and useful. + + It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all +examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer +remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain +does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this +time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the +continent even a year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a falacious +dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her +place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement +grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep." + + Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers +have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that +nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than +repeated petitioning--and noting hath contributed more than that very +measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and +Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, +let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation +to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent +and child. + + To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we +thought so at the repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or two +undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been +once defeated, will never renew the quarrel. + + As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do +this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, +and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of +convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of +us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be +always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a +petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when +obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few +years be looked upon as folly and childishness--There was a time when +it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. + + Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper +objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something +very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by +an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than +its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each +other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong +to different systems: England to Europe, America to itself. + + I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to +espouse the doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, +positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true +interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of THAT +is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity,--that it is +leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, +when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this +continent the glory of the earth. + + As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a +compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy +the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of +blood and treasure we have been already put to. + + The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just +proportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole +detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. +A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have +sufficiently ballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had +such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up +arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while +to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we +pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a +just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price +for law, as for land. As I have always considered the independancy of +this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so +from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event +could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, +it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time +would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; +otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate +the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was +a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal +nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was +made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of +England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended +title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE, can unfeelingly hear of their +slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. + + But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the +event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several +reasons. + + FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of +the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this +continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to +liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or +is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "YOU SHALL MAKE NO +LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE." And is there any inhabitant in America so +ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the +PRESENT CONSTITUTION, that this continent can make no laws but what +the king gives it leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to +see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be +made here, but such as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually +enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws +made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) +can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be +exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? +Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually +quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. We are already greater than +the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make +us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is +jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says +NO to this question is an INDEPENDANT, for independancy means no +more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or, whether the king, +the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us, +"THERE SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE." + + But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people +there can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and +good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of +twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions +of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of +yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, +though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only +answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, +make quite another case. The king's negative HERE is ten times more +dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for THERE he will +scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as +strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never +suffer such a bill to be passed. + + America is only a secondary object in the system of British +politics, England consults the good of THIS country, no farther +than it answers her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads +her to suppress the growth of OURS in every case which doth not +promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty +state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, +considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to +friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that +reconciliation NOW is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, THAT IT +WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL THE ACTS FOR THE +SAKE OF REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES; in +order that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILITY, IN THE LONG RUN, +WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. +Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. + + SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to +obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind +of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the +colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the +interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property +will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs +but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of +commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants +would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit +the continent. + + But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but +independance, i. e. a continental form of government, can keep the +peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I +dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more +than probable, that it will followed by a revolt somewhere or other, +the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice +of Britain. + + Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more +will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings +than us who have nothing suffered. All they NOW possess is liberty, +what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having +nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general +temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like +that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very +little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, +is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for +nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be +wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after +reconciliation? I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe +spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing +that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first +thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are +ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from +independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that +were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my +circumstances ruined, that as a man, sensible of injuries, I could +never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound +thereby. + + The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and +obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every +reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the +least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, that such as are +truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving +for superiority over another. + + Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, +perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are +all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are +without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is +true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to +enterprizing ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride and +insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture +with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by +being formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake. + + + If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is +because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way +out--Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the +following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no +other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of +giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of +individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for +wise and able men to improve into useful matter. + + Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The +representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and +subject to the authority of a Continental Congress. + + Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient +districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to +Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number +in Congress will be least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose +a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let +a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after +which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out +of the delegates of THAT province. In the next Congress, let a +colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from +which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so +proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper +rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is +satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be +called a majority. He that will promote discord, under a government +so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt. + + But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, +this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and +consistent that it should come from some intermediate body between +the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the +people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following +manner, and for the following purpose. + + A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each +colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial +Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be +chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in +behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall +think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that +purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in +two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, +thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, +KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or +Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be +able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the +people, will have a truly legal authority. + + The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a +CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to +what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and +manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with +their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and +jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is +continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all +men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according +to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary +for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said +Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen +comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors +of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may +God preserve, Amen. + + Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some +similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise +observer on governments DRAGONETTI. "The science" says he "of the +politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and +freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should +discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of +individual happiness, with the least national expense." "DRAGONETTI +ON VIRTUE AND REWARDS." + + But where says some is the King of America? I'll tell you Friend, +he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal +Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in +earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the +charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word +of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, +that so far as we approve as monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS +KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free +countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no other. +But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the +conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the +people whose right it is. + + A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man +seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will +become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a +constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it +in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and +chance. If we omit it now, some, [*1] Massanello may hereafter arise, +who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the +desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers +of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a +deluge. Should the government of America return again into the hands +of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation +for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, +what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal +business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched +Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose +independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to +eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are +thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to +expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which +hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty +hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously +by them. + + To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to +have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores +instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the +little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any +reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will +increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more +and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? + + Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us +the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former +innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last +cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses +against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would +cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the +ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of +Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable +feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his +image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common +animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated +from the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to +the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often +escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, +provoke us into justice. + + O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, +but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun +with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and +Africa, have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, +and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the +fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind. + +Note 1 Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, +who after spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, +against