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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/33953-8.txt b/33953-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c7b190 --- /dev/null +++ b/33953-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7515 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Boke of Noblesse + +Author: Unknown + +Editor: John Gough Nichols + +Release Date: October 1, 2010 [EBook #33953] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they +are listed at the end of the text. + + * * * * * + + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE + +ADDRESSED TO KING EDWARD THE FOURTH + +ON HIS INVASION OF FRANCE + +IN 1475 + + * * * * * + +WITH AN INTRODUCTION + +BY JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A. + + * * * * * + +[Illustration] + +BURT FRANKLIN +NEW YORK + + * * * * * + + + Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin) + 235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017 + Reprinted: 1972 + Printed in the U.S.A. + + Burt Franklin: Research and Source Works Series + Selected Studies in History, Economics, & Social Science: + n.s. 17 (b) Medieval, Renaissance & Reformation Studies + + Reprinted from the original edition in the University of + Minnesota Library. + + Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data + + The Boke of noblesse. + + Reprint of the 1860 ed. printed for the Roxburghe Club. + + 1. Chivalry--History. 2. Hundred Years' War, 1339-1453. 3. Great + Britain--History--Edward IV, 1461-1483. I. Roxburghe Club, London. + CR4515.B64 1972 394'.7'09 73-80201 + ISBN 0-8337-2524-6 + + * * * * * + + + THE ROXBURGHE CLUB. + + MDCCCLX. + + THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G. + PRESIDENT. + + THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON. + THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G. + HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER. + MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN. + EARL OF CARNARVON. + EARL OF POWIS, V.P. + EARL CAWDOR. + EARL OF ELLESMERE. + LORD VERNON. + LORD DELAMERE. + LORD DUFFERIN. + LORD WENSLEYDALE. + RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS. + HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN. + SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART. + SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART. + SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART. + SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART. + SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES. + NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ. + BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treasurer. + REV WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY. + PAUL BUTLER, ESQ. + FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. + THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ. + RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. + REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D. + ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ. + ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ. + ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ. + REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A. + JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ. + EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. + WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ. + SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. + GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. + CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ. + + * * * * * + + +TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS + +OF + +THE ROXBURGHE CLUB + +THIS INTERESTING HISTORICAL TREATISE, + +WRITTEN IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE + +INVASION OF FRANCE BY KING EDWARD THE FOURTH IN 1475, + +IS DEDICATED AND PRESENTED + + BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT, + + DELAMERE. + +June 23, 1860. + + * * * * * + + +{i} + +INTRODUCTION. + + * * * * * + +The Book of Noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was +addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great and +important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living in high +prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian rivals +were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought his last +field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to +dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now +know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of England, and, like +his predecessors, the titular King of France. His brother-in-law the duke +of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in 1470, was continually +urging, for his own ambitious views, that the English should renew their +ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, notwithstanding his natural +indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. The +project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame, +indignant at the decay of the English name upon the continent, or desirous +to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. The Book of +Noblesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and +expectations. + +Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by +the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly with +the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the writer in +several places mentions as "myne autor." + +Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, and +died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all improbable +that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that +it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of Edward the Fourth's +invasion of France. All the historical events which are mentioned in it +date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition. + +The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it +is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of God: and +then {ii} introduces a definition of true nobility or Noblesse, in the +words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger Pliny. + +He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm +had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the duchies +of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and Ponthieu; +which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles the +Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year 1450. +To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the +ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the +ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes, +Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though in +his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history. + +The next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should +resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In +illustration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing +the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales, +who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day +in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is still +popularly known by his martial epithet of Coeur de Lyon: and that the lion +was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by +its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the highest ranks of feudal +chivalry. The royal house of England displayed three lions, and the king of +beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race-- + + Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth + Do all expect that you should rouse yourself + As did the former Lions of your Blood. + Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1. + +In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the French +party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had been +concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to have +transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on the sea; +and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the +English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of the duke of +Bretagne[1]; sir Simon Morhier, the {iii} provost of Paris, taken at +Dieppe[2]; one Mansel an esquire, taken on the road between Rouen and +Dieppe, in January 1448-9[3]; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de +l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.[4] The writer is careful to state that these +acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were +committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that +the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[5] + +There is next discussed (p. 6) "a question of great charge and weight, +whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian blood." This is determined +upon the authority of a book entitled The Tree of Batailes, a work which +had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still +circulated in manuscript only, {iv} and which so far retained its +reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be +reproduced on several occasions. Our author frequently recurs to it, but +his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is +remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honoré Bonnet its real author,[6] +but to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. 54) as an +inmate of the house of religious ladies at Passy near Paris. It would seem, +therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably +founded on the celebrated work of Honoré Bonnet. + +The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or +revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have +distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some +remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the +houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and +violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century. + +King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled his +son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding that +blessed king's counsel,[7] it is declared on the other hand that "it is +notarily and openly {v} known through all Christian realms that our adverse +party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against +this noble realm without any justice or title, and without ways of peace +showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king +of England to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title, +and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance." + +The writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the English +nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds +to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the examples of +king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the Conqueror, Henry the +First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, Fulke earl of Anjou, +Richard Coeur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonné of France, Edward the First, and +Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of Almaine. He rehearses how Edward +the Third had the victory at the battle of Scluse, gat Caen by assault, won +the field at the great and dolorous battle of Cressy, captured David king +of Scots and Charles duke of Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward +prince of Wales made John king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the +battle of Nazar was fought in Spain. + +In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth conquered +Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of +Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name of sir John +Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circumstance +of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the +assistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I +herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache +had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony +adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to +scale yt." + +The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and the +marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter. + +The following chapters (pp. 17 et seq.) contain how in the time of John +duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years Regent of France, the victory +of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of Salisbury; how the +duke in his own person won the battle of Verneuil in Perche; how that the +greater part of the county of Mayne, and the city of Mauns, with many other +castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that Henry the Sixth, +by the might of great lords, was crowned King in Paris; after which the +writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting" +of the "valiauntnes of Englishemen." + +The author now flies off (p. 20) to more remote examples, to the noblesse +of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the deeds in arms of Agamemnon +the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of Ulysses and Hercules. + +He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,[8] how a +conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific +prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms: +and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people. + +He next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and +delights. + +In the following chapters (p. 22 et seq.), he sets forth the King's title +to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, +and to the duchies of Gascoigne and Guienne. + +The "historier" proceedeth (p. 25) in his matter of exhortation, +strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master Alanus +de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet +Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work of the first of these authors, Alain +Chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our +author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note +upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and +prowess of his countrymen. Alain Chartier[9] had been secretary to king +Charles the Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue[10] in the year 1422, in +defence of the native party in France, and in opposition to the English +usurpation. Our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some +of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against +the party of their original deviser. + +In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain +Chartier[11]; and further advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp. +27, 30), and from the treatise of Vegetius (p. 29). + +It is related (p. 33) how king John lost the duchy of Normandy for lack of +finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. 34) a long and +important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of +England and France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the +French party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the +victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the +discussion is concluded with a representation (p. 41) of the lamentable +condition of the French subjects of the English crown, when put out of +their lands and tenements. "Heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme +(they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe +partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde +tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled +trewes!" + +Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is +expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its +true and right estate. + +The writer then proposes (p. 41) a question to be resolved by divines, How +be {viii} it that at some times God suffereth the party that hath a true +title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be +discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the last unfortunate +overthrow sustained at Formigny[12] in 1450, and the consequent loss of +Guienne and Bordeaux. + +After which follows (p. 43) "another exhortation of the historier," +addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englonde and of +France, and alle y^e other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and +nobles of divers astates olde or yong." + +A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince +of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and noble princes his +brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the +second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the +value of M^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall +and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford." + +Allusion is made (p. 46) to the order of the Garter, "founded (as yt ys +seyd) in token of worship that he being in bataile, what fortune fille, +shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende;" of +which fellowship sir John Chandos, seneschal of Poictou, had been a right +noble exemplar. The historical reminiscences of the author then again lead +him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of +England had been lost, "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen) +weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the +xv. day of August in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town +defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to +the adverse party." + +After a break (p. 50), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the +Manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of +astrology. The author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence +in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he +avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he +adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For if, he puts the case, "a +constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such +a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country +or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not +of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies, +constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over God's power, +and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this +pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great +difficulties, the author adds, that he believed God to have bestowed that +sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn +the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition: +to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous astrologian +Ptolemy, + +_Quod homo sapiens dominatur astris._ + +With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the +age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the +recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence +and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no +consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one +silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering +extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he subsequently speaks +still more plainly. + +This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that +had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, when +driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And where (he +exclaims[13]) is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the +gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and +Thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of +connyng and of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme," +had been burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome {x} herself had for the greater +part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate. + +In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his +matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of Titus +Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes." +Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited. + +It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus +introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but +attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in the +book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir John +Fastolfe:-- + +"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and nobles +at his solasse (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of +manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he +sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for +the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth +hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he +scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or +disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and +hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely +avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of +hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp." + +It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe distinguished +between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible +and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term "hardy" was then +sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[14] The author +himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. 63. + +{xi} + +At p. 68 will be found another anecdote of sir John Fastolfe. It shows that +the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir John had kept +when a captain in France. "I fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds +how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete +providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh +and saltfysh owt of England commyng by shyppes." It was because of his good +management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council +intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his +command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their +attendants. Also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a +livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that +was able to do the king and regent service. The good result of this +provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter +was captain of the city of Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of +St. Anthoine. It happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de +Lisle Adam,[15] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they +suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of Exeter, who found it +necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} At his coming +the first question he asked of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with +corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other +vitail. Fastolfe replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which +gave the prince great "comfort," or re-assurance. So he made ready his +ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty +shot of arrows: by which means, and because the French king and queen, who +were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a +short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.[16] + +At p. 69 occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or +"labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, illustrated by a +description of the gardens and herbers of king Cyrus. + +But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of +view, is the chapter commencing at p. 71, intended to inforce the wisdom +and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great +inconveniences that may otherwise insue. It is here admitted that in this +respect there had been more neglect in the English possessions in France +than was elsewhere known[17]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had +suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without +payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve +years previously to the country being lost. Our author advises that the +chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as +had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, or quarterly, and +that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or +any undue assignation; and that such payments be made content without +delay, or long and great pursuit. It appears from the writer's statements, +that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been +guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves +had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and +extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence +and protection of the territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the +subjects'[18] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered +them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their +weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus +enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws of their English +sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with +paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides +their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them +dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the +adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and +divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. The author cannot +quit these reflections without this passionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh +God! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how +maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of +vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of +that Dukedom?" + +The next chapter (p. 74) appears to intimate that the writer personally +sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in +way of gret pitee, and in the worship of God, suffre ye not the prelates of +the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, +priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid, +revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been +accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges +been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the +marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to +live at rest upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by +strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by +those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless +people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of +their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers, +praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of +necessity. + +The following chapter (p. 76) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient +chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, +for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is +urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle +tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, +esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age, +(should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines, +doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with +speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to +wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, +and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for +to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in +worship to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein +pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend +their sovereign and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings +both of France and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and +of Henry duke of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a +chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by +sir John Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions, +as out of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children, +young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court, +in scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship." + +This useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and lords of +great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity +is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, as the sons of +knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler +practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or +custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in +such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to +keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and +shire-motes,[19] and "there to embrace[20] and rule among youre pore and +symple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." And it +is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such +matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates +than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great +jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues +the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his +decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather +learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to +be a captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to +the king's justices and officers,[21] and that "suche singuler practik +shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come +of noble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the +younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly. + +The following chapter (p. 78) discusses "How officers of the law shulde be +{xvi} chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and +they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe." There is nothing +however in this chapter so remarkable as in that which has preceded. + +The author next shows (p. 79) "How over gret cost and pomp in clothing +shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he asserts that in France "alle +costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige +of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away:" whilst in England +the like "costues arraymentis and disguising of clothing, of so many divers +facion," had caused impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride, +envy, and wrath amongst the people. + +Whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. It is, however, +more probable that the "pore comyns" of England had really suffered, as set +forth in the succeeding chapter (p. 80), "gret hurt and inconvenientis +because the creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis +made to high sovereins." This, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case +in the reign of Henry the Sixth. They had advanced loans, "prests of +vitails and other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed +that great part of their property was previously expended, and they were +sometimes fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to +recover the rest. As an alternative for this inconvenience the writer +recommends a course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "Let +your riche tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both +juellis (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and +inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the +relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that have +lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the saide +tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and +socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre +roiaume from your adversaries." + +In another chapter (p. 81), having recommended the king, "after the blessed +counceile of Saint Louis," to cherish and favour the good cities and towns, +the author pursues the former argument of raising supplies, urgently +exhorting all classes to strain their utmost for that object. "Youre saide +citesins and burgeis and good comyns if they be tendred shalbe of power and +of good courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to +be yoven for to resist the adversaries." Those who had not able bodies nor +usage in arms, were yet to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as +well as temporal, and, as true Englishmen should do, "every man put forthe +of his goodes after that his power is." + +With this strain the Epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. 