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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/36769-h.zip b/36769-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9a2227 --- /dev/null +++ b/36769-h.zip diff --git a/36769-h/36769-h.htm b/36769-h/36769-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9163ce7 --- /dev/null +++ b/36769-h/36769-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1278 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of And What If the Pretender Should Come? by Daniel Defoe. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 15%; + margin-right: 15%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + line-height: 1.5; + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +hr { + width: 65%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + +hr.short { + width: 15%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + + +/* Formatting */ +.bbox {border: solid black 1px; margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%;} + +.center {text-align: center;} +.centertp {text-align: center; padding-top: 1em;} +.centerbp {text-align: center; padding-bottom: 1em;} + + +/* Fonts */ +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} +.xsm {font-size: 60%;} +.sm {font-size: 75%;} +.msm {font-size: 90%;} + +.gesperrt {letter-spacing: .3em;} + +.bl {font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; font-size: 125%;} /* substitute for blackletter */ + + +/* Transcriber Notes */ +.notes {background-color: #eeeeee; color: #000; + padding-top: .5em; padding-bottom: .5em; + padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em; + margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's And What if the Pretender should Come?, by Daniel Defoe + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: And What if the Pretender should Come? + Or Some Considerations of the Advantages and Real + Consequences of the Pretender's Possessing the Crown of + Great Britain + +Author: Daniel Defoe + +Release Date: July 17, 2011 [EBook #36769] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRETENDER *** + + + + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. In +memory of Steven Gibbs (1938-2009). + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<div class="notes"> +<p><i>Transcriber's Note:</i> This e-book, a pamphlet by Daniel Defoe, was +originally published in 1713, and was prepared from <i>The Novels and +Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe</i>, vol. 6 (London: Henry G. Bohn, +1855). Archaic spellings have been retained as they appear in the +original, and obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.</p> +</div> + +<p><br /></p> + +<div class="bbox"> +<h1><span class="sm">AND</span><br /> +What if the <span class="bl">Pretender</span> should come?<br /> +<span class="xsm">OR SOME</span><br /> +<span class="gesperrt">CONSIDERATIONS</span><br /> +<span class="xsm">OF THE</span><br /> +ADVANTAGES<br /> +<span class="xsm">AND</span><br /> +REAL CONSEQUENCES<br /> +<span class="xsm">OF THE</span><br /> +<span class="gesperrt">PRETENDER’S</span><br /> +<span class="sm">Possessing the</span><br /> +<span class="msm">CROWN OF GREAT BRITAIN.</span></h1> + +<hr /> + +<p class="center gesperrt">LONDON:</p> + +<p class="centerbp">Printed, and Sold by <i>J. Baker</i>, at the <i>Black Boy</i><br /> +in <i>Pater-Noster-Row</i>. 1713. [<i>Price 6d.</i>]</p> +</div> + + + +<hr /> +<h2>AND WHAT IF THE PRETENDER<br /> +SHOULD COME?<br /> +<span class="sm">OR SOME CONSIDERATIONS, &c.</span></h2> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p><span class="smcap">If</span> the danger of the pretender is really so great as the noise which +some make about it seems to suppose, if the hopes of his coming are so +well grounded, as some of his friends seem to boast, it behoves us who +are to be the subjects of the approaching revolution, which his +success must necessarily bring with it, to apply ourselves seriously +to examine what our part will be in the play, that so we may prepare +ourselves to act as becomes us, both with respect to the government we +are now under, and with respect to the government we may be under, +when the success he promises himself shall (if ever it shall) answer +his expectation.</p> + +<p>In order to this it is necessary to state, with what plainness the +circumstances of the case will admit, the several appearances of the +thing itself. 1. As they are offered to us by the respective parties +who are for or against it. 2. As they really appear by an impartial +deduction from them both, without the least bias either to one side or +other; that so the people of Britain may settle and compose their +thoughts a little in this great, and at present popular, debate; and +may neither be terrified nor affrighted with mischiefs, which have no +reason nor foundation in them, and which give no ground for their +apprehensions; and, on the other hand, may not promise to themselves +greater things from the pretender, if he should come hither, than he +will be able to perform for them. In order to this we are to consider +the pretender in his person and in his circumstances. 1. The person +who we call the pretender; it has been so much debated, and such +strong parties have been made on both sides to prove or disprove the +legitimacy of his birth, that it seems needless here to enter into +that dispute; the author of the Review, one of the most furious +opposers of the name and interest of the pretender, openly grants his +legitimacy, and pretends to argue against his admission from +principles and foundations of his own forming; we shall let alone his +principles and foundations here, as we do his arguments, and only take +him by the handle which he fairly gives us, viz., that he grants the +person of the pretender legitimate; if this be so, if the person we +contend about be the lawful true son of King James's queen, the +dispute whether he be the real son of the king will be quite out of +the question; because by the laws of Great Britain, and of the whole +world, a child born in wedlock shall inherit, as heir of the mother's +husband, whether begotten by him, as his real father, or not. Now to +come at the true design of this work, the business is, to hear, as +above, what either side have to say to this point. The friends of his +birth and succession argue upon it thus, if the person be lawfully +begotten, that is, if born really of the body of the queen dowager, +during the life of King James, he was without any exception his lawful +son; if he was his lawful son, he was his lawful heir; if he was his +lawful heir, why is he not our lawful king? Since hereditary right is +indefeasible, and is lately acknowledged to be so; and that the +doctrine of hereditary right being indefeasible, is a Church of +England doctrine ever received by the church, and inseparable from the +true members of the church, the contrary being the stigmatizing +character of republicans, king-killers, enemies to monarchy, +presbyterians, and fanatics. The enemies of the birth and succession +of the person called the pretender argue upon it thus, that he is the +lawfully begotten, or son born really of the body of the queen dowager +of the late King James, they doubt; and they are justified in doubting +of it, because no sufficient steps were taken in the proper season of +it, either before his birth, to convince such persons as were more +immediately concerned, to know the truth of it, that the queen was +really with child, which might have been done past all contradiction +at that time, more than ever after; or at his birth, to have such +persons as were more immediately concerned, such as her present +majesty, &c., thoroughly convinced of the queen being really delivered +of a child, by being present at the time of the queen's labour and +delivery. This being omitted, which was the affirmative, say they, +which ought to have been proved, we ought not to be concerned in the +proof of the negative, which by the nature of the thing could not be +equally certain; and therefore we might be justly permitted to +conclude that the child was a spurious, unfair production, put upon +the nation; for which reason we reject him, and have now, by a legal +and just authority, deposed his father and him, and settled the +succession upon the house of Hanover, being protestants.</p> + +<p>The matter of his title standing thus, divides the nation into two +parties, one side for, and the other against the succession, either of +the pretender, or the house of Hanover, and either side calling the +other the pretender; so that if we were to use the party's language, +we must say, one side is for, and the other side against, either of +the pretenders; what the visible probabilities of either of these +claims succeeding are, is not the present case; the nation appears at +this time strangely agitated between the fears of one party, and the +hopes of the other, each extenuating and aggravating, as their several +parties and affections guide them, by which the public disorder is +very much increased; what either of them have to allege is our present +work to inquire; but more particularly what are the real or pretended +advantages of the expected reign of him, who we are allowed to +distinguish by the name of the pretender; for his friends here would +have very little to say to move us to receive him, it they were not +able to lay before us such prospects of national advantages, and such, +views of prosperity, as would be sufficient to prevail with those who +have their eyes upon the good of their country, and of their posterity +after them.</p> + +<p>That then a case so popular, and of so much consequence as this is, +may not want such due supports as the nature of the thing will allow, +and especially since the advantages and good consequences of the thing +itself are so many, and so easy to be seen as his friends allege; why +should not the good people of Britain be made easy, and their fears be +turned into peaceable satisfaction, by seeing that this devil may not +be so black as he is painted; and that the noise made of the +pretender, and the frightful things said of his coming, and of his +being received here, may not be made greater scarecrows to us than +they really are; and after all that has been said, if it should appear +that the advantages of the pretender's succession are really greater +to us, and the dangers less to us, than those of the succession of +Hanover, then much of their difficulties would be over, who, standing +neuter as to persons, appear against the pretender, only because they +are made to believe strange and terrible things of what shall befall +the nation in case of his coming in, such as popery, slavery, French +power, destroying of our credit, and devouring our funds (as that +scandalous scribbler, the Review, has been labouring to suggest), with +many other things which we shall endeavour to expose to you, as they +deserve. If, we say, it should appear then that the dangers and +disadvantages of the pretender's succession are less than those of the +house of Hanover, who, because of an act of Parliament, you know must +not be called pretenders, then there will remain nothing more to be +said on that score, but the debate must be of the reasonableness and +justice on either side, for their admittance; and there we question +not but the side we are really pleading for will have the advantage.