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+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of
+ Abolition Fanaticism in New York,
+ by Frederick Douglass.
+</title>
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's Abolition Fanaticism in New York, by Frederick Douglass
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Abolition Fanaticism in New York
+ Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition
+ Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847
+
+Author: Frederick Douglass
+
+Release Date: January 11, 2011 [EBook #34915]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABOLITION FANATICISM IN NEW YORK ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, David Garcia and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive and the Library of Congress)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div style="height: 6em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page1" name="page1"></a>[pg 1]</span></p>
+
+<p class="center">
+<i>PRICE SIX CENTS.</i>
+</p>
+
+<h1>
+ABOLITION
+<br />
+FANATICISM
+<br />
+IN NEW YORK.
+</h1>
+
+<a name="image-0001"><!--IMG--></a>
+<div class="figure">
+<a href="images/cover-l.jpg"><img src="images/cover-s.jpg" width="360" height="600"
+alt="Cover" /></a>
+</div>
+
+<h2>
+SPEECH
+<br />
+<small>OF A</small>
+<br />
+RUNAWAY SLAVE FROM BALTIMORE,
+<br />
+<small>AT AN</small>
+<br />
+ABOLITION MEETING IN NEW YORK,
+<br />
+<small>HELD MAY 11, 1847.</small>
+</h2>
+
+<p class="center">
+1847.
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+FOR SALE AT ALL THE PERIODICAL AGENCIES.
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page2" name="page2"></a>[pg 2]</span></p>
+
+
+<a name="h2H_4_0001" id="h2H_4_0001"><!-- H2 anchor --></a>
+
+<div style="height: 4em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<h2>
+<small>FLAMING</small>
+<br />
+ABOLITION SPEECH
+<br />
+<small>DELIVERED BY THE RUNAWAY SLAVE,</small>
+<br />
+FREDERICK DOUGLASS,
+<br />
+<small>At the Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society,</small>
+<br />
+<small>IN THE TABERNACLE, NEW YORK, MAY 11, 1847.</small>
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+The following Report will show to Marylanders, how a runaway slave
+talks, when he reaches the Abolition regions of the country. This
+presumptive negro was even present at the London World's Temperance
+Convention, last year; and in spite of all the efforts of the American
+Delegates to prevent it, he palmed off his Abolition bombast upon an
+audience of 7000 persons! Of this high-handed measure he now makes his
+boast in New-York, one of the hot-beds of Abolitionism. The Report is
+given exactly as published in the New-York Tribune. The reader will
+make his own comments.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. <span class="sc">Douglass</span> was introduced to the audience by <span class="sc">Wm. Lloyd
+Garrison</span>, Esq., President of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+and, upon taking the platform, was greeted with enthusiastic and
+long-continued applause by the vast concourse which filled the spacious
+Tabernacle to overflowing. As soon as the audience became silent, Mr. D.
+with, at first, a slight degree of embarrassment, addressed them as
+follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am very glad to be here. I am very glad to be present at this
+Anniversary&mdash;glad again to mingle my voice with those with whom I have
+stood identified, with those with whom I have labored, for the last
+seven years, for the purpose of undoing the burdens of my brethren,
+and hastening the day of their emancipation.
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not doubt but that a large portion of this audience will be
+disappointed, both by the <i>manner</i> and the <i>matter</i> of what I shall
+this day set forth. The extraordinary and unmerited eulogies which have
+been showered upon me, here and elsewhere, have done much to create
+expectations which, I am well aware, I can never hope to gratify. I am
+here, a simple man, knowing what I have experienced in Slavery, knowing
+it to be a bad system, and desiring, by all Christian means, to seek its
+overthrow. I am not here to please you with an eloquent speech, with a
+refined and logical address, but to speak to you the sober truths of a
+heart overborne with gratitude to God that we have in this land, cursed
+as it is with Slavery, so noble a band to second my efforts and the
+efforts of others in the noble work of undoing the Yoke of Bondage, with
+which the majority of the States of this Union are now unfortunately
+cursed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Since the last time I had the pleasure of mingling my voice with the
+voices of my friends on this platform, many interesting and even trying
+events have occurred to me. I have experienced, within the last eighteen
+or twenty months, many incidents, all of which it would be interesting
+to communicate to you; but many of these I shall be compelled to pass
+over at this time, and confine my remarks to giving a general outline of
+the manner and spirit with which I have been hailed abroad, and welcomed
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page3" name="page3"></a>[pg 3]</span>
+
+at the different places which I have visited during my absence of
+twenty months.
+</p>
+<p>
+You are aware, doubtless, that my object in going from this country, was
+to get beyond the reach of the clutch of the man who claimed to own me
+as his property. I had written a book giving a history of that portion
+of my life spent in the gall and bitterness and degradation of Slavery,
+and in which I also identified my oppressors as the perpetrators of some
+of the most atrocious crimes. This had deeply incensed them against me,
+and stirred up within them the purpose of revenge, and my whereabouts
+being known, I believed it necessary for me, if I would preserve my
+liberty, to leave the shores of America, and take up my abode in some
+other land, at least until the excitement occasioned by the publication
+of my Narrative had subsided. I went to England, Monarchical England, to
+get rid of Democratic Slavery, and I must confess that, at the very
+threshold, I was satisfied that I had gone to the right place. Say what
+you will of England&mdash;of the degradation&mdash;of the poverty&mdash;and there is
+much of it there&mdash;say what you will of the oppression and suffering
+going on in England at this time, there is Liberty there&mdash;there is
+Freedom there, not only for the white man, but for the black man also.
+The instant I stepped upon the shore, and looked into the faces of the
+crowd around me, I saw in every man a recognition of my manhood, and an
+absence, a perfect absence, of everything like that disgusting hate with
+which we are pursued in this country. [Cheers.] I looked around in vain
+to see in any man's face a token of the slightest aversion to me on
+account of my complexion. Even the cabmen demeaned themselves to me
+as they did to other men, and the very dogs and pigs of old England
+treated me as a man! I cannot, however, my friends, dwell upon this
+anti-Prejudice, or rather the many illustrations of the absence of
+Prejudice against Color in England&mdash;but will proceed, at once, to defend
+the Right and Duty of invoking English aid and English sympathy for the
+overthrow of American Slavery, for the education of Colored Americans,
+and to forward in every way, the interests of humanity; inasmuch as the
+right of appealing to England for aid in overthrowing Slavery in this
+country, has been called in question, in public meetings and by the
+press, in this city.