83) being an +illustration of the same argument from the _Punica bella_ of Titus Livius, +consisting of {xvii} "A noble history of the largesse of Romaynys, how +amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an +armee yn to the contree of Auffrique." + +These final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a voluntary +contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written in the year +1475, with which date the whole composition concludes: for it is recorded +by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion that king Edward +the Fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies he could obtain by +the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new device of a contribution +nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and therefore termed a +Benevolence,[22] but which eventually, when repeated, was regarded with +peculiar repugnance and discontent. + + + +After this review of the contents of the Work, we will proceed to notice +the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly composed. + +The English invasion of France in the year 1475 originated in the events of +1470 and 1471. The temporary deposition of Edward the Fourth from his +throne had been abetted by the aid which the King-making earl of Warwick +derived from that forger of all mischief Louis the Eleventh of France. At +that time Edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, +a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king Louis, but whose disposition +instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path of martial +enterprise. His enmity to the king of France was bitter and inveterate; and +it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse with the exiled +English monarch. Edward, on his part, vowed an ample revenge when the +forces of England should be again at his command: and the result was a +mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute their common +quarrel at the earliest opportunity. + +Having this object in view, Edward summoned a parliament[23] in the autumn +{xviii} of 1472, in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last +day of November an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a +force of 13,000 archers (the like number which had been granted to his +predecessor in the 31st year of his reign[24]), assigning as their motives +for so doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and +the defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye +verraily entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all +diligence to youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to +resiste the seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in +setting outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of God to resiste the +seid ennemyes." The archers were to abide in the king's service by the +space of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons +granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from lands, +tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a lord of +parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of Saint +Michael in 1473, the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. [25] + +The lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the consideration +"that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace of God in his +owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an armee roiall, +for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of the auncien +ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."[26] In the next session, on the 8th +April 1473, the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth, +because, among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to +aredye youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble +persone to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties +outward, to subdue by the myght of God youre and oure auncien enemyes, to +the weele of you and prosperite of this youre reame."[27] + +Notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the +season of 1473 wore away without any embarkation for France; and, at the +close of the session on the 1st of February 1473-4, the chancellor, by the +king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was prorogued to +the 9th of May following,[28] "because in the matter of foreign war the +king was not certainly {xix} informed of the disposition of his brother of +Burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to his +said brother." + +The treaty with Burgundy was concluded in July 1474. The principal +documents[29] respecting it bear date on the 25th of that month, on which +day they were ratified both by king Edward and duke Charles. The former +undertook to land in Normandy, or in other parts of France, with more than +ten thousand men, before the 1st of July following (_i.e._ 1475); and the +latter agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in +order to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine, +and the kingdom and crown of France, from Louis, then unjustly occupying +them. The king engaged not to treat with Louis, without the consent of the +duke of Burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat with +him without the consent of king Edward. Henceforth Louis was to be deemed +and proclaimed their common enemy. + +By further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting +parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have +liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed +men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them, +unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only +three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. By a +further treaty, also dated on the 26th July 1474, king Edward ceded to the +duke of Burgundy the duchy of Barr, the counties of Champagne, Nevers, +Rethelle, Eu, and Guise, the barony of Douzi, the cities of Tournay and +Lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of Picquigny, all the +towns and lordships on either side the Somme before pledged to him, and +further all the lands and lordships then possessed by Louis de {xx} +Luxemburgh count of St. Paul: retaining no feudal sovereignty over the +same, but conceding that the duke and his successors should in future be +esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. It was further agreed that +Edward should be crowned and anointed king of France at Rheims, +notwithstanding that the county of Champagne was ceded to the duke of +Burgundy. + +From this time the whole military population of England made constant and +earnest preparation for hostilities. They were retained by indenture to +serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of +France, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. These +were,--to a Duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an Earl vj s. viij d., to a +Baron or Banneret iiij s., to a Knight ij s., to a Man at Arms xij d. by +the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an Archer vj d. by the day.[30] + +{xxi} + +In December proclamations were made throughout England for all bowyers and +fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and diligence, the +latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were sent into several +circuits to superintend the delivery of their supplies.[31] Other +commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service carpenters, +wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other artificers; and +also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons and upwards, for +the transport of the army.[32] + +For all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and +commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their +convocation, were not sufficient. It was then that recourse was had to the +collections called Benevolences, to which allusion has been already made, +from their being so strongly advocated by the author of The Boke of +Noblesse. The process by which they were first brought into operation is +thus described by Fabyan the London chronicler: + +"He sent for the mayer of London and his brethren the aldermen, and them +severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the sayd +great journaye; of whiche the maier (Robert Drope, draper,) for his parte +granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. And that +done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd cytie, and theym +exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye granted to hym the wages +of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted to iiijli. xjs. iijd. And +after that he rode about the more part of the lande, and used the people in +suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby notable summes of money, the +whiche way of the levyinge of this money was after named a Benevolence." + +"But here (adds the chronicler Hall on this subject) I wil not let passe a +prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not +onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a woman. Kyng +Edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in substance, and no +lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what she gladly woulde +geve him towarde his greate charges. By my treuth, (quod she,) for thy +lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. The kyng, lokyng scarce for +the halfe of that summe, {xxii} thanked her, and lovingly kyst her. Whether +the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she estemed the +kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she swore incontinently that he +should have xxl. more, which she with the same will payed that she offered +it. + +"The kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much acceptable, +and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of money a +Benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and malevolence gave +great summes toward that new-founde Benevolence. But the using of such +gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their assistance in +his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not otherwise do, but +frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable reward." + +In the spring of 1475 the season for the campaign had at length arrived; +and on the 1st of May proclamation was made that all "the lordes and +capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at Portsdown in +the county of Southampton on the 26th of the same month.[33] John lord +Dynham, by letters patent dated the 15th of April, was appointed to conduct +the army across the sea.[34] + +The transport of the army to Calais occupied the greater part of the month +of June. The king, having left London on the 4th of that month,[35] +proceeded towards the coast through the county of Kent. On the 6th and 10th +he was at Canterbury, and on the 20th at Sandwich, where on that day he +made his will,[36] and executed the instruments by which he constituted his +son Edward prince of Wales to be Custos and Lieutenant of the kingdom +during his absence.[37] There was still some further delay, and the king +appears not to have crossed the channel until the 4th of July,[38] just one +month after his quitting London. + +The king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the dukes +of Clarence and Gloucester, by the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, the +marquess of {xxiii} Dorset, the earls of Northumberland, Rivers, and +Pembroke, the earl of Ormond, the earl of Douglas, and lord Boyd, the +barons Grey of Ruthyn, Scrope, Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, +Howard, Lisle, and probably others[39]; together with a long train of +knights, among whom were sir Thomas Mountgomery and sir Ralph Hastings +bannerets and knights for the king's body, sir John Astley a banneret, sir +John Parre a knight for the body, sir William Parre, and sir Richard +Tunstall. + +When the king had landed at Calais his sister the duchess of Burgundy came +thither to welcome him, on the 6th of July. She was followed by the duke +her husband on the 14th; at which time the duchess was at St. Omer's with +her brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester. On the 18th the +sovereigns of England and Burgundy went together to the castle of Guisnes, +where the duke was entertained at king Edward's expense, as he had been at +Calais.[40] + +{xxiv} + +Meanwhile, (relates Molinet,) "the army spread itself through the +neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the +king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to go +on horseback. The English were then inflated with high expectations, and +thought that France might well tremble before them. They brought a new +engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put it in +action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at every +stroke breaches both deep and wide. Many of the English, who were natives +of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, brought with them the deeds of +purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and rents that +they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, looking +forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof. + +"The king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards +Fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved on +Rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king Henry, the +father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory over the French, +in the year 1415--_i.e._ at Agincourt; from thence he marched to Blangy, +and from Blangy towards Peronne. Supplies came to his army from the +countries and lordships of the duke of Burgundy. The English repeatedly +passed and repassed the river Somme; and the duke of Burgundy, in person +departing from Valenciennes, (where he had been honourably received, and +where many pageants had been exhibited and performed before him in +compliment to the king of England and himself,) came to view the army of +the English, whom he caused to march and countermarch at his orders, to +show his desire to lead them. The duke and king Edward, who then kept the +field, held a conference for the space of three hours. A dove was observed +to remain on the king's tent for a whole day and a half[41]: and after its +departure there {xxv} followed a terrible thunder-storm, which did great +damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as walnuts. +From that day forward the English were in trouble enough, and began to +murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that had been made +to them. The time passed away without anything being accomplished. The duke +of Burgundy parted from them, and went to Lorraine, where he had left part +of his forces, to conquer the duchy and county of Vaudemont." + +Our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign made +in France on this occasion. It has not offered to them the attractions of a +Creci, a Poictiers, or an Agincourt; nor even presented any minor +achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or stimulated their +researches. Its laurels in fact withered under the wily diplomacy of Louis +the Eleventh; and, besides the chapter of Molinet from which the preceding +passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that monarch's vivid +biographer, Philippe de Commines, that we are most fully informed of its +transactions. Its results were entirely in correspondence with the personal +characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. The obstinate self-will +of Charles the Rash, the luxurious indolence of king Edward, and the timid +but crafty time-serving of Louis the Eleventh, all contributed to work out +their natural effects. + +When the English began to land in France, the duke of Burgundy, already +engaged in warfare with the German princes, was besieging the town of +Neuss, upon the Rhine; and, until he could effect his object there, he +would not be persuaded to leave the spot, although other projects of far +greater political importance were now at stake. Commines states that "the +lord Scales (meaning Anthony then earl Rivers, the king's brother-in-law,) +was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke[42]; but the +duke was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and +understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the +English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all +things prepared to receive them both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he +obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him +to succeed." + +{xxvi} + +There was an apostolic legate at that time with the emperor, and the king +of Denmark was quartered in the same neighbourhood, and they both +endeavoured to negociate a peace, by which means the duke of Burgundy +might, if he would, have had honourable terms, and thus have been free to +join the king of England, but he would not accept their overtures. To the +English he excused himself as plausibly as he could, telling them that his +honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise +the siege of Neuss, with other like excuses. "The Englishmen (adds the +historian) were not the same who had flourished in his father's days, and +had conducted themselves with so much valour and skill in the old wars with +France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French +affairs; so that the duke acted very unwisely, if he had any design to make +a future use of them, for in that case he ought to have led them on, as it +were step by step, at least during the first campaign." + +The earliest bad consequence that resulted to the duke of Burgundy from his +lingering at the seige of Neuss, was the loss of the three towns of +Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, which were taken by the king of France, +shortly after the termination of his truce with Burgundy, which expired on +the 1st of May 1475. Still the duke would not quit the siege of Neuss +before the 13th of June. + +In the meanwhile, king Edward landed at Calais. His army is described by +Commines as "the most numerous, the best mounted, and the best equipped, +that ever any king of England had invaded France withal. He was attended by +all the lords of England, with few exceptions. He had 1500 men of arms, +richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them +barded,[43] and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his +retinue. The archers were 15,000, all on horseback; besides a great number +of footmen, and others to pitch the tents and pavilions, take care of the +artillery, and inclose the camp; and there was not one varlet in the whole +army. There was besides a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in +Bretagne." + +After these particulars, Commines repeats his censures of the duke of +Burgundy's infatuated conduct, in throwing away that advantage of English +aid, which he had been labouring all his life to procure. He ought (it is +remarked) to have known that it was necessary for him to have made at least +one campaign with the English, in order to have instructed them in the +method of the French wars; for, though no nation is more raw or +undisciplined than the English on their first coming over, yet a little +time makes them excellent soldiers, equally brave and skilful. But the +duke's conduct was just the reverse; and, among other {xxvii} disadvantages +which ensued, the season was almost lost, and his own army so worn out and +diminished, that he was ashamed they should be seen, for he had lost before +Neuss 4000 of his soldiers, the very flower of his army. + +The English were, however, assisted in the transport of their horses by the +duke of Burgundy providing them five hundred flat-bottomed vessels of +Holland and Zeeland; yet, notwithstanding that large number, and all the +vessels king Edward could procure from his own ports, the passage of his +forces occupied more than three weeks: "from whence one may observe +(remarks Commines) with what amazing difficulty the kings of England +transport their armies into France; and, if the king of France had +understood maritime affairs as well as he did those of the land, king +Edward would never have crossed over, at least that year; but king Louis +had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he committed his authority +knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to Eu, +took two or three of their transports. + +"Before the king of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his +heralds, named Garter, who was a native of Normandy,[44] to the king of +France, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in +such polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman indited +it. The contents were, that our king should surrender France to the king of +England, as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the +church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve +them from the great oppression and burthens they groaned under; and, if +king Louis refused, it was declared that all the ensuing miseries and +calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such +occasions. + +"The king of France read the letter to himself, and then, withdrawing into +another room, commanded the herald to be called in; to whom he said,--I am +very sensible that your master has not made this invasion of his own +seeking, but at the importunity of the duke of Burgundy and the commons of +England. He then remarked that the season was visibly far spent, and that +the duke of Burgundy {xxviii} had returned from Neuss in so weak and +miserable a condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist the +invaders; that, as to the constable,[45] he was satisfied he held +intelligence with the king of England, who had married his niece,[46] but +there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive king +Edward, as he had often deceived himself; and, after enumerating the +favours which he had conferred upon him, Louis added, 'His plan is to live +in eternal dissimulation, to traffic with everybody, and to make his +advantage of all.' Besides these, the king used several other arguments to +induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, +giving him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promising him 1000 more upon +the conclusion of the peace; and afterwards, in public, his majesty ordered +him to be rewarded with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in +length. + +"The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute +all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would +be glad to entertain the proposal; but nothing could be done until he was +landed in France, and then, if king Louis pleased, he might send a herald +to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to +king Edward; but withal Garter desired the king to address letters to the +lords Howard or Stanley,[47] and also to himself, that he might introduce +the French herald. + +"There was a host of people attending outside during the king's private +discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king +would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. When he +had done, (continues Commines,) he called me, and charged me to entertain +the herald till he {xxix} ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from +talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a +piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king +addressed himself to the rest of the company, giving them an account of the +letters of defiance; and, having called seven or eight of them apart, he +ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and +valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was +much revived by what he had learned from the herald." + +When the duke of Burgundy first came to wait on the king of England at +Calais, he was attended only by a small retinue,[48] having dismissed his +army into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder and refresh +themselves (the duke of Lorraine having declared himself his enemy). The +English had expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least +2500 men at arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot; +and that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before +their descent, when they might have found king Louis already harassed with +the war and in great distress. + +King Edward (by the stages already described from Molinet,) marched to +Peronne, a town belonging to the duke of Burgundy. The English, however, +except in small companies, were not received within its gates, but they +formed their encampment in the adjacent fields.[49] At this place a +messenger arrived from the constable of France, bringing letters both for +the duke and the king.[50] To the former he made strong professions of +friendship and service, declaring that he would assist him and his allies, +and particularly the king of England, against all persons and princes +whatever. In his letter to king Edward he referred his good-meaning to the +duke of Burgundy's testimony. The duke communicated also to the king the +contents of his own letter from the constable, somewhat exaggerating them, +and assuring Edward that the constable would receive him into the town of +St. Quentin, and all the other towns under his control; and king Edward +really believed it, because he had married the constable's niece, and he +thought him so terribly afraid of the king of France, that he would not +venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the duke of +Burgundy less credulous than king Edward. {xxx} But neither the +perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the king of France, had as +yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them +(according to his custom), and suggest to them such plausible reasons as +might prevail with them not to force him to declare himself openly. + +"The king of England and his nobility (remarks Commines,) were not so well +skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of France, but went more +bluntly and ingenuously about their business; so that they were not so +sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side of +the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally headstrong, +as the people generally are in all cold countries." + +Commines next relates how the English, when they attempted to occupy the +town of St. Quentin, were driven off with the loss of some killed and +others taken prisoners; and how on the following morning the duke of +Burgundy took his leave of king Edward, in order to return to his forces in +Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the +English, being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the +water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill +opinion of their ally, and were not satisfied he had any army at all; +besides, the duke of Burgundy could not reconcile them to the constable's +manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was +well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the +duke of Burgundy's arguments did not pacify them, and, being disheartened +at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more +inclinable to peace than war. + +Meanwhile, king Louis was thinking upon the suggestions which had been made +to him by Garter king of arms; and a message he received from the lords +Howard and Stanley by a dismissed prisoner determined him to put them in +action. With the assistance of Commines, he tutored a clever servant to act +as a herald, equipping him for the occasion in a coat of arms formed from +the banner of a trumpeter,--for king Louis was not so stately nor so vain +as to maintain a herald in his train as other princes did. + +The man was sent off to the English camp, where, on his arrival, he was +immediately conducted to the tent of king Edward. Being asked his business, +he said he was come with a message from the king of France to the king of +England, and had orders to address himself to the lords Howard and Stanley. +He was taken into a tent to dinner, and very gently entertained. When king +Edward had dined, he sent for the herald, who then said that his errand was +to acquaint his majesty that the king of France had long desired to be at +amity with him, that {xxxi} both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy +the blessings of peace; that, since his accession to the crown of France, +he had never made war or attempted anything against king Edward or his +kingdom; and, as for having formerly entertained the earl of Warwick, he +had done that more from opposition to the duke of Burgundy than from any +quarrel with the king of England. He next proceeded to represent that the +duke of Burgundy had invited king Edward over, only in order to make his +own terms the better with France; and, if others had joined with him, it +was to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their +private objects; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard +the interests of the king of England, provided they had attained their own +ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was +approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charges king Edward +had been at, and that he knew that in England there were many, both of the +nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side of the +water; yet, if the king should be inclined to a treaty, his master would +not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and +to his subjects; and if the king of England had a mind to be more +particularly informed of these matters, on his giving a passport for 100 +horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or, +if king Edward should prefer to depute certain commissioners, king Louis +would gladly consent to that arrangement, and send them a passport to hold +a conference in some village between the two armies. + +The king of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with +these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his +request, and, having been rewarded with four nobles in money, he was +attended by a herald from the king of England to obtain the king of +France's passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the +next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part of +the king of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon admiral of France, +the lord of St. Pierre, and the bishop of Evreux. On the king of England's +side, there were the lord Howard, doctor Morton then master of the rolls +and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, William Dudley dean of the king's +chapel, and Thomas Selynger.