</p> + +<p>To begin, then, with that most popular and affrighting argument now +made use of, as the bugbear of the people, against several other +things besides jacobitism, we mean French greatness. It is most +evident that the fear of this must, by the nature of the thing, be +effectually removed upon our receiving the pretender; the grounds and +reasons why French greatness is rendered formidable to us, and so much +weight supposed to be in it, that like the name of Scanderberg, we +fright our very children with it, lie only in this, that we suggest +the king of France being a professed enemy to the peace and the +liberty of Great Britain, will most certainly, as soon as he can a +little recover himself, exercise all that formidable power to put the +pretender upon us, and not only to place him upon the throne of Great +Britain, but to maintain and hold him up in it, against all the +opposition, either of the people of Britain or the confederate princes +leagued with the elector of Hanover, who are in the interest of his +claim, or of his party. Now, it is evident, that upon a peaceable +admitting this person, whom they call the pretender, to receive and +enjoy the crown here, all that formidable power becomes your friend, +and the being so must necessarily take off from it everything that is +called terrible; forasmuch as the greater terror and amusement the +power we apprehend really carries with it, the greater is the +tranquillity and satisfaction which accrues to us, when we have the +friendship of that power which was so formidable to us before: the +power of France is represented at this time very terrible, and the +writers who speak of it apply it warm to our imaginations, as that +from whence we ought justly to apprehend the impossibility of keeping +out the pretender, and this, notwithstanding they allow themselves at +the same time to suppose all the confederate powers of Europe to be +engaged, as well by their own interest, as by the new treaties of +barrier and guarantee, to support and to assist the claim of the +elector of Hanover, and his party. Now, if this power be so great and +so formidable, as they allege, will it not, on the other side, add a +proportion of increase to our satisfaction, that this power will be +wholly in friendship and league with us; and engaged to concern itself +for the quieting our fears of other foreign invaders; forasmuch as +having once concerned itself to set the person of the pretender upon +the throne, it cannot be supposed but it shall be equally concerned to +support and maintain him in that possession, as what will mightily +conduce to the carrying on the other projects of his greatness and +glory with the rest of Europe; in which it will be very much his +interest to secure himself from any opposition he might meet with from +this nation, or from such as might be rendered powerful by our +assistance. An eminent instance we have of this in the mighty efforts +the French nation have made for planting, and preserving when planted, +a grandson of France upon the throne of Spain; and how eminent are the +advantages to France from the success of that undertaking; of what +less consequence then would it be to the august monarchy of France, to +secure and engage to himself the constant friendship and assistance of +the power of Great Britain, which he would necessarily do, by the +placing this person upon the throne, who would thereby in gratitude be +engaged to contribute his utmost in return to the king of France, for +the carrying on his glorious designs in the rest of Europe. While, +then, we become thus necessary to the king of France, reason dictates +that he would be our fast friend, our constant confederate, our ally, +firmly engaged to secure our sovereign, and protect our people from +the insults and attempts of all the world; being thus engaged +reciprocally with the king of France, there must necessarily be an end +of all the fears and jealousies, of all the apprehensions and doubts, +which now so amuse us, and appear so formidable to us from the +prospect of the power and greatness of France; then we shall on the +contrary say to the world, the stronger the king of France is, the +better for the king of England; and what is best for the king, must be +so for his people; for it is a most unnatural way of arguing, to +suppose the interest of a king, and of his people, to be different +from one another.</p> + +<p>And is not this then an advantage incomparably greater to Britain, +when the pretender shall be upon the throne, than any we can propose +to ourselves in the present uneasy posture of affairs, which it must +be acknowledged we are in now, when we cannot sleep in quiet, for the +terrible apprehensions of being overrun by the formidable power of +France.</p> + +<p>Let us also consider the many other advantages which may accrue to +this nation, by a nearer conjunction, and closer union with France, +such as increase of commerce, encouragement of manufactures, balance +of trade; every one knows how vast an advantage we reaped by the +French trade in former times, and how many hundred thousand pounds a +year we gained by it, when the balance of trade between us and France +ran so many millions of livres annually <i>against</i> the French by the +vast exportation of our goods to them, and the small import which we +received from them again, and by the constant flux of money in specie, +which we drew from them every year, upon court occasions, to the +inexpressible benefit of the nation, and enriching of the subject, of +which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter more fully.</p> + +<p>In the meantime it were to be wished that our people who are so +bugbeared with words, and terrified with the name of French, French +power, French greatness, and the like, as if England could not +subsist, and the queen of England was not able to keep upon her throne +any longer than the king of France pleased, and that her majesty was +going to be a mere servant to the French king, would consider that +this is an unanswerable argument for the coming of the pretender, that +we may make this so formidable prince our friend, have all his power +engaged in our interest, and see him going on hand in hand with us, in +the securing us against all sorts of encroachments whatsoever; for if +the king of France be such an invincible mighty monarch, that we are +nothing in his eyes or in his hands; and that neither Britain, or all +the friends Britain can make, are able to deliver us from him; then it +must be our great advantage to have the pretender be our king, that +we may be out of the danger of this formidable French power being our +enemy; and that, on the other hand, we may have so potent, so +powerful, so invincible a prince be our friend. The case is evidently +laid down to every common understanding, in the example of Spain; till +now, the Spaniards for many ages have been overrun and impoverished by +their continued wars with the French, and it was not doubted but one +time or other they would have been entirely conquered by the king of +France, and have become a mere province of France; whereas now, having +but consented to receive a king from the hands of the invincible +monarch, they are made easy as to the former danger they were always +in, axe now most safe under the protection of France; and he who +before was their terror, is now their safety, and being safe from him +it appears they are so from all the world.</p> + +<p>Would it not then be the manifest advantage of this nation to be +likewise secured from the dangerous power of France, and make that +potentate our fast friend, who it is so apparent we are not able to +resist as an enemy? This is reducing the French power the softest way, +if not the best and shortest way; for if it does not reduce the power +itself, it brings it into such a circumstance, as that all the terror +of it is removed, and we embrace that as our safety and satisfaction, +which really is, and ought to be, our terror and aversion; this must +of necessity be our great advantage.</p> + +<p>How strange is it that none of our people have yet thought of this way +of securing their native country from the insults of France? Were but +the pretender once received as our king, we have no more disputes with +the king of France, he has no pretence to invade or disturb us; what a +quiet world would it be with us in such a case, when the greatest +monarch in the universe should be our fast friend, and be in our +interest to prevent any of the inconveniences which might happen to us +from the disgust of other neighbours, who may be dissatisfied with us +upon other accounts. As to the terrible things which some people +fright us, and themselves with, from the influence which French +councils may have upon us, and of French methods of government being +introduced among us; these we ought to esteem only clamours and noise, +raised by a party to amuse and affright us; for pray let us inquire a +little into them, and see if there be any reason for us to be so +terrified at them; suppose they were really what is alleged, which we +hope they are not; for example, the absolute dominion of the king of +France over his subjects, is such, say our people, as makes them +miserable; well, but let us examine then, are we not already miserable +for want of this absolute dominion? Are we not miserably divided? Is +not our government miserably weak? Are we not miserably subjected to +the rabbles and mob? Nay, is not the very crown mobbed here every now +and then, into whatever our sovereign lord the people demand? Whereas, +on the contrary, we see France entirely united as one man; no virulent +scribblers there dare affront the government; no impertinent +p——ments there disturb the monarch with their addresses and +representations; no superiority of laws restrain the administration; +no insolent lawyers talk of the sacred constitution, in opposition to +the more sacred prerogative; but all with harmony and general consent +agree to support the majesty of their prince, and with their lives and +fortunes; not in complimenting sham addresses only, but in reality, +and effectually, support the glory of their great monarch. In doing +this they are all united together so firmly, as if they had but one +heart and one mind, and that the king was the soul of the nation: what +if they are what we foolishly call slaves to the absolute will of +their prince? That slavery to them is mere liberty? They entertain no +notion of that foolish thing liberty, which we make so much noise +about; nor have they any occasion of it, or any use for it if they had +it; they are as industrious in trade, as vigorous in pursuit of their +affairs, go on with as much courage, and are as well satisfied when +they have wrought hard twenty or thirty years to get a little money +for the king to take away, as we are to get it for our wives and +children; and as they plant vines, and plough lands, that the king and +his great men may eat the fruit thereof, they think it as great a +felicity as if they eat it themselves. The badge of their poverty, +which we make such a noise of, and insult them about so much, viz., +their wooden shoes, their peasants make nothing of it; they say they +are as happy in their wooden shoes, as our people are with their +luxury and drunkenness; besides, do not our poor people wear iron +shoes, and leather doublets, and where is the odds between them? All +the business, forsooth, is this trifle we call liberty, which rather +than be plagued with so much strife and dissension about it as we are, +who would be troubled with; now, it is evident <i>the peace</i> and union +which we should enjoy under the like methods of government here, which +we hope for under the happy government of the pretender, must needs be +a full equivalent for all the pretended rights and privileges which we +say we shall lose; and how will our rights and privileges be lost? +Will they not rather be centred in our common receptacle, viz., the +sovereign, who is, according to the king of France's happy government, +the common magazine of universal privilege, communicating it to, and +preserving it for, the general use of his subjects, as their safety +and happiness requires. Thus he protects their commerce, encourages +their foreign settlements, enlarges their possessions abroad, +increases their manufactures, gives them room for spreading their +numerous race over the world; at home he rewards arts and sciences, +cultivates learning, employs innumerable hands in the labours of the +state, and the like; what if it be true that all they gain is at his +mercy? Does he take it away, except when needful, for the support of +his glory and grandeur, which is their protection? Is it not apparent, +that under all the oppressions they talk so much of, the French are +the nation the most improved and increased in manufactures, in +navigation, in commerce, within these fifty years, of any nation in +the world? And here we pretend liberty, property, constitutions, +rights of subjects, and such stuff as that, and with all these fine +gewgaws, which we pretend propagate trade, and increase the wealth of +the nation, we are every day declining, and become poor; how long will +this nation be blinded by their own foolish customs? And when will +they learn to know, that the absolute government of a virtuous prince, +who makes the good of his people his ultimate end, and esteems their +prosperity his glory, is the best, and most godlike, government in the +world.