the oppression of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then +subject, prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became +king. + +OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS + +I HAVE never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath +not confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, +would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in +which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, +what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for +independance. + + As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the +time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of +things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But +we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH +FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things +prove the fact. + + It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; +yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the +world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed +and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at +that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support +itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and +either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our +land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot +be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war +to be built, while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we +should be no forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we +are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber +of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain +at last, will be far off and difficult to procure. + + Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under +the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port +towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose. +Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no +man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the +necessities of an army create a new trade. + + Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account +will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave +posterity with a settled form of government, an independant +constitution of it's own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. +But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts +repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the +charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is +leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from +which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of +honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling +politician. + + The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be +but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national +debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case +a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one +hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of +four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a +large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for +the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as +large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more +than three millions and an half sterling. + + The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published +without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof +that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. SEE ENTIC'S +NAVAL HISTORY, INTRO. page 56. + + The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with +masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight +months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. +Burchett, Secretary to the navy. + + + + For a ship of a 100 guns | | 35,553 L. + + 90 | | 29,886 + + 80 | | 23,638 + + 70 | | 17,785 + + 60 | | 14,197 + + 50 | | 10,606 + + 40 | | 7,558 + + 30 | | 5,846 + + 20 | | 3,710 + + And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of +the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its +greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns. + + SHIPS. | GUNS. | COST OF ONE. | COST OF ALL. + + 6 | 100 | 35,553 _l._ | 213,318 _l._ + + 12 | 90 | 29,886 | 358,632 + + 12 | 80 | 23,638 | 283,656 + + 43 | 70 | 17,785 | 746,755 + + 35 | 60 | 14,197 | 496,895 + + 40 | 50 | 10,606 | 424,240 + + 45 | 40 | 7,558 | 340,110 + + 58 | 20 | 3,710 | 215,180 + + 85 | Sloops, bombs, and + fireships, one + with another, at + | 2,000 | 170,000 + + Cost 3,266,786 + + Remains for guns | 233,214 + + Total. 3,500,000 + + No country on the globe is so happily situated, so internally +capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage +are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the +Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the +Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials +they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of +commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this country. It is the +best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it +cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce +and protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can +sell; and by that means replace our paper currency with ready gold +and silver. + + In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great +errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailor. +The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement +of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her +complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social +sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in +the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to +begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our +fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. +Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in +New England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's +greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world. +The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently +excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state +of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent of +coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath +given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she +been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out +from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and +cordage are only articles of commerce. + + In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the +little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we +might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and +slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The +case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve +with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, +might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia +under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same +might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a +brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole +Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are +circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity +of naval protection. + + Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with +Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that +she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense +will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is +of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be +effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a +long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if +her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how +is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be +of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if +we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why +do it for another? + + The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a +tenth part of them are at any time fit for service, numbers of them +not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if +only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as +are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. +The East, and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts +over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her +navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted +a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if +we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that +reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which not being +instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised +Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther +from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the +naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her; +because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our +whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in +the long run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or +four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and +the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit. And +although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, +we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by +laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its +mercy. + + Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of +peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant +navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ +in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty +guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the +merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on +constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without +burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, +of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the +docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy; +for when our strength and our riches, play into each other's hand, we +need fear no external enemy. + + In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even +to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior +to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. +Cannons we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every +day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our +inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. +Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From +Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to +the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth +living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be +constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will +venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? +The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some +unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, +and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate +Continental matters. + + Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, +is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet +unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his +worthless dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the +discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of +government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this. + + The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from +being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are +sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. +It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is +peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the +ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for +trade being the consequence of population, men become too much +absorbed thereby to attend to any thing else. Commerce diminishes the +spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history +sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always +accomplished in the non age of a nation. With the increase of +commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, +notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the +patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are +they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit +to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. + + Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in +individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the +Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety +of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, +would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being +able might scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and +foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, +that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the PRESENT +TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is +contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in +misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our +present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and +we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, +and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in. + + The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never +happens to a nation but once, VIZ. the time of forming itself into +a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that +means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, +instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and +then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of +government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them +afterwards: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn +wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity--TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT +AT THE RIGHT END. + + When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the +point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of +government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we +shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who +may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? +Where our property? + + As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all +government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I +know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let +a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of +principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to +part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that +head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all +good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that +it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of +religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our +Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious +dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal +principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like +children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their +Christian names. + + In page [III par 47], I threw out a few thoughts on +the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer +hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of +rementioning the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be +understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters +into, to support the right of every separate part, whether or +religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right +reckoning make long friends. + + In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and +equal representation; and there is no political matter which more +deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number +of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the +representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is +increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the +Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of +Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks +county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the +Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed +by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The +unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last +sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that +province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out +of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put +together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored +a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW +without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN +BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with +what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public +measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of +such a trust. + + Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if +continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are +different things. When the calamities of America required a +consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so +proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for +that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath +preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable +that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good +order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, +deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make +a study of mankind, whether REPRESENTATION AND ELECTION is not too +great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we +are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not +hereditary. + + It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are +frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one +of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New York +Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but +of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not +with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary +honesty. [*Note 1] + + TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however +unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and +striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our +affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for +independance. Some of which are, + + FIRST--It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for +some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as +mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while +America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however +well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our +present state we may quarrel on for ever. + + SECONDLY--It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain +will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of +that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and +strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because, +those powers would be sufferers by the