[51] Many overtures passed between these +negociators. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the +crown of France; and then gradually fell to Normandy and Guienne. The +French commissioners replied as became them; so that the demands were well +urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very +first day {xxxii} of the treaty there was great prospect of an +accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to +reasonable proposals. + +King Louis was exceedingly pleased when matters had taken this favourable +turn, and he employed all his arts to bring the negociation to a peaceful +termination. He sent every hour to entertain and wheedle the treacherous +constable, and prevent him from doing any harm. He resolved to raise +without delay the money required to buy off the invaders,[52] declaring +that he would do any thing in the world to get the king of England out of +France, except putting any towns into his possession, for, rather than do +that, which had been suggested by the constable, he would hazard all. + +The conclusion of the terms of the treaty was made on the 13th of August, +king Edward being then "in his felde beside a village called Seyntre,[53] +within Vermondose, a litell from Peronne," attended by his brothers the +dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the +bishop of Lincoln his chancellor, the marquess of Dorset, the earls of +Northumberland, Riviers, and Pembroke, the lords Grey de Ruthyn, Scrope, +Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, Howard, the earl Douglas, lord +Lisle, the master of the Rolls, the dean of the king's chapel, the deans of +Wells and Westminster, sir Thomas Mountgomery, sir Thomas Borough, sir +William Parre, sir Richard Tunstall, Thomas Selynger, and John Elkyngton +treasurer of the king's wars; most of whom signed the public +declaration[54] of the king's determination, which is stated to have been +founded on these three considerations,--"the povertie of his armyes, the +nygh approachyng of wynter, and small assistance of his allies." + +It was at the same time agreed, that the two kings should have an +interview, and swear mutually to the performance of certain articles; after +which the king of England should return to his own country, upon the +receipt of 72,000 crowns (as stated by Commines, but the amount finally +settled was 75,000), leaving the lord Howard and sir John Cheyne as +hostages until his arrival in England. In addition, pensions amounting to +16,000 crowns were promised to the privy councillors {xxxiii} of the king +of England, viz. to the lord Hastings[55] 2000 crowns a-year, to the +chancellor (Rotherham) 2000, and the remainder to the lord Howard, the +master of the horse (Cheyne), Thomas St. Leger, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and +several others, besides a great deal of ready money and plate[56] that was +distributed among the rest of the king of England's retinue. + +Louis contrived to carry his corruption through every grade of his +adversaries. He purchased from one of the English secretaries for sixty +silver marks two letters which had been addressed by the seigneur d'Urfé, +who was then in the duke of Bretagne's service, (and afterwards master of +the horse of France,) one directed to the king of England, and the other to +the lord Hastings, lord chamberlain of England. They were shown to +Commines, who noticed in them this, among other expressions, That the duke +of Bretagne would do more by his intelligence in a month, than the king of +England and the duke of Burgundy both, with all the force they could make. + +The duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxembourg, having intimation of +these negociations, came in great haste to the king of England, attended +only with sixteen horse.[57] King Edward was much surprised at his +unexpected arrival, and inquired what it was that had brought him, for he +saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him that he came to +talk with him. The king of England asked whether it should be in public or +private? Then the duke demanded whether he had made a peace? The king +replied, that he had made a truce for nine years, in which the duke of +Bretagne and himself were {xxxiv} comprehended,[58] and his desire was that +they should accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent +passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to +recount the glorious achievements of Edward's predecessors on the throne of +England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, +nor refused any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them +immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and +told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any +necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of +recovering their own right and inheritance; and, to convince them he could +subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the +truce until the king had been three months in England. Having unburthened +himself in this manner, the duke took his leave, and returned to +Luxembourg. The king of England and his council were extremely irritated by +his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it. + +But, however dissatisfied the duke was with the truce, the constable of +France had cause to be still more so: for, having deceived all parties, he +could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He made one more attempt to +ingratiate himself with king Edward, by offering him the towns of Eu and +St. Valery for winter quarters, and a loan of 50,000 crowns; but king Louis +immediately received intimation of this, and at once ordered the two towns +to be burned. King Edward returned to the constable this answer, "That the +truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but, had the +constable performed his former promise (as to the town of St. Quentin), the +truce would never have been made." This answer stung the constable to the +very soul, and made him desperate on all sides. + +In order to bring the treaty to a conclusion, king Edward advanced within +half a league of Amiens; and the king of France, being upon one of the +gates of the city, (where he had arrived on the 22d of August,) viewed from +a distance the English army marching up. "Speaking impartially, (continues +Commines,) the troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for +they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king +sent the king of England 300 cartloads[59] of the best wines in France as a +present, and I think the {xxxv} carts made as great a show as the whole +English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came +into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without +the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the streets all +armed, and in great companies, so that if the king of France could have +dispensed with his oath, never was there so favourable an opportunity of +cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was +only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that +might endure during his reign. The king had ordered two long tables to be +placed on either side the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which +were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of viands most +likely to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the +richest that France could produce, with a troop of servants to wait on +them; but not a drop of water was drank. At each of the tables the king had +placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to +entertain those who had a mind to take a hearty glass, amongst whom were +the lord of Craon, the lord of Briquebec, the lord of Bressure, the lord of +Villiers, and several others. As the English came up to the gate, they saw +what was prepared, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take +their horses by the bridles and lead them to the tables, where every man +was treated handsomely, as he came in his turn, to their very great +satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or +whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten +taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, the French king +bearing all the costs of that entertainment, which lasted three or four +days." + +On Childermas day (the 28th of August[60]) the license of the English +visitors had grown to such a height, that it was. estimated that there were +at least 9000 of them in the town. The councillors of Louis were alarmed, +and although on that day the superstitious monarch never spoke upon +business, nor allowed any one else to address him thereon, but took it as +an ill omen, Commines was induced to disturb his devotions, in order to +inform him of the state of affairs. The king commanded him immediately to +get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English captains +of note, to persuade them to order their troops to retire, and if he met +any of the French captains to send them to him, for he {xxxvi} would be at +the gate as soon as Commines. Commines met three or four English commanders +of his acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's directions; +but for one man that they directed to leave the town, there were twenty +that came in. In company with the lord of Gié (afterwards maréchal of +France) Commines went into a tavern, where, though it was not yet one +o'clock, there had already been a hundred and eleven reckonings that +morning. The house was filled with company; some were singing, others were +asleep, and all were drunk; upon observing which circumstance, Commines +concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came +immediately to the gate, well attended, having commanded 200 or 300 men at +arms to be harnessed privately in their captains' houses, some of whom he +posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king then ordered his +dinner to be brought to the porter's lodgings at the gate, where he dined, +and did several English captains the honour of admitting them to dinner +with him. The king of England had been informed of this disorder, and was +much ashamed of it, and sent to the king of France to desire him to admit +no more of his soldiers into the town. The king of France sent him word +back he would not do that, but if the king of England pleased to send a +party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to their +charge, and they then might let in or shut out whomever they pleased, which +was done accordingly. + +In order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, consultation was now +taken for the place that might be most convenient for the proposed +interview between the two kings, and commissioners were appointed to survey +it,--the lord du Bouchage and Commines on the French part, and the lord +Howard, Thomas St. Leger, and a herald on the English. Upon taking view of +the river, they agreed upon Picquigny, where the Somme is neither wide nor +fordable. On the one side, by which king Louis would approach, was a fine +open country; and on the other side it was the same, only when king Edward +came to the river, he was obliged to traverse a causeway about two +bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, "which might (remarks +Commines) have produced very dangerous consequences to the English, if our +intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, as I have said before, +the English do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much +cunning and policy as the French do, let people say what they will, but +proceed more openly, and with greater straightforwardness; yet a man must +be careful, and take heed not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling +with them." + +When the place of meeting was settled, the next business was to build a +bridge, {xxxvii} which was done by French carpenters. The bridge was large +and strong, and in the midst was contrived a massive wooden lattice, such +as lions' cages were made with, every aperture between the bars being no +wider than to admit a man's arm; at the top were merely boards to keep off +the rain, and the area was large enough to contain ten or twelve men on a +side, the bars running full out to either side of the bridge, to hinder any +person from passing either to the one side or the other. For passage across +the river there was provided only one small boat, rowed by two men. + +The incident in French history which suggested these extraordinary +precautions had occurred fifty-six years before; when, at a similar meeting +upon a bridge at Montereau fault Yonne, John duke of Burgundy and his +attendants were treacherously slaughtered in the presence of Charles the +Seventh (then Dauphin), in revenge for the murder of Louis duke of Orleans. +In the barricade of that fatal bridge there was a wicket, which the duke +himself incautiously opened; a circumstance which the timid Louis well +remembered, and he now repeated the story to Commines, and expressly +commanded that there should be no such doorway. + +When the bridge at Picquigny was ready, the interview between the two kings +took place on the 29th of August 1475. The description which Commines gives +of it is highly graphic and interesting: "The king of France came first, +attended by about 800 men of arms. On the king of England's side, his whole +army was drawn up in battle array; and, though we could not ascertain their +total force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the +body of troops which was with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison +with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was +arranged that twelve men of a side were to attend each of the kings at the +interview, and they were already chosen from among their greatest and most +trusty courtiers. We had with us four of the king of England's retinue to +view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side, +to have an eye over their actions. As I said before, our king came first to +the barriers, attended by twelve persons, among whom were John duke of +Bourbon and the cardinal his brother.[61] It was the king's pleasure +(according to his old and frequent custom) that I should be dressed like +him that day.[62]" + +{xxxviii} + +"The king of England advanced along the causeway very nobly attended, with +the air and presence of a king." Commines recognised in his train his +brother the duke of Clarence, the earl of Northumberland, his chamberlain +the lord Hastings, his chancellor, and other peers of the realm; "among +whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like +himself. The king wore a black velvet cap upon his head, and on it a large +fleur-de-lis made of precious stones--[probably as a compliment to the +French king]. He was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a +little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before when the earl of +Warwick drove him out of his kingdom, in 1470[63]; then I thought him much +handsomer, and, to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a +more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the barrier +he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground; +and the king of France, who was then leaning against the barrier, received +him with abundance of reverence and respect. They embraced through the +apertures of the barriers, and, the king of England making him another low +bow, the king of France saluted him thus, 'Cousin, you are heartily +welcome! There is no person living I was so desirous of seeing; and God be +thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.' King Edward +returned the compliment in very good French[64]." + +{xxxix} + +"Then the chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and bishop of Lincoln) +began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are always +provided), that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between +the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the instrument +was produced containing the articles which the king of France had sent to +the king of England. The chancellor demanded of the king, whether he had +dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? The king +replied, Yes; and when king Edward's letters were produced on our side, he +made the like answer. The missal being then brought and opened, both the +kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy +true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of +the truce. + +"This solemnity performed, king Louis (who had always words at command) +told king Edward in a jocular way that he should be glad to see him at +Paris, and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he +would assign the cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would +willingly absolve him if he should commit any peccadillo in the way of love +and gallantry. King Edward was extremely pleased with his raillery, and +made him many good repartees, for he was aware that the cardinal was a gay +man with the ladies, and a boon companion. + +"After some further discourse to this purpose, the French king, to shew his +authority, commanded those who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind +to have a little private discourse with the king of England. They obeyed; +and those who were with king Edward, seeing the French retire, did the +same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had conversed +together alone for some time, our master (continues Commines) called me to +him, and asked the king {xl} of England whether he knew me. King Edward +said that he did, naming the places where he had seen me, and told the king +that I had formerly endeavoured to serve him at Calais, when I was in the +duke of Burgundy's service. The king of France demanded, If the duke of +Burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty--as might be suspected +from his obstinate answer--what the king of England would have him do? The +king of England replied, he would offer it to him a second time, and, if he +then refused it, he would not concern himself any further, but leave it +entirely to themselves. By degrees king Louis came to mention the duke of +Bretagne, who was really the person he aimed at in the question, and made +the same demand as to him. The king of England desired that he would not +attempt anything against the duke of Bretagne, for in his distress he had +never found so true and faithful a friend. Louis then pressed him no +further, but, recalling the company, took his leave of king Edward[65] in +the politest and most flattering terms imaginable, and saluted all his +attendants with especial courtesy; whereupon both monarchs at the same time +retired from the barrier, and, mounting on horseback, the king of France +returned to Amiens, and the king of England to his army. King Edward was +supplied from the French household with whatever he required, to the very +torches and candles." + +By the treaty thus concluded king Edward engaged to return to England with +his army so soon as king Louis had paid him the sum of 75,000 crowns. A +truce for seven years was concluded between the two sovereigns; and they +mutually undertook to assist each other in case either prince should be +attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and, to make this +alliance still closer, Charles the son of Louis was to wed the princess +Elizabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter, so soon as they were both of +marriageable age. + +By the fourth and last article, the king of France engaged to pay annually +to the king of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 crowns. + +Commines states that the duke of Gloucester, king Edward's younger brother, +and some other Englishmen of high rank, being averse to the treaty, were +not present at the interview; though (he adds) they afterwards recollected +themselves, and the duke of Gloucester waited upon king Louis at Amiens, +where he was splendidly entertained, and received noble presents both of +plate and of fine horses. + +{xli} + +The chronicler Jean de Molinet also mentions the duke of Gloucester's +disapproval of the peace, although, as we have seen, he had signed the +preliminary articles of agreement on the 13th of August. It is by no means +inconsistent with the aspiring character of Richard duke of Gloucester--who +at this period was not twenty-three years of age--that he should have +affected to place himself at the head of the more martial and chivalrous +party of the English nobility, and that Commines had good information of +his policy in that respect. + +The same delightful historian, who, not content with barren facts, +confidentially introduces his readers into the secret motives and +reflections of the actors in his story, supplies some remarkable +particulars of the sentiments of his master king Louis on the result of +this memorable interview, which form as it were the finishing touches of +his picture. + +Whilst Louis was riding back to Amiens, he expressed his misgivings upon +two incidents in what had passed. One was that the king of England had so +readily caught at the idea of visiting Paris. "He is (said Louis,) a +handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but that he +might find one of them at Paris, who would say so many pretty things to +him, as to make him desirous to come again? His ancestors have been too +often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his company so +near, though on the other side of the water I shall be ready to esteem him +as my friend and brother." Louis was also displeased to find the English +king so resolute in relation to the duke of Bretagne, upon whom he would +fain have made war; and to that purpose he made him further overtures by +the lord de Bouchage and the lord de St. Pierre; but when Edward found +himself pressed, he gave them this short but honourable answer, that if any +one invaded the duke of Bretagne's dominions he would cross the sea again +in his defence. Upon which the French king importuned him no more. + +When Louis was arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three or +four of the English lords, who had attended upon the king of England at the +interview, came to sup with his majesty; and one of them, the lord Howard, +told the king in his ear that, if he desired it, he would readily find a +way to bring the king his master to him to Amiens, and perhaps to Paris +too, to be merry with him. Though this proposition was not in the least +agreeable to Louis, yet he dissembled the matter pretty well, and began +washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered to +Commines, and said that what he had dreaded was really coming to pass. +After supper the subject was renewed, but the king then put it off with the +greatest quietness and tact {xlii} imaginable, alleging that his expedition +against the duke of Burgundy would require his departure immediately. + +Thus, (as our pleasant friend remarks,) though these affairs were of the +highest moment, and required the gravest caution to manage them discreetly, +yet they were not unattended by some agreeable incidents that deserve to be +related to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder, considering the great +mischiefs which the English had brought upon the kingdom of France, and the +freshness of their date, that the king should incur so much trouble and +expense to send them home in an amicable manner, and endeavour to make them +his friends for the future, or at least divert them from being his enemies. + +The next day the English came into Amiens in great numbers, and some of +them reported that the Holy Ghost had made the peace, producing some +prophecy in support of the assertion: but their greatest proof was that +during the interview a white dove came and sat upon the king of England's +tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make. The +less superstitious, however, explained the incident more rationally; a +shower having fallen, and the sun afterwards shining out very warm, when +the pigeon, finding that tent higher than the others, came thither to dry +herself. This was the explanation given to Commines by a Gascon gentleman +named Louis de Bretailles,[66] who was in the king of England's service. +This gentleman was one of those who saw further than others into the state +of affairs, and, being an old acquaintance of Commines, he privately +{xliii} expressed his opinion that the French were making sport of the king +of England. During the conversation, Commines asked him how many battles +king Edward had fought. He answered nine, and that he had been in every one +of them in person. Commines then asked how many he had lost. Bretailles +replied, Never but one; and that was this, in which the French had +outwitted him now; for in his opinion the ignominy of king Edward's +returning so soon after such vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace +and stain to his reputation than all the honour he had achieved in his nine +previous victories. Commines repeated this smart answer to his master, who +replied, He is a shrewd fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of +his tongue. The next day Louis sent for him, had him to dinner at his own +table, and made him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his +master's service, and live in France; but, finding he was not to be +prevailed upon, he presented him with a thousand crowns, and promised he +would do great matters for his brothers in France. Upon his going away, +Commines whispered him in his ear, and desired him to employ his good +offices to continue and propagate that love and good understanding which +was so happily begun between the two kings. + +Though Louis could scarcely conceal his delight and self-gratulation at the +success of his policy, yet his timidity was continually revived when he +imagined that he had dropped any expressions that might reach the ears of +the English, and make them suspect that he had overreached and deluded +them. On the morning following the interview, being alone in his closet +with only three or four of his attendants, he began to droll and jest upon +the wines and presents which he had sent into the English camp, but, +turning suddenly round, he became aware of the presence of a Gascon +merchant who lived in England, and was come to solicit license to export a +certain quantity of Bordeaux wines without paying the duties. Louis was +startled at seeing him, and wondered how he had gained admission. The king +asked him of what town in Guienne he was, whether he was a merchant, and +whether married in England. The man replied yes, he had a wife in England, +but what estate he had there was but small. Before he went away, the king +appointed one to go with him to Bordeaux, and Commines had also some talk +with him, by his majesty's express command. Louis conferred on him a +considerable post of employment in his native town, granted him exemption +from duty {xliv} for his wines, and gave him a thousand francs to bring his +wife over from England, but he was to send his brother for her, and not go +personally to fetch her; and all these penalties the king imposed upon +himself for having indulged in too great freedom of speech. + +As soon as king Edward had received his money, and delivered the lord +Howard and sir John Cheyne as hostages until he was landed in England, he +retired towards Calais by long and hasty marches, for he was suspicious of +the duke of Burgundy's anger, and the vengeance of the peasants; and, +indeed, if any of his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be +knocked on the head. + +"Uppon the xxviijth daye of Septembre folowynge he was with great tryumphe +receyved of the mayor and cytezeyns of London at Blakheth, and with all +honoure by theym conveyed thorugh the cytie unto Westmynster, the mayer and +aldermen beynge clade in scarlet, and the commoners to the nombre of v C. +in murrey."