</p> + +<p>Let us then be no more rendered uneasy with the notions, that with the +pretender we must entertain French methods of government, such as +tyranny and arbitrary power; tyranny is no more tyranny, when improved +for the subjects' advantage: perhaps when we have tried it we may find +it as much for our good many ways, nay, and more too, than our present +exorbitant liberties, especially unless we can make a better use of +them, and enjoy them, without being always going by the ears about +them, as we see daily, not only with our governors, but even with one +another; a little French slavery, though it be a frightful word among +us, that is, being made so by custom, yet may do us a great deal of +good in the main, as it may teach us not to over (under) value our +liberties when we have them, so much as sometimes we have done; and +this is not one of the least advantages which we shall gain by the +coming of the pretender, and consequently one of the good reasons why +we should be very willing to receive him.</p> + +<p>The next thing which they fill us with apprehensions of in the coming +of the pretender, is the influence of French councils, which they +construe thus, viz., That the pretender being restored here by the +assistance of France, will not only rule us by French methods, viz., +by French tyranny, but in gratitude to his restorer he will cause us +to be always ready with English blood and treasure to assist and +support the French ambition in the invasions he will ever be making +upon Europe, and in the oppressions of other nations; till at last he +obtain the superiority over them all, and turn upon us too, devouring +the liberties of Europe in his so long purposed and resolved universal +monarchy. As to the gratitude of the pretender to the king of France, +why should you make that a crime? Are not all people bound in honour +to retaliate kindness? And would you have your prince be ungrateful to +him that brought him hither? By the same rule, you would expect he +could be ungrateful to us that receive him; besides, if it be so great +an advantage to us to have him brought in, we shall be all concerned +also in gratitude to the king of France for helping us to him; and +sure we shall not decline making a suitable return to him for the +kindness; and is this anything more than common? Did we not pay the +Dutch six hundred thousand pounds sterling for assisting the late King +William? And did we not immediately embark with them in the war +against the king of France? And has not that revolution cost the +nation one hundred millions of British money to support it? And shall +we grudge to support the pretender and his benefactor, at the same +expense, if it should be needful, for carrying on the new scheme of +French liberty, which when that time comes may be in a likely and +forward way to prevail over the whole world, to the general happiness +of Europe.</p> + +<p>There seems to be but one thing more which those people, who make such +a clamour at the fears of the pretender, take hold of, and this is +religion; and they tell us that not only French government, and +French influence, but French religion, that is to say, popery, will +come upon us; but these people know not what they talk of, for it is +evident that they shall be so far from being loaded with religion, +that they will rather obtain that so long desired happiness, of having +no religion at all. This we may easily make appear has been the +advantage which has been long laboured for in this nation; and as the +attainments we are arrived to of that kind are very considerable +already, so we cannot doubt but that if once the pretender were +settled quietly among us, an absolute subjection, as well of religious +principles, as civil liberties, to the disposal of the sovereign, +would take place. This is an advantage so fruitful of several other +manifest improvements, that though we have not room in this place to +enlarge upon the particulars, we cannot doubt but it must be a most +grateful piece of news to a great part of the nation, who have long +groaned under the oppressions and cruel severities of the clergy, +occasioned by their own strict lives, and rigorous virtue, and their +imposing such austerities and restraints upon the people; and in this +particular the clamour of slavery will appear very scandalous in the +nation, for the slavery of religion being taken off, and an universal +freedom of vice being introduced, what greater liberty can we enjoy.</p> + +<p>But we have yet greater advantages attending this nation by the coming +of the pretender than any we have yet taken notice of; and though we +have not room in this short tract to name them all, and enlarge upon +them as the case may require, yet we cannot omit such due notice of +them, as may serve to satisfy our readers, and convince them how much +they ought to favour the coming of the pretender, as the great benefit +to the whole nation; and therefore we shall begin with our brethren of +Scotland; and here we may tell them, that they, of all the parts of +this island, shall receive the most evident advantages, in that the +setting the pretender upon the throne shall effectually set them free +from the bondage they now groan under, in their abhorred subjection to +England by the union, which may, no question, be declared void, and +dissolved, as a violence upon the Scottish nation, as soon as ever the +pretender shall be established upon the throne; a few words may serve +to recommend this to the Scots, since we are very well satisfied we +shall be sure to oblige every side there by it: the opposition all +sides made to the union at the time of the transaction of the union +in the parliament there, cannot but give us reason to think thus; and +the present scruple, even the presbyterians themselves make, of taking +the abjuration, if they do not, as some pretend, assure us that the +said presbyterian nonjurors are in the interest of the pretender, yet +they undeniably prove, and put it out of all question, that they are +ill-pleased with the yoke of the union, and would embrace every just +occasion of being quietly and freely discharged from the fetters which +they believe they bear by the said union; now there is no doubt to be +made, but that upon the very first appearance of the pretender, the +ancient kingdom of Scotland should recover her former well-known +condition, we mean, of being perfectly free, and depending upon none +but the king of France. How inestimable an advantage this will be to +Scotland, and how effectually he will support and defend the Scots +against their ancient enemies, the English, forasmuch as we have not +room to enlarge upon here, we may take occasion to make out more +particularly on another occasion. But it may not be forgotten here, +that the union was not only justly distasteful to the Scots +themselves, but also to many good men, and noble patriots of the +church, some of whom entered their protests against passing and +confirming, or ratifying the same, such as the late Lord Hav——sham, +and the right wise and right noble E—— of Nott——, whose reasons +for being against the said union, besides those they gave in the house +of p——s, which we do by no means mean to reflect upon in the least +in this place; we say, whose other reasons for opposing the said union +were founded upon an implacable hatred to the Scots kirk, which has +been established thereby: it may then not admit of any question, but +that they would think it a very great advantage to be delivered from +the same, as they would effectually be by the coming of the pretender; +wherefore by the concurring judgment of these noble and wise persons, +who on that account opposed the union, the coming of the pretender +must be an inexpressible advantage to this nation; nor is the +dissolving the union so desirable a thing, merely as that union was an +establishing among us a wicked schismatical presbyterian generation, +and giving the sanction of the laws to their odious constitution, +which we esteem (you know) worse than popery; but even on civil +accounts, as particularly on account of the p——s of Scotland, who +many of them think themselves egregiously maltreated, and robbed of +their birthright, as p——s, and have expressed themselves so in a +something public manner. Now we cannot think that any of these will be +at all offended that all this new establishment should be revoked; +nay, we have heard it openly said, that the Scots are so little +satisfied with the union at this time, that if it were now to be put +to the vote, as it was before, whether they should unite with England, +or no, there would not be one man in fifteen, throughout Scotland, +that would vote for it. If then it appears that the whole nation thus +seems to be averse to the union, and by the coming in of this most +glorious pretender that union will be in all appearance dissolved, and +the nation freed from the incumbrance of it, will any Scots man, who +is against the union, refuse to be for the pretender? Sure it cannot +be; I know it is alleged, that they will lay aside their discontent at +the union, and unite together against the pretender, because that is +to unite against popery; we will not say what a few, who have their +eyes in their heads, may do; but as the generality of the people there +are not so well reconciled together, as such a thing requires, it is +not unlikely that such a uniting may be prevented, if the pretender's +friends there can but play the game of dividing them farther, as they +should do; to which end it cannot but be very serviceable to them to +have the real advantages of receiving the pretender laid before them, +which is the true intent and meaning of the present undertaking.</p> + +<p>But we have more and greater advantages of the coming of the +pretender, and such as no question will invite you to receive him with +great satisfaction and applause; and it cannot be unnecessary to +inform you, for your direction in other cases, how the matter, as to +real and imaginary advantage, stands with the nation in this affair; +and First, the coming of the pretender will at once put us all out of +debt. These abomination whigs, and these bloody wars, carried on so +long for little or nothing, have, as is evident to our senses now, +(whatever it was all along), brought a heavy debt upon the nation; so +that if what a known author lately published is true, the government +pays now almost six millions a year to the common people for interest +of money; that is to say, the usurers eat up the nation, and devour +six millions yearly; which is paid, and must be paid now for a long +time, if some kind turn, such as this of the coming of the pretender, +or such like, does not help us out of it; the weight of this is not +only great, insuperably great, but most of it is entailed for a +terrible time, not only for our age, but beyond the age of our +grandchildren, even for ninety-nine years; by how much the +consideration of this debt is intolerable and afflicting to the last +degree, by so much the greater must the obligation be to the person +who will ease the nation of such a burden, and therefore we place it +among the principal advantages which we are to receive from the +admission of the pretender, that he will not fail to rid us of this +grievance, and by methods peculiar to himself deliver us from so great +a burden as these debts are now, and, unless he deliver us, are like +to be to the ages to come; whether he will do this at once, by +remitting most graciously to the nation the whole payment, and +consequently take off the burden <i>brevi manu</i>, as with a sponge wiping +out the infamous score, leaving it to fall as fate directs, or by +prudent degrees, we know not, nor is it our business to determine it +here; no doubt the doing it with a jerk, as we call it, <i>comme une +coup de grace</i>, must be the most expeditious way; nay, and the kindest +way of putting the nation out of its pain; for lingering deaths are +counted cruel; and though <i>une coup d'eclat</i> may make an impression +for the present, yet the astonishment is soonest over; besides, where +is the loss to the nation in this sense? though the money be stopped +from the subject on one hand, if it be stopped to the subjects on the +other, the nation loses or gains nothing: we know it will be answered, +that it is unjust, and that thousands of families will be ruined, +because they who lose, will not be those who gain. But what is this to +the purpose in a national revolution; unjust! alas! is that an +argument? Go and ask the pretender! Does not he say you have all done +unjustly by him? and since the nation in general loses nothing, what +obligation has he to regard the particular injury that some families +may sustain? And yet farther, is it not remarkable, that most part of +the money is paid by the cursed party of whigs, who from the beginning +officiously appeared to keep him from his right? And what obligation +has he upon him to concern himself for doing them right in particular, +more than other people? But to avoid the scandal of partiality, there +is another thought offers to our view, which the nation is beholding +to a particular author for putting us in mind of; if it be unjust +that we should suppose the pretender shall stop the payment on both +sides, because it is doing the whigs wrong, since the tories, who +perhaps being chiefly landed men, pay the most taxes; then, to keep up +a just balance, he need only continue the taxes to be paid in, and +only stop the annuities and interest which are to be paid out. Thus +both sides having no reason to envy or reproach one another with +hardships, or with suffering unequally; they may every one lose their +proportion, and the money may be laid up in the hands of the new +sovereign, for the good of the nation.