consequences. + + THIRDLY--While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we +must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The +precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in +arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the +paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea +much too refined for the common understanding. + + FOURTHLY--Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to +foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the +peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, +at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or +safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been +driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at +the same time, assuring all such courts of our peacable disposition +towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: +Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent, +than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain. + + Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither +be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, +and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other +nations. + + These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, +like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a +little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance +is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues +putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it +must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is +continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity. + +Note 1 Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a +large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's +political Disquisitions. + + APPENDIX + +SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or +rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made +its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the +birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a +more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody +mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of +the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech instead of +terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. + + + Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, +have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of +countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim +be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a +piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general +execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic +tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what +may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass +some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new +methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that +guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing +to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before +now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, +is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, +the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and +pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of +tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the +privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows +them NOT, they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our +OWN creating, they know not US, and are become the gods of their +creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not +calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived +by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us +at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, +that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored +Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain. + + Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical +piece, fallaciously called, "THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND +TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain +supposition, that the people HERE were to be frightened at the pomp +and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) +the real character of the present one: "But," says this writer, "if +you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do +not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal +of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from +that prince, BY WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY +THING." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even +without a mask: And he who can so calmly hear, and digest such +doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality--an apostate from +the order of manhood; and ought to be considered--as one, who hath, +not only given up the proper dignity of a man, but sunk himself +beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the +world like a worm. + + However, it matters very little now, what the king of England +either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and +human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; +and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, +procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of +America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young +family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting +away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the +names of men and christians--YE, whose office it is to watch over the +morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as +well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public +liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by +European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation--But leaving +the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my +farther remarks to the following heads. + + First, That it is the interest of America to be separated from +Britain. + + Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, +RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks. + + In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce +the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this +continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly +known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a +state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and +fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material +eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although +the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history +of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would +be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the +legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, +proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish +it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final +ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of +America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a +great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each +other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go +to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of +Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of +contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, +will appear clearer and stronger every day. + + First, Because it will come to that one time or other. + + Secondly, Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be +to accomplish. + + I have frequently amused myself both in public and private +companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who +speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the +following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened +forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would +have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I +reply, that our military ability AT THIS TIME, arises from the +experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years +time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by +that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and +we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of +martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, +closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time +is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus--at the +conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; +and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without +experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some +particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of +the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: +And that point of time is the present time. + + The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly +come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return +by the following position, viz. + + Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the +governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now +circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive +ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may +contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are +clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of +Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount +to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the +quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. + + It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without +burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always +lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of +government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that +the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the +execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the +continental trustees. + + I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and +most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some +occasional remarks. + + He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his +argument, and on that ground, I answer GENERALLYUTHAT INDEPENDANCE +BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND +RECONCILIATION, A MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND +IN WHICH, A TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE +ANSWER WITHOUT A DOUBT. + + The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is +capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any +other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. +Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is +nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is +endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation +without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and, +what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for +dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never +existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property +of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The +mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object +before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is +criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one +thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not +have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that +act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction +should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and +inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but +the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his +head. + + Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some +of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissentions. The +Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done +in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into +a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will +be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their +old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among +us, Printers, who will be busy spreading specious falsehoods. The +artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two +of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence +that there are men who want either judgment or honesty. + + It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of +reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the +task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide +thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of +men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to +be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the +sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath +quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged +moderation be suited to their own private situations ONLY, +regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are +reckoning without their Host." + + Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To +which I answer, the request is not NOW in the power of Britain to +comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even +should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is +such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? +Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the +obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or +unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going to +law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, +not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of +sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the +same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same +state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our +private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) +discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at +that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a +year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent--but now +it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed." + + Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a +pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as +repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce +obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the +means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such +trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our +persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the +invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously +qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of +defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have +ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, +as dating its era from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS +FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn +by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of +events, of which the colonies were not the authors. + + I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well +intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different +ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that +ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of +America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a +military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our +soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; +virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it +perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of +those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before +us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. +We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, +similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah +until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, +perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their +portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is +awful--and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the +little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, +when weighed against the business of a world. + + Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an +Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge +the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and +prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either +inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of +Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be +publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be +independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, +and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. +Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such +beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most +solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at +first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well +established form of government, will be the only certain means of +continuing it securely to them. WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue +enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for +Independance. + + In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us +together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally +shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. +We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for +there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be +less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, +than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for +terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to +hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the +war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our +trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us NOW try the +alternative, by INDEPENDANTLY redressing them ourselves, and then +offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in +England, will be still with us; because, peace WITH trade, is +preferable to war WITHOUT it. And if this offer be not accepted, +other courts may be applied to. + + On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been +made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this +pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be +refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be +opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious +or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the +hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like +an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former +dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none +other be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND +RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND +AND OF THE FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA. + + +---End of COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine + +Corrections: 55,553 replaced by 35,553 + + +End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of Common Sense +by Thomas Paine + diff --git a/old/comsn10a.zip b/old/comsn10a.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..6bdd657 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/comsn10a.zip |