[67] + +The treacherous constable of France again turning round, in order if +possible to recover his lost favour with his own sovereign,[68] sent a +messenger to Louis, offering to persuade the duke of Burgundy to join his +forces with the king's, and destroy the king of England and his whole army +on their return. But this last shift of the baffled traitor only +contributed to confirm his ruin. King Edward communicated to Louis +(probably before this offer) two letters which the constable had addressed +to him, and related all the proposals he had from time to time made; so +that his three-fold treasons were revealed to all the princes with whose +rival interests he had endeavoured to play his own game, and they were all +alike provoked to join in his destruction. + +Louis contemplated his punishment with the bitterest animosity. When he +received the overture above stated, there were only in his presence the +lord {xlv} Howard the English hostage, the lord de Coutay, who was newly +returned from an embassy to the duke of Burgundy, the lord du Lude, and +Commines, which two had been employed to receive the constable's messenger. +The king, calling for one of his secretaries, dictated a letter to the +constable, acquainting him with what had been transacted the day before in +relation to the truce; and adding that at that instant he had weighty +affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them. Then +turning to the English nobleman and to the lord de Coutay, he said, "I do +not mean his body. I would have his head with me, and his body where it +is." After the letter had been read, Louis delivered it to Rapine the +constable's messenger, who was mightily pleased with it, and took it as a +great compliment in the king to write that he wanted such a head as his +master's, for he did not perceive the ambiguity and sting of the +expression. + +We are now arrived at the closing reflections of Commines upon the course +which events had taken in France at this memorable crisis. "At the +beginning of our affairs with the English, you may remember that the king +of England had no great inclination to make his descent; and as soon as he +came to Dover, and before his embarkation there, he entered into a sort of +treaty with us. But that which prevailed with him to transport his army to +Calais was first the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, and the natural +animosity of the English against the French, which has existed in all ages; +and next to reserve to himself a great part of the money which had been +liberally granted him for that expedition; for, as you have already heard, +the kings of England live upon their own demesne revenue, and can raise no +taxes but under the pretence of invading France. Besides, the king had +another stratagem by which to content his subjects; for he had brought with +him ten or twelve citizens of London, and other towns in England, all fat +and jolly, the leaders of the English commons, of great power in their +countries, such as had promoted the wars and had been very serviceable in +raising that powerful army. The king ordered very fine tents to be made for +them, in which they lay; but, that not being the kind of living they had +been used to, they soon began to grow weary of the campaign, for they +expected they should come to an engagement within three days of their +landing, and the king multiplied their fears and exaggerated the dangers of +the war, on purpose that they might be better satisfied with a peace, and +aid him to quiet the murmurs of the people upon his return to England; for, +since king Arthur's days, never king of England invaded France with so +great a number of the nobility and such a formidable army. But, as you have +heard, he returned immediately into England upon the conclusion of the +peace, and then reserved for his own private use the {xlvi} greater part of +the money that had been raised to pay the army; so that, in reality, he +accomplished most of the designs he had in view. King Edward was not of a +complexion or turn of mind to endure much hardship and labour, and such any +king of England must encounter who designs to make any considerable +conquest in France. Besides, our king was in a tolerable posture of +defence, though he was not so well prepared in all respects as he ought to +have been, by reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. Another +great object with the king of England was the arrangement of a marriage +between our present king Charles the Eighth and his daughter; and this +alliance, causing him to wink at several things, was a material advantage +to our master's affairs. + +"King Louis himself was very desirous to obtain a general peace. The vast +numbers of the English had put him into great alarm; he had seen enough of +their exploits in his time in his kingdom, and he had no wish to witness +any more of them." + +When Louis went to meet the duke of Burgundy's plenipotentiaries at a +bridge half-way between Avesnes and Vervins, he took the English hostages +with him, and they were present when he gave audience to the Burgundians. +"One of them then told Commines that, if they had seen many such men of the +duke of Burgundy's before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded so +soon. The vîcomte of Narbonne, (afterwards comte of Foix,) overhearing him, +replied, 'Could you be so weak as to believe that the duke of Burgundy had +not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them into quarters of +refreshment; but you were in such haste to be at home again, that six +hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent you presently back +into England.' The Englishman was irritated, and answered with much warmth, +'I plainly see, as everybody said, that you have done nothing but cheat us. +But do you call the money your king has given us a pension? It is a +tribute; and, by Saint George! you may prate so much as will bring us back +again to prove it.' I interrupted their altercation, and turned it into a +jest; but the Englishman would not understand it so, and I informed the +king of it, and his majesty was much offended with the vîcomte of +Narbonne." + +King Edward, being highly disgusted with the duke of Burgundy's rejection +of his truce, and his subsequent offer to make a distinct peace with the +king of France, despatched a great favourite of his, named sir Thomas +Mountgomery, to king Louis at Vervins, and he arrived whilst the +negociation was proceeding with the duke of Burgundy's envoys. Sir Thomas +desired, on the behalf of the king his master, that the king of France +would not consent to any other truce with the {xlvii} duke than what was +already made.[69] He also pressed Louis not to deliver St. Quentin into the +duke's hands; and, as further encouragement, Edward offered to repass the +seas in the following spring with a powerful army to assist him, provided +his majesty would continue in war against the duke of Burgundy, and +compensate him for the prejudice he should sustain in his duties upon wool +at Calais, which would be worth little or nothing in war time, though at +other times they were valued at 50,000 crowns. He proposed likewise that +the king of France should pay one-half of his army, and he would pay the +other himself. Louis returned Edward abundance of thanks, and made sir +Thomas a present of plate: but as to the continuation of the war, he begged +to be excused, for the truce with Burgundy was already concluded, and upon +the same terms as those which had been already agreed to between them; only +the duke of Burgundy had pressed urgently to have a separate truce for +himself; which circumstance Louis excused as well as he could, in order to +satisfy the English ambassador, who with this answer returned home, +accompanied by the hostages. "The king (adds Commines) felt extremely +surprised at king Edward's offers, which were delivered before me only, and +he conceived it would be very dangerous to bring the king of England into +France again, for between those two nations, when brought into contact, any +trifling accident might raise some new quarrel, and the English might +easily make friends again with the duke of Burgundy." These considerations +greatly forwarded the conclusion of the king of France's treaty with the +Burgundians. + +In fact, the duke of Burgundy at last overreached his brother-in-law king +Edward, for he concluded a truce with France for nine years, whilst that of +England with France was for seven years only. The duke's ambassadors +requested king Louis that this truce might not be proclaimed immediately by +sound of trumpet, as the usual custom was, for they were anxious to save +the duke's oath to king Edward (when he swore in his passion that he would +not accept of the benefit of the truce until the king had been in England +three months), lest Edward should think their master had spoken otherwise +than he designed. + +As for Edward himself, whatever selfish satisfaction he may have derived +from the result of the campaign,--such as Commines has already +suggested--it must have weakened his popularity both with his nobles and +with his people, whilst it terminated the former cordiality that had +existed with his brother of Burgundy. The king of England had now become +the pensioner of France, the great {xlviii} absorbing power of that age, +which was soon to swallow up England's nearest and best allies, the duchies +of Burgundy and Britany. + +The French pension of 50,000 crowns was, as Commines relates, punctually +paid every half-year in the Tower of London; and by a treaty made in Feb. +1478-9 it was renewed for the lives of Edward and Louis, and extended for a +hundred years after the death of both princes: which seemed to give it more +directly the character of a tribute, a term that Commines says the English +applied to it, but which the French indignantly repelled. However, after +little more than four years longer, it had answered its purpose, and its +payment ceased. The English voluptuary then found himself entirely +outwitted by the wily Frenchman. After the duke of Burgundy's death (in +1477) and that of his only daughter the wife of the archduke Maximilian (in +1482) his grand-daughter Margaret of Austria was suddenly betrothed to the +Dauphin, in the place of the lady Elizabeth of England. Louis caught at +this alliance in order to detach the counties of Burgundy and Artois from +the territory of the Netherlands, and annex them to the crown of France; +and the turbulent citizens of Ghent, in whose keeping the children[70] of +their late sovereign lady were, were ready to make this concession, without +the concurrence of the children's father, in order to reduce the power of +their princes. This infant bride was then only three years and a half old; +and had consequently made her appearance on the stage of life subsequently +to the Dauphin's former contract with the English princess.[71] + +Commines describes at some length the mortification experienced by king +Edward when he heard of this alliance,--"finding himself deluded in the +hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the Dauphin, of which +marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious than of any other +in the world, and never would give credit to any man, whether subject or +foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our king's intentions +were not sincere and honourable. For the parliament (or council) of England +had remonstrated to king Edward several times, when our king was in +Picardy, that after he had conquered {xlix} that province he would +certainly fall upon Calais and Guines, which are not far off. The +ambassadors from the duke and duchess of Austria, as also those from the +duke of Bretagne, who were continually in England at that time, represented +the same thing to him; but to no purpose, for he would believe nothing of +it, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity. Yet I am entirely of +opinion that his conduct proceeded not so much from ignorance as avarice; +for he was afraid to lose his pension of fifty thousand crowns, which our +master paid him very punctually, and besides he was unwilling to leave his +ease and pleasures, to which he was extremely devoted." + +The enervated temper of Edward's latter years is faithfully depicted in the +opening lines of one of the best-known works of our great Dramatic Poet: + + Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths, + Our bruised arms hung up for monuments; + Our stern alarums chang'd to merry meetings, + Our dreadful marches to delightful measures. + Grim-visaged War hath smooth'd his wrinkled front, + And now, instead of mounting barbed steeds, + To fright the souls of fearful adversaries, + He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber, + To the lascivious pleasing of a lute. + _Shakspeare's Richard the Third, act i. sc. 1._ + +In another place Commines attributes the death of Edward the Fourth to the +vexation he conceived at the great reverse in his political prospects, +which disclosed itself on his loss of the French alliance. This conclusion +is probably imaginary, though Edward's death certainly occurred whilst the +Dauphin's new betrothal was in progress. The treaty of Arras, by which the +arrangement was made, was signed on the 23d Dec. 1482, and the lady +Margaret was delivered to the French, and met the Dauphin at Amboise, on +the 22d of June following. King Edward died on the intervening 9th of +April, a victim, as is generally thought, to his long course of intemperate +living. It is obvious, however, that the failure of the French alliance +must have been a very serious loss to Edward's family, who were left +defenceless on his death, although he had previously contracted his +daughters to the heirs of France, Scotland, Spain, and Burgundy. + +Altogether, the ruin of the house of York, if we may credit Commines, was +the eventual result of the fatal compromise made in the campaign of 1475, +and of {l} the enervating and corrupting influences exercised by the French +pensions which were then accepted by king Edward and his ministers. +Thenceforward, any hope of recovering the English provinces of France was +indefinitely deferred; the very echoes of those martial glories which had +once made the English name so dreadful in that country were allowed to die +away; the dreams of conquest were dissipated; and the hands of Englishmen +again turned to internecine contests, which resulted in the total +destruction of the royal house of Plantagenet, and the ruin of a large +proportion of the ancient nobility. + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE, after the total failure of those more generous +sentiments and aspirations which it was intended to propagate, at once +became, what it is now, a mere mirror of by-gone days; and, considering +these circumstances, we cannot be surprised that it was never again +transcribed, nor found its way to the press. + +It is with regret that I relinquish to some future more fortunate inquirer +the discovery of the author of this composition. The manuscript from which +it is printed is certainly not his autograph original; for its great +inaccuracy occasionally renders the meaning almost unintelligible. And yet +the corrections and insertions, which I have indicated as coming _ŕ secundâ +manu_, would seem to belong to the author. + +I have already, in the first page of this Introduction, intimated the +possibility of the work having been composed in the lifetime of sir John +Fastolfe, and merely re-edited, if we may use the term, upon occasion of +the projected invasion of France in 1475. There are three circumstances +which decidedly connect the book with some dependent of sir John +Fastolfe:-- + +1. That the writer quotes sir John as "mine autour," or informant, in pp. +16 and 64, as well as tells other anecdotes which were probably received +from his relation. + +2. His having access to sir John's papers or books of account (p. 68); and + +3. There being still preserved in the volume, bound up with its fly-leaves, +the two letters, probably both addressed to Fastolfe, and one of them +certainly so, which are printed hereafter, as an Appendix to these remarks. + +Sir John Fastolfe is not commemorated as having been a patron of +literature. In the inventory of his property which is printed in the +twentieth volume of the Archćologia, no books occur except a few missals, +&c. belonging to his chapel. Though William of Worcestre, now famous for +his historical collections, (which have been edited by Hearne, Nasmith, and +Dallaway,) was Fastolfe's secretary, he was kept in a subordinate position, +and valued for his merely clerical, {li} not his literary, services. Sir +John Fastolfe's passion was the acquisition of property; whilst William of +Worcestre, on his part, followed (as far as he could) the bent of his own +taste, and not that of his master; being (as his comrade Henry Windsore +declared) as glad to obtain a good book of French or of Poetry as his +master Fastolfe was to purchase a fair manor.[72] + +The translation of Cicero de Senectute, which was printed by Caxton in +1481, is indeed in the preface stated to have been translated by the +ordinance and desire of the noble ancient knight sir John Fastolfe;[73] +and, though Worcestre's name is not mentioned by Caxton, we may conclude +that it was the same translation which from Worcestre's own memoranda we +know was made by him.[74] Still, it was but a very slight deference to +literature, if the ancient knight approved of his secretary's translating +"Tully on Old Age," and did not make any further contribution towards its +publication. + +But on the particular subject of the loss of the English provinces in +France, and the causes thereof, there can be no question that sir John +Fastolfe, the "baron {lii} of Sillie le Guillem," once governor of Anjou +and Maine, and lord of Piron and Beaumont, took the deepest interest; +considering that he had spent his best days in their acquisition, +administration, and defence, and that he was one of the principal sufferers +by their loss. He may, therefore, well have promoted the composition of the +work now before us. + +William of Worcestre has the reputation of having written a memoir[75] of +the exploits of sir John Fastolfe; but this is not traceable beyond the +bare assertion of Bale, and a more recent misapprehension of the meaning of +one of the Paston letters. + +{liii} + +Another person whose name has occurred as having been employed in a +literary capacity for sir John Fastolfe[76] is Peter Basset[77]; who is +commemorated with some parade by Bale as an historical writer, but whose +writings, though quoted by Hall the chronicler, have either disappeared or +are no longer to be identified. + +I have, however, mentioned the names of William of Worcestre and Peter +Basset only from the circumstance of their being connected with that of sir +John {liv} Fastolfe; and not from there being any other presumptive proof +that either of them wrote "The Boke of Noblesse." We have no known +production of Basset with which to compare it; and as to Worcestre his +"Collectanea" and private Memoranda can scarcely assist us in determining +what his style might have been had he attempted any such work as the +present. + +Altogether, The Boke of Noblesse is more of a compilation than an original +essay. It has apparently largely borrowed from the French; and I have +already shown that it was partly derived from former works, though I cannot +undertake to say to what extent that was the case. In its general character +our book resembles one which was popular in the middle ages, as the +_Secretum Secretorum_, falsely attributed to Aristotle,[78] and which was +also known under the title _De Regimine Principum_. The popularity of this +work was so great that MS. copies occur in most of our public libraries, +and not less than nine English translations and six French translations are +known.[79] A Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay, entitled "_The Buke +of the Governaunce of Princis_," is contained in a MS. at Abbotsford, +accompanying a version of _The Tree of Batailes_, already noticed in pp. +iii. vi. + +Another work of the same class is that of which Caxton published (about the +year 1484) a translation entitled _The booke of the ordre of Chevalrye or +Knyghthode_, and of which the Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay was +printed for the Abbotsford Club by Beriah Botfield, esq. in 1847. + +To his translations of the treatises of Cicero on Old Age and Friendship, +which Caxton printed in 1481, he also appended two "declaracyons," or +orations, supposed to be spoken by two noble Roman knights before the +senate, in order "to know wherein Noblesse restith," or, as otherwise +expressed in the title-page, "shewing wherin Honoure should reste." These +imaginary orations were the work of an Italian, who styled himself, in +Latin, Banatusius Magnomontanus. + +After a time, the term Noblesse, which we here find synonymous with Honour, +and (in p. xv. _ante_) with Chivalry, in the sense of a class or order of +society, {lv} became obsolete as an English word. In the former sense, at +least, it was changed into our English "Nobleness;" and about the year 1530 +we find published a "Book of Noblenes," printed by Robert Wyer, without +date.[80] This work had been translated from Latin into French, and "now +into English by John Larke." I have not seen it, but I imagine it was a far +smaller and slighter composition than the present.[81] + +Ames[82] mentioned our "Boke of Noblesse" as a printed work, on the +authority of Tanner's MSS., but this was evidently a misapprehension. + +It only now remains that I should describe the Manuscript, which is +preserved in the Royal Collection at the British Museum, and marked 18 B. +XXII. + +It is written in a paper book, which is formed of four quires of paper, +each consisting of six sheets, and is of the size of a modern quarto +volume. The quires are marked in the lower margin with the signatures of +the scribe: the first quire consisting of six sheets, placed within one +another, and marked j. ij. iij. iiij. v. vj.; the second also of six +sheets, marked .a.i. .a.ij. .a.iij. .a.iiij. .a.v. and .a.vj.; the third, +b.1. .b.3. .b.4. .b.5. .b.6.; the fourth .c.1. c.2. c.3. c.4. c.5. c.6. +Thus it is seen that the sheet containing the leaf b.2. and the attached +leaf (b.11. as it might be called) is lost: and this loss occasions the +defects which will be found in the present volume at p. 50 and p. 68. + +In front of the volume are bound three leaves of vellum, on the last of +which is fastened a slip of the like material, inscribed, apparently + + Edwarde w [iiij?] + wych ys + bold + +On the back of the same leaf is the name of + + _Symond'_ + _Samson._ + +At the foot of the first paper leaf is the autograph name of + + _Lumley._ + +_i. e._ John lord Lumley, the son-in-law of the last Earl of Arundel, into +whose {lvi} possession the volume probably came by purchase in the reign of +Elizabeth or James the First. + +On the leaf .c.2. is the autograph name of _Robert Savylle_. + +On the last leaf are many scribblings, and attempts in drawing grotesque +heads and figures, apparently done about the time of queen Mary. Among them +occurs again the name of + + _Symeon Sampson p._ + +Also those of _Richarde Dyconson_ and _Edward Jones of Clemente in the Jor +of_ ---- and these sentences, + + John Twychener ys booke he that stellys thys booke + he shall be hangid a pon a hooke and that wylle macke + ys necke to brake & that wyll macke ys neck awrye + + A nyes wiffe & a backe dore makythe } + outon tymys a Ryche man pore. } + + In the name of the father of the Sonne and the holey Gost. So be itt. + Jhesus nazerinus Rex iudior[=u] fillij dei miserere mei. + Jhesus.) God save the king o^r souu'ain lorde. + Jhesus Nazarinus. God save king p. & mary. + O gloryous Jesu o mekest Jesu o moost sweteste Jesu have m'cye on us. + +Quite at the bottom of the page is the name of + + _Edward Banyster._ + + * * * * * + + +LETTERS ADDRESSED TO SIR JOHN FASTOLFE. + +(Royal MS. 18 B. XXII. f. 44.) + +From JOHN APPULTON, captain of Pontdonné and the Haye de Puis. + +Mon treshonnouré et Redoubté Sr., toute humble Recommendacion primier mise, +plaise vous savoir que Jay entendu que piecha vous aviez quittie et +transporté afin de heritaige a Degory Gamel vostre terre et seignourie de +Piron pour le prix de deux mille francs lesquelx il devoit paier a chinq +annees enssuit du dit transport, cest assavoir pour la premir ann six cens +francs, et le demourant es autres quatres anns ensuit, a chacun par egalle +porcion; de la quelle chose J'entens que le dit Degory na pas acompli ces +termes ne ses {lvii} paiemens, car il nest pas tousjours prest de paier, et +est de tel gouvernement que p..... que navez eu que peu de chose de vostre +ditte s'rie dempuis quil en a eu le gouvernement. Et pour ce, mon +treshonnouré et Redoubté, Janvois grant desir davoir icelle terre afin de +heritaige si c'estoit vostre plaisir et volenté. Car elle est pres de mes +et bien a mon aise. Sy vous prie et requier tant humblement comme Je puis +et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, qu'il vous pla[ira] que J'aie +icelle terre et seigneurie de Piron par les prix et condicions dessus +desclerés et que l'aviez accordee au dit Degory en cas que [sera] vostre +plaisir de vous en des faire, et que Je la puisse avoir aussi tost que ung +autre, et J'en seay a tousjours mais tenu ... car vous estes le seigneur +qui vive en monde a qui Je suis plus tenu et a qui Jay greigno' service, et +que elle me soit confe[rmé?] par le Roy nostre seigneur tellement que Je ny +puisse avoir empeschement. Et je vous promet que Je vous paieray loyalment +es termes qui seront assignes sans aucune faulte, et se faulte y avez per +moy que le marchie ne fust nul, et sur paine de perdre s ... que Jen avoie +paié. Et sy est ce grant chose pour le present de deux mille Francs +attendans la guerre qui est a present ou ... a l'occasion de la prinse et +perte de la place de Grantville. Car se remede ny est mis de brief tout le +bailliage de Costentin est en voie destre destruit, et estre comme le pais +de Caulx, que Dieu ne vueille. Car se seroit grant dommaige et grant pitie. +Et pour ceste cause Jenvoie Jehan Dotton devers vous, qui est vostre +serviteur, porteur de ces presentes, auquel Jay donné pouvoir et puissance +den composer et appointier avecque vous ainsi quil vous plaira, et que +regarderez quil sera bon a faire, tout aussi comme se Je y estoie present, +et lequel vous parlera plus a plain de lestate et gouvernement de vostre +ditte seigneurie de Piron et comme elle a esté gouvernée. Et pour ce que +autrefois Je vous avoie rescript de vostre terre et seigneurie de Beaumont, +que Jeusse volentiers eue se ceust esté vostre plaisir et volenté, pour ce +que ma terre d'Asineres est parmys la vostre et joingnent ensemble, Et en +cas que se ne seroit vostre plaisir que Jeusse vostre ditte seigneurie de +Piron, jentend' encores volentiers a icelle de Beaumont, et quil vous +pleust la mettre a prix de raison, car Je ne scay pas bien que elle peult +valloir, mes vous le savez bien, car vous en avez fait fe presn(?) et en +avez eu la desclaracion, non obstant que les terres depar de cha sy sen +vont en tres grant diminucion pour la cause dessus dict. Sy vous plaise de +vostre grace a y avoir sur le tout advis, et den faire tant que Jen puisse +estre tous jours vostre petit et humble serviteur, et comme Jay tousjours +esté et seray tant que je vivray. Et se il vous plaist faire quelque +appointe des choses dessus dictes, quil vous plaise a le faire vous mesmes, +et que ne menvoiez a Raouen ne ailleurs, car les chemins sont trop +dangereux, et ne voudroie pas aler a Rouen voulentiers pour gaignier deux +cens frans. Mon treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, Je me recommande a vous +tant humblement comme Je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, et +se il est chose que faire puisse pour vous, mandez le moy et Je +l'acompliray de tout mon cuer et volentiers, en priant le Saint Esprit +qu'il soit garde de vous et vous donne bonne vie et longue et +acomplisse(ment) de vous nobles desirs. Escript a la Haie du Puis, le +derrain jour dé May. {lviii} + +Mon treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, Je vous recommande ma fille qui est +demour' veufue, et quil vous plaist qelle soit (en) vostre bonne grace et +service, et la conseiller et conforter en tous ses afaires. + + Letout vostre humble serviteur Jhon 'Appulton, cap(itaine) + du Pont donne et de la Haie du Puis. + + (_Directed on the back_,) + + A mon treshonnouré et tresredoubté sire + Messire Jehan Fastouf, chevalier, + seigneur de Piron et de Beaumont + en Normendie. + + + +From the BAILIFFS of WINCHESTER.