</p> + +<p>This being thus happily proposed, we cannot pass over the great +advantages which would accrue to this nation in such a case, by having +such a mass of money laid up in the exchequer at the absolute command +of a most gracious French sovereign. But as these things are so +glorious, and so great, as to admit of no complete explication in this +short tract, give us leave, O people of Great Britain, to lay before +you a little sketch of your future felicity, under the auspicious +reign of such a glorious prince, as we all hope, and believe the +pretender to be. 1. You are to allow, that by such a just and +righteous shutting up of the exchequer in about seven years' time, he +may be supposed to have received about forty millions sterling from +his people, which not being to be found in specie in the kingdom, +will, for the benefit of circulation, enable him to treasure up +infinite funds of wealth in foreign banks, a prodigious mass of +foreign bullion, gold, jewels, and plate, to be ready in the tower, or +elsewhere, to be issued upon future emergency, as occasion may allow. +This prodigious wealth will necessarily have these happy events, to +the infinite satisfaction and advantage of the whole nation, and the +benefit of which I hope none will be so unjust, or ungrateful, to +deny. 1. It will for ever after deliver this nation from the burden, +the expense, the formality, and the tyranny, of parliaments. No one +can perhaps at the first view be rightly sensible of the many +advantages of this article, and from how many mischiefs it will +deliver this nation. 1. How the country gentlemen will be no longer +harassed to come, at the command of every court occasion, and upon +every summons by the prince's proclamation, from their families and +other occasions, whether they can be spared from their wives, &c., or +no, or whether they can trust their wives behind them, or no; nay, +whether they can spare money or no for the journey, or whether they +must come carriage paid or no; then they will no more be unnecessarily +exposed to long and hazardous journeys, in the depth of winter, from +the remotest corners of the island, to come to London, just to give +away the country's money, and go home again; all this will be +dispensed with by the kind and gracious management of the pretender, +when he, God bless us, shall be our more gracious sovereign. 2. In the +happy consequence of the demise of parliaments, the country will be +eased of that intolerable burden of travelling to elections, sometimes +in the depth of winter, sometimes in the middle of their harvest, +whenever the writs of elections arbitrarily summons them. 3. And with +them the poor gentlemen will be eased of that abominable grievance of +the nation, viz., the expense of elections, by which so many gentlemen +of estates have been ruined, so many innocent people, of honest +principles before, have been debauched, and made mercenary, partial, +perjured, and been blinded with bribes to sell their country and +liberties to who bids most. It is well known how often, and yet how in +vain, this distemper has been the constant concern of parliaments for +many ages, to cure, and to provide sufficient remedies for. Now if +ever the effectual remedy for this is found out, to the inexpressible +advantage of the whole nation; and this perhaps is the only cure for +it that the nature of the disease will admit of; what terrible havock +has this kind of trade made among the estates of the gentry, and the +morals of the common people? 4. How also has it kept alive the +factions and divisions of the country people, keeping them in a +constant agitation, and in triennial commotions? So that what with +forming new interests, and cultivating old, the heats and animosities +never cease among the people. But once set the pretender upon the +throne, and let the funds be but happily stopped, and paid into his +hands, that he may be in no more need of a parliament, and all these +distempers will be cured as effectually as a fever is cured by cutting +off the head, or as a halter cures the bleeding at the nose. How +infatuated then is this nation, that they should so obstinately refuse +a prince, by the nature of whose circumstances, and the avowed +principles of whose party, we are sure to obtain such glorious things, +such inestimable advantages, things which no age, no prince, no +attempt of parties, or endeavour, though often aimed at of ministers +of state, have ever been able to procure for us. 2. This amassing of +treasure, by the stopping the funds on one hand, and the receiving the +taxes on the other, will effectually enable the pretender to set up, +and effectually maintain, that glorious, and so often-desired method +of government, <i>au coup de canon, Anglice</i>, a standing army. This we +have the authority of the ancient borough of Carlisle, that it is the +safety of the prince, and the glory of the nation, as appears by their +renowned address to King James II. Then we should see a new face of +our nation, and Britain would no more be a naked nation, as it has +formerly been; then we should have numerous and gallant armies +surrounding a martial prince; ready to make the world, as well as his +own subjects, tremble; then our inland counties would appear full of +royal fortifications, citadels, forts, and strong towns; the beauty of +the kingdom, and awe of factious rebels: it is a strange thing that +this refractory people of ours could never be made sensible how much +it is for the glory and safety of this nation that we should be put +into a posture of defence against ourselves: it has been often +alleged, that this nation can never be ruined but with their own +consent: if then we are our own enemies, is it not highly requisite +that we should be put in a position to have our own ruin prevented? +And that since it is apparent we are no more fit to be trusted with +our own liberties, having a natural and a national propensity to +destroy and undo ourselves, and may be brought to consent to our own +ruin, we should have such princes, as for the future know how to +restrain us, and how reasonable is it to allow them forces to do so?</p> + +<p>We might enlarge here upon the great and certain advantages of this +best of governments, a standing army; we might go back to the Persian, +Grecian, and Roman empires, which had never arrived to such a pitch of +glory if the people and nations whom they subdued had been able to +nose them with such trifles as what we call constitution, national +right, ancient privileges, and the like; we might descend also to +particular advantages of government, which it is hoped we may attain +to in Britain when the pretender arrives, some of which are grown +obsolete, and out of use, by custom, and long possession of those +troublesome things called liberties; among these may be reckoned,</p> + +<p>1. The whole kingdom will be at once eased of that ridiculous +feather-cap's expense of militia and trained-bands, which serve for +little else but to justify the picking the peoples' pockets, with an +annual tax of trophy-money, and every now and then putting the city of +London and parts adjacent, to ten thousand pound charge, to beat +drums, and shoot muskets, for nothing; when, on the contrary, you +shall in the blessed revolution we now invite you to, have all this +done gratis, by the standing troops kept constantly in pay; and your +lieutenancy may lay down their commissions among the rest of +non-significants of the nation.</p> + +<p>2. You shall be for ever out of danger of being ridden again by the +mob, your meeting-houses shall no more be the subject of the enraged +rabbles; nor shall the bank of England desire the drums to beat at +midnight to raise a guard for Grocers' hall; your new monarch will +suffer none to insult or plunder the city but himself; and as the city +itself shall never want soldiers, (how should it, when the whole +kingdom shall become a garrison?) the money in the bank shall always +be defended by a strong guard, who shall, whenever there is any danger +of its being too safe, convey it, for its eminent security, from +Grocers'-alley to the Tower, or to the exchequer, where it shall not +fail to be kept for the advantage of the public.</p> + +<p>3. Again; upon this happy change we shall immediately be delivered +from that most infamous practice of stock-jobbing, of which so much +has been said to so little purpose; for the funds being turned all +into one general stock, and the prince being himself your security, +you may even write upon all your companies this general phrase, viz., +No transfer, as they do when the books are shut up at the bank, or +East-India house; so as all the rivers of water are swallowed up in +the sea, as one ocean, to which they are all tending, so all these +petty cheats will be engulfed at once in the general ocean of state +trick, and the Exchange-alley men may justly be said to buy the +bear-skin ever after.</p> + +<p>4. When (which is a blessing we fear we cannot hope for before) we may +expect to be delivered from the throng of virulent and contumacious +libels which now infest our streets; and the libellers themselves +being most exemplarily punished, for a terror to the rest, will not +dare to affront the government with ballads and balderdash; if an +impudent fellow dares lift up his pen against the authority and power +of his prince, he shall instantly feel the weight of that power to +crush him, which he ought before to have feared; and pamphleteers +shall then not be whipped and pilloried, but hanged; and when two or +three of them have suffered that way, it is hoped those wholesome +severities may put an effectual stop to the noise and clamour they now +make in the nation; above all, the hands of the government will then +be set free from the fetters of law; and it shall not be always +necessary for the ministers of state to proceed by all the forms of +the courts of justice, in such cases, by which the scribblers of the +age pretend to stand it out against the government, and put their own +construction upon their libels. But when these happy days arrive, +juries and judges shall find and determine in these and all other +cases, bring verdicts, and give sentence, as the prince in his royal +justice shall direct.</p> + +<p>We might enter here upon a long list of other happy circumstances we +shall all arrive to, and of great advantages not here named, which the +coming in of the pretender shall infallibly bring us to the enjoyment +of, particularly in matters of religion, civil right, property, and +commerce; but the needful brevity of this tract will not admit of it, +we shall only add one thing more, which gives weight to all the rest, +viz., that the certainty of these things, and of their being the +natural consequences of the bringing in the pretender, adds to the +certain felicity of that reign. This sums up the happiness of the +pretender's reign; we need not talk of security, as the Review has +done, and pretend he is not able to give us security for the +performance of anything he promises; every man that has any sense of +the principles, honour, and justice of the pretender, his zeal for the +Roman catholic cause, his gratitude to his benefactor, the French +king, and his love to the glory and happiness of his native country, +must rest satisfied of his punctually performing all these great +things for us; to ask him security, would be not to affront him only, +but to affront the whole nation; no man can doubt him; the nature of +the thing allows that he must do us all that kindness; he cannot be +true to his own reason without it; wherefore this treaty executes +itself, and appears so rational to believe, that whoever doubts it may +be supposed to doubt even the veracity of James the Just.