+</p>
+<p>
+I cannot agree with my friend Mr. Garrison in relation to my love and
+attachment to this land. I have no love for America, as such; I have no
+patriotism. I have no country. What country have I? The Institutions
+of this country do not know me&mdash;do not recognize me as a man. I am
+not thought of, spoken of, in any direction, out of the Anti-Slavery
+ranks, as a man. I am not thought of or spoken of, except as a piece
+of property belonging to some <i>Christian</i> Slaveholder, and all the
+Religious and Political Institutions of this Country alike pronounce
+me a Slave and a chattel. Now, in such a country as this I cannot have
+patriotism. The only thing that links me to this land is my family, and
+the painful consciousness that here there are 3,000,000 of my fellow
+creatures groaning beneath the iron rod of the worst despotism that
+could be devised even in Pandemonium,&mdash;that here are men and brethren
+who are identified with me by their complexion, identified with me
+by their hatred of Slavery, identified with me by their love and
+aspirations for Liberty, identified with me by the stripes upon their
+backs, their inhuman wrongs and cruel sufferings. This, and this only,
+attaches me to this land, and brings me here to plead with you, and
+with this country at large, for the disenthrallment of my oppressed
+countrymen, and to overthrow this system of
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page4" name="page4"></a>[pg 4]</span>
+
+ Slavery which is crushing
+them to the earth. How can I love a country that dooms 3,000,000 of my
+brethren, some of them my own kindred, my own brothers, my own sisters,
+who are now clanking the chains of Slavery upon the plains of the South,
+whose warm blood is now making fat the soil of Maryland and of Alabama,
+and over whose crushed spirits rolls the dark shadow of Oppression,
+shutting out and extinguishing forever the cheering rays of that bright
+Sun of Liberty, lighted in the souls of all God's children by the
+omnipotent hand of Deity itself? How can I, I say, love a country thus
+cursed, thus bedewed with the blood of my brethren? A Country, the
+Church of which, and the Government of which, and the Constitution of
+which are in favor of supporting and perpetuating this monstrous system
+of injustice and blood? I have not, I cannot have, any love for this
+country, as such, or for its Constitution. I desire to see it overthrown
+as speedily as possible and its Constitution shivered in a thousand
+fragments, rather than this foul curse should continue to remain as now.
+[Hisses and cheers.]
+</p>
+<p>
+In all this, my friends, let me make myself understood. I do not hate
+America as against England, or against any other country or land. I love
+Humanity all over the globe. I am anxious to see Righteousness prevail
+in all directions. I am anxious to see Slavery overthrown here; but, I
+never appealed to Englishmen in a manner calculated to awaken feelings
+of hatred or disgust, or to inflame their prejudices toward America as a
+nation, or in a manner provocative of national jealousy or ill-will; but
+I always appealed to their conscience&mdash;to the higher and nobler feelings
+of the people of that country, to enlist them in this cause. I always
+appealed to their manhood, that which preceded their being Englishmen,
+(to quote an expression of my friend Phillips,) I appealed to them as
+men, and I had a right to do so. They are men, and the Slave is a man,
+and we have a right to call upon all men to assist in breaking his
+bonds, let them be born when and live where they may.
+</p>
+<p>
+But it is asked, 'What good will this do?' or 'What good has it done?'
+'Have you not irritated, have you not annoyed your American friends and
+the American people rather than done them good?' I admit that we have
+irritated them. They deserve to be irritated. I am anxious to irritate
+the American people on this question. As it is in physics, so in morals,
+there are cases which demand irritation and counter-irritation. The
+conscience of the American public needs this irritation, and I would
+<i>blister it all over from centre to circumference</i>, until it gives signs
+of a purer and a better life than it is now manifesting to the world.
+</p>
+<p>
+But why expose the sins of one nation in the eyes of another? Why
+attempt to bring one people under the odium of another people? There
+is much force in this question. I admit that there are sins in almost
+every country which can be best removed by means confined exclusively
+to their immediate locality. But such evils and such sins pre-suppose
+the existence of a moral power in their immediate locality sufficient
+to accomplish the work of renovation. But, where, pray, can we go to
+find moral power in this nation sufficient to overthrow Slavery? To what
+institution, to what party shall we apply for aid? I say we admit that
+there are evils which can be best removed by influences confined to
+their immediate locality. But in regard to American Slavery it is not
+so. It is such a giant crime, so darkening to the soul, so blinding
+in its moral influence, so well calculated to blast and corrupt all
+the humane principles of our nature, so well adapted to infuse its
+own accursed spirit into all around it, that the people among whom
+it exists have not the moral power
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page5" name="page5"></a>[pg 5]</span>
+
+ to abolish it. Shall we go to the
+Church for this influence? We have heard its character described. Shall
+we go to Politicians or Political Parties? Have they the moral power
+necessary to accomplish this mighty task? They have not. What are they
+doing at this moment? Voting supplies for Slavery&mdash;voting supplies for
+the extension, the stability, the perpetuation of Slavery in this land.
+What is the press doing? The same. The pulpit? Almost the same. I do
+not flatter myself that there is moral power in the land sufficient to
+overthrow Slavery, and I welcome the aid of England. And that aid will
+come. The growing intercourse between England and this country, by
+means of steam navigation, the relaxation of the protective system in
+various countries in Europe, gives us an opportunity to bring in the
+aid, the moral and Christian aid of those living on the other side of the
+Atlantic. We welcome it in the language of the resolution. We entreat
+our British friends to continue to send their remonstrances across the
+deep against Slavery in this land. And these remonstrances will have
+a powerful effect here. Sir, the Americans may tell of their ability,
+and I have no doubt they have it, to keep back the invader's hosts,
+to repulse the strongest force that its enemies may send against this
+country. It may boast, and <i>rightly</i> boast of its capacity to build its
+ramparts so high that no foe can hope to scale them&mdash;to render them so
+impregnable as to defy the assaults of the world. But, sir, there is one
+thing it cannot resist, come from what quarter it may. It cannot resist
+<span class="sc">TRUTH</span>. You cannot build your forts so strong, nor your ramparts
+so high, nor arm yourselves so powerfully, as to be able to withstand
+the overwhelming <span class="sc">MORAL SENTIMENT</span> against Slavery now flowing
+into this land. For example: Prejudice against Color is continually
+becoming weaker in this land; and why? Because the whole European
+Continent denounces this sentiment as unworthy a lodgment in the breast
+of an enlightened community. And the American abroad dares not now, even
+in a public conveyance, to lift his voice in defence of this disgusting
+prejudice.