[83] + +Right Worshipfulle Sire,--We recommande ws unto you, latyng you wete of +howre taryng that we brynge nat hoppe (up) howre money for howre ferme ys +for be cawse that we wholde receyve of howre dewte of the Cete, and of the +awnage sum of xiij. li.; the wheche money we cannat receyve in to the time +that we have a wrette to the mayre and to ws Ballys, for the Cete scholde +have of the awnage as Easter terme xx. marcs, for that the Cete grant(ed) +us to howre eryste ferme, and here a pon we tryst; and now the fermeris of +the awnage sey it pleynli that the Cete schale nat have a peny in to +Mighelmas terme but zyffe so be that ye sende us a wrytt that we mowe +brynge the fermers in to the Cheker, and ther to pay ws thys xx. marcs, for +we lacke no money but that, for the fermers makit hyrr a skowsce apon the +refuson that was thys tyme thre zere, for they fere laste they schold pay +agen, and there for they sey it they whole nat pay us no peni but in the +Cheker, also howre Mayre takyt no hede of ws, nother howe whe schal be +servyd of the mony, theirefore we pray you sende a wrett down to the Mayre +and to ws for to brynge ho(ppe, _i.e._ up) howre ferme for the halfe zere, +for dowt hyt nat ze schale be as wel payd of ws as zevr (ever) ye w(ere) of +zeny men, for in trowyf we pay of howre money more than xiiij. li. No more, +but God kepe you. I-wretyn at Wynchester the viij. day of May. + + By the baillifes of Wynchester. + + (To this letter no address is preserved.) + + * * * * * + + +{lix} + +ADDITIONAL NOTES. + +Page liv. _De Regimine Principum._--Sir John Paston (temp. Edw. IV.) had a +copy of this work, which formed part of a volume which he thus described in +the catalogue of his library:-- + +"M^d. my _Boke of Knyghthode_ and the maner off makyng off knyghts, off +justs, off tornaments, ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by soldiers and +chalenges, statutes off weere, and _de Regimine Principum_." (Paston +Letters, vol. iii p. 302.) + +It is more fully described by William Ebesham, the scribe who had written +the book, in his bill of accompt, which is also preserved in the same +volume, p. 14:-- + + "Item as to _the Grete Booke_. + + "First for wrytyng of the _Coronacion_ and other _tretys of Knyghthode_ + in that quaire, which conteyneth a xiij. levis and more, ij^d. a lefe + ij^s. ij^d. + + "Item for the _Tretys of Werre_ in iiij. books, which conteyneth lx. + levis, after ij^d. a leaff x^s. + + "Item for _Othea pistill_, which conteyneth xliij. levis vij^s. ij^d. + + "Item for the _Chalenges_ and the _Acts of Armes_, which is xxviij^{ti}. + lefs iiij^s. viij^d. + + "Item for _de Regimine Principum_, which conteyneth xlv^{ti}. leves, + after a peny a leef, which is right wele worth iij^s. ix^d. + + "Item for rubriesheyng of all the booke iij^s. iiij^d. + +The "Treatise of Knighthood" here mentioned, may probably have resembled +_The Booke of the Ordre of Chyvalrye or Knyghthode_ printed by Caxton (see +p. liv.); and the "Treatise of War" may have been a version of _The Boke of +Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye_, which Caxton also published from the +_Arbre de Batailes_, &c. as before noticed in p. vi. + +The "Othea pistill" was certainly the same book which passes under the name +of Christine de Pisan, and which was printed at Paris by Philippe +Pigouchet, in 4to, under the title of "_Les cent Histoires de troye._ +Lepistre de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux Hector +de troye, auec cent hystoires." In every page of this book there is a +_Texte_ in French verse, and a _Glose_ in prose, which agrees exactly with +sir John Paston's description in his catalogue (where it appears as +distinct from Ebesham's "Great Book,") in this entry,--"Item, a _Book de +Othea_, text and glose, in quayers." + + + +Page 15. _Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset._ This personage, whose name +has been inserted by the second hand, was a very distinguished warrior in +the French wars, and has been supposed to have been the model of the Knight +in Chaucer's Canterbury {lx} Pilgrims. His epitaph at Stoke upon Hampden in +Somersetshire, which has been preserved by Leland, describes him as "le +noble et vaillant chivaler Maheu de Gurney, iadys seneschal de Landes et +capitain du chastel Daques por nostre seignor le Roy en la duche de Guyene, +qui en sa vie fu a la batail de Beaumarin, et ala apres a la siege +Dalgezire sur les Sarazines, et auxi a les batailles de Lescluse, de +Cressy, de Yngenesse, de Peyteres, de Nazara, Dozrey, et a plusiurs autres +batailles et asseges, en les quex il gaina noblement graund los et honour +per lespece de xxxxiiij et xvj ans, et morust le xxvj jour de Septembre, +l'an nostre Seignor Jesu Christ Mccccvj, que de salme Dieux eit mercy. +Amen." (See Records of the House of Gournay, by Daniel Gurney, esq. F.S.A. +p. 681.) + + + +Page 68. _Sir John Fastolfe's victualling of the Bastille._ This anecdote +is illustrated by the following passage of one of sir John's books of +accompt:-- + + "Item, in like wise is owing to the said Fastolfe for the keeping and + victualling of the Bastile of St. Anthony in Paris, as it appeareth by + writing sufficient, and by the creditors of sir John Tyrel knight, late + treasurer of the King's house, remaining in the exchequer of Westminster + of record, the sum of xlij li. + + (Paston Letters, iii. 269.) + + * * * * * + + +{1} + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE. + +[MS. REG. 18 B. XXII.] + + * * * * * + + The Boke of Noblesse, compiled to the most hyghe and myghety prince + Kynge Edward the iiij^{the} for the avauncyng and preferryng the comyn + publique of the Royaumes of England and of Fraunce. + +First, in the worship of the holy Trinite, bring to mynde to calle, in the +begynnyng of every good work, for grace. And sithe this litille epistle is +wrote and entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in +perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right convenient is soo +to bee. And as it is specified by auctorite of the noble cenatoure of Rome +Kayus son, in these termes foloweng: "Hoc igitur summum est nobilitatis +genus, posse majorum suorum egregia facta dicere, posse eorum beneficiis +petere honores publicos, posse gloriam rei publicć hereditario quodam jure +vendicare, posse insuper sese eorum partes vocare, et clarissimas in suis +vultibus ymagines ostendere. Quos enim appellat vulgus nisi quod +nobilissimi parentes genuere." + +De remedio casus Reipublicć. + +[Sidenote: Anglorum nacio originem sumpsit ex nacione Trojanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota j^{o}. quod lingua Britonum adhuc usitatur in Wallia et +Cornibea, que lingua vocabatur corrupta Greca.] + +Here folowethe the evident Examples and the Resons of comfort for a +reformacion to be had uppon the piteous complaintes and dolorous +lamentacions made for the right grete outragious and most {2} grevous losse +of the Royaume of Fraunce, Duchee[gh] of Normandie, of Gascoyne, and Guyen, +and also the noble Counte of Mayne and the Erledom of Pontife. And for +relevyng and geting ayen the said Reaume, dukedoms, [and earldoms,] undre +correccion of amendement ben shewed the exortacions and mocions, be +auctorite, example of actis in armes, bothe by experience and otherwise +purposid, meoved and declarid, to corage and comfort the hertis of [the] +Englisshe nacion, havyng theire first originalle of the nacion of the noble +auncient bloode of Troy more than M^l. yere before the birthe of Crist; in +token and profe wherof the auncient langage of the Brutes bloode at this +day remayneth[84] bothe in the Princedome of Walis and in the auncient +provynce and Dukedom of Cornewale, whiche was at tho daies called corrupt +Greke. + +[Sidenote: ij^{o}. lingua Saxonum alias lingua Germanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Dux Cerdicius applicuit in Britania tempore Regis Arthuri, et +sic per favorem regis inhabitavit, et . . ex natione Grecorum.] + +And next after the mighty Saxons' bloode, otherwise called a provynce in +Germayne, that the vaileaunt Duke Cerdicius arrived in this reaume, with +whom[85] Arthur, king of the Breton bloode, made mighty werre, and suffred +hym to inhabit here. And the Saxons, as it is writen in Berthilmew in his +booke of Propreteis, also were decendid of the nacion of Grekis. + +[Sidenote: iij^{o}. Lingua Danorum ex nacione Grecorum. Rex Danorum Knott +conquestum fecit.] + +And next after came the feers manly Danysh nacion, also of Grekis bene +descendid, that the gret justicer king Knowt this land subdued and the +Saxons' bloode. + +And sithen the noble Normannes, also of the Danys nacion, descendid be +William Conquerour, of whome ye ben lyniallie descendid, subdued this +lande. + +And, last of alle, the victorius bloode of Angevyns, by mariage of that +puissaunt Erle Geffry Plantagenet, the son and heire of Fouke king of +Jherusalem, be mariage of Dame Maude, Emperes, soule doughter and heire to +the king of grete renoune, Henry the first of Inglond, and into this day +lineally descendid in most prowes. + +And whiche said Englisshe nacion ben sore astonyed and dulled {3} for the +repairing and wynnyng ayen, uppon a new conquest to be hadde for youre +verray right and true title in the inheritaunce of the saide Reaume of +Fraunce and the Duche of Normandie. Of whiche Duchie, we have in the yere +of oure Lorde M^l.iiij^cl., lost, as bethyn the space of xv monithes be put +out wrongfullie, tho roughe subtile wirkingis conspired and wroughte be the +Frenshe partie undre the umbre and coloure of trewis late taken betwyxt +youre antecessoure king Harry the sext then named king, and youre grete +adversarie of Fraunce Charles the vij^{the}. + +And where as the saide piteous complaintes [and] dolorous lamentacions of +youre verray true obeisaunt subjectis for lesing of the said countreis may +not be tendrid ne herde, [they] many daies have had but litille comfort, +nether the anguisshes, troubles, and divisions here late before in this +reaume be cyvyle batailes to be had, may not prevaile them to the repairing +and wynnyng of any soche manere outrageous losses to this Reaume, whiche +hathe thoroughe sodein and variable chaunces of unstedfast fortune so be +revaled and overthrow; the tyme of relief and comfort wolde not be +despendid ne occupied so: namely with theym whiche that have necessite of +relief and socoure of a grettir avauntage and a more profitable remedie for +theire avauncement to a new conquest: or by a good tretie of a finalle +peace for the recovere of the same: but to folow the counceile of the noble +cenatoure of Rome Boicius in the second prose of his first booke of +consolacion seieng _Sed medicine_ (inquid) _tempus est_, _quŕm querele_. + +Therfor, alle ye lovyng liege men, bothe youre noble alliaunces and +frendis, levithe suche idille lamentacions, put away thoughte and gret +pensifnes of suche lamentable passions and besinesse, and put ye hem to +foryetefulnesse. And doo not away the recordacion of actis and dedis in +armes of so many famous and victorious Kingis, Princes, Dukis, Erles, +Barounes, and noble Knightis, as of fulle many other worshipfulle men +haunting armes, whiche as verray trew martirs and blissid souls have taken +theire last ende by werre; {4} some woundid and taken prisonneres in so +just a title and conquest uppon youre enheritaunce in Fraunce and +Normandie, Gasquyn and Guyen; and also by the famous King and mighty Prince +king Edward the thrid, first heriter to the said Royaume of Fraunce, and by +Prince Edwarde his eldist son, and alle his noble bretherin, [who] pursued +his title and righte be force of armes, as was of late tyme sithe the yere +of Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. done, and made a new conquest in conquering bothe +the saide Reaume of Fraunce and Duche of Normaundie by the Prince of +blissid memorie king Harry the v^{the}. Also be the eide of tho thre noble +prynces his bretherne and be other of his puissant Dukes and lordis, being +lieutenaunt[gh] for the werre in that parties, as it is notorily knowen +thoroughe alle Cristen nacyons, to the gret renomme and[86] worship of this +Reaume. + +How every good man of [worshyp yn[87]] armes shulde in the werre be +resembled to the condicion of a lion. + +And therfor, in conclusion, every man in hym silf let the passions of +dolours be turned and empressid into vyfnes of here spiritis, of egre +courages, of manlinesse and feersnesse, after the condicion of the lion +resembled in condicions unto; for as ire, egrenesse, and feersnesse is +holden for a vertu in the lion, so in like manere the said condicions is +taken for a vertue and renomme of worship to alle tho that haunten armes: +that so usithe to be egre, feers uppon his advers partie, and not to be +lamentable and sorroufulle after a wrong shewed unto theym. And thus withe +coragious hertis putting forthe theire prowes in dedis of armes, so that +alle worshipfulle men, whiche oughte to be stedfast and holde togider, may +be of one intencion, wille, and comon assent to vapour, sprede out, +according to the flour delice, and avaunce hem forthe be feernesse of +strenght and power to the verray effect and dede ayenst the untrew +reproches of oure auncien adversaries halding uppon the Frenshe partie, +whiche of late tyme by unjust dissimilacions, undre the umbre {5} and +coloure of trewis and abstinence of werre late hadde and sacred at the cite +of Tairs the .xxviij. day of Maij, the yere of Crist of +M^l.iiij^cxliiij^{to}. have by intrusion of soche subtile dissimilacion +wonne uppon us bethyn v yeres next foloweng withyn the tyme of [the +last[88]] trieux the said Reaume and duchees, so that in the meane tyme and +sethe contynued forthe the saide trewes from yere to yere, to this land +grete charge and cost, till they had conspired and wrought theire +avauntage, as it approvethe dailie of experience. And under this they bring +assailours uppon this lande and begynneris of the trewis breking. + +How the Frenshe partie began firste to offende and brake the Trewis. + +[Sidenote: Tempore Regis H. vj^{th}.] + +First by taking of youre shippis and marchaundises upon the see, keping men +of noble birthe undre youre predecessoure obedience and divers other true +lieges men prisoneris under arest, as that noble and trew knight ser Gilis +the Duke is son of Bretaine, whiche for his grete trouthe and love he hadde +to this youre Royaume warde, ayenst all manhode ungoodely entretid, died in +prison. And also before the taking of Fugiers ser Simon Morhier knight, the +provost of Paris, a lorde also of youre partie and chief of the Kingis +counceile, take prisoner by Deepe and paieng a grete raunson or he was +deliverid. And sone after one Mauncelle a squier, comyng fro Rone, with +.xx. parsones in his company, to Deepe, pesibly in the monythe of Januarij +next before the taking of Fugiers, were in Deepe taken prisoneris +wrongfullie undre the umbre of trewis. And sithen the lord Faucomberge take +prisoner by subtile undew meanys of a cautel taken under safconduct of +youre adversarie at Pountelarge the xv day of Maij, the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^cxlix. And also the said forteresse of Pountlarge take the said +day be right undew meanys taken uppon the said lorde Faucomberge contrarie +to the said trewis, {6} forging here colourable matieris in so detestable +unjust quarellis. For reformacion of whiche gret injuries conspired, +shewed, and doone, alle ye put to youre handis to this paast and matier. +Comythe therfor and approchen bothe kyn, affinitees, frendis, subgectis, +allies, and alle wellewilleris. Now at erst the irnesse be brennyng hote in +the fire thoroughe goode courage, the worke is overmoche kindelid and +begonne, thoroughe oure dulnesse and sleuthe slommering many day, for be +the sheding of the bloode of good cristen people as hathe be done in youre +predecessours conquest that now is lost: is said be the wordis of Job: +Criethe and bewailethe in the feelde, frendis and kyn, take heede pitously +to your bloode. + +A question of grete charge and wighte,[89] meoved first to be determyned, +whethir for to make werre uppon Cristen bloode is laufulle. + +[Sidenote: 1: p^{a}] + +[Sidenote: 2: ij^{da}] + +[Sidenote: 3: iij^{d}] + +But first ther wolde be meoved a question, whiche dame Cristyn makithe +mencion of in the seconde chapitre of the Tree of Batailles: whethir that +werres and batailes meintenyng and using ben laufulle according to justice +or no. And the oppinion of many one wolde undrestond that haunting of armes +and werre making is not lefull, ne just thing, for asmoche in haunting and +using of werre be many infinite[90] damages and extorsions done, as +mourdre, slaugheter, bloode-sheding, depopulacion of contrees, castelles, +citees, and townes brennyng, and many suche infinite damages. Wherfor it +shulde seme that[91] meintenyng of werre is a cursid deede: not dew to be +meyntened. As to this question it[92] may be answerd that entrepruises and +werris taken and founded uppon a just cause and a trew title is suffred of +God, for dame Cristen seiethe and moevithe, in the first booke of the Arbre +of Bataile, how it is for to have in consideracion why that princes shuld +maynteyne werre and use bataile; and the saide dame Cristin saiethe v. +causes principalle: thre of them {7} bene of righte: and the other tweyne +of vallente. The first cause is to susteyne right and justice; the second +is to withestande alle soche mysdoers the whiche wolde do foule[93] greif +and oppresse the peple of the contre that the kyng or prince is gouvernoure +of; the thrid is for to recuver landes, seignories and goodes [that] be +other unrightfully ravisshed, taken away be force, or usurped, whiche +shulde apperteine to the kyng and prince of the same seignorie, or ellis to +whome his subgettys shuld apparteine [and] be meinteined under. And the +other tweyne be but of violence, as for to be venged for dammage or griefe +done by another; the othir to conquere straunge countrees bethout[94] any +title of righte, as king Alexandre conquerid uppon the Romayne: whiche +tweine last causes, though[95] the conquest or victorie by violence or by +roialle power sownethe worshipfulle in dede of armes, yet ther ought no +cristen prince use them. And yet in the first thre causes, before a prince +to take an entreprise, it most be done be a just cause, and havyng righte +gret deliberacion, by the conduyt and counceile of the most sage approuved +men of a reaume or countre that the prince is of: and so for to use it in a +just quarelle as[96] the righte execution of justice requirithe, whiche is +one of the principalle iiij. cardinall virtues. And if that using of armes +and haunting of werre be doone rather for magnificence, pride, and +wilfulnesse, to destroie Roiaumes and countreis by roialle gret power, as +whan tho that wolde avenge have noo title, but sey _Vive le plus fort_, +[that] is to sey, Let the grettest maistrie have the feelde,-- + + [In this place the following insertion is made by a second hand in the + margin:] + +Lyke as when the duc off Burgoyn by cyvyle bataylle by maisterdom expelled +the duc of Orlyance partie and hys frendis owt of Parys cytee the yere of +Christ M^l.iiij^cxij, and slow many thowsands and[97] hondredes bethout +title of justice, but to revenge a synguler querel betwen both prynces for +the dethe of the duc off Orlyans, {8} slayn yn the vigille of Seynt Clement +by Raulyn Actovyle of Normandie, yn the yeer of Crist M^l.iiij^cvij^o. And +the bataylle of Seynt-clow besyde Parys, by the duc of Burgoyn with help of +capteyns of England owt of England, waged by the seyd duc, was myghtly +foughten and had the fielde ayenste theyr adverse partye. Albeyt the duc of +Orlyance waged another armee sone aftyr owt of England to relyeve the +ovyrthrow he had at Seyntclowe. And the dyvysyon betwene the duc of +Orlyance and the duc of Burgoyn dured yn Fraunce continuelly by .xj. +yeerday, as to the yeere of Crist M^liiij^cxviij, yn wyche yeere Phelip duc +of Burgoyn, a greet frende to the land, was pyteousely slayn at Motreaw, +and the cyte of Parys ayen taken by the Burgonons; lord Lyseladam +pryncipalle capteyn and the erle of Armonak conestable sleyn by the comyns +the seyd yere. (_End of the insertion._) + +in soche undew enterprises theire can be thought no grettir tiranny, +extorcion, ne cruelte [by dyvysyons[98]]. + +How seint Lowes exorted and counceiled his sonne to moeve no werre ayenst +Cristen peple. + +[Sidenote: Seynt Lowys. 1270.] + +And the blissid king of Fraunce seint Lowes exhortid and comaunded in his +testament writen of his owne hand, that he made the tyme of his passing of +this worlde the year of Crist M^l.cclxx to his sonne Philip that reigned +after hym, that he shulde kepe hym welle, to meove no werre ayenst no +christen man, but if he had grevously done ayenst him. And if he seke waies +of peace, of grace and mercie, thou oughtest pardon hym, and take soche +amendis of hym as God may be pleasid. But as for this blessid kingis +counceile, it is notorily and openly knowen thoroughe alle Cristen Royaumes +that oure[99] adverse party hathe meoved [and] excited werre and batailes +bothe by lond and see ayenst this noble Royaume bethout any justice [or] +title, and bethout waies of pease shewed; and as forto {9} defende them +assailours uppon youre true title may be bethout note of tiranye, to put +yow in youre devoire to conquere youre rightfulle enheritaunce, without +that a bettir moyene be had. + +A exortacion of a courageous disposicion for a reformation of a wrong done. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +O then, ye worshipfulle men of the Englisshe nacion, which bene descendid +of the noble Brutis bloode of Troy, suffre ye not than youre highe auncien +couragis to be revalid ne desceived by youre said adversaries of Fraunce at +this tyme, neither in tyme to come; ne in this maner to be rebuked and put +abak, to youre uttermost deshonoure and reproche in the sighte of straunge +nacions, without that it may be in goodely hast remedied [as youre +hyghnesse now entendyth,[100]] whiche ye have be conquerours of, as ye[101] +to be yolden and overcomen, in deffaute of goode and hasty remedie, +thoroughe lak of provision of men of armes, tresour, and finaunce of +suffisaunt nombre of goodes, in season and tyme convenable to wage and +reliefe them. For were ye not sometyme tho that thoroughe youre gret +[prowesse,[102]] corages, feersnes, manlinesse, and of strenght overleid +and put in subgeccion the gret myghte and power of the feers and puissaunt +figheters of alle straunge nacions that presumed to set ayenst this lande? + +How many worthi kinges of this lande have made gret conquestis in ferre +contrees in the Holy Lande, and also for the defence and right of this +lande, and for the duche of Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Arthur.] + +[Sidenote: Brenus.] + +[Sidenote: Edmondus Ironside.] + +[Sidenote: Willelmus Conquestor.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus primus fundator plurimorum castrorum.] + +[Sidenote: Robertus frater Henrici primi, electus Rex de Jherusalem, sed +renuit.] + +[Sidenote: Fulco comes de Angeu, Rex Jerusalem.] + +[Sidenote: 1131.] + +[Sidenote: De Ricardo Rege primo in terra sancta.] + +[Sidenote: Archiepiscopus Cant', Robertus Clare comes Glouc', comes +Cestr'.] + +[Sidenote: Philippus Rex Francie, vocatus Deo datus, in terra sancta.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex primus.] + +[Sidenote: Sanctus Lodowicus rex Francorum obiit in viagio antequam +pervenit ad terram sanctam.] + +[Sidenote: Ricardus Imperator Alemannie et comes Cornewayle.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus primus rex.] + +And for an example and witnes of King Arthur, whiche discomfit and sleine +was undre his banere the Emperoure of Rome in bataile, and conquerid the +gret part of the regions be west of Rome. And many othre conquestis hathe +be made before the daies of the said {10} Arthur be many worthi kinges of +this roiaume, as Brenus, king Belynus' brother, a puissaunt chosen duke, +that was before the Incarnacion, wanne and conquerid to Rome, except the +capitoile of Rome. And sithen of other victorious kinges and princes, as +Edmonde Irensede had many gret batailes [and] desconfited the Danes to safe +Englond. And what victorious dedis William Conqueroure did gret actis in +bataile uppon the Frenshe partie [many conquestys [103]]. And also his son +[kyng[103]] Harry after hym defendid Normandie, bilded and fortified many a +strong castelle in his londe, to defende his dukedom ayenst the Frenshe +partie. And how victoriouslie his brother Roberd did armes uppon the +conquest of the holy londe, that for his gret prowesse there was elect to +be king of Jherusalem, and refusid it for a singuler covetice to be duke of +Normandie, returned home, and never had grace of victorie after. And to +bring to mynde how the noble worriour Fouke erle of Angew, father to +Geffrey Plantagenet youre noble auncetour, left his erledom to his sonne, +and made werre upon the Sarasynes in the holy land, and for his noble dedis +was made king of Jherusalem, anno Christi M^l.cxxxi. As how king Richarde +the first, clepid Cuer de lion, whiche in a croiserie went in to the holy +londe, and Baldewyne archebisshop of Caunterburie, Hubert bisshop of +Salisburie, Randolfe the erle of Chestre, Robert Clare erle of Gloucestre, +and werreied uppon the hethen paynemys in the company of king Philip +Dieu-donné of Fraunce, whiche king Richard conquerid and wanne by roiall +power uppon the Sarrasyns in the yere of Crist M^l.c.iiij^{xx}vij^o. and +toke the King of Cipres and many other gret prisonneris. Also put the londe +of Surie in subjeccion, the isle of Cipres, and the gret cite of Damask +wanne be assaut, slow the king of Spayne clepid Ferranus. And the said king +Richard kept and defendid frome his adversarie Philip Dieu-donné king of +Fraunce, be mighty werre made to hym, the duchees of Normandie, Gascoigne, +Gyen, the countee[gh] of Anjou and Mayne, Tourayne, {11} Pontyve, Auverne, +and Champaigne, of alle whiche he was king, duke, erle, and lorde as his +enheritaunce, and as his predecessours before hym did. Also in like wise +king Edward first after the Conquest, being Prince, in about the yere of +Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx, put hym in gret laboure and aventure amonges the +Sarrasins in the countye of Aufrik, was at the conquest of the gret cite of +the roiaume of Thunes. [Yn whiche cuntree that tyme and yeere seynt Lowys +kyng of Fraunce dyed, and the croyserye grete revaled by hys trespasseinte, +had not the seyd prince Edward ys armee be redye there to performe that +holy voyage to Jerusalem, as he dyd wyth many noble lordes off +England.[104]] Also fulle noblie ententid about the defence and saufegarde +of the gret cite of Acres in the londe of Sirie, that had be lost and +yolden to the Sarrazins had not [hys armee and[104]] his power bee, and by +an hole yere osteyng and abiding there in tyme of gret pestilence and +mortalite reigning there, and by whiche his peple were gretly wastid, where +he was be treason of a untrew messaunger Sarrasin wounded hym in his +chambre almost to dethe, that the souldone of Babiloyne had waged hym to +doo it, becaus of sharpe and cruelle werre the seide Edwarde made uppon the +Sarrasines, of gret fere and doubte he had of the said prince Edward and of +his power; whiche processe ye may more groundly see in the actis of the +said prince Edwarde is laboure. And his father king Harry thrid decesid +while his son was in the holy londe warring uppon the Sarasines. And how +worshipfullie Richard emperoure of Almaine and brother to the said king +Henry did gret actis of armes in the holy londe uppon the Sarasynes and in +the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.xl. And overmore the said king Edwarde first +kept under subjeccion bothe Irelond, Walis, and Scotlond, whiche were +rebellis and wilde peple of condicion. And also protectid and defendid the +duchees of Gascoigne and Guyen, his rightefull enheritaunce. + +{12} + +How King Edward [the] thrid had the victorie at the bataile of Scluse, and +gate Cane by assaute, and havyng the victorie at the batelle of Cressye +[and wanne Calix by sege.[105]] + +[Sidenote: T. Regis E. iij^{cii} et ejus filiorum.] + +[Sidenote: Comes de Ew captus. Comes Tankervyle captus.] + +[Sidenote: Cressye.] + +[Sidenote: Comes Derbye.] + +And sithen, over that, how that the most noble famous knighte of renomme, +king Edwarde the thrid, the whiche, with his roialle power, the yere of +Christ M^l.ccc.xl. wanne [the day of seynt John baptiste[105]] the gret +bataile uppon the see at Scluse ayenst Philip de Valoys callyng hym the +Frenshe King and his power, and alle his gret navye of shippis destroied, +to the nombre of .xxv.M^l. men and CCxxx^{ti}. shippis and barges. And also +after that, in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xlvj. the said king Philip +purposid to have entred into Englond and had waged a gret noumbre of Genues +shippis and other navyes. And the said king Edward thrid thought rather to +werre withe hym in that countre rather: tooke his vyage to Cane withe +xij^c. shippis, passed into Normandie by the Hagge,[106] wynnyng the +contrees of Constantine [from Chyrburgh[105]] tylle he came to Cane, and by +grete assautes entred and gate the towne, and fought withe the capitaine +and burgeises fro midday till night; where the erle of Eu, connestable of +Fraunce, the erle of Tancarville, and others knightes and squiers were take +prisoneris: but the castelle and donjoune held still, where the bisshop of +Baieux and othre kept hem; and than the king departid thens, for he wolde +not lese his peple [by segyng yt.[105]] And after that the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.xlvj descomfit the said king Philip and wanne the feelde uppon +hym at the dolorous and gret bataile of Cressy in Picardie the .xxvj. day +of August the said yere, where the king of Beame was slayne the son of +Henry the Emperoure, and alle the gret part of the noble bloode of Fraunce +of dukes, erlis, and barons, as the erle of Alaunson king of Fraunce is +brother, the duke of Lorraine, the erle of Bloys, the erle of Flaundres, +the erle of Harecourt, the erle of Sancerre, the erle of Fennes, to the +nombre of .l. knightis sleyne, as well as to othre gret {13} nombre of his +liege peple, as in the .39. chapitre of the Actis of the said King Philip +more plainly is historied. And also the full noble erle of Darby, havyng +rule under the said king Edwarde in the duchie of Guyen, hostied the said +tyme and yere, and put in subjeccion fro the towne of saint Johan +Evangelist unto the citee of Peyters, whiche he wanne also, be the said +erle of Derbye is entreprises. + +How David King of Scottis was take prisoner. + +[Sidenote: David Rex Scotorum captus est apud Doraham.] + +And in the said king Edward tyme David king of Scottis was take prisoner, +as I have undrestond, at the bataile beside Deram upon the marchis of +Scotlond. + +[Sidenote: Karolus dux Britannić captus est per E. iij^{m}.] + +[Sidenote: Calicia capta est eodem tempore per Edwardum iij^{m}.] + +[Sidenote: Calicia reddita est in manus Regis Edwardi iij.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps cepit Johannem vocantem se Regem Francić +a^{o}, d'ni M^{o}ccc^{o}lvj^{o}.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex Anglić iij^{us} retribuit xx.M^{l}.li. Edwardo +principi filio suo.] + +[Sidenote: Karolus filius Regis Johannis Frauncić ac nominando se pro duce +Normandić captus est.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps navim ascendit cum Johanne nominando se pro +rege Francić et applicuerunt prope Dover iiij^{o}. die Maij, a^{o} d'ni +M^{l}. &c.] + +[Sidenote: De redempcione Johannis dicentis [se] Regem Francić.] + +[Sidenote: De bello de Nazar.] + +[Sidenote: Chandos.] + +[Sidenote: Beauchamp comes.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Hastyngys.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Nevyle.