</p> + +<p>What unaccountable folly then must those people be guilty of, who +stand so much in the way of their own and their country's happiness, +as to oppose, or pretend to argue against, the receiving this glorious +prince, and would be for having Dutch men and foreigners forsooth to +come, and all under the notion of their being protestants? To avoid +and detect which fallacy, we shall in our next essay enter into the +examination of the religion and orthodox principles of the person of +the pretender, and doubt not to make it out, for the satisfaction of +all tender consciences, that he is a true protestant of the church of +England, established by law, and that in the very natural primitive +sense of that phrase as it was used by his royal predecessor, of +famous and pious memory, Charles II.——and as such, no doubt, he will +endeavour for the recovery of the crown, which crown, if he obtains +it, you see what glorious things he may do for himself, and us.</p> + +<p class="centertp"><i>Quam si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit ausis.</i></p> + + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of And What if the Pretender should Come?, by +Daniel Defoe + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRETENDER *** + +***** This file should be named 36769-h.htm or 36769-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/7/6/36769/ + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: And What if the Pretender should Come? + Or Some Considerations of the Advantages and Real + Consequences of the Pretender's Possessing the Crown of + Great Britain + +Author: Daniel Defoe + +Release Date: July 17, 2011 [EBook #36769] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRETENDER *** + + + + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. In +memory of Steven Gibbs (1938-2009). + + + + + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: This e-book, a pamphlet by Daniel Defoe, was +originally published in 1713, and was prepared from _The Novels and +Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe_, vol. 6 (London: Henry G. Bohn, +1855). Archaic spellings have been retained as they appear in the +original, and obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.] + + + + +AND + +What if the _Pretender_ should come? + +OR SOME + +CONSIDERATIONS + +OF THE + +ADVANTAGES + +AND + +REAL CONSEQUENCES + +OF THE + +PRETENDER'S + +Possessing the + +CROWN OF GREAT BRITAIN. + + +LONDON: + +Printed, and Sold by _J. Baker_, at the _Black Boy_ in +_Pater-Noster-Row_. 1713. [_Price 6d._] + + + + +AND WHAT IF THE PRETENDER SHOULD COME? + +OR SOME CONSIDERATIONS, &c. + + +If the danger of the pretender is really so great as the noise which +some make about it seems to suppose, if the hopes of his coming are so +well grounded, as some of his friends seem to boast, it behoves us who +are to be the subjects of the approaching revolution, which his +success must necessarily bring with it, to apply ourselves seriously +to examine what our part will be in the play, that so we may prepare +ourselves to act as becomes us, both with respect to the government we +are now under, and with respect to the government we may be under, +when the success he promises himself shall (if ever it shall) answer +his expectation. + +In order to this it is necessary to state, with what plainness the +circumstances of the case will admit, the several appearances of the +thing itself. 1. As they are offered to us by the respective parties +who are for or against it. 2. As they really appear by an impartial +deduction from them both, without the least bias either to one side or +other; that so the people of Britain may settle and compose their +thoughts a little in this great, and at present popular, debate; and +may neither be terrified nor affrighted with mischiefs, which have no +reason nor foundation in them, and which give no ground for their +apprehensions; and, on the other hand, may not promise to themselves +greater things from the pretender, if he should come hither, than he +will be able to perform for them. In order to this we are to consider +the pretender in his person and in his circumstances. 1. The person +who we call the pretender; it has been so much debated, and such +strong parties have been made on both sides to prove or disprove the +legitimacy of his birth, that it seems needless here to enter into +that dispute; the author of the Review, one of the most furious +opposers of the name and interest of the pretender, openly grants his +legitimacy, and pretends to argue against his admission from +principles and foundations of his own forming; we shall let alone his +principles and foundations here, as we do his arguments, and only take +him by the handle which he fairly gives us, viz., that he grants the +person of the pretender legitimate; if this be so, if the person we +contend about be the lawful true son of King James's queen, the +dispute whether he be the real son of the king will be quite out of +the question; because by the laws of Great Britain, and of the whole +world, a child born in wedlock shall inherit, as heir of the mother's +husband, whether begotten by him, as his real father, or not. Now to +come at the true design of this work, the business is, to hear, as +above, what either side have to say to this point. The friends of his +birth and succession argue upon it thus, if the person be lawfully +begotten, that is, if born really of the body of the queen dowager, +during the life of King James, he was without any exception his lawful +son; if he was his lawful son, he was his lawful heir; if he was his +lawful heir, why is he not our lawful king? Since hereditary right is +indefeasible, and is lately acknowledged to be so; and that the +doctrine of hereditary right being indefeasible, is a Church of +England doctrine ever received by the church, and inseparable from the +true members of the church, the contrary being the stigmatizing +character of republicans, king-killers, enemies to monarchy, +presbyterians, and fanatics. The enemies of the birth and succession +of the person called the pretender argue upon it thus, that he is the +lawfully begotten, or son born really of the body of the queen dowager +of the late King James, they doubt; and they are justified in doubting +of it, because no sufficient steps were taken in the proper season of +it, either before his birth, to convince such persons as were more +immediately concerned, to know the truth of it, that the queen was +really with child, which might have been done past all contradiction +at that time, more than ever after; or at his birth, to have such +persons as were more immediately concerned, such as her present +majesty, &c., thoroughly convinced of the queen being really delivered +of a child, by being present at the time of the queen's labour and +delivery. This being omitted, which was the affirmative, say they, +which ought to have been proved, we ought not to be concerned in the +proof of the negative, which by the nature of the thing could not be +equally certain; and therefore we might be justly permitted to +conclude that the child was a spurious, unfair production, put upon +the nation; for which reason we reject him, and have now, by a legal +and just authority, deposed his father and him, and settled the +succession upon the house of Hanover, being protestants. + +The matter of his title standing thus, divides the nation into two +parties, one side for, and the other against the succession, either of +the pretender, or the house of Hanover, and either side calling the +other the pretender; so that if we were to use the party's language, +we must say, one side is for, and the other side against, either of +the pretenders; what the visible probabilities of either of these +claims succeeding are, is not the present case; the nation appears at +this time strangely agitated between the fears of one party, and the +hopes of the other, each extenuating and aggravating, as their several +parties and affections guide them, by which the public disorder is +very much increased; what either of them have to allege is our present +work to inquire; but more particularly what are the real or pretended +advantages of the expected reign of him, who we are allowed to +distinguish by the name of the pretender; for his friends here would +have very little to say to move us to receive him, it they were not +able to lay before us such prospects of national advantages, and such, +views of prosperity, as would be sufficient to prevail with those who +have their eyes upon the good of their country, and of their posterity +after them. + +That then a case so popular, and of so much consequence as this is, +may not want such due supports as the nature of the thing will allow, +and especially since the advantages and good consequences of the thing +itself are so many, and so easy to be seen as his friends allege; why +should not the good people of Britain be made easy, and their fears be +turned into peaceable satisfaction, by seeing that this devil may not +be so black as he is painted; and that the noise made of the +pretender, and the frightful things said of his coming, and of his +being received here, may not be made greater scarecrows to us than +they really are; and after all that has been said, if it should appear +that the advantages of the pretender's succession are really greater +to us, and the dangers less to us, than those of the succession of +Hanover, then much of their difficulties would be over, who, standing +neuter as to persons, appear against the pretender, only because they +are made to believe strange and terrible things of what shall befall +the nation in case of his coming in, such as popery, slavery, French +power, destroying of our credit, and devouring our funds (as that +scandalous scribbler, the Review, has been labouring to suggest), with +many other things which we shall endeavour to expose to you, as they +deserve. If, we say, it should appear then that the dangers and +disadvantages of the pretender's succession are less than those of the +house of Hanover, who, because of an act of Parliament, you know must +not be called pretenders, then there will remain nothing more to be +said on that score, but the debate must be of the reasonableness and +justice on either side, for their admittance; and there we question +not but the side we are really pleading for will have the advantage. + +To begin, then, with that most popular and affrighting argument now +made use of, as the bugbear of the people, against several other +things besides jacobitism, we mean French greatness. It is most +evident that the fear of this must, by the nature of the thing, be +effectually removed upon our receiving the pretender; the grounds and +reasons why French greatness is rendered formidable to us, and so much +weight supposed to be in it, that like the name of Scanderberg, we +fright our very children with it, lie only in this, that we suggest +the king of France being a professed enemy to the peace and the +liberty of Great Britain, will most certainly, as soon as he can a +little recover himself, exercise all that formidable power to put the +pretender upon us, and not only to place him upon the throne of Great +Britain, but to maintain and hold him up in it, against all the +opposition, either of the people of Britain or the confederate princes +leagued with the elector of Hanover, who are in the interest of his +claim, or of his party. Now, it is evident, that upon a peaceable +admitting this person, whom they call the pretender, to receive and +enjoy the crown here, all that formidable power becomes your friend, +and the being so must necessarily take off from it everything that is +called terrible; forasmuch as the greater terror and amusement the +power we apprehend really carries with it, the greater is the +tranquillity and satisfaction which accrues to us, when we have the +friendship of that power which was so formidable to us before: the +power of France is represented at this time very terrible, and the +writers who speak of it apply it warm to our imaginations, as that +from whence we ought justly to apprehend the impossibility of keeping +out the pretender, and this, notwithstanding they allow themselves at +the same time to suppose all the confederate powers of Europe to be +engaged, as well by their own interest, as by the new treaties of +barrier and guarantee, to support and to assist the claim of the +elector of Hanover, and his party. Now, if this power be so great and +so formidable, as they allege, will it not, on the other side, add a +proportion of increase to our satisfaction, that this power will be +wholly in friendship and league with us; and engaged to concern itself +for the quieting our fears of other foreign invaders; forasmuch as +having once concerned