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not mean to say that there are no practices abroad which deserve
+to receive an influence, favorable to their extermination, from America.
+I am most glad to know that Democratic Freedom&mdash;not the bastard Democracy
+which, while loud in its protestations of regard for Liberty and
+Equality, builds up Slavery, and, in the name of Freedom fights the
+battles of Despotism&mdash;is making great strides in Europe. We see, abroad,
+in England especially, happy indications of the progress of American
+principles. A little while ago England was cursed by a Corn monopoly&mdash;by
+that giant monopoly which snatched from the mouths of the famishing Poor
+the bread which you sent from this land. The community&mdash;the <i>people</i> of
+England demanded its destruction, and they have triumphed! We have aided
+them, and they aid us, and the mission of the two nations, henceforth,
+is <i>to serve each other</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir, it is said that, when abroad, I misrepresented my country on this
+question. I am not aware of any misrepresentation. I stated facts and
+facts only. A gentleman of your own City, Rev. Dr. Cox, has taken
+particular pains to stigmatize me as having introduced the subject of
+Slavery illegitimately into the World's Temperance Convention. But what
+was the fact? I went to that Convention, not as a Delegate&mdash;I went into
+it by the invitation of a Committee of the Convention. I suppose most
+of you know the circumstances, but I wish to say one word in relation to
+the spirit and the principle which animated me at that meeting. I went
+into it at the invitation of the Committee, and spoke not only at their
+urgent
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page6" name="page6"></a>[pg 6]</span>
+
+ request, but by public announcement. I stood on the platform on
+the evening referred to, and heard some eight or ten Americans address
+the 7,000 people assembled in that vast Hall. I heard them speak of the
+Temperance movement in the land. I heard them eulogize the Temperance
+Societies in the highest terms, calling on England to follow their
+example (and England may follow them with advantage to herself;) but
+I heard no reference made to the 3,000,000 of people in this country
+who are denied the privilege, not only of Temperance, but of all other
+Societies. I heard not a word of the American Slaves, who, if seven
+of them were found together at a Temperance meeting or any other
+place, would be scourged and beaten by their cruel tyrants. Yes,
+nine-and-thirty lashes is the penalty required to be inflicted by the
+law if any of the Slaves get together in a number exceeding seven, for
+any purpose, however peaceable or laudable. And while these American
+gentlemen were extending their hands to me, and saying, 'How do you do,
+Mr. Douglass? I am most happy to meet you here,' &amp;c. &amp;c. I knew that, in
+America, they would not have touched me with a pair of tongues. I felt,
+therefore, that that was the place and the time to call to remembrance
+the 3,000,000 of Slaves, whom I aspired to represent on that occasion.
+I did so, not maliciously, but with a desire, only, to subserve the best
+interests of my race. I besought the American Delegates who had at first
+responded to my speech with shouts of applause, when they should arrive
+at home, to extend the borders of their Temperance Societies, so as to
+include the 500,000 Colored People in the Northern States of the Union.
+I also called to mind the facts in relation to the mob that occurred in
+the City of Philadelphia in the year 1842. I stated these facts to show
+to the British public how difficult it is for a colored man in this
+country to do anything to elevate himself or his race from the state
+of degradation in which they are plunged; how difficult it is for him
+to be virtuous or temperate, or anything but a menial, an outcast.
+You all remember the circumstances of the mob to which I have alluded.
+A number of intelligent, philanthropic, manly colored men, desirous
+of snatching their colored brethren from the fangs of intemperance,
+formed themselves into a procession and walked through the streets of
+Philadelphia with appropriate banners, and badges, and mottoes. I stated
+the fact that that procession was not allowed to proceed far, in the
+City of Philadelphia&mdash;the American City of Brotherly Love, the city of
+all others loudest in its boasts of freedom and liberty&mdash;before these
+noble-minded men were assaulted by the citizens, their banners torn in
+shreds and themselves trampled in the dust, and inhumanly beaten, and
+all their bright and fond hopes and anticipations in behalf of their
+friends and their race blasted by the wanton cruelty of their white
+fellow citizens. And all this was done for no other reason than that
+they had presumed to walk through the streets with Temperance banners
+and badges, like human beings.
+</p>
+<p>
+The statement of this fact caused the whole Convention to break forth
+in one general expression of intense disgust at such atrocious and
+inhuman conduct. This disturbed the composure of some of our American
+representatives, who, in serious alarm, caught hold of the skirts of
+my coat, and attempted to make me desist from my exposition of the
+situation of the colored race in this country. There was one Doctor of
+Divinity there&mdash;the ugliest man that I ever saw in my life&mdash;who almost
+tore the skirts of my coat off, so vehement was he in his <i>friendly</i>
+attempts to induce me to yield the floor. But fortunately the audience
+came to my rescue, and demanded that I should go on, and I did go on,
+and, I trust,
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page7" name="page7"></a>[pg 7]</span>
+
+ discharged my duty to my brethren in bonds and the cause
+of Human Liberty, in a manner not altogether unworthy the occasion.