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Rays.] + +[Sidenote: Rad's Hastyngys ch'l'r.] + +[Sidenote: Tho's Felton.] + +[Sidenote: Robertus Knolles.] + +[Sidenote: Courteneyes. Tryvett.] + +[Sidenote: Matheu Gournay.] + +[Sidenote: Et quam plures alii milites hic nimis diu ad inscribendum.] + +[Sidenote: Bertl's Clekyn, locum tenens adversć partis, captus est +prisonarius.] + +And also the said king kept Bretaine in gret subjeccion, had the victorie +uppon Charles de Bloys duke of Breteine, and leid a siege in Breteine to a +strong forteresse clepid Roche daryon, and kept be his true subjectis. +After many assautes and grete escarmisshes and a bataile manly foughten, +the said duke was take, and havyng .vij. woundes was presentid to the said +king Edward. And he also wanne Calix after, by a long and puissaunt sieges +keping[107] by see and be londe; and they enfamyned couthe have no socoure +of king Philip, and so for faute of vitaile yeldid Calix up to king Edwarde +the .iiij. day of August in the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij. And also put +Normandie gret part of it in subgeccion. And therto in his daies his eldist +sonne Edward prince of Walis the .xix. day of Septembre the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lvj had a gret discomfiture afore the cite of Peyters uppon John +calling hym King of Fraunce, where the said king was taken prisoner, and in +whiche bataile was slaine the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Athenes, the +lord Clermont, ser Geffrey Channy that bare the baner of the oriflamble, +and also take withe king Johan ser Philip duc [le hardye[108]] of Bourgoine +his yongist sonne, and for whois raunson and othres certaine lordes {14} +king Edwarde rewarded the Prince xx.M^l.li. sterlinges. Also taken that day +ser Jaques de Bourbon erle of Pontieu [and] Charles his brother erle of +Longville, the kingis cosins germains, ser John Meloun erle of Tancarvile, +ser William Meleum archebisshop of Sens, the erle Dampmartyn, the erle +Vendosme, the erle Vaudemont, the erle Salebruce, the erle Nanson, ser +Arnolde of Doneham mareshalle of Fraunce, and many other knightis and +gentiles to the nombre of M^l.vij^c. prisonneris, of whiche were taken and +sleine .lij. knightis banerettis. And the kingis eldist sonne Charlis +calling hym duc of Normandie, the duc of Orliauns the kingis brother, the +duc of Anjou, the erle of Peiters that after was clepid [Johan[109]] the +duc of Berrie, the erle of Flaundris, withe a few other lordis, withdrewe +hem and escapid from the seide bataile. And sone after, the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lvij. the .xvj. day of Aprill the said prince Edward with king +Johan tooke the see at Burdeux to Englond, and londed the .iiij. day of +Maij and came to London the .xxiiij. day of Maij, the said king Edwarde his +father meeting withe king Johan in the feelde, doing hym gret honoure and +reverence. And after in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvij the month of Maij +the said king Johan was put to finaunce and raunson of thre millions of +scutis of golde, that two of them be worth .j. noble, of whiche was paied +sex hondred thousand scutis be the said king Johan comyng to Calix, and in +certein yeris after was obliged under gret seurtees, as it is declared in +the articulis of the pease finalle made betwene both kingis, to be paied +400,000 till the said thre hondred M^l crones[110] were fullie paied, +whiche as it is said was not parfourmed. And, after that, the said prince +Edwarde and Harry that noble duke of Lancastre had the bataile of Nazar in +Spaine withe king Peter ayenst the bastarde Henry callinge hym King of +Spain, haveng lxiij M^l. fighting men in his host, and hym descomfit, +voided the feelde, and many a noble knighte of Englonde and of Gascoigne +and Guyen withe many othre worshipfulle gentiles quite hem righte manlie, +and amongis {15} many goode men of chevalrie ser John Chandos avaunced hym +chief in that bataile [havyng the avauntgard[111]], for he had in his +retenu M^l.ij^c penons armed and x.M^l. horsmen; and ser William Beauchampe +the erle of Warwik is sonne, lorde Hue Hastinges, lord Nevyle, lorde Rais a +Breton lorde of Aubterré, withe many Gascoignes there also: ser Raufe +Hastingis, ser Thomas Felton, ser Roberd Knolles, withe many other notable +of the chevalrie of Inglonde, passed the streit high monteyns of Pirone by +Runcyvale in the contre of Pampilon, going from the cite of Burdeux into +Spaine, and ser Hughe Courtney, ser Philip Courtnay, ser John Tryvet, +[Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset[111]]. And there was take ser +Barthilmew Clekyn the Frenshe kingis lieutenaunt for the werre prisoner, +also the Mareshalle of Fraunce, the Besque, with many othre notable lordis. +Whiche bataile of Nazar was in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvj. the thrid +day of Aprille. + +How King Henry the v. conquerid [Normandy and Fraunce[111]]. + +[Sidenote: De Henrico quinto.] + +[Sidenote: Nota quomodo Rex Henricus V^{te}. obtinuit Harefleet.] + +[Sidenote: De extrema defensione ville Harflue contra potestatem Francić et +de fame ibidem.] + +[Sidenote: Nota, qualiter per civitates et mare obtinuit.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum supermare et le[gh] carrikes.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de bello apud Agincourt.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus Rex duxit in uxorem filiam Regis Frauncić.] + +And sithe now late the noble prince[112] Henry the v^{te}. how in his +daies, withyn the space of .vij. yere and .xv. daies, thoroughe sieges +lieng, [[113] wan the towne of Harflete bethyn .xl. days, made Thomas +Beauford then erle Dorset hys oncle capteyn of yt. And the seyd erle made +ser John Fastolfe chevaler his lieutenaunt wyth M^l.v^c soudeours, and the +baron of Carew, wyth .xxxiij. knyghtys, contynuelly defended the seyd toune +ayenst the myghty power of Fraunce by the space of one yere and half aftyr +the seyd prince Herry. v^{te}. departed from Hareflue. And the seyd towne +was beseged by the Frenshe partye by lond and also by see, wyth a grete +navye of carekys, galeyes, and shyppis off Spayne, tille that yn the meene +tyme Johan duc of Bedfor(d), the erle of Marche your moste noble +antecessour, accompanyed wyth many other nobles, wyth a puissaunt armee of +shypps, fought wyth the carrekys and shypps lyeng at Seyn hede before +Hareflue, were {16} taken and many one sleyn and drowned; and so vyttailled +Harflue yn grete famyn, that a wreched cowys hede was solde for vj s. viij +d. sterling, and the tong for xl d., and dyed of Englysh soudeours mo then +v^c. yn defaut of sustenaunce. And the second voyage after wythynne the +tyme before seyd Johan erle of Hontyndon was made cheif admyralle of a new +armee to rescue Harflue, beseged of the new wyth a grete navy of shyppys +and carekys of the Frenshe partye, [which] were foughten wyth and ovyrcom +throw myghty fyghtyng; and of the new vitailled Hareflue, the seyd erle +Dorset then beyng yn England at the Emperour comyng hedre, called +Sygemondus. I briefly title thys incident to th'entent not to be foryete +how suche tweyn myghety batailles were foughten uppon the see bethyn one +yere and half, and how the seyd toune of Hareflue was deffended and kept +ayenst the puyssaunt power of Fraunce beseged as yt were by the seyd tyme; +and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan +Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a +lyes, to berke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes +or to aproche the towne for to scale yt. And the seyd prince Herry +v^{the},[114]] albeit that it consumed gretlie his peple, and also by +batailes yeveng, conquerid [the towne of Harflete[114]], and wanne bothe +the saide Duchie of Normandie first and after the Roiaume of Fraunce, +conquerid and broughte in subjeccion and wanne be his gret manhode, withe +the noble power of his lordis and helpe of his comonys, and so overleid the +myghtie roialle power of Fraunce be the seide sieges lieng, first in his +first viage at Harflete, and in the second viage he made manly besegid +Cane, the cite of Rone, Falleise, Argenten, Maunt, Vernonsurseyne, Melun, +Meulx, Enbrie, and at many other castellis, forteressis, citeis, and townes +to long to rehers. Also had gret batailes on the see ayenst many grete +carekkis and gret shippes that beseiged Hareflue after it was Englisshe. +And had a gret discomfiture at the bataile of Agincourt in the yere of +Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. {17} at his first viage, where many dukes, erlis, +lordis, and knightis were slaine and take prisoneris that bene in +remembraunce at this day of men yet livyng. And after allied hym to the +Frenshe king Charlis .vj.^{te} is doughter, because of whiche alliaunce +gret part of the roiaume of Fraunce were yolden unto hym his obeisaunce. +And now also in the said noble conquest hathe be kepte undre the obediaunce +of Englisshe nacion from the begynnyng of the said late conquest by .xxxv. +yeris be continued and kept by roialle power, as first be the noble and +famous prince Johan duke of Bedforde, regent and governoure of the roiaume +of Fraunce by .xiij. yeris, with the eide and power of the noble lordis of +this lande, bothe youre said royaume of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie was +kept and the ennemies kept ferre of in gret subjeccion. + +[Sidenote: Joh'es dux Bedforde.] + +How that in Johan duke of Bedforde tyme be his lieutenaunt erle of +Salisburie had the victorie at the batelle of Cravant. + +[Sidenote: Bellum de Cravant.] + +[Sidenote: Thomas Montagu comes Sarum.] + +[Sidenote: Will's Pole comes Suff'.] + +[Sidenote: Dominus Willughby.] + +[Sidenote: Vindicatio mortis ducis Clarencić.] + +[Sidenote: Secunda vice punicio mortis ducis Clarencić.] + +In profe wherof how and in the first yere of the reigne of king Harry the +sixt, at whiche tyme his seide uncle toke uppon hym the charge and the name +of Regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, that had the victorie at the bateile +of Cravant, where as at that tyme Thomas Montagu the noble erle of +Salisburie, the erle of Suffolke, the marchalle of Bourgoine, the lord +Willoughebie, withe a gret power of Phelip the duke of Bourgoine is host, +holding the partie of the said Johan regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, +withe the eide and help of the trew subgettis of this lande, had the +overhande of the ennemies assembled to the nombre of .ix. M^l. Frenshemen +and Scottis at the said bataile of Cravant in the duchie of Bourgoine, +where there were slayne of the ennemies to the nombre of .iiij. M^l., +beside .ij. M^l. prisonneris take, of whiche gret part of them were +Scottis, the erle Bougham being chief capitein over them;[115] which late +before were the cause of the male-infortuned journey at Bougée, where the +famous {18} and victorious knight Thomas duc of Claraunce, youre nere +cousyn, for the right of Fraunce, withe a smale company of his side, withe +the Scottis to a grete nombre there assembled among hem in the feelde, was +slayn, withe many a noble lorde, baron, knightis, squyers of Englond, that +never so gret an overthrow of lordes and noble bloode was seene in no +mannys daies as it was then. Aboute the nombre of .ij^c. l. cote-armes +slaine and take prisoneris as yt was seyd, be the saide Scottis holding +withe youre adverse party of Fraunce, whiche God of his infinite goodenes +sone after at the saide batelle [of] Cravant, and after at the bateile of +Vernell, was sent a chastisement upon the saide Scottis for theire +cruelltie vengeable and mortelle dethe of the said victorious prince, duke +of Claraunce, and of other of his noble lordis and knightis. + +How Johan duke of Bedforde had yn his owne parsone the batelle of Vernelle. + +[Sidenote: 1423.] + +[Sidenote: Batelle of Cravant.] + +[Sidenote: Batelle of Vernoyle.] + +[Sidenote: 1424.] + +Also in the said daies, sone after the saide batelle of Cravant, in the +yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.xxiij., the .iij. yere of King Harry the sext, the +.xvij. day of August, the said Johan duke of Bedford had a gret +discomfiture and the victorie upon your adversaries of Fraunce and of +Scottis at the batelle of Vernelle in Perche, where as Johan cleping hym +duc of Alaunson, lieutenaunt for the Frenshe partie, was take prisoner that +day, and the said erle Bougham of Scotlonde, marchalle of Fraunce, whiche +was cause of that noble prince Thomas duke of Claraunce dethe, was in the +said bataile overthrow and sleyne, and the erle Douglas made duc of +Tourayne, aswelle as his sonne and heire that was in the feelde at +Shrewisburie ayenst king Henry the .iiij^{the}, and another tyme being +ayenst the said Johan duc of Bedford at Homeldonhille in Scotlond, was also +slaine at the said batelle, withe many other grete lordis of the Frenshe +partie slayne and taken prisoneris at the said bataile. {19} + +How that the grettir part of the counte of Mayne, the cite of Mauns, withe +many other castellis, were yolden. + +[Sidenote: Mayn.] + +[Sidenote: Redempcio Joh'is dicentis [se] ducem de Allunson pro .clx. +M^{l}. salux bene solutis ultra alia onera suarum expensarum.] + +And, overmore, not long after, youre auncien enheritaunce in the counté of +Mayne, the cite of Maunce, conquerid and brought be the said regent duc of +Bedforde, withe the power of his lordis and helpers, in subgeccion, [by the +erle of Salysbery, lord Scalys, ser John Fastalf, ser John Popham, ser N. +Mongomery, ser Wylliam Oldhalle, chevalers, and many othyr noble men of +worshyppe.[116]] And whiche counté of Mayne was accustomed sithen to be in +value yerely to the eide and helpe of the werres of Fraunce, and to the +releve of the kyng ys subgettis obeisauntes lyvyng uppon the werre for the +furtheraunce of that conquest, .x. M^l. li. sterlinges. Also the said +regent of Fraunce, with the power of youre noble bloode and lordes, wanne +the feeld at the forseid grete bataile of Vernelle in Perche ayenst the +power of the Frenshe adverse party of Fraunce, being assembled to the +nombre of .xl. M^l. fighters of the Frenshe partie; and there Johan cleping +hymsilf duke of Alaunson, lieutenaunt to Charles the .vij. calling hym +Frenshe king, taken prisonner, withe many other lordis, barons, and +knightes, and noble men of worship, whiche paied to the said regent duc of +Bedforde for his raunson and finaunce allone .clx. M. salux, beside his +other grete costis and charges, whiche was a gret relief and socoure to the +eide of the conquest, whiche bataile was in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.xxiiij., the seyd .iij^d. yere of the reigne of king Henry sext. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene pro titulo Regis Henrici sexti.] + +How that Henry the sext was crouned king be the might of grete lordes. + +[Sidenote: Coronatio Regis Henrici sexti.] + +[Sidenote: De magna fama regni Anglić tempore regis Hen. vi^{th}] + +And he also, for a gret act of remembraunce to be had in writing, was +crouned king of Fraunce in the noble citee of Paris, in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.xxix., the .ix. yere of his reigne, withe right gret solennyte +amongis the lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and be the gret mighte and +power, as well in goodes and richesse, of his graunt {20} oncle Henry +cardinalle of Englande, byshop of Wynchester, and by the gret mighte and +power of his uncle Johan regent of the roiaum of Fraunce, duc of Bedforde, +being present at that tyme to their grettist charge and cost to resist +theire gret adversarie of Fraunce calling hym Dolphin. For sethen the +roiaume of Englonde first began to be inhabite withe peple was never so +worshipfulle an act of entreprise done in suche a case, the renoume of +which coronacion spradde thoroughe alle cristen kingis roiaumes. + +[Sidenote: A courageous recomfortyng.] + +[Sidenote: Exortacio militaris.] + +O then ye most noble and cristen prince, for notwithestanding gret +conquestis and batailes had in the said roiaume be the famous knight king +Edwarde the thrid, he never atteyned to that souvraine honoure but by +valiauntnes of Englishe men, whiche have in prowes avaunced hem, and +governed so nobly as is before briefly historied and specified, be youre +saide noble, puissaunt, and vailaunt progenitours in divers regions, and +inespecialle in Fraunce and Normandie, and in the duchie of Gascoigne and +Guyen, that this sodenly wern put oute of by usurpacion ayenst alle trouthe +and knyghthode. Now therfore, in repairing this undew intrusion uppon yow, +mantelle, fortifie, and make yow strong ayenst the power of youre said +adversaries of Fraunce. For now it is tyme to clothe you in armoure of +defense ayenst youre ennemies, withe the cotes of armes of youre auncien +feernesse, haveng in remembraunce the victorious conquestis of youre noble +predecessours, the whiche clothing many histories, cronicles, and writinges +witnessithe moo than myn simple entendement can not suffice to reherse in +this brief epistle. + +Of the noblesse of Ectour and other mighty kinges of Grece. + +[Sidenote: Nota de exemplis aliorum nobilium.] + +[Sidenote: Hector.] + +[Sidenote: Agamemnon.] + +[Sidenote: Ulixes.] + +[Sidenote: Hercules.] + +[Sidenote: 1. j.] + +[Sidenote: 2. ij.] + +[Sidenote: 3. iij.] + +And also let be brought to mynde to folow the steppis in conceitis of noble +courage of the mighty dedis in armes of the vaillaunt knight Hector of +Troy, whiche bene enacted in the siege of Troy for a perpetuelle +remembraunce of chevalrie [that your noblesse ys decended of[117]]. Also of +the dedis in armes of Agamemnon the {21} puissaunt king of Greece, that +thoroughe cruell and egre werre ayenst the Trojens bethin .x. yere day +conquerid the gret cite of Troie. In like wise of the famous knight Ulixes, +that alle his daies dispendid in marciall causis. And of the .xij. +puissaunt entreprinses and aventurous dedis that Hercules, as it is figured +and made mencion in the vij^{the} metre of the .v. booke of Boecius, toke +uppon hym, putting himself frome voluptuouse delites and lustis, being +subget to grete laboure, wynnyng renomme and worship; whiche .xij. +entreprinses of Hercules, albeit it be thought [but a poesye[118]] +impossible to any mortalle man to doo or take uppon hym, as for to bereffe +the skyn of the rampant lion, wrestlid withe Antheus and Poliphemus, the +gret giauntes, and hym overthrew, he slow the serpent clepit Ydra, made +tame the proude beestis clepid Centaurus, that be of halfe man and halfe +best, and many soche wonderfulle entreprises as is wreten that Hercules +did, whiche is writen in figure of a poesy for to courage and comfort alle +othre noble men of birthe to be victorious in entreprinses of armes. And +how, in conclusion, that there is no power, puissaunce, ne strenght, who so +lust manly [wyth prudens[118]] put forthe hymsilf may resist and +withestande ayenst such gret entreprises. + +How a conquerour shulde use in especialle thre thinges. + +[Sidenote: A conqueroure shuld use iij thinges.] + +[Sidenote: j.] + +[Sidenote: ij.] + +And, as Vegecius in his booke of Chevalrie counceilithe that a conquerour +shulde use thre thinges in especialle whiche the Romains used, and alle +that tyme they had the victorie of here ennemies, that is to wete, The +first was science, that is forto undrestonde prudence, to seene before the +remedies of bonchief, or the contrarie; The second was exercitacion and +usage in dedis of armes, that they might be apte and redie to bataille whan +necessite fille; the thrid was naturalle love that a prince shulde have to +his peple, as doing his trew diligence to doo that may be to the comon wele +of his peple, whiche is to be undrestonde in the executing of justice +egallie. And for to kepe them in tranquillite and pece within hemsilfe. + +{22} + +[Sidenote: Menne of noblenesse shuld lefe sensualites and delites.] + +How men of noblesse ought lefe sensualitees and delites. + +Let it no lenger be suffred to abide rote, no forto use the pouder and +semblaunce of sensualite and idille delites, for Water Malexander seiethe, +that voluptuous delitis led be sensualite be contrarie to the exercising +and haunting of armes. Wherfor, like and after the example of the boore +whiche knowethe not his power, but foryetithe his strenghte tille he be +chafed and see his owne bloode, in like wise put forthe youre silf, +avaunsing youre corageous hertis to werre, and late youre strenght be +revyved and waked ayen, furious, egre, and rampanyng as liouns ayenst alle +tho nacions that soo without title of right wolde put you frome youre said +rightfulle enheritaunce. And where is a more holier, parfiter, or a juster +thing than in youre adversary is offence and wrong-doing to make hym werre +in youre rightfull title, where as none other moenys of pease can be hadde. +And therfore considering be this brief declaracion that youre right and +title in alle this royaumes and contrees is so opyn-- + +[Sidenote: Mentio brevis de titulo ducatus Normandić.] + +Here is briefly made mencion of the first title of Normandie, and how frely +it holdithe. + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo ducatus Normannić.] + +[Sidenote: Richardus dux Normandić cepit in bello Lodovicum regem Francić, +qui resingnavit totum titulum Ricardo de ducatu predicto.] + +[Sidenote: ccccc.^{th}xxx.v^{te}.] + +[Sidenote: Arma ducatus illius.] + +For as youre first auncien right and title in youre duchie of Normandie, it +is knowen thoroughe alle cristen landes, and also of highe recorde by many +credible bookis of olde cronicles and histories, that William Conqueroure +descendid frome duc Rollo, after cristned and called Roberd, that came out +of Dennemarke aboute the yere of Crist .ix^c.xij., was righte duke of +Normandie by yeft of Charlys the symple, king of Fraunce, [who] maried his +doughter to Rollo and gave hym the saide ducdome. And after Richarde due of +Normandie, in the yere of Crist .ix^c.xlv. in plaine batelle before the +cite of Rone toke Lowes king of Fraunce prisoner, and the said Lowes +relesid the seide dukedom to the said Richarde and to alle his successours +to holde frely in souvereinte and resort of none creature but of God, as in +act therof is made mencion that was sene and rad uppon this writing. {23} +And after the said William Conquerour being king of Englond, of whome ye +and youre noble progenitours bene descendid and entitled this .v^c.xxxv. +yere, and beere in armes by the saide duchie of Normandie in a feelde of +gulis .ij. libardis of golde. + +[Sidenote: Nota de tempore quo Rex Anglić intitulatus ducatui de Angew et +comitatui Mayne.] + +How long the king is entitled to the righte enheritaunce of Angew and +Mayne. + +[Sidenote: Matildis filia et heres Henrici primi copulata fuit imperatori, +et quo mortuo copulata fuit Galfrido Plantagenet, et ex ea Henricus .ij. +natus est.] + +[Sidenote: 1127.] + +[Sidenote: Angew. Nota, pro titulo ducat' Andegav'.] + +And that as for youre next enheritaunce that fille to youre seide +progenitoures and to you in the duchie of Anjou and countee of Mayne and +Tourayne, it is also notorily knowen among alle cristen princes and be +parfit writing how that dame Maude, whiche was doughter and soule heire to +that puissaunt king Henry the first, that after she weddid was to the +emperoure of Almayne; after his decese the saide Maude emperesse was maried +the yere of Crist .M^l.cxxvij. to Geffry Plantagenest son to Fouke king of +Jherusalem, that was erle of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, by whome the +saide Maude had issue that most famous king in renome Henry the seconde, +whiche be right of his moder Maude was right king and enheritoure of +Englonde, also duke of Normandie seisid. And be right of his foresaide +father Geffrey Plantagenet was bethout any clayme or interupcion right +enheritour and seisid of the said countee of Anjou, Mayne, Toreyne +continued this .iij^c.xlvij. yer. [And the noble actys of the seyd erles of +Angew wyth her lynealle dessentys ben wryten yn the cronicles called _Ymago +historiarum_ that maister Raffe de Diceto dene of Poulys yn seynt Thomas +Canterbery days wrote notablye. And therfore the armys of the noble erlys +that for her prowesse were chosen king of Jerusalem wold be worshypped, +because yowr hyghnes ys descended of the eyr masle, that ys to wete of +Geffry Plantagenest erle of Angew, and the countee of Mayne by maryage was +unyoned to the erledom of Angew to longe to wryte.[119]] + +{24} + +[Sidenote: Gyen.] + +Here is made mencion of the title of Gascoigne and Guien, and how long agoo +passed possessid. + +[Sidenote: Nota, pro titulo Vasconić.] + +[Sidenote: M^{l}.cxxxvij.] + +[Sidenote: Alienora et Alicić filić et heredes Will'mi ducis Guion.] + +[Sidenote: Nota, divortio facta inter regem Francić et Alienoram.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus ij^{d'} Anglić rex superduxit Alienoram filiam et +heredem Willielmi ducis de Guien circa M.cxlvj^{ad}] + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo Henrici ij.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, Karolus vij rex Frauncić primo intrusionem fecit in +ducatum Normannić, Gascon, Guion, etc. circa annum M^{l}iiij^clj.] + +And than for to be put in remembraunce of youre auncien enheritaunce, +verray right and title in youre duchies of Gascoigne and Guien, withe the +countrees, baronnyees and seignouries therto belonging. It is in like +fourme knowen of highe recorde, enacted in divers cronicles, as amongis +many other historialle bookis of auctorite, that aboute the yere of Crist +.M^l.cxxxvij. William the duke of Guien died bethout heire masle, uppon his +voiage he made to seint James, havyng .ij. doughters and heires, called +Alienore, the second Alice, and king Lowes of Fraunce in his yong age, by +the agrement of Lowys le gros his father, spoused the said Alienor, to +whome the said duchie was hole enheriter. And after the said king Lowes +came to yeris of discretion, the archebisshoppis of Sens, of Rayns, of +Rone, and of Burdeux, withe others barouns, made relacion to the said king +Lowes that the saide Alienor was so neere of his blode that he might not +laufullie be the chirche kepe her to wiffe, so be theire counceile they +bothe were departed laufully, and the said king Lowes maried after that +Constance the king of Spayne doughter. And the said Alienor the duches of +Gascoigne and Guien went to Burdeux. Than came the forsaid king Harry the +seconde of Englande, that was the Erle of Anjou is sonne and heire, and +wedded the said Alienor about the yere of Crist M^l.cxlvj. by whome he was +duke of Gascoigne and Guien, and his heires after hym, of whom ye bene +descended and come right downe. And the said king Henry the seconde bare in +armes frome that day forthe the saide libarde of golde withe the other two +libardis of the same that is borne for Duke of Normandie. So in conclusion +he was, be right of his moder dame Maude, the empresse, king of Englonde +and duke of Normandie, and, be right of his father Geffry Plantagenest, +erle of Anjou and of Mayne and Torayne; be right of his wiffe dame Alienor, +duke of Guien; of whiche duchie of Gascoigne and Guien your noble {25} +progenitours have continually be possessid and seased of, this +.iij^c.xxviij. yere complete, tille that by intrusion of youre said +adversarie Charlis the vij^{the}. of Fraunce have disscasid yow in or about +the monithe of June the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.lj., as he hathe late done +of youre enheritaunce of Fraunce and Normandie and of the counte of Mayne, +thoroughe umbre of the said fenied colour of trewes, ayenst alle honoure +and trouthe of knighthode. + +How the historier procedithe in his matier of exhortacion. + +[Sidenote: Nota bonum concilium.] + +[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga dicit.] + +And for to think to alle cristen nacions for to fight in bataile if the cas +require it soo, that youre said enheritaunce can not be recuverid by none +other due meane of pease, bothe for youre defens for the recuverey of youre +roiaume of Fraunce, duchie of Normandie, and sithen sone after the duchie +of Gascoigne, that alle cristen princes opynly may know it is youre verray +true enheritaunce, and for salvacion of youre enheritaunce by undew menys +lost; for that yt ys wryten by [maister Aleyn Chareter, _id est_ de Auriga, +in hys boke of Quadrilogue, secretaire to Charlys le bien amée, the yere of +Crist .1422. yn thys termys: "Ayenst Herry the .v^{th}., named kyng," yn +provokyng the adverse partye to werre ayenst the seyd king Herry. How[120]] +the famous clerke of eloquence Tullius seithe in his booke of retherique +that, like as a man recevethe his lyving in a region or in a countree, so +is he of naturall reason bounde to defende it; and law of nature, as welle +as law imperiall whiche is auctorised by popis and emperours, wol +condescend and agre to the same. Also Caton affirmithe withe the said +Tullie. Therfor late not this gret and importune losses now by infortune +and of over grete favoure and trust put to youre adversaries, fallen ayenst +this lande undre the umbre and coloure of trewes and abstinence of werre +late hadde and taken at Towris atwixen Charlis the .vij^{th}. youre +adversaire of Fraunce and your predecessour {26} Harry the sext, and now +uppon the exercise and usaige of bataile and left by so little a tyme, +forto discomfort or fere to a new recovere. Not so: God defende that! for +the famous poet Ovide seiethe that who so levithe the pursute and foloweing +of good fortune for one mysaventure, it shalle never come to hym. And +namely the said Water Malexander agreithe hym to the same saieng, and +affermyng that good courages of hertis be not mynissed, broken, ne lessid +for disusage and levyng armes for a litille season, nether for sodeyn +recountres and hasty comyng on, be force of whiche one mysadventure may +folow. + +[Sidenote: Nota quod pro defectu excercicii armorum mala sequentur +exercitui Romanorum.] + +How for the defaute of exercise of armes the gret nombre of Romains were +scomfited by men of Cartage. + +[Sidenote: Syr Alanus de Auriga.] + +[Sidenote: Notand' est.