itself to set the person of the pretender upon +the throne, it cannot be supposed but it shall be equally concerned to +support and maintain him in that possession, as what will mightily +conduce to the carrying on the other projects of his greatness and +glory with the rest of Europe; in which it will be very much his +interest to secure himself from any opposition he might meet with from +this nation, or from such as might be rendered powerful by our +assistance. An eminent instance we have of this in the mighty efforts +the French nation have made for planting, and preserving when planted, +a grandson of France upon the throne of Spain; and how eminent are the +advantages to France from the success of that undertaking; of what +less consequence then would it be to the august monarchy of France, to +secure and engage to himself the constant friendship and assistance of +the power of Great Britain, which he would necessarily do, by the +placing this person upon the throne, who would thereby in gratitude be +engaged to contribute his utmost in return to the king of France, for +the carrying on his glorious designs in the rest of Europe. While, +then, we become thus necessary to the king of France, reason dictates +that he would be our fast friend, our constant confederate, our ally, +firmly engaged to secure our sovereign, and protect our people from +the insults and attempts of all the world; being thus engaged +reciprocally with the king of France, there must necessarily be an end +of all the fears and jealousies, of all the apprehensions and doubts, +which now so amuse us, and appear so formidable to us from the +prospect of the power and greatness of France; then we shall on the +contrary say to the world, the stronger the king of France is, the +better for the king of England; and what is best for the king, must be +so for his people; for it is a most unnatural way of arguing, to +suppose the interest of a king, and of his people, to be different +from one another. + +And is not this then an advantage incomparably greater to Britain, +when the pretender shall be upon the throne, than any we can propose +to ourselves in the present uneasy posture of affairs, which it must +be acknowledged we are in now, when we cannot sleep in quiet, for the +terrible apprehensions of being overrun by the formidable power of +France. + +Let us also consider the many other advantages which may accrue to +this nation, by a nearer conjunction, and closer union with France, +such as increase of commerce, encouragement of manufactures, balance +of trade; every one knows how vast an advantage we reaped by the +French trade in former times, and how many hundred thousand pounds a +year we gained by it, when the balance of trade between us and France +ran so many millions of livres annually _against_ the French by the +vast exportation of our goods to them, and the small import which we +received from them again, and by the constant flux of money in specie, +which we drew from them every year, upon court occasions, to the +inexpressible benefit of the nation, and enriching of the subject, of +which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter more fully. + +In the meantime it were to be wished that our people who are so +bugbeared with words, and terrified with the name of French, French +power, French greatness, and the like, as if England could not +subsist, and the queen of England was not able to keep upon her throne +any longer than the king of France pleased, and that her majesty was +going to be a mere servant to the French king, would consider that +this is an unanswerable argument for the coming of the pretender, that +we may make this so formidable prince our friend, have all his power +engaged in our interest, and see him going on hand in hand with us, in +the securing us against all sorts of encroachments whatsoever; for if +the king of France be such an invincible mighty monarch, that we are +nothing in his eyes or in his hands; and that neither Britain, or all +the friends Britain can make, are able to deliver us from him; then it +must be our great advantage to have the pretender be our king, that +we may be out of the danger of this formidable French power being our +enemy; and that, on the other hand, we may have so potent, so +powerful, so invincible a prince be our friend. The case is evidently +laid down to every common understanding, in the example of Spain; till +now, the Spaniards for many ages have been overrun and impoverished by +their continued wars with the French, and it was not doubted but one +time or other they would have been entirely conquered by the king of +France, and have become a mere province of France; whereas now, having +but consented to receive a king from the hands of the invincible +monarch, they are made easy as to the former danger they were always +in, axe now most safe under the protection of France; and he who +before was their terror, is now their safety, and being safe from him +it appears they are so from all the world. + +Would it not then be the manifest advantage of this nation to be +likewise secured from the dangerous power of France, and make that +potentate our fast friend, who it is so apparent we are not able to +resist as an enemy? This is reducing the French power the softest way, +if not the best and shortest way; for if it does not reduce the power +itself, it brings it into such a circumstance, as that all the terror +of it is removed, and we embrace that as our safety and satisfaction, +which really is, and ought to be, our terror and aversion; this must +of necessity be our great advantage. + +How strange is it that none of our people have yet thought of this way +of securing their native country from the insults of France? Were but +the pretender once received as our king, we have no more disputes with +the king of France, he has no pretence to invade or disturb us; what a +quiet world would it be with us in such a case, when the greatest +monarch in the universe should be our fast friend, and be in our +interest to prevent any of the inconveniences which might happen to us +from the disgust of other neighbours, who may be dissatisfied with us +upon other accounts. As to the terrible things which some people +fright us, and themselves with, from the influence which French +councils may have upon us, and of French methods of government being +introduced among us; these we ought to esteem only clamours and noise, +raised by a party to amuse and affright us; for pray let us inquire a +little into them, and see if there be any reason for us to be so +terrified at them; suppose they were really what is alleged, which we +hope they are not; for example, the absolute dominion of the king of +France over his subjects, is such, say our people, as makes them +miserable; well, but let us examine then, are we not already miserable +for want of this absolute dominion? Are we not miserably divided? Is +not our government miserably weak? Are we not miserably subjected to +the rabbles and mob? Nay, is not the very crown mobbed here every now +and then, into whatever our sovereign lord the people demand? Whereas, +on the contrary, we see France entirely united as one man; no virulent +scribblers there dare affront the government; no impertinent +p----ments there disturb the monarch with their addresses and +representations; no superiority of laws restrain the administration; +no insolent lawyers talk of the sacred constitution, in opposition to +the more sacred prerogative; but all with harmony and general consent +agree to support the majesty of their prince, and with their lives and +fortunes; not in complimenting sham addresses only, but in reality, +and effectually, support the glory of their great monarch. In doing +this they are all united together so firmly, as if they had but one +heart and one mind, and that the king was the soul of the nation: what +if they are what we foolishly call slaves to the absolute will of +their prince? That slavery to them is mere liberty? They entertain no +notion of that foolish thing liberty, which we make so much noise +about; nor have they any occasion of it, or any use for it if they had +it; they are as industrious in trade, as vigorous in pursuit of their +affairs, go on with as much courage, and are as well satisfied when +they have wrought hard twenty or thirty years to get a little money +for the king to take away, as we are to get it for our wives and +children; and as they plant vines, and plough lands, that the king and +his great men may eat the fruit thereof, they think it as great a +felicity as if they eat it themselves. The badge of their poverty, +which we make such a noise of, and insult them about so much, viz., +their wooden shoes, their peasants make nothing of it; they say they +are as happy in their wooden shoes, as our people are with their +luxury and drunkenness; besides, do not our poor people wear iron +shoes, and leather doublets, and where is the odds between them? All +the business, forsooth, is this trifle we call liberty, which rather +than be plagued with so much strife and dissension about it as we are, +who would be troubled with; now, it is evident _the peace_ and union +which we should enjoy under the like methods of government here, which +we hope for under the happy government of the pretender, must needs be +a full equivalent for all the pretended rights and privileges which we +say we shall lose; and how will our rights and privileges be lost? +Will they not rather be centred in our common receptacle, viz., the +sovereign, who is, according to the king of France's happy government, +the common magazine of universal privilege, communicating it to, and +preserving it for, the general use of his subjects, as their safety +and happiness requires. Thus he protects their commerce, encourages +their foreign settlements, enlarges their possessions abroad, +increases their manufactures, gives them room for spreading their +numerous race over the world; at home he rewards arts and sciences, +cultivates learning, employs innumerable hands in the labours of the +state, and the like; what if it be true that all they gain is at his +mercy? Does he take it away, except when needful, for the support of +his glory and grandeur, which is their protection? Is it not apparent, +that under all the oppressions they talk so much of, the French are +the nation the most improved and increased in manufactures, in +navigation, in commerce, within these fifty years, of any nation in +the world? And here we pretend liberty, property, constitutions, +rights of subjects, and such stuff as that, and with all these fine +gewgaws, which we pretend propagate trade, and increase the wealth of +the nation, we are every day declining, and become poor; how long will +this nation be blinded by their own foolish customs? And when will +they learn to know, that the absolute government of a virtuous prince, +who makes the good of his people his ultimate end, and esteems their +prosperity his glory, is the best, and most godlike, government in the +world. + +Let us then be no more rendered uneasy with the notions, that with the +pretender we must entertain French methods of government, such as +tyranny and arbitrary power; tyranny is no more tyranny, when improved +for the subjects' advantage: perhaps when we have tried it we may find +it as much for our good many ways, nay, and more too, than our present +exorbitant liberties, especially unless we can make a better use of +them, and enjoy them, without being always going by the ears about +them, as we see daily, not only with our governors, but even with one +another; a little French slavery, though it be a frightful word among +us, that is, being made so by custom, yet may do us a great deal of +good in the main, as it may teach us not to over (under) value our +liberties when we have them, so much as sometimes we have done; and +this is not one of the least advantages which we shall gain by the +coming of the pretender, and consequently one of the good reasons why +we should be very willing to receive him. + +The next thing which they fill us with apprehensions of in the coming +of the pretender, is the influence of French councils, which they +construe thus, viz., That the pretender being restored here by the +assistance of France, will not only rule us by French methods, viz., +by French tyranny, but in gratitude to his restorer he will cause us +to be always ready with English blood and treasure to assist and +support the French ambition in the invasions he will ever be making +upon Europe, and in the oppressions of other nations; till at last he +obtain the superiority over them all, and