+</p>
+<p>
+I have been accused of <i>dragging</i> the question of Slavery into the
+Convention. I had a right to do so. It was the <i>World's</i> Convention&mdash;not
+the Convention of any sect or number of sects&mdash;not the convention of any
+particular Nation&mdash;not a man's nor a woman's Convention, not a black
+man's nor a white man's Convention, but the <i>World's</i> Convention, the
+convention of <span class="sc">ALL</span>, <i>black</i> as well as <i>white</i>, <i>bond</i> as well
+as <i>free</i>. And I stood there, as I thought, a representative of
+3,000,000 of men whom I had left in rags and wretchedness to be devoured
+by the accursed Institution which stands by them, as with a drawn sword,
+ever ready to fall upon their devoted and defenceless heads. I felt, as
+I said to Dr. Cox, that it was demanded of me by Conscience, to speak
+out boldly in behalf of those whom I had left behind. [Cheers.] And,
+sir, (I think I may say this, without subjecting myself to the charge of
+egotism) I deem it very fortunate for the friends of the Slave, that Mr.
+Garrison and myself were there just at that time. Sir, the Churches in
+this country have long repined at the position of the Churches in
+England on the subject of Slavery. They have sought many opportunities
+to do away the prejudices of the English Churches against American
+Slavery. Why, sir, at this time there were not far from Seventy
+Ministers of the Gospel from Christian America, in England, pouring
+their leprous pro-slavery distilment into the ears of the people of that
+country, and by their prayers, their conversation and their public
+speeches, seeking to darken the British mind on the subject of Slavery,
+and to create in the English public the same cruel and heartless apathy
+that prevails in this country in relation to the Slave, his wrongs and
+his rights. I knew them by their continuous slandering of my race, and
+at this time, and under these circumstances, I deemed it a happy
+interposition of God, in behalf of my oppressed, and misrepresented, and
+slandered people, that one of their number should be able to break his
+chains and burst up through the dark incrustations of malice and hate
+and degradation which had been thrown over them, and stand before the
+British public to open to them the secrets of the prison-house of
+bondage in America. [Cheers.] Sir, the Slave sends no Delegates to the
+Evangelical Alliance. [Cheers.] The Slave sends no Delegates to the
+World's Temperance Convention. Why? Because chains are upon his arms,
+and fetters fast bind his limbs. He must be driven out to be sold at
+auction by some <i>Christian</i> Slaveholder, and the money for which his
+soul is bartered must be appropriated to spread the Gospel among the
+Heathen.
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir, I feel it is good to be here. There is always work to be done.
+Slavery is everywhere. Slavery goes out in the Cambria and comes back in
+the Cambria. Slavery was in the Evangelical Alliance, looking saintly
+in the person of Rev. Doctor Smythe; it was in the World's Temperance
+Convention, in the person of Rev. Mr. Kirk. Dr. Marsh went about saying,
+in so many words, that the unfortunate Slaveholders in America were so
+peculiarly situated, so environed by uncontrollable circumstances that
+they could not liberate their slaves; that if they were to emancipate
+them they would be, in many instances, cast into prison. Sir, it did
+me good to go around on the heels of this gentleman. I was glad to
+follow him around for the sake of my country, for the country is not,
+after all, so bad as Rev. Dr. Marsh represented it to be. My fellow
+countrymen, what think ye he said of you, on the other side of the
+Atlantic? He said you were not only pro-Slavery, but that you actually
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page8" name="page8"></a>[pg 8]</span>
+
+aided the Slaveholder in holding his Slaves securely in his grasp; that,
+in fact, you compelled him to be a Slaveholder. This I deny. You are not
+so bad as that. You do not compel the Slaveholder to be a Slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+And Rev. Doctor Cox, too, talked a great deal over there, and among
+other things, he said that 'many Slave-holders&mdash;dear Christian
+men!&mdash;were sincerely anxious to get rid of their slaves;' and to show
+how difficult it is for them to get rid of their human chattels, he put
+the following case: A man living in a State, the laws of which compel
+all persons emancipating their slaves to remove them beyond its limits,
+wishes to liberate his slaves; but he is too poor to transport them
+beyond the confines of the State in which he resides; therefore he
+cannot emancipate them&mdash;he is necessarily a slaveholder. But, sir, there
+was one fact, which I happened, fortunately, to have on hand just at
+that time, which completely neutralized this very affecting statement of
+the Doctor's. It so happens that Messrs. Gerrit Smith and Arthur Tappan
+have advertised for the especial benefit of this afflicted class of
+Slaveholders, that they have set apart the sum of $10,000, to be
+appropriated in aiding them to remove their emancipated Slaves beyond
+the jurisdiction of the State, and that the money would be forthcoming
+on application being made for it; but <i>no such application was ever
+made</i>. This shows that however truthful the statements of these
+gentlemen may be concerning the things of the world to come, they are
+lamentably reckless in their statements concerning things appertaining
+to this world. I do not mean to say that they would designedly tell that
+which is false; but they did make the statements which I have ascribed
+to them.
+</p>
+<p>
+And Doct. Cox and others charge me with having stirred up warlike
+feeling while abroad. This charge, also, I deny. The whole of my
+arguments and the whole of my appeals, while I was abroad, were in favor
+of any thing else than war. I embraced every opportunity to propagate
+the principles of Peace while I was in Great Britain. I confess,
+honestly, that were I not a Peace man, were I a believer in fighting
+at all, I should have gone through England, saying to Englishmen, <i>as</i>
+Englishmen, 'There are 3,000,000 of men across the Atlantic who are
+whipped, scourged, robbed of themselves, denied every privilege, denied
+the right to read the Word of the God who made them, trampled under
+foot, denied all the rights of human beings; go to their rescue;
+shoulder your muskets, buckle on your knapsacks, and in the invincible
+cause of Human Rights and Universal Liberty, go forth, and the laurels
+which you shall win will be as fadeless and as imperishable as the
+eternal aspirations of the human soul after that Freedom which every
+being made after God's image instinctively feels is his birthright.'
+This would have been my course had I been a war man. That such was not
+my course, I appeal to my whole career while abroad to determine.