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de cede Romanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de annulis inventis super digitos Romanorum occisorum.] + +A, mercifulle God! what was the losses of the Romayns, whiche in defaute +and by negligence lost by a litille tyme left the exercise of armes was +fulle gret ayenst the doughty men of Cartage, whan alle the puissaunce of +the Romains were assembled in bataile, where that were so many noble men +and coragious peple, the whiche were innumerable, assembled and joyned in +bataile, that men say was betwene Camos and Hanibal prince of Cartage, the +whiche discomfit before duke Camos in Puylle be suche power that the ringis +of golde take frome the fingers of ded bodies of the said Romains, whiche +were men of price and renomme, and Titus Livius seiethe in his booke of +Romayne batailes were extendid and mesurid to the quantite of mesure of +.xij. quarters or more, whiche Hanibal brought withe hym to his countre of +Cartage in signe of victorie. + +[Sidenote: Nota de experiencia armorum ex parte Romanorum.] + +How after the seide gret descomfiture that a few nombre of Romans expert in +werre (_unfinished_) + +But the worthy Romains, for alle that, left not the hope and trust of +recovering on another day, whan God lust, onnere and fortune, theyme so +exercised daily armes, [and] after accustumyng hem ayene {27} to werre, +were by experience lerned and enhardid, that, as by the exorting and +comforting of one of theire princes, he assembled another time in bataile +ayenst the litille residue that were left of the said Romayns, and by +subtile craft of wise policie and good conduyt in actis of werre they fille +and tooke uppon theym and charged theym so moche that by unware of theire +purveiaunce met withe the said Haniballe at certen streightes and narow +places fille into the handis of Romains, to the gret discomfiture and +destruccion of Haniballe his gret oost of Cartage. + +[Sidenote: Exercitium armorum excedit divicias.] + +How men of armes welle lerned and excercised is of a grettir tresoure then +any precious stones or riche tresour. + +Dame Cristen saiethe in the first booke of the Tree of Batailes that there +is none erthely thing more forto be allowed than a countre or region whiche +be furnisshed and stored withe good men of armes well lerned and exercited; +for golde, silver, ne precious stones surmountethe not ne conquerithe not +ennemies, nother in time of pease wardithe the peple to be in rest, the +whiche thing a puissaunt man in armes dothe. + +How a few nombre of the Romains that were expert and connyng in the werre +descomfited .c.iiij^{xx}.M^l. of Frenshemen that the prince of hem tolde +and set right litille by. + +[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo.] + +[Sidenote: In multitudine gencium non consistit victoria, ut infra. Nota +bene.] + +[Sidenote: Averaunces. D'n's Talbot. D'n's Fauconberge. Harflete.] + +[Sidenote: J. dux Som', Ed's Dors'. Cane.] + +[Sidenote: Fastolf. Harynton.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene et applica.] + +Also ye may consider by example of king Bituitus of the countre of Gaule +clepid Fraunce, the whiche went ayenst the Romains withe an hondred and +fourescore thousande men of armes; and he saw so few a companie of the +Romains comyng that he despraised hem, and seid of gret pride that there +were not inoughe of the Romains for to fede the doggis of his oost: +neverthelesse, that few company were so welle excersised and lerned in +armes that there were ynoughe whiche overcome and destroied the said king +of Gaule and alle his gret {28} oost; whiche storie may be verified in +every bataile or journay atwix youre adversarie of Fraunce and youre +predecessoures entreprises this .xxxv. yeres that continued in possession +frome king [named[121]] Henry the .v. is conquest till it was lost: for at +the bataile of Agincourt descomfited by seid king Henry the .v.^{th} [wyth +a few nomber.[121]] And at the bataile of the see ayenst the carrakes +descomfited by Johan duke of Bedforde and the erle of the Marche being +principalle cheveteins also in that bataile [wyth a few nombre yn +comparison of the grete Frensh navye.[121]] Also at the journay of +Kedecause descomfited be Thomas Beauforde erle Dorset after was duke of +Eccestre; [the erle of Armonak conestable of Fraunce beyng aboute x.M^l +fyghtyng men ayenst aboute .ix^c. accompanyed wyth the erle Dorset.[121]] +Also at the bataile of Cravaunt descomfited by [Johan duc of Bedford as by +hys lieutenaunt[121]] Thomas Montague the erle of Salisbury and Roberd +[lord[121]] Willugheby chiefeteynes. And at the bataile of Vernelle fought +and descomfited by Johan regent duke of Bedforde, the said erle of +Salisbury and the erle of Suffolke, [lord Wyllughby, lord Pownynnys, ser +John Fastolf, and many other noble men yn armys.[121]] Also at the bataylle +of Roveraye foughte [ayenst the bastard of Burbon, the bastard of +Orlyance,[121]] be ser Johan Fastolfe, ser Thomas Rempstone, chiefteins, +upon the vitailing the siege of Orliaunce. Also at the rescue of the cite +[of] Averaunces fought by Edmonde duke of Somerset and the erle of +Shrewisburie and lorde Fauconberge chiefeteins. And at the second wynnyng +of Hareflete fought [beseged[121]] by Johan duke of Somerset, by Edmund +erle of Dorset, and the erle of Shrewisbury, at the rescue of Cane fought +by ser Johan Fastolfe and ser Richarde Harington, and his felouship, +[ayenst .xxx.M^l. men.[121]] And so in many other [sodeyn jorneys and[121]] +sharpe recountres sodenly met and foughten, to long to write here. And also +for the gret part at any maner bataile, journey, enterprise, [seges,[121]] +and rescuse of places, it hathe bene alway seen that the power of Fraunce +have be in nombre of peple assembled ayenst youre power {29} by double so +many, or by the thrid part, yet youre right and title have bene so goode +and fortunat, and men so well lernid and exercised in armes, that withe few +peple have descomfited the gret multitude of your adverse partie. + +How Vegesse in his Booke of Chevalrie also gretly recomendithe exercise in +men of armes. + +[Sidenote: Vegescius de re militari.] + +O then, seith Vegecius in his Booke of Chevalrie, therbe none that knowethe +the gret merveilles and straunge aventures of armes and knighthode, the +whiche be comprehendid and nombred in dedis of armes, to tho that be +exercised in suche labouris of armes, that withe wise conduyt prudently can +aventure and hardely take uppon theym such sodein entreprinses on hande. + +[Sidenote: Animacio.] + +[Sidenote: Concideracio.] + +O then, ye noble Englisshe chevalrie, late it no mervaile be to yow, in +lessing youre courage ne abating of your hardiesse, they that ye renew +youre coragious hertis to take armes and entreprinses, seeing so many good +examples before yow of so many victorius dedis in armes done by youre noble +progenitoures, and that it hathe be a thing to moche left discorage you +not; for, thoughe that ye were in renomme accepted alleway withe the most +worthi as in dede of armes, but now at this time ye ben take and accepted +in suche marcialle causes that concernithe werre on the left hande, as +withe the simplest of price and of reputacion. And it is to suppose that it +is rather in defaute of exercising of armes left this .xxiiij. yere day +that the londes were lost, thoroughe the said coloure of trewes, and for +lak of good provisions bothe of artillery and ordenaunce for the werre and +soudeyng to be made in dew season, and for singuler covetice reignyng among +some peple endowed with worldly goodes, that can not depart but easily +withe finaunce [wagyng[122]] and soulde theim in tyme of nede, then for +defaut of good corage and manhode, whiche is to deme werre never feerser ne +corageouser to dedis of armes, so they may be cherished and avaunced +therafter, as ben at this day. + +{30} + +How dame Cristen counceilithe to make true paimentis to sowdieris. + +[Sidenote: Hic nota optime pro solucione soldariorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota concilium.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.] + +For ye shalle rede in the first part of the Arbre of Batailes, where dame +Cristen exhortithe and counceilithe that every chieftein and capiteyne of +men of armes ought to have goode paimentis and sewre for assignacion of +paiment for his sowdieris for so long tyme that he trustithe to endure and +be souded in that voiage and armes; for to that singlerly before thing alle +chieveteyns shulde have regarde, by as moche as it is the principalle and +chief cause of the good spede and conduit of here entreprise, and the +undoing and mischief of it [the contrarye[123]], if the paimentis be not +duely made to the soudeours; for late it be put in certein that no +cheveteyn can not have ne kepe long tyme good men of armes eville paied or +long delaied, but discoragethe them as sone as paiment failethe, and +takethe theire congie and licence of theire prince, if they can have +licence, orellis they departethe bethout licence. And also of overmoche +trust and avauntage gyven to your adversaries be this dissimiled trewes as +otherwise. And also when that the cheveteins take more kepe to good than to +worship [and] using justice. And as welle as in defaute of largesse to +youre obeissauntes, not rewarding ne cherisshing youre obeissauntes +subgettis yolden and sworne stedfastly abiding under your obeissaunce, but +suffring them to be oppressid and charged unduely in divers wises, as well +by over gret taskis and tailis rered uppon them, and therto they finding +bothe horsmete and mannysmete to youre soudeours riding be the contre +without contenting or agreing hem, becaus of nompower of youre said men ben +not paide of here wages and soude, by lak of simple payment [caused the +rather the ducdom of Normandy to be lost.[123]] + +[Sidenote: Nota peroptimum concilium istud.] + +[Sidenote: Inquiratur pro libro illo, bonum est.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Dux Bedfordić.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Exhortacio.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Exhortacio ad observandum ordinacionem principis in bello.] + +[Sidenote: Verba m'ri Alani de Auriga.] + +And the same dame Cristen in the .xiiij. chapiter seiethe that a noble good +cheveteyn, whiche wolbe a leder of a felowship in werre, he must use +justice to Goddis pleasure; and that he may stand in the grace and favoure +of the worlde, and of his retenu and {31} of other peple undre hym, that +the said chieftein must pay his men of soude so justly and truly, bethout +any defalking [or] abbregging of here wagis, that they have no nede to lyve +by pillage, extorcion, and rapyn uppon the countreis of here frendis that +be yolden undre obeisaunce of here prince. And be this way the ost may +never faut, for then the ost shalbe furnished of alle costis coostis[124] +commyng withe vitailes inoughe; so that it be provided that marchauntes and +vitailers may surely passe and come, and that a payne resonable be made, +that uppon forfeiting that payne no man take vitaile beforce without +payment made in hande, as the proclamacions made by Henry the .v^{the}., +that victorious prince, in his host. [And also the statutes made by Johan +regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, by a parlement at Cane, yn the .ij^{de}. +yeere of [blessed[125]] Henry .vj^{te}., named kyng, uppon the conduyt of +the werre, that I delyvered to your hyghenes enseled, the day before your +departyng out of London, that remayned yn the kepyng of ser Johan Fastolfe +for grate autoritee, a. iij.[126]] And that no damage or offence be done to +the marchauntes. It is fulle gret jupardie and perille to an oost where as +covetise of pillage and rappyne reignithe among men of armes more than +theire entencion is to kepe and meinteine the right of theire prince's +partie. And the worship of chevalrie and knighthode ys that they shulde +peine hem to wynne. And suche as ben of that inordynat condicion of +covetise and rappyne oughte rather be clepid pilleris, robberis, +extorcioneris, than men of armes chevalerous. In example the said dame +Cristen puttithe that the men of armes of the countre of Gaule, whiche now +is Fraunce, that had in a tyme a discomfiture and the overhande uppon the +Romains, being assembled withe a grete oost embatailed upon the river of +Rosne in Burgoyne; and the men of Gaule had wonne gret praies and good, as +horse harneis, vesselle of golde and of silver gret plente; but as to the +worldly goodes they set no count ne prise of it, but cast it into the +river. And in semblable wise it was saide of Johan duke of Bedforde, then +regent, that the day he had the victorie at the {32} bataile of Vernaile, +he exhorted, making an oration to his peple, that they attende not to +covetise, for no sight of juelx and riches of cheynes of golde or nouches +[or] ringis cast before hem or left in the feelde, to take them up, whiche +might be the losse of the feeld, tille God had shewed his power and +fortune; but onely to worship and to doo that that they come for. And so be +the jugement of God had the victorie withe gret worship and riches, be the +raunsonyng of prisoneris, and be rewardis of the said regent in londis and +goodis to every man for theire welle doing that day, rewarded in lifelode +of londes and tenementis yoven in the counte of Mayne to the yerely valeu +of .x.M^l. marcs yerely, whiche was .lx.M^l.li. Turneis, as it is of record +to shew; the whiche was don aftyr the Romayns' condicion, seeing that thei +set so litille by goodis dispising but onely by worship, the whiche the +saide Romains were gretly astonied and dred her power, for thei saw it +never done before. And wolde Jhesus for his highe grace that every prince, +chieftein, or captein wolde be of so noble condicions as is before made +mencion of! I have be credibly enfourmed by tho as were present in bateile +withe the fulle noble and victorius prince of renomme king Henry the +.v^{te}. youre cousin and antecessour, used the saide counceile among his +ostes. And also at the bateile of Agincourt be the exortacion of that +forseyd noble prince Henry the .v^{the}. counceiled to set not be no +tresure, praies, ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver, aswelle of +tho that were his there lost, ne of the juelx that he wonne, but only to +his right and to wonne worship. And that also fulle noble prince youre +cousin Johan duke of Bedforde, another victorius prince, folowed his +steppis tho daies that he was regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, and whan +his chariottes of his tresoure and vesselle at the bataile of Vernelle in +Perche was bereved frome hym by Lombardis and other sowdieris holding youre +adverse partie, he comaunded the oost embatailed not forto breke ne remeve +[theyr aray[127]] for wynnyng or kepyng worldly goodis, but only to wynne +worship in the right of Englonde that day, whiche he hadde the victorie to +his grettist renomme. + +{33} But yet it most be suffred paciently the fortune that is gevyn to +youre ennemies at this tyme, and late the case be taken for a new lerning, +and to the sharping of goode corages, to the refourmyng and amendement of +theire wittis. For the saide Ovide the lawreat poet saiethe that it +happithe often times that mysaventures lernithe tho that bene conquerid to +be wise. And so at other times in actis and dedis of armes that for lak of +providence or mysfortune were overthrow, enforcethe hem to be conquerours +[another seson.[128]] Here is yet noone so gret inconvenient of aventure ne +mysfortune falle at this tyme, but that it hathe be seene fallen er now [yn +kyng Johan dayes and in kyng Edward iij^d day, as yn hys gret age put owt +of Normandye and off many castells and townes yn Gyen by kyng Charlys the +.v^{te}.[128]] + +[Sidenote: Defectus pecunić ad solvendum soldarios fuit causa una +prodicionis ducatus Normannić.] + +How the duchie of Normandie for lak of a sufficient arme waged in due time, +that king Johan [of England[128]] had not sufficiently wherof to wage [his +peple,[128]] he lost the duchie of Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Infinita mala ex sensualitate corporis.] + +[Sidenote: .1203.] + +For a like mysfortune and overthrow fille unto us for defaute of providence +and helpe in dew tyme, and sensualite of lustis of the bodie idely +mispendid, and for lak of finaunce and goode[gh] to soude and wage goode +mennys bodies over into Normandie and other contrees, ande thoroughe the +umbre of trewes, the hole privacion of your duchie of Normandie, and of +Angew, Mayne, and Torayne, and a gret part of Gascoigne and Guyen, was in +king Johan daies by king Philip dieudonné of Fraunce, the yere of Crist +.M^l.ij^c.iij^o. in the monithe of Maij began. + +{34} + +[Sidenote: Treugć pluries infractć.] + +How many divers times trewes that were taken betwene king Richarde the +first, king Johan, and king Edward the thrid at the finalle peas generalle +betwene tho kinges and the Frenshe kinges, were afterwarde be the Frenshe +partie first broken. + +[Sidenote: Nota fallacias Francorum in rupcione treugarum; vide et attende +bene.] + +[Sidenote: Treuga pessima a^{o} Xp'i 1259.] + +[Sidenote: De infinitis dampnis ex ilia treuga sine pace.] + +[Sidenote: De pluribus treugis sine effectu durationis.] + +[Sidenote: Edward ij^{d}.] + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo regis.] + +[Sidenote: Effectus maritagii Isabellć reginć heredis regni Francić.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus ij^{us} duxit Isabellam filiam et heredem Karoli regis +Francić a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] + +And thus undre the coloure of trewes at divers times taken atwixt youre +noble progenitoures king Henry the seconde, and also divers treties taken +betwene the said king Johan and king Philip, and also sondry tymes trewes +taken betwene king Richarde the first and the Frenshe king Philip +dieudonné. And notwithestanding so oft tymes trewes and alliaunces taken +and made betwene the forsaide kinges of Englonde and of Fraunce, alle waye +whan the Frenshe partie coude have and fynde any avauntage or coloure to +breke here trewes they did make new werre ayenst this lande. Also there was +another trewes made at Paris the monithe of Octobre the yere of Crist +M^l.cclix. betwene king Henry the thrid and Lowes king of Fraunce, the +whiche king Lowes haveng grete conscience that he heelde bethout title of +right the duchie of Normandie, the counté of Angew, Mayne, and Toureyne, +out of the handis of the kinges of Englonde, therfore toke a trewis withe +king Henry the thridde; and the saide king Lowes graunted and confirmed to +the saide king Henry and to his heires for ever all the right that he hadd +or myght have in the duchie of Gascoigne, withe thre eveschies clepid +diocesis and citees in the saide duchie, that is to witt, Limogensis, +Caourcensis, and Pieregourt. Also at[129] Agenois and Peito. And a peas to +be made atwix bothe kinges undre the condicion that the saide king Henry +thrid shuld relese unto king Lowes alle his right in Normandie and in the +countre of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, your verray auncient enheritaunce +tailed, whiche albeit if the said king Henry thrid had alone made any suche +relese it was of none strenght ne effect, for it was never graunted be the +auctorite of the parlement of thre astatis of his roiaume. For it is to be +undrestande that be no law imperialle ne by no dew reason can be founded +{35} that a prince may not gyve away his duchees or countees ne his +demaynes that is his propre enheritaunces to a straunge parsone, of what +astate or degre he is, bethout the agrement and consenting of a parlement +of his lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and of his comyns assembled, and +a sufficient nombre of every of hem, as it hathe bene accustumed; so in +conclusion the relese of king Henry thrid to king Lowes was and is voide. +And if any relese of king Lowes to the said king Henry in the said duchie +of Gascoine had be made it standithe of fulle litille effect, becaus it was +the said king Henry propre enheritaunce by his aiel king Henry the second +that weddid dame Alienor duchesse and heriter of Guien, as is before +expressid. And so the said king Lowes relese was a confirmacion of the said +duchie of Guien into king Henry thrid is possession and a disclayme frome +the kinges of Fraunce for ever. Also ther was another trux and pease made +the yere of Crist M^l.cclxxix., at Amyens, betwen king Edwarde first and +king Philip of Fraunce, that the said king Edwarde shulde holde peasibly +all the saide landes in Gascoigne. Another trewes and peas made at Paris +the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxxxvj. betwene the said king Edwarde first and +king Philip of Fraunce for the saide duchie of Guien. Another trews made at +Paris, the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.iij^o., the monithe of Maij, betwene +king Edwarde first and king Philip of Fraunce, that marchauntes and alle +maner men might passe to bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce bethout +empeshement, and heelde not long. Another trux made in the yere of Crist +M^l.cc.xiij., in a towne clept in Latyn Pissaicus, betwene king Edwarde +second and king Phelip king of Fraunce for the said duchie of Guien. And in +the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxiiij. king Charles of Fraunce and of Navarre +seased certein townes and forteresses in Guien for defaut of homage of the +king Edwarde second for the said duchie of Guien, whiche townes and +forteresses after was delivered ayen to the king Edwarde by the moyen of +Edmonde erle of Kent, his lieftenaunt. Also another pease made in the yere +of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxv. betwene king Edwarde second and king Charles de +Valoys of Fraunce, be reason and meane that {36} the saide king Edwarde +weddid dam Isabel king Charles of Fraunce daughter, [soule[130]] enheriter +of Fraunce; and at that tyme king Edward made Edmond his brother erle of +Kent his lieftenaunt for the duchie of Guyen, whiche fulle nobly governed +and kept that contre. + +[Sidenote: a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum Scluse.] + +Also in semblable wise in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xl. the .xiij. yere +of king Edwarde the thrid, after the saide king had wonne the gret bataile +of Scluse ayenst Philip de Valois his adversarie, and besieged Tourenay in +Picardie, whan the saide Philip de Valois and the [kyngis[130]] Frenshe +lordis were gretly rebuked and put abak, they desired a trux of king +Edwarde frome the monithe of Septembre tille the feest of saint John next +sueng, to the gret damage of the king Edwarde conquest. And the Bretons +making under that colour mortalle werre to this land, but they were kept in +subgeccion, and a gret bataile of descomfiture ayenst them had by the erle +of Northampton, then the kingis lieutenaunt in that parties. + +Also the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xliij^o., the .xix. day of Januarii, +another gret trux for the yere take withe Philip de Valois calling hym +king, youre saide adversarie, and his allies, and the saide trux broken be +the seide Philip bethin thre yeris after, comaunding the Bretons to make +werre ayenst youre progenitours. + +[Sidenote: Obcidio Cane.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum Cressye.] + +And the noble king Edwarde the thrid, seeing that, in the monithe of Julie, +the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij^o., the .xx. yere of his reigne, disposed +hym ayen to werre ayen withe the saide Philip, and wanne upon hym the +strong towne of Cane, [and had[130]] the sore fought bataile of Cressy, the +castelle of Calix by a harde siege bethin few daies after leide and +(_unfinished_.) + +[Sidenote: De pace finali quamvis non sortiebatur diu effectum.] + +[Sidenote: .1363.] + +[Sidenote: Chaundos chevalier.] + +[Sidenote: De magnificencia Joh'is Chundos.] + +[Sidenote: Princeps Edwardus.] + +[Sidenote: De pluribus comitatibus in Vasconia sub obediencia regis +Anglić.] + +[Sidenote: 1364.] + +How notwithestonding a finalle peas was made solempnely be the fulle assent +of king Johan of Fraunce prisoner, as it is the chief auctorite, and +comprehendid in many articles most sufficiauntly grounded by auctorite of +the Pope, confermed that, for alle that it helde not passe .vij. or .viij. +yere after. And so contynued by .xiij. {37} yeris fro the saide tyme mortal +werre continued tille a final generalle peas was made after by agrement of +king Johan of Fraunce that was take betwene the said noble king Edwarde the +thrid and the saide king Johan the monithe of Maij the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lx., at Bretigny, the Pope assentyng, and be mediacion of +cardinales, archebishoppis, bisshoppis, abbotis, dukes, erles, barons, and +lordis, and by the assent of bothe parties of Englande as of Fraunce, and +confermed by the saide Pope and the sacramentis of both cristen kinges, +made bothe by hemselfe and by here commissaries in suche solempne wise that +alle cristen princes wolde have thought it shulde stande ferme and have +bene stable for ever, ande whiche finalle peas dured not scant .viij^{the}. +yere after, but that it was broke fraudulentlie be feyned causes and +colourable quarellis of the Frenshe partie, as of the erle of Armenak and +other lordis of Guien. And after king Charles the .v^{the}, of Fraunce, son +to king Johan, under colour of the seide trux and fynal peas made be his +father, put king Edwarde the thrid and his sonnes and other his +lieutenauntes out of alle his conquest, aswelle of alle the londis that +king Edwarde conquerid in Fraunce, Normandie, Burgoyne, and Flaundres, and +out of many other countee[gh], baronies, and lordshippes, and of a gret +part of the duchie of Guien, whiche countee[gh] and lordshippes in +Gascoigne and Guien were given utterly and plenerlie to doo none homage, ne +sovereinte to holde but of the saide noble king Edwarde, and of alle his +enheriteris, never to resort ayen in homage ne feute to youre adversaries +of Fraunce, as it is expresly enacted and recorded in the registres of alle +the homagieris of Guien and Gascoigne, that was made by the erle of +Armenak, the lorde de la Brette, vicecountes, barons, chevalers, and +escuiers, and alle other nobles of the saide duchies, made to the saide +king Edwarde and to prince Edwarde the duke of Guien the kingis +lieutenaunt; that is to wete, in the cathedralle chirche of saint Andrieu +chirche at Burdeux, the .xix. day of Juilly, the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lxiij., present there ser Thomas Beauchampe erle of Warewik, that +aventurous and most fortunat knighte in his daies, and ser John Chaundos of +Herfordshire {38} vicount de Saint Saveoure [in Normandye,[131]] whiche had +bene in many batailes, and had the governaunce of M^l. speris, and was +comissarie for king Edwarde, withe a fulle grete ost of multitude of peple +well defensid in Guien. And so, after that prince Edwarde had received alle +the homages aboute Bourdeux, Bordelois, and Bassedois, within the +seneschalcie of Gascoigne, than he and the said comissaries went to alle +the countees foloweng and received theire homages and feutees bothe in the +name of King Edwarde .iij^d., and than in like fourme did homage to the +prince as Duc of Guien. And was no differens betwene the bothe homages +doing to the King and to the Duc of Guien, except that homager at his othe +making to the saide duke he reserved the sovereinte and the ressort dew to +his highe soverein seigneur king Edwarde. [So he] toke the homages of alle +the vassallis and subgettis in the seneschalcie of Agenois, after in the +seneschalcie of Landis, after in the counte of Bigorre, then in the +seneschalcie of Pierregort, in the seneschalcie of Caoursyn and Roergev' +and Lymosyn, also in the counté of Engwillom, also in the seneschalcie of +Xantonge, than in the counté of Poitou and Poytiers. By whiche it may be +considerid be the said countees and countrees before specified, it was of a +wide space and many a thousand peple that were at that tyme and yet ought +be under youre obeisaunce. And the saide prince Edwarde and the kinges +commissaries made here journeis by .viij. monithes day as tille the +.iiij^{the}. day of Aprille the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxiiij., or thei +coude receive alle the saide homagiers; whiche now in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.li., after that hole Normaundie was lost, and also Gascoigne and +Guien yoven up in defaute of socoure [of an armee made[131]] in season, +many of youre saide trew liege peple be overcome by youre adversaries of +Fraunce, and many a thousand peple of nobles and others coherted and be +force ayenst theire hertis wille and entent to become homagiers to youre +saide adversarie by the hole privacion of the saide duchie of Guien, as of +Normandie, whiche withe the helpe of almightie God and {39} saint George, +chief defendoure and protectoure of these youre londis, withe the comfort +of youre true subgectis, shalnot abide long in theire possession ne +governaunce. + +[Sidenote: De pace finali.] + +[Sidenote: .1420.] + +[Sidenote: Pro titulo regis nota.] + +And now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king Charlis +the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at Trois in +Champayne, the .xxj. day of Maij the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xx., and +registred in the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and +debates betwene the roiaume of Englande and the roiaume of Fraunce shulde +for ever cease; and the saide finalle peas heelde not fullie .ij. yeris, +but brake sone after the decese of that victorioux prince king Harry the +.v^{the}., upon his mariage withe quene Katerin. + +[Sidenote: De infractione treugarum nota hoc.] + +And now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at Towris betwene Henry +the sext, the innocent[132] prince, and Charlis the .vij^{the}., youre +adversarie of Fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. yere of his reigne, solempnely +sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the Frenshe partie. + +[Sidenote: De continuacione hereditatis ducatus Normandić. Rollo dux +vocatus Robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno Dacić vocati +Byercoteferre.] + +[Sidenote: Nota causam &c.] + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +And none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, notwithstanding +any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre adversarie and be his +dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide Frenshe partie, but alway brake the +saide trewes whan they coude take any avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe +openly, and may be a mirroure for ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust +any trewes taking by youre saide adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be +it the duke of Breteyne, the duke of Orliens, or any suche other his +complisses: for where as youre noble progenitours were seased and possessid +of the said duchie of Normandie sithe that duke Rollo of the nacion of +Denmarke, the yere of Crist .ix^cxij. conquerid it upon Charlis le Simple, +to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide duchie, and so +hathe continued from heire to heire .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere, but after as it +may be cast it was .