turn upon us too, devouring +the liberties of Europe in his so long purposed and resolved universal +monarchy. As to the gratitude of the pretender to the king of France, +why should you make that a crime? Are not all people bound in honour +to retaliate kindness? And would you have your prince be ungrateful to +him that brought him hither? By the same rule, you would expect he +could be ungrateful to us that receive him; besides, if it be so great +an advantage to us to have him brought in, we shall be all concerned +also in gratitude to the king of France for helping us to him; and +sure we shall not decline making a suitable return to him for the +kindness; and is this anything more than common? Did we not pay the +Dutch six hundred thousand pounds sterling for assisting the late King +William? And did we not immediately embark with them in the war +against the king of France? And has not that revolution cost the +nation one hundred millions of British money to support it? And shall +we grudge to support the pretender and his benefactor, at the same +expense, if it should be needful, for carrying on the new scheme of +French liberty, which when that time comes may be in a likely and +forward way to prevail over the whole world, to the general happiness +of Europe. + +There seems to be but one thing more which those people, who make such +a clamour at the fears of the pretender, take hold of, and this is +religion; and they tell us that not only French government, and +French influence, but French religion, that is to say, popery, will +come upon us; but these people know not what they talk of, for it is +evident that they shall be so far from being loaded with religion, +that they will rather obtain that so long desired happiness, of having +no religion at all. This we may easily make appear has been the +advantage which has been long laboured for in this nation; and as the +attainments we are arrived to of that kind are very considerable +already, so we cannot doubt but that if once the pretender were +settled quietly among us, an absolute subjection, as well of religious +principles, as civil liberties, to the disposal of the sovereign, +would take place. This is an advantage so fruitful of several other +manifest improvements, that though we have not room in this place to +enlarge upon the particulars, we cannot doubt but it must be a most +grateful piece of news to a great part of the nation, who have long +groaned under the oppressions and cruel severities of the clergy, +occasioned by their own strict lives, and rigorous virtue, and their +imposing such austerities and restraints upon the people; and in this +particular the clamour of slavery will appear very scandalous in the +nation, for the slavery of religion being taken off, and an universal +freedom of vice being introduced, what greater liberty can we enjoy. + +But we have yet greater advantages attending this nation by the coming +of the pretender than any we have yet taken notice of; and though we +have not room in this short tract to name them all, and enlarge upon +them as the case may require, yet we cannot omit such due notice of +them, as may serve to satisfy our readers, and convince them how much +they ought to favour the coming of the pretender, as the great benefit +to the whole nation; and therefore we shall begin with our brethren of +Scotland; and here we may tell them, that they, of all the parts of +this island, shall receive the most evident advantages, in that the +setting the pretender upon the throne shall effectually set them free +from the bondage they now groan under, in their abhorred subjection to +England by the union, which may, no question, be declared void, and +dissolved, as a violence upon the Scottish nation, as soon as ever the +pretender shall be established upon the throne; a few words may serve +to recommend this to the Scots, since we are very well satisfied we +shall be sure to oblige every side there by it: the opposition all +sides made to the union at the time of the transaction of the union +in the parliament there, cannot but give us reason to think thus; and +the present scruple, even the presbyterians themselves make, of taking +the abjuration, if they do not, as some pretend, assure us that the +said presbyterian nonjurors are in the interest of the pretender, yet +they undeniably prove, and put it out of all question, that they are +ill-pleased with the yoke of the union, and would embrace every just +occasion of being quietly and freely discharged from the fetters which +they believe they bear by the said union; now there is no doubt to be +made, but that upon the very first appearance of the pretender, the +ancient kingdom of Scotland should recover her former well-known +condition, we mean, of being perfectly free, and depending upon none +but the king of France. How inestimable an advantage this will be to +Scotland, and how effectually he will support and defend the Scots +against their ancient enemies, the English, forasmuch as we have not +room to enlarge upon here, we may take occasion to make out more +particularly on another occasion. But it may not be forgotten here, +that the union was not only justly distasteful to the Scots +themselves, but also to many good men, and noble patriots of the +church, some of whom entered their protests against passing and +confirming, or ratifying the same, such as the late Lord Hav----sham, +and the right wise and right noble E---- of Nott----, whose reasons +for being against the said union, besides those they gave in the house +of p----s, which we do by no means mean to reflect upon in the least +in this place; we say, whose other reasons for opposing the said union +were founded upon an implacable hatred to the Scots kirk, which has +been established thereby: it may then not admit of any question, but +that they would think it a very great advantage to be delivered from +the same, as they would effectually be by the coming of the pretender; +wherefore by the concurring judgment of these noble and wise persons, +who on that account opposed the union, the coming of the pretender +must be an inexpressible advantage to this nation; nor is the +dissolving the union so desirable a thing, merely as that union was an +establishing among us a wicked schismatical presbyterian generation, +and giving the sanction of the laws to their odious constitution, +which we esteem (you know) worse than popery; but even on civil +accounts, as particularly on account of the p----s of Scotland, who +many of them think themselves egregiously maltreated, and robbed of +their birthright, as p----s, and have expressed themselves so in a +something public manner. Now we cannot think that any of these will be +at all offended that all this new establishment should be revoked; +nay, we have heard it openly said, that the Scots are so little +satisfied with the union at this time, that if it were now to be put +to the vote, as it was before, whether they should unite with England, +or no, there would not be one man in fifteen, throughout Scotland, +that would vote for it. If then it appears that the whole nation thus +seems to be averse to the union, and by the coming in of this most +glorious pretender that union will be in all appearance dissolved, and +the nation freed from the incumbrance of it, will any Scots man, who +is against the union, refuse to be for the pretender? Sure it cannot +be; I know it is alleged, that they will lay aside their discontent at +the union, and unite together against the pretender, because that is +to unite against popery; we will not say what a few, who have their +eyes in their heads, may do; but as the generality of the people there +are not so well reconciled together, as such a thing requires, it is +not unlikely that such a uniting may be prevented, if the pretender's +friends there can but play the game of dividing them farther, as they +should do; to which end it cannot but be very serviceable to them to +have the real advantages of receiving the pretender laid before them, +which is the true intent and meaning of the present undertaking. + +But we have more and greater advantages of the coming of the +pretender, and such as no question will invite you to receive him with +great satisfaction and applause; and it cannot be unnecessary to +inform you, for your direction in other cases, how the matter, as to +real and imaginary advantage, stands with the nation in this affair; +and First, the coming of the pretender will at once put us all out of +debt. These abomination whigs, and these bloody wars, carried on so +long for little or nothing, have, as is evident to our senses now, +(whatever it was all along), brought a heavy debt upon the nation; so +that if what a known author lately published is true, the government +pays now almost six millions a year to the common people for interest +of money; that is to say, the usurers eat up the nation, and devour +six millions yearly; which is paid, and must be paid now for a long +time, if some kind turn, such as this of the coming of the pretender, +or such like, does not help us out of it; the weight of this is not +only great, insuperably great, but most of it is entailed for a +terrible time, not only for our age, but beyond the age of our +grandchildren, even for ninety-nine years; by how much the +consideration of this debt is intolerable and afflicting to the last +degree, by so much the greater must the obligation be to the person +who will ease the nation of such a burden, and therefore we place it +among the principal advantages which we are to receive from the +admission of the pretender, that he will not fail to rid us of this +grievance, and by methods peculiar to himself deliver us from so great +a burden as these debts are now, and, unless he deliver us, are like +to be to the ages to come; whether he will do this at once, by +remitting most graciously to the nation the whole payment, and +consequently take off the burden _brevi manu_, as with a sponge wiping +out the infamous score, leaving it to fall as fate directs, or by +prudent degrees, we know not, nor is it our business to determine it +here; no doubt the doing it with a jerk, as we call it, _comme une +coup de grace_, must be the most expeditious way; nay, and the kindest +way of putting the nation out of its pain; for lingering deaths are +counted cruel; and though _une coup d'eclat_ may make an impression +for the present, yet the astonishment is soonest over; besides, where +is the loss to the nation in this sense? though the money be stopped +from the subject on one hand, if it be stopped to the subjects on the +other, the nation loses or gains nothing: we know it will be answered, +that it is unjust, and that thousands of families will be ruined, +because they who lose, will not be those who gain. But what is this to +the purpose in a national revolution; unjust! alas! is that an +argument? Go and ask the pretender! Does not he say you have all done +unjustly by him? and since the nation in general loses nothing, what +obligation has he to regard the particular injury that some families +may sustain? And yet farther, is it not remarkable, that most part of +the money is paid by the cursed party of whigs, who from the beginning +officiously appeared to keep him from his right? And what obligation +has he upon him to concern himself for doing them right in particular, +more than other people? But to avoid the scandal of partiality, there +is another thought offers to our view, which the nation is beholding +to a particular author for putting us in mind of; if it be unjust +that we should suppose the pretender shall stop the payment on both +sides, because it is doing the whigs wrong, since the tories, who +perhaps being chiefly landed men, pay the most taxes; then, to keep up +a just balance, he need only continue the taxes to be paid in, and +only stop the annuities and interest which are to be paid out. Thus +both sides having no reason to envy or reproach one another with +hardships, or with suffering unequally; they may every one lose their +proportion, and the money may be laid up in the hands of the new +sovereign, for the good of the nation. + +This being thus happily proposed, we cannot pass over the great +advantages which would accrue to this nation in such a case, by having +such a mass of money laid up in the exchequer at the absolute command +of a most gracious French sovereign. But as these things are so +glorious, and so great, as to admit of no complete explication in this +short tract, give us leave, O people of Great Britain, to lay before +you a little sketch of your future felicity, under the auspicious +reign of such a glorious prince, as we all hope, and believe the +pretender to be. 1. You are to allow, that by such a just and +righteous shutting up of the exchequer in about seven years' time, he +may be supposed to have received about forty millions sterling from +his people, which not being to be found in specie in the kingdom, +will, for the benefit of circulation, enable him to treasure up +infinite funds of wealth in foreign banks, a prodigious mass of +foreign bullion, gold, jewels, and plate, to be ready in the tower, or +elsewhere, to be issued upon future emergency, as occasion may allow. +This prodigious wealth will necessarily have these happy events, to +the infinite satisfaction and advantage of the whole nation, and the +benefit of which I hope none will be so unjust, or ungrateful, to +deny. 1. It will for ever after deliver this nation from the burden, +the expense, the formality, and the tyranny, of parliaments. No one +can perhaps at the first view be rightly sensible of the many +advantages of this article, and from how many mischiefs it will +deliver this nation. 