+</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<p class="i2"> Weapons of war we have cast from the battle: </p>
+<p class="i4"> <span class="sc">Truth</span> is our armor&mdash;our watchword is <span class="sc">Love</span>; </p>
+<p class="i2"> Hushed be the sword, and the musketry's rattle, </p>
+<p class="i4"> All our equipments are drawn from above. </p>
+<p class="i10"> Praise then the God of Truth, </p>
+<p class="i10"> Hoary age and ruddy youth. </p>
+<p class="i10"> Long may our rally be </p>
+<p class="i10"> Love, Light and Liberty; </p>
+<p class="i4"> Ever our banner the banner of Peace." </p>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>
+Mr. Douglass took his seat in the midst of the most enthusiastic and
+overwhelming applause in which the whole of the vast assembly appeared
+heartily to join.
+</p>
+
+<div style="height: 6em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<p>
+[Transcriber's Note: This text has been transcribed from Library of
+Congress scans of a pamphlet printed in Baltimore MD which has minor
+damage at the outer lower corners. Because no other copies of this exact
+pamphlet are available, the obscured text has been supplied from the
+same edition of the New York (Daily) Tribune which is referred to as
+the source in the pamphlet's introductory paragraph: "Country, Conscience,
+and the Anti-Slavery Cause: An Address Delivered in New York, New York,
+May 11, 1847." New York Daily Tribune, 13 May 1847.]
+</p>
+
+<div style="height: 6em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
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+
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+Project Gutenberg's Abolition Fanaticism in New York, by Frederick Douglass
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Abolition Fanaticism in New York
+ Speech of a Runaway Slave from Baltimore, at an Abolition
+ Meeting in New York, Held May 11, 1847
+
+Author: Frederick Douglass
+
+Release Date: January 11, 2011 [EBook #34915]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABOLITION FANATICISM IN NEW YORK ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Norbert H. Langkau, David Garcia and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive and the Library of Congress)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+_PRICE SIX CENTS._
+
+ABOLITION FANATICISM IN NEW YORK.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+SPEECH OF A RUNAWAY SLAVE FROM BALTIMORE,
+AT AN ABOLITION MEETING IN NEW YORK,
+HELD MAY 11, 1847.
+
+1847.
+
+FOR SALE AT ALL THE PERIODICAL AGENCIES.
+
+
+
+
+ FLAMING
+ ABOLITION SPEECH
+ DELIVERED BY THE RUNAWAY SLAVE,
+ FREDERICK DOUGLASS,
+
+ At the Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+
+ IN THE TABERNACLE, NEW YORK, MAY 11, 1847.
+
+
+The following Report will show to Marylanders, how a runaway slave
+talks, when he reaches the Abolition regions of the country. This
+presumptive negro was even present at the London World's Temperance
+Convention, last year; and in spite of all the efforts of the American
+Delegates to prevent it, he palmed off his Abolition bombast upon an
+audience of 7000 persons! Of this high-handed measure he now makes his
+boast in New-York, one of the hot-beds of Abolitionism. The Report is
+given exactly as published in the New-York Tribune. The reader will
+make his own comments.
+
+Mr. DOUGLASS was introduced to the audience by WM. LLOYD GARRISON,
+Esq., President of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and, upon taking
+the platform, was greeted with enthusiastic and long-continued
+applause by the vast concourse which filled the spacious Tabernacle
+to overflowing. As soon as the audience became silent, Mr. D. with, at
+first, a slight degree of embarrassment, addressed them as follows:
+
+"I am very glad to be here. I am very glad to be present at this
+Anniversary--glad again to mingle my voice with those with whom I have
+stood identified, with those with whom I have labored, for the last
+seven years, for the purpose of undoing the burdens of my brethren,
+and hastening the day of their emancipation.
+
+I do not doubt but that a large portion of this audience will be
+disappointed, both by the _manner_ and the _matter_ of what I shall
+this day set forth. The extraordinary and unmerited eulogies which have
+been showered upon me, here and elsewhere, have done much to create
+expectations which, I am well aware, I can never hope to gratify. I am
+here, a simple man, knowing what I have experienced in Slavery, knowing
+it to be a bad system, and desiring, by all Christian means, to seek its
+overthrow. I am not here to please you with an eloquent speech, with a
+refined and logical address, but to speak to you the sober truths of a
+heart overborne with gratitude to God that we have in this land, cursed
+as it is with Slavery, so noble a band to second my efforts and the
+efforts of others in the noble work of undoing the Yoke of Bondage, with
+which the majority of the States of this Union are now unfortunately
+cursed.
+
+Since the last time I had the pleasure of mingling my voice with the
+voices of my friends on this platform, many interesting and even trying
+events have occurred to me. I have experienced, within the last eighteen
+or twenty months, many incidents, all of which it would be interesting
+to communicate to you; but many of these I shall be compelled to pass
+over at this time, and confine my remarks to giving a general outline of
+the manner and spirit with which I have been hailed abroad, and welcomed
+at the different places which I have visited during my absence of
+twenty months.
+
+You are aware, doubtless, that my object in going from this country, was
+to get beyond the reach of the clutch of the man who claimed to own me
+as his property. I had written a book giving a history of that portion
+of my life spent in the gall and bitterness and degradation of Slavery,
+and in which I also identified my oppressors as the perpetrators of some
+of the most atrocious crimes. This had deeply incensed them against me,
+and stirred up within them the purpose of revenge, and my whereabouts
+being known, I believed it necessary for me, if I would preserve my
+liberty, to leave the shores of America, and take up my abode in some
+other land, at least until the excitement occasioned by the publication
+of my Narrative had subsided. I went to England, Monarchical England, to
+get rid of Democratic Slavery, and I must confess that, at the very
+threshold, I was satisfied that I had gone to the right place. Say what
+you will of England--of the degradation--of the poverty--and there is
+much of it there--say what you will of the oppression and suffering
+going on in England at this time, there is Liberty there--there is
+Freedom there, not only for the white man, but for the black man also.
+The instant I stepped upon the shore, and looked into the faces of the
+crowd around me, I saw in every man a recognition of my manhood, and an
+absence, a perfect absence, of everything like that disgusting hate with
+which we are pursued in this country. [Cheers.] I looked around in vain
+to see in any man's face a token of the slightest aversion to me on
+account of my complexion. Even the cabmen demeaned themselves to me
+as they did to other men, and the very dogs and pigs of old England
+treated me as a man! I cannot, however, my friends, dwell upon this
+anti-Prejudice, or rather the many illustrations of the absence of
+Prejudice against Color in England--but will proceed, at once, to defend
+the Right and Duty of invoking English aid and English sympathy for the
+overthrow of American Slavery, for the education of Colored Americans,
+and to forward in every way, the interests of humanity; inasmuch as the
+right of appealing to England for aid in overthrowing Slavery in this
+country, has been called in question, in public meetings and by the
+press, in this city.