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of +Fraunce is hande tille it was lost in king Johan is daies of Englande. And +than for suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under {40} [the +umbre of trewes and for puttyng down Arthur of Breteyn,[133]] it was lost +and yoven up to the seide king Phelip dieudonné in the yere of Crist +M^l.cc.iij., about the first [and second[133]] yere of the seide king +Johan. And frome the saide first yere of king Johan the possession of the +saide duchie of Normandie discontynued .C.xxxvj. yere, that was to the yere +of Crist M^l.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed by +youre noble progenitoure king Edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris leide +segis and had batailes withe Philip de Valois and Johan of Fraunce, +occupieris of that kingdom. + +How king Edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret astatis +or he began to make werre in Fraunce. + +[Sidenote: Nota de auxilio regis Edwardi.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderand'.] + +[Sidenote: In cronicis Frodsard.] + +[Sidenote: Pax finalis sperata fuit.] + +[Sidenote: .1360.] + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: Consideracio.] + +And therto king Edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to socour and +reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first withe Lowes +emperoure of Allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande sak wolle for +perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to helpe king +Edward the thrid in his conquest; and after allied hym to the erle of +Heynew and to the erle of Flaundres, and also withe the duke of Bretein; +the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe to his conquest in +Fraunce and Normandie, for he wanne at the first raise that he made over +the see M^l.M^l.v^c. townes and castellis, and soforthe reigned and +continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the Frenshe king and his +allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his enheritaunces, like as who +so lust rede the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster[133]] Froddesarde +more plainly may perceyve. And so alle his daies contynued tille unto the +tyme that be dissimulacion of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his +prisoner king Johan of Fraunce, made at Bretigny the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes Charles le Sage his +sonne, after the decese of king Johan, did put king Edwarde thrid out of +alle his said conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, and partie of Guyen. And +sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes {41} hathe be done by +that victorioux prince Henry the .v^{the}., he being parsonelly bothe at +many sieges, leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second +yere of his reigne [exclusyfe[134]] into the day of his trespassement the +space of .vij. yere. Whiche labouris parcellis of them briefly bene +specified before. And there youre obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple +be put owt of their londis and tenementis yoven to hem by youre +predecessoures, as wel as be that highe and mighty prince Richarde duke of +Yorke youre father, being at two voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in +Fraunce, for service done unto hem in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen +to theire undoing. Heh allas! thei did crie, and woo be the tyme they +saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or +theire allie[gh] in any trewes keping, considering so many folde tymes we +have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is +late before specified. And yet not for alle these inconvenientis that have +falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre umbre of suche dissimuled +trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe they holde theym never so +proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and crafty in suche deceitis +conspiring, they by Goddis might shalbe overcome and brought to the right +astate that it oughte be, where as the title and clayme of thenheritaunce +of Fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence have be shewed by us in +executing the saide right, as it is verefied briefly by examples here +before. + +[Sidenote: Divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.] + +How be it that at som tymes that God suffrithe the partie that hathe a true +title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man shulde not be +discouraged alway to sew his right. + +[Sidenote: .1450.] + +[Sidenote: Infortunium bellum apud Fermenye ultima vice.] + +[Sidenote: Gyen.] + +[Sidenote: Burdeux.] + +[Sidenote: De sancto Lodovico rege Frauncić.] + +And albeit that at som tymes God suffrethe the partie that hathe right and +a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly parsecuted, +and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some tyme to be +overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in {42} bataile be divine +providence whan hym lust to be Juge, thoughe the peple be never so goode, +ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for no suche +adversite and as have fallen the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.l., be the last +overthrow of a notable arme at Fremyny, where ser Thomas Kirielle knight, +lieftenaunt in that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the +nombre about .ix^c.,[135]] a grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde +not obbey at the day of that journay at that sodeyne recountre to her +chieftein, and taried lengir in his voiage after he was londed or he came +to any strong holde was present.[136] Also another gret armee and voiage +fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this yere of Crist M^l.cccclj., +whiche were at last redy to goo to Gyen, the armee taried upon the see +coostis in Englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire payment was redie. +And the cite of Burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. Yet God +defende that thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged. +Late us take example in according to this. It is wretin in the booke of +Machabeus, in the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull Judas Machabeus, +seeyng Goddis peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of +theym, seide to his knightis, A, a, It is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe +and rather to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and +troubles of oure infortune. And fro thens forthe by the wille of God, good +corage and comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the +victorie in alle theire batailes. Also another example by seint Lowes king +of Fraunce, whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into +the holy land in [about[135]] the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx., and +suffrethe gret adversiteis among the Sarresyns, he and his knightis +overthrow and take prisoneris to the Soudan of Babilon, and the king put to +gret raunsom paide, his peple died up by gret mortalite of pestilence, +suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, yet God at the last releved hym, and +[he] came into Fraunce withe gret worship. + +{43} + +[Sidenote: Animacio.] + +An nother exhortacion of the historier. + +O ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englande and of Fraunce, and +alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers +astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a lineage, as +of the noble Trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised and may appere +by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted and registred, +that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour or deformite of +the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe alle regions +cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and governaunce the +habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir landes after the +quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as a mirrour noted +and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to thentent that the +excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the more vigorously +endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of youre highe +predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this tyme of what +worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in difference of +other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and excellence of +youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in straunge regions +as among the Sarrazyns in the region of Sirie and Turkie, as in the said +neere regions of Fraunce, Spayne, Lumbardie, Spruce, and other countrees. +And therfor ye shulde yeve laude and praisingis alway to God, for, sithe +the trespassement of prince Edwarde and good Henry duc of Lancaster that +was, [ther wer but few like to hem in armys.[137]] + +Here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn[138] worship of +Henry the .v^{the}. and his bretheryn Thomas, Johan, and Humfrey, .iiij. +noble princes. + +Where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so corageous +in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of {44} youre +noble lynage Henry .v^{te}. and his said thre full mighty and noble princes +his brethern, and next .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here +daies were as the pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last +conquest, and of the[139]] possession of youre rightfulle enheritaunce, +bothe of youre roiaumes of Fraunce as of justice keping, tranquillite and +pease in youre roiaume of Englonde, also of the duchies of Normandie, +Gascoigne, Guyen, and of the counte of Mayne. + +[Sidenote: Dux Clarence.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum est.] + +For as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how Thomas the duc of +Clarence in his yong age, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.iij., lieutenaunt of +alle Irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure of youre duchees +of Gascoyne and Guien, defending the true subgettis frome theire +adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple and subgettis +under youre lawes. And after [the seyd duc,[139]] in company of the +victorioux prince Henry the .v^{te}., labourid in armes upon that noble +conquest in Fraunce and the duchie of Normandie, there being lieutenaunt +for that marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the +duchie of Anjou at Bowgée most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting +withe a few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not +abiding theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of +Crist M^l.cccc.xxj. among the Frenshemen and Scottis was slayne; whiche not +long after God thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of Scottis to be +overthrow bothe at the batailes of Cravant, also at the bataile of +Vernelle, and [also[139]] at the bataile of Rouverey. + +[Sidenote: J. dux Bedfordie regens regni Frauncie.] + +[Sidenote: Conquestus comitatus de Mayn.] + +[Sidenote: .1435.] + +Also youre second cousyn Johan duc of Bedforde, that in his grene age was +lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the Scottis, keping them in +subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. After that made +admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and victorie +ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. Beyng also a certayn +tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede upon youre +said conquest into Fraunce and {45} Normandie, therof being regent and +gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince Henry the sext over alle the +subgeitis of Fraunce and Normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the counte +of Mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in gret +tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and there +made his faire ende at Rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xxxv., the .xiiij. day of Septembre. + +[Sidenote: Dux Glouc'.] + +[Sidenote: Comes de Marche. Comes Suff'.] + +[Sidenote: Calix.] + +[Sidenote: .1436.] + +[Sidenote: .1447.] + +And how the thrid brother Humfrey duc of Gloucestre, withe a notabille +power, was upon youre conquest in Normandie withe his said brother, and at +the bataile of Agyncourt was sore woundid, and after he wanne [with help of +the noble erle of Marche and the erle of Suffolk acompanyed,[140]] brought +in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base +Normandie, the castelle of Chierbourgh, the cite of Bayeux, Costances, +withe all the close of Costantyne and Averances, Seynt Lowe, Carenten, and +Valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. And +over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of +Englond, in the tyme of the said Henry the sext of grene age, keping gret +justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. And after whan +youre nobille castelle and towne of Calix was beseigid in the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, he puissauntly rescued it. +And many other souvereyne and princely condicions he used in this youre +roiaume of Englonde, as in [bokys yovyng as yt ys seyd to the value of M^l. +marks of all the .vij. sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and +cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford, and[140]] cherisshing the noble +clergie of youre said roiaume. And also havyng gret charge and cost aboute +the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done to alle straungiers, were +they ambassatours, messangiers, and other noblesse that sought worship of +armes, that of divers regions visited this lande, for whiche favoure and +bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes done to theym, the renome of his noble +astate and name sprad thoroughe alle cristyn roiaumes {46} and in +hethynesse. And after he had by many wyntris lyved in worship, he making +his ende at the towne of Bury, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv. +day of Februarie. + +And over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the foreseid +.iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of youre noble +bloode, as cosins germayns and other allie[gh] of youre nere kyn, as dukis, +erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the last conquest of Fraunce +and Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Nota de ordine militum de la Gartere.] + +For what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of saint George was +ordeigned. + +[Sidenote: Non sunt oblivio tradend'.] + +[Sidenote: Nobilitas Johannis Chaundos de comitatu Herefordie, senescalli +de Peytou.] + +[Sidenote: Senlys] + +[Sidenote: .1431.] + +[Sidenote: Parys.] + +And also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and worshipfulle +ordre of the Garter, founded by the right noble prince king Edward thrid, +and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the Garter, in the castelle of +Wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. And [as yt ys seyd[141]] in token +of worship that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the +feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende. Whiche for gret prowesse +and here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in +werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to God and ought be put in +memorialle, that in what distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben +yn for the righte title in the crowne of Fraunce they alway avaunsid hem +forthe withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire +felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. He allas! sethe +that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or +dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the +full noble knight, a felow of the Garter, ser Johan Chaundos, as a lion +fighting in the feelde [at the bataylle of Fizar, yn Spayn, wyth prince +Edward[141]] of the lion condicion, and defendid youre roiaume of Fraunce +frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire prince's right and theire +subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of Fraunce and Normandie, Angew, and +Mayne, and the noble duchie of Gascoigne and Gyen, {47} and maynteyned +theire honoure and astate, to the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief +of youre treu subgettis of this lande. And thereto they have ben of the +condicions of lyons fighting withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly +sett to withestande youre ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said +adverse partie have voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire +felouship at suche tyme as they sought to abide. In example, of the fulle +noble jorney late had in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxj., at Senlys, where +youre lieutenaunt and youre power being present, and Charlis the +.vij^{the}, youre gret adversarie of Fraunce withe alle his power to the +nombre of .l^{ti}.M^l. fighters on his side, and embatilled by thre daies +in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of Senlis, +youre saide kynnesman Johan duc of Bedford being then lieutenaunt, and +present in the feeld before hym thre daies. And also sone after the saide +worshipfull journey of Senlis, your saide adversarie of Fraunce, after that +made his entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of Paris, with alle his +roialle power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide +cosyn duke of Bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed +hym (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen +withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in +youre saide cite of Paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and +sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. And +youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging +theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, so +grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent. + +And as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt +lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned theire +bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, or to be +taking prisoneris, and yet God hathe served hem soo, that thoroughe His +grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have had the +overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee and the +feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie contrarie have +ben nombred double or treble {48} moo than youris, as is before expressid. +And at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly besegid, ser John Radclif +knight, withe his felouship, had gret worship. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: Nota. 1449, 1450.] + +[Sidenote: Tempus ultimi conquestus.] + +[Sidenote: De pace finali apud Bretygnye.] + +[Sidenote: .1371.] + +O ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the +coroune of Fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for +the worship of his bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce, ye forto susteyne +righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret aventure, as was +often tymes of the worshipfulle Romayns. And therfore of you may be saide +that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn unto the jupardie +and perille of dethe. So wolde Jhesus that in the brief seson of the +sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly disseising and +putting oute of Fraunce, Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, withe the duchies of +Gasquien and Guyen, whiche is done bethin the space of .j. yere and .xiiij. +wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of Maij in the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of August the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and towne defensable of the +said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or composicion to the adverse +partye.[142]] And if they had be alway furnished and stuffed withe suche +suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages +duely kept and be paied, that they myght couraged and enforced hem to have +bene kept stille the possession,[143] and they so being of the lyonns kynde +as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and stedfast as they were +before this tyme in that parties of Normandie, conquering, keping, and +defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. yeris complete and .vij. +daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the thrid yere of king Henry +the .v^{the}., and not the whele of fortune turned ayenst this lande as it +hathe. Notwithestanding king Edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest +of Fraunce and Normandie passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre +certayne condicions upon apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and +king Johan of Fraunce was {49} graunted that the saide king Johan shulde be +seased and possessid ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for +certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief halde +in Guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the saide +finalle trety of pease made at Bretygny; yet for alle the othes, +sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety of +pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take theire +avauntage, about the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.lxxj. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio alia.] + +[Sidenote: De amicicia per maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.] + +He allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions and +miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure[144] lyvelode there +unrecompensid, as in oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or +say? Shalle we in this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long +thus? Nay, nay, God defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and +tiranye shuld be left unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not +repared! For one good moyen, undre correccion, may be this, and if youre +lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allie[gh] of straunge regions +and countrees, as the Romayns did whan they werrid in Auffrik ayenst the +Cartages, and of late daies king Edwarde the thrid gafe example and sithe +king Harry the .v^{te}. in oure daies, and also his noble brothir Johan +duke of Bedford after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to +oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages of +gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the +regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and +honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or[145] sending +at suche tymes as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that +be halden worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in +divers contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause +and necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho +yowre[146] people true subgettis of Fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it +is, but oure saide allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might +to the {50} reformacion of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes +wrought ayenst us. In example of this matier, it bathe bene specified +herebefore, and how it hathe be rad among the Romayne stories that, whan +Haniballe, prince of Cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst Camos, +governour of the Romayne ooste, that the men of Cartage gaderid of the +fingers of the ded Romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. So it shewed +that the power of Rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. Than, whan this +tidingis come to Cartage, one Hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if +it so were that for alle so gret a discomfiture is + +[At this place a leaf of the MS., or more, has been lost.] + + + +[Sidenote: Tullius Cicero.] + +[Sidenote: Boecius.] + +[Sidenote: Constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores hominum +altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere naturalia +concernencia.] + +[Sidenote: Contra fiduciam adhibendam in prophesiis. Nota conclusionem. +Nisi fuerit sanctissimis viris.] + +[Sidenote: Josephus. Orosius. Titus Livius.] + +[Sidenote: Gyldas.] + +[Sidenote: Deexpulsione Britonum in Walliam et Cornewaylle propter peccata. +Destruccio regnorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nynyve. Babylon. Troye. Thebes. Athenes.] + +[Sidenote: Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Jerusalem.] + +[Sidenote: Picti gentes.] + +[Sidenote: Saxones.] + +[Sidenote: Danii. Normanni. Andegavenses.] + +[Sidenote: Galfridus Plantagenest.] + +[Sidenote: Lucius Valerius.] + +[Sidenote: Boicius.] + +[Sidenote: De republica custodienda.] + +[Sidenote: De justicia.] + +whiche may noie be, for Cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of +Divinacion, and the famous doctour seint Austyn in the book of Fre wille, +and also Boecius in his booke of Consolacion, or[147] Comforte ayenst +mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only trust that the +thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the whiche comethe +to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure offenses not keping the +lawes of God, that oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be +casuelte of fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and +constellacions of sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie +true, for and if it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of +no necessite, that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. And if a +constellacion or prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a +tyme there shulde falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a +contree or region, or privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie +and not of necessite or certente, for than it shulde folow that the +prophesies, constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over +Goddis power, and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure. +And if suche {51} prophesies and influence of the seide constellacions +might be trew, yet God hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that he, +havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that jugement of +constellacion or prophesies signified. As it is verified by the famous +astrologien Ptolome in his booke called Centilogie, the capitalle, seieng +_quod homo sapiens dominatur astris_, that a man is sovereyn abofe suche +domes of constellacions. And therfor ye oughte not deme ne conceyve the +gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle to us by prophesie or by +influence of constellacion of sterris, but only for synne and wrecchidnes, +and for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew tyme provided, and +havyng no consideracion to the comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and +enriche oure silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and +suffring extorcions over the pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the +jugementis and suffraunce of God, and of his divine providence, the whiche +by divers and of his secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe +suffred this mysfortune among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume +of Fraunce and contreis ther to falle upon us. And who so wolle considre +welle the histories of olde croniclers, as of Josephas, libro Antiquitatum, +Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, Titus Livius of the Romayne battelis, and such +othirs, how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to +another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and +mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. And as it is made +mencion in the olde historien called Gildas that for pride, covetice, and +flesshely lustis used amongis the olde Breton bloode lordis of this +roiaume, God suffred the Saxons of Duche ys tung, a straunge nacion, to +dryve them out of this land in Angle in Cornewale and Walis. And where is +Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure, +inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy [and] Thebes, .ij. +grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of +wisdam? and Cartage, the victorioux cite of gret renomme, most doubtable, +by the Romayns was brent to asshes. {52} And also Rome, so gloriously +magnified thoroughe alle the world, overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle +as was Jerusalem. And to take an example of the many overthrowes and +conquestis of this lande by straunge nacions sithen the Breton bloode first +inhabited, as withe peple callid Pictics, commyng out of ferre northe +partie of the worlde. Then after the Saxones drove out the olde Breton +bloode. Than after the Danys peple conquerid the Saxons, and than the +Normans conquerid the Danys. And sone after the Angevyns of highe Fraunce, +full noble knightis of renomme, Geffrey erle Plantagenet erle of Angew +maried withe dame Maud, doughter of the duke of Normandie and king of +Englande, Harry the second, whych doughter, called dame Maude emperesse, +and so haldyn stille the Normandie bloode and the Angevyns into this tyme. +And Job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or risithe on the erthe +without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite fallithe not to us, but +only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that reignithe on us; as pride, +envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of the bodie now a daies hathe +most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we not havyng consideracion to +the generalle profit and universalle wele of a comynalte. And to bring to +mynde how the worshipfulle senatours Romayns did gife us many examples, as +Lucius Valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of Rome Boecius, [of the +grete lofe[148]] had alway to the cite of Rome. For the saide Lucius +Valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of the said cite, to +kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending the cite and +contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret povertee, but by +the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis they buried hym in +the