1. How the country gentlemen will be no longer +harassed to come, at the command of every court occasion, and upon +every summons by the prince's proclamation, from their families and +other occasions, whether they can be spared from their wives, &c., or +no, or whether they can trust their wives behind them, or no; nay, +whether they can spare money or no for the journey, or whether they +must come carriage paid or no; then they will no more be unnecessarily +exposed to long and hazardous journeys, in the depth of winter, from +the remotest corners of the island, to come to London, just to give +away the country's money, and go home again; all this will be +dispensed with by the kind and gracious management of the pretender, +when he, God bless us, shall be our more gracious sovereign. 2. In the +happy consequence of the demise of parliaments, the country will be +eased of that intolerable burden of travelling to elections, sometimes +in the depth of winter, sometimes in the middle of their harvest, +whenever the writs of elections arbitrarily summons them. 3. And with +them the poor gentlemen will be eased of that abominable grievance of +the nation, viz., the expense of elections, by which so many gentlemen +of estates have been ruined, so many innocent people, of honest +principles before, have been debauched, and made mercenary, partial, +perjured, and been blinded with bribes to sell their country and +liberties to who bids most. It is well known how often, and yet how in +vain, this distemper has been the constant concern of parliaments for +many ages, to cure, and to provide sufficient remedies for. Now if +ever the effectual remedy for this is found out, to the inexpressible +advantage of the whole nation; and this perhaps is the only cure for +it that the nature of the disease will admit of; what terrible havock +has this kind of trade made among the estates of the gentry, and the +morals of the common people? 4. How also has it kept alive the +factions and divisions of the country people, keeping them in a +constant agitation, and in triennial commotions? So that what with +forming new interests, and cultivating old, the heats and animosities +never cease among the people. But once set the pretender upon the +throne, and let the funds be but happily stopped, and paid into his +hands, that he may be in no more need of a parliament, and all these +distempers will be cured as effectually as a fever is cured by cutting +off the head, or as a halter cures the bleeding at the nose. How +infatuated then is this nation, that they should so obstinately refuse +a prince, by the nature of whose circumstances, and the avowed +principles of whose party, we are sure to obtain such glorious things, +such inestimable advantages, things which no age, no prince, no +attempt of parties, or endeavour, though often aimed at of ministers +of state, have ever been able to procure for us. 2. This amassing of +treasure, by the stopping the funds on one hand, and the receiving the +taxes on the other, will effectually enable the pretender to set up, +and effectually maintain, that glorious, and so often-desired method +of government, _au coup de canon, Anglice_, a standing army. This we +have the authority of the ancient borough of Carlisle, that it is the +safety of the prince, and the glory of the nation, as appears by their +renowned address to King James II. Then we should see a new face of +our nation, and Britain would no more be a naked nation, as it has +formerly been; then we should have numerous and gallant armies +surrounding a martial prince; ready to make the world, as well as his +own subjects, tremble; then our inland counties would appear full of +royal fortifications, citadels, forts, and strong towns; the beauty of +the kingdom, and awe of factious rebels: it is a strange thing that +this refractory people of ours could never be made sensible how much +it is for the glory and safety of this nation that we should be put +into a posture of defence against ourselves: it has been often +alleged, that this nation can never be ruined but with their own +consent: if then we are our own enemies, is it not highly requisite +that we should be put in a position to have our own ruin prevented? +And that since it is apparent we are no more fit to be trusted with +our own liberties, having a natural and a national propensity to +destroy and undo ourselves, and may be brought to consent to our own +ruin, we should have such princes, as for the future know how to +restrain us, and how reasonable is it to allow them forces to do so? + +We might enlarge here upon the great and certain advantages of this +best of governments, a standing army; we might go back to the Persian, +Grecian, and Roman empires, which had never arrived to such a pitch of +glory if the people and nations whom they subdued had been able to +nose them with such trifles as what we call constitution, national +right, ancient privileges, and the like; we might descend also to +particular advantages of government, which it is hoped we may attain +to in Britain when the pretender arrives, some of which are grown +obsolete, and out of use, by custom, and long possession of those +troublesome things called liberties; among these may be reckoned, + +1. The whole kingdom will be at once eased of that ridiculous +feather-cap's expense of militia and trained-bands, which serve for +little else but to justify the picking the peoples' pockets, with an +annual tax of trophy-money, and every now and then putting the city of +London and parts adjacent, to ten thousand pound charge, to beat +drums, and shoot muskets, for nothing; when, on the contrary, you +shall in the blessed revolution we now invite you to, have all this +done gratis, by the standing troops kept constantly in pay; and your +lieutenancy may lay down their commissions among the rest of +non-significants of the nation. + +2. You shall be for ever out of danger of being ridden again by the +mob, your meeting-houses shall no more be the subject of the enraged +rabbles; nor shall the bank of England desire the drums to beat at +midnight to raise a guard for Grocers' hall; your new monarch will +suffer none to insult or plunder the city but himself; and as the city +itself shall never want soldiers, (how should it, when the whole +kingdom shall become a garrison?) the money in the bank shall always +be defended by a strong guard, who shall, whenever there is any danger +of its being too safe, convey it, for its eminent security, from +Grocers'-alley to the Tower, or to the exchequer, where it shall not +fail to be kept for the advantage of the public. + +3. Again; upon this happy change we shall immediately be delivered +from that most infamous practice of stock-jobbing, of which so much +has been said to so little purpose; for the funds being turned all +into one general stock, and the prince being himself your security, +you may even write upon all your companies this general phrase, viz., +No transfer, as they do when the books are shut up at the bank, or +East-India house; so as all the rivers of water are swallowed up in +the sea, as one ocean, to which they are all tending, so all these +petty cheats will be engulfed at once in the general ocean of state +trick, and the Exchange-alley men may justly be said to buy the +bear-skin ever after. + +4. When (which is a blessing we fear we cannot hope for before) we may +expect to be delivered from the throng of virulent and contumacious +libels which now infest our streets; and the libellers themselves +being most exemplarily punished, for a terror to the rest, will not +dare to affront the government with ballads and balderdash; if an +impudent fellow dares lift up his pen against the authority and power +of his prince, he shall instantly feel the weight of that power to +crush him, which he ought before to have feared; and pamphleteers +shall then not be whipped and pilloried, but hanged; and when two or +three of them have suffered that way, it is hoped those wholesome +severities may put an effectual stop to the noise and clamour they now +make in the nation; above all, the hands of the government will then +be set free from the fetters of law; and it shall not be always +necessary for the ministers of state to proceed by all the forms of +the courts of justice, in such cases, by which the scribblers of the +age pretend to stand it out against the government, and put their own +construction upon their libels. But when these happy days arrive, +juries and judges shall find and determine in these and all other +cases, bring verdicts, and give sentence, as the prince in his royal +justice shall direct. + +We might enter here upon a long list of other happy circumstances we +shall all arrive to, and of great advantages not here named, which the +coming in of the pretender shall infallibly bring us to the enjoyment +of, particularly in matters of religion, civil right, property, and +commerce; but the needful brevity of this tract will not admit of it, +we shall only add one thing more, which gives weight to all the rest, +viz., that the certainty of these things, and of their being the +natural consequences of the bringing in the pretender, adds to the +certain felicity of that reign. This sums up the happiness of the +pretender's reign; we need not talk of security, as the Review has +done, and pretend he is not able to give us security for the +performance of anything he promises; every man that has any sense of +the principles, honour, and justice of the pretender, his zeal for the +Roman catholic cause, his gratitude to his benefactor, the French +king, and his love to the glory and happiness of his native country, +must rest satisfied of his punctually performing all these great +things for us; to ask him security, would be not to affront him only, +but to affront the whole nation; no man can doubt him; the nature of +the thing allows that he must do us all that kindness; he cannot be +true to his own reason without it; wherefore this treaty executes +itself, and appears so rational to believe, that whoever doubts it may +be supposed to doubt even the veracity of James the Just. + +What unaccountable folly then must those people be guilty of, who +stand so much in the way of their own and their country's happiness, +as to oppose, or pretend to argue against, the receiving this glorious +prince, and would be for having Dutch men and foreigners forsooth to +come, and all under the notion of their being protestants? To avoid +and detect which fallacy, we shall in our next essay enter into the +examination of the religion and orthodox principles of the person of +the pretender, and doubt not to make it out, for the satisfaction of +all tender consciences, that he is a true protestant of the church of +England, established by law, and that in the very natural primitive +sense of that phrase as it was used by his royal predecessor, of +famous and pious memory, Charles II.----and as such, no doubt, he will +endeavour for the recovery of the crown, which crown, if he obtains +it, you see what glorious things he may do for himself, and us. + +_Quam si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit ausis._ + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of And What if the Pretender should Come?, by +Daniel Defoe + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRETENDER *** + +***** This file should be named 36769.txt or 36769.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/7/6/36769/ + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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