+
+I cannot agree with my friend Mr. Garrison in relation to my love and
+attachment to this land. I have no love for America, as such; I have no
+patriotism. I have no country. What country have I? The Institutions
+of this country do not know me--do not recognize me as a man. I am
+not thought of, spoken of, in any direction, out of the Anti-Slavery
+ranks, as a man. I am not thought of or spoken of, except as a piece
+of property belonging to some _Christian_ Slaveholder, and all the
+Religious and Political Institutions of this Country alike pronounce
+me a Slave and a chattel. Now, in such a country as this I cannot have
+patriotism. The only thing that links me to this land is my family, and
+the painful consciousness that here there are 3,000,000 of my fellow
+creatures groaning beneath the iron rod of the worst despotism that
+could be devised even in Pandemonium,--that here are men and brethren
+who are identified with me by their complexion, identified with me
+by their hatred of Slavery, identified with me by their love and
+aspirations for Liberty, identified with me by the stripes upon their
+backs, their inhuman wrongs and cruel sufferings. This, and this only,
+attaches me to this land, and brings me here to plead with you, and
+with this country at large, for the disenthrallment of my oppressed
+countrymen, and to overthrow this system of Slavery which is crushing
+them to the earth. How can I love a country that dooms 3,000,000 of my
+brethren, some of them my own kindred, my own brothers, my own sisters,
+who are now clanking the chains of Slavery upon the plains of the South,
+whose warm blood is now making fat the soil of Maryland and of Alabama,
+and over whose crushed spirits rolls the dark shadow of Oppression,
+shutting out and extinguishing forever the cheering rays of that bright
+Sun of Liberty, lighted in the souls of all God's children by the
+omnipotent hand of Deity itself? How can I, I say, love a country thus
+cursed, thus bedewed with the blood of my brethren? A Country, the
+Church of which, and the Government of which, and the Constitution of
+which are in favor of supporting and perpetuating this monstrous system
+of injustice and blood? I have not, I cannot have, any love for this
+country, as such, or for its Constitution. I desire to see it overthrown
+as speedily as possible and its Constitution shivered in a thousand
+fragments, rather than this foul curse should continue to remain as now.
+[Hisses and cheers.]
+
+In all this, my friends, let me make myself understood. I do not hate
+America as against England, or against any other country or land. I love
+Humanity all over the globe. I am anxious to see Righteousness prevail
+in all directions. I am anxious to see Slavery overthrown here; but, I
+never appealed to Englishmen in a manner calculated to awaken feelings
+of hatred or disgust, or to inflame their prejudices toward America as a
+nation, or in a manner provocative of national jealousy or ill-will; but
+I always appealed to their conscience--to the higher and nobler feelings
+of the people of that country, to enlist them in this cause. I always
+appealed to their manhood, that which preceded their being Englishmen,
+(to quote an expression of my friend Phillips,) I appealed to them as
+men, and I had a right to do so. They are men, and the Slave is a man,
+and we have a right to call upon all men to assist in breaking his
+bonds, let them be born when and live where they may.
+
+But it is asked, 'What good will this do?' or 'What good has it done?'
+'Have you not irritated, have you not annoyed your American friends and
+the American people rather than done them good?' I admit that we have
+irritated them. They deserve to be irritated. I am anxious to irritate
+the American people on this question. As it is in physics, so in morals,
+there are cases which demand irritation and counter-irritation. The
+conscience of the American public needs this irritation, and I would
+_blister it all over from centre to circumference_, until it gives signs
+of a purer and a better life than it is now manifesting to the world.
+
+But why expose the sins of one nation in the eyes of another? Why
+attempt to bring one people under the odium of another people? There
+is much force in this question. I admit that there are sins in almost
+every country which can be best removed by means confined exclusively
+to their immediate locality. But such evils and such sins pre-suppose
+the existence of a moral power in their immediate locality sufficient
+to accomplish the work of renovation. But, where, pray, can we go to
+find moral power in this nation sufficient to overthrow Slavery? To what
+institution, to what party shall we apply for aid? I say we admit that
+there are evils which can be best removed by influences confined to
+their immediate locality. But in regard to American Slavery it is not
+so. It is such a giant crime, so darkening to the soul, so blinding
+in its moral influence, so well calculated to blast and corrupt all
+the humane principles of our nature, so well adapted to infuse its
+own accursed spirit into all around it, that the people among whom
+it exists have not the moral power to abolish it. Shall we go to the
+Church for this influence? We have heard its character described. Shall
+we go to Politicians or Political Parties? Have they the moral power
+necessary to accomplish this mighty task? They have not. What are they
+doing at this moment? Voting supplies for Slavery--voting supplies for
+the extension, the stability, the perpetuation of Slavery in this land.
+What is the press doing? The same. The pulpit? Almost the same. I do
+not flatter myself that there is moral power in the land sufficient to
+overthrow Slavery, and I welcome the aid of England. And that aid will
+come. The growing intercourse between England and this country, by
+means of steam navigation, the relaxation of the protective system in
+various countries in Europe, gives us an opportunity to bring in the
+aid, the moral and Christian aid of those living on the other side of the
+Atlantic. We welcome it in the language of the resolution. We entreat
+our British friends to continue to send their remonstrances across the
+deep against Slavery in this land. And these remonstrances will have
+a powerful effect here. Sir, the Americans may tell of their ability,
+and I have no doubt they have it, to keep back the invader's hosts,
+to repulse the strongest force that its enemies may send against this
+country. It may boast, and _rightly_ boast of its capacity to build its
+ramparts so high that no foe can hope to scale them--to render them so
+impregnable as to defy the assaults of the world. But, sir, there is one
+thing it cannot resist, come from what quarter it may. It cannot resist
+TRUTH. You cannot build your forts so strong, nor your ramparts so
+high, nor arm yourselves so powerfully, as to be able to withstand the
+overwhelming MORAL SENTIMENT against Slavery now flowing into this land.
+For example: Prejudice against Color is continually becoming weaker
+in this land; and why? Because the whole European Continent denounces
+this sentiment as unworthy a lodgment in the breast of an enlightened
+community. And the American abroad dares not now, even in a public
+conveyance, to lift his voice in defence of this disgusting prejudice.
+
+I do not mean to say that there are no practices abroad which deserve
+to receive an influence, favorable to their extermination, from America.
+I am most glad to know that Democratic Freedom--not the bastard Democracy
+which, while loud in its protestations of regard for Liberty and
+Equality, builds up Slavery, and, in the name of Freedom fights the
+battles of Despotism--is making great strides in Europe. We see, abroad,
+in England especially, happy indications of the progress of American
+principles. A little while ago England was cursed by a Corn monopoly--by
+that giant monopoly which snatched from the mouths of the famishing Poor
+the bread which you sent from this land. The community--the _people_ of
+England demanded its destruction, and they have triumphed! We have aided
+them, and they aid us, and the mission of the two nations, henceforth,
+is _to serve each other_.
+
+Sir, it is said that, when abroad, I misrepresented my country on this
+question. I am not aware of any misrepresentation. I stated facts and
+facts only. A gentleman of your own City, Rev. Dr. Cox, has taken
+particular pains to stigmatize me as having introduced the subject of
+Slavery illegitimately into the World's Temperance Convention. But what
+was the fact? I went to that Convention, not as a Delegate--I went into
+it by the invitation of a Committee of the Convention. I suppose most
+of you know the circumstances, but I wish to say one word in relation to
+the spirit and the principle which animated me at that meeting. I went
+into it at the invitation of the Committee, and spoke not only at their
+urgent request, but by public announcement. I stood on the platform on
+the evening referred to, and heard some eight or ten Americans address
+the 7,000 people assembled in that vast Hall. I heard them speak of the
+Temperance movement in the land. I heard them eulogize the Temperance
+Societies in the highest terms, calling on England to follow their
+example (and England may follow them with advantage to herself;) but
+I heard no reference made to the 3,000,000 of people in this country
+who are denied the privilege, not only of Temperance, but of all other
+Societies. I heard not a word of the American Slaves, who, if seven
+of them were found together at a Temperance meeting or any other
+place, would be scourged and beaten by their cruel tyrants. Yes,
+nine-and-thirty lashes is the penalty required to be inflicted by the
+law if any of the Slaves get together in a number exceeding seven, for
+any purpose, however peaceable or laudable. And while these American
+gentlemen were extending their hands to me, and saying, 'How do you do,
+Mr. Douglass? I am most happy to meet you here,' &c. &c. I knew that, in
+America, they would not have touched me with a pair of tongues. I felt,
+therefore, that that was the place and the time to call to remembrance
+the 3,000,000 of Slaves, whom I aspired to represent on that occasion.
+I did so, not maliciously, but with a desire, only, to subserve the best
+interests of my race. I besought the American Delegates who had at first
+responded to my speech with shouts of applause, when they should arrive
+at home, to extend the borders of their Temperance Societies, so as to
+include the 500,000 Colored People in the Northern States of the Union.
+I also called to mind the facts in relation to the mob that occurred in
+the City of Philadelphia in the year 1842. I stated these facts to show
+to the British public how difficult it is for a colored man in this
+country to do anything to elevate himself or his race from the state
+of degradation in which they are plunged; how difficult it is for him
+to be virtuous or temperate, or anything but a menial, an outcast.
+You all remember the circumstances of the mob to which I have alluded.
+A number of intelligent, philanthropic, manly colored men, desirous
+of snatching their colored brethren from the fangs of intemperance,
+formed themselves into a procession and walked through the streets of
+Philadelphia with appropriate banners, and badges, and mottoes. I stated
+the fact that that procession was not allowed to proceed far, in the
+City of Philadelphia--the American City of Brotherly Love, the city of
+all others loudest in its boasts of freedom and liberty--before these
+noble-minded men were assaulted by the citizens, their banners torn in
+shreds and themselves trampled in the dust, and inhumanly beaten, and
+all their bright and fond hopes and anticipations in behalf of their
+friends and their race blasted by the wanton cruelty of their white
+fellow citizens. And all this was done for no other reason than that
+they had presumed to walk through the streets with Temperance banners
+and badges, like human beings.
+
+The statement of this fact caused the whole Convention to break forth
+in one general expression of intense disgust at such atrocious and
+inhuman conduct. This disturbed the composure of some of our American
+representatives, who, in serious alarm, caught hold of the skirts of
+my coat, and attempted to make me desist from my exposition of the
+situation of the colored race in this country. There was one Doctor of
+Divinity there--the ugliest man that I ever saw in my life--who almost
+tore the skirts of my coat off, so vehement was he in his _friendly_
+attempts to induce me to yield the floor. But fortunately the audience
+came to my rescue, and demanded that I should go on, and I did go on,
+and, I trust, discharged my duty to my brethren in bonds and the cause
+of Human Liberty, in a manner not altogether unworthy the occasion.
+
+I have been accused of _dragging_ the question of Slavery into the
+Convention. I had a right to do so. It was the _World's_ Convention--not
+the Convention of any sect or number of sects--not the convention of any
+particular Nation--not a man's nor a woman's Convention, not a black
+man's nor a white man's Convention, but the _World's_ Convention, the
+convention of ALL, _black_ as well as _white_, _bond_ as well as _free_.
+And I stood there, as I thought, a representative of 3,000,000 of men
+whom I had left in rags and wretchedness to be devoured by the accursed
+Institution which stands by them, as with a drawn sword, ever ready to
+fall upon their devoted and defenceless heads. I felt, as I said to Dr.
+Cox, that it was demanded of me by Conscience, to speak out boldly in
+behalf of those whom I had left behind. [Cheers.] And, sir, (I think I
+may say this, without subjecting myself to the charge of egotism) I deem
+it very fortunate for the friends of the Slave, that Mr. Garrison and
+myself were there just at that time. Sir, the Churches in this country
+have long repined at the position of the Churches in England on the
+subject of Slavery. They have sought many opportunities to do away the
+prejudices of the English Churches against American Slavery. Why, sir,
+at this time there were not far from Seventy Ministers of the Gospel
+from Christian America, in England, pouring their leprous pro-slavery
+distilment into the ears of the people of that country, and by their
+prayers, their conversation and their public speeches, seeking to darken
+the British mind on the subject of Slavery, and to create in the English
+public the same cruel and heartless apathy that prevails in this country
+in relation to the Slave, his wrongs and his rights. I knew them by
+their continuous slandering of my race, and at this time, and under
+these circumstances, I deemed it a happy interposition of God, in behalf
+of my oppressed, and misrepresented, and slandered people, that one of
+their number should be able to break his chains and burst up through the
+dark incrustations of malice and hate and degradation which had been
+thrown over them, and stand before the British public to open to them
+the secrets of the prison-house of bondage in America. [Cheers.] Sir,
+the Slave sends no Delegates to the Evangelical Alliance. [Cheers.]
+The Slave sends no Delegates to the World's Temperance Convention.
+Why? Because chains are upon his arms, and fetters fast bind his
+limbs. He must be driven out to be sold at auction by some _Christian_
+Slaveholder, and the money for which his soul is bartered must be
+appropriated to spread the Gospel among the Heathen.
+
+Sir, I feel it is good to be here. There is always work to be done.
+Slavery is everywhere. Slavery goes out in the Cambria and comes back in
+the Cambria. Slavery was in the Evangelical Alliance, looking saintly
+in the person of Rev. Doctor Smythe; it was in the World's Temperance
+Convention, in the person of Rev. Mr. Kirk. Dr. Marsh went about saying,
+in so many words, that the unfortunate Slaveholders in America were so
+peculiarly situated, so environed by uncontrollable circumstances that
+they could not liberate their slaves; that if they were to emancipate
+them they would be, in many instances, cast into prison. Sir, it did
+me good to go around on the heels of this gentleman. I was glad to
+follow him around for the sake of my country, for the country is not,
+after all, so bad as Rev. Dr. Marsh represented it to be. My fellow
+countrymen, what think ye he said of you, on the other side of the
+Atlantic? He said you were not only pro-Slavery, but that you actually
+aided the Slaveholder in holding his Slaves securely in his grasp; that,
+in fact, you compelled him to be a Slaveholder. This I deny. You are not
+so bad as that. You do not compel the Slaveholder to be a Slaveholder.
+
+And Rev. Doctor Cox, too, talked a great deal over there, and among
+other things, he said that 'many Slave-holders--dear Christian
+men!--were sincerely anxious to get rid of their slaves;' and to show
+how difficult it is for them to get rid of their human chattels, he put
+the following case: A man living in a State, the laws of which compel
+all persons emancipating their slaves to remove them beyond its limits,
+wishes to liberate his slaves; but he is too poor to transport them
+beyond the confines of the State in which he resides; therefore he
+cannot emancipate them--he is necessarily a slaveholder. But, sir, there
+was one fact, which I happened, fortunately, to have on hand just at
+that time, which completely neutralized this very affecting statement of
+the Doctor's. It so happens that Messrs. Gerrit Smith and Arthur Tappan
+have advertised for the especial benefit of this afflicted class of
+Slaveholders, that they have set apart the sum of $10,000, to be
+appropriated in aiding them to remove their emancipated Slaves beyond
+the jurisdiction of the State, and that the money would be forthcoming
+on application being made for it; but _no such application was ever
+made_. This shows that however truthful the statements of these
+gentlemen may be concerning the things of the world to come, they are
+lamentably reckless in their statements concerning things appertaining
+to this world. I do not mean to say that they would designedly tell that
+which is false; but they did make the statements which I have ascribed
+to them.
+
+And Doct. Cox and others charge me with having stirred up warlike
+feeling while abroad. This charge, also, I deny. The whole of my
+arguments and the whole of my appeals, while I was abroad, were in favor
+of any thing else than war. I embraced every opportunity to propagate
+the principles of Peace while I was in Great Britain. I confess,
+honestly, that were I not a Peace man, were I a believer in fighting
+at all, I should have gone through England, saying to Englishmen, _as_
+Englishmen, 'There are 3,000,000 of men across the Atlantic who are
+whipped, scourged, robbed of themselves, denied every privilege, denied
+the right to read the Word of the God who made them, trampled under
+foot, denied all the rights of human beings; go to their rescue;
+shoulder your muskets, buckle on your knapsacks, and in the invincible
+cause of Human Rights and Universal Liberty, go forth, and the laurels
+which you shall win will be as fadeless and as imperishable as the
+eternal aspirations of the human soul after that Freedom which every
+being made after God's image instinctively feels is his birthright.'
+This would have been my course had I been a war man. That such was not
+my course, I appeal to my whole career while abroad to determine.
+
+ Weapons of war we have cast from the battle:
+ TRUTH is our armor--our watchword is LOVE;
+ Hushed be the sword, and the musketry's rattle,
+ All our equipments are drawn from above.
+ Praise then the God of Truth,
+ Hoary age and ruddy youth.
+ Long may our rally be
+ Love, Light and Liberty;
+ Ever our banner the banner of Peace."
+
+Mr. Douglass took his seat in the midst of the most enthusiastic and
+overwhelming applause in which the whole of the vast assembly appeared
+heartily to join.
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: This text has been transcribed from Library of
+Congress scans of a pamphlet printed in Baltimore MD which has minor
+damage at the outer lower corners. Because no other copies of this exact
+pamphlet are available, the obscured text has been supplied from the
+same edition of the New York (Daily) Tribune which is referred to as
+the source in the pamphlet's introductory paragraph: "Country, Conscience,
+and the Anti-Slavery Cause: An Address Delivered in New York, New York,
+May 11, 1847." New York Daily Tribune, 13 May 1847.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Abolition Fanaticism in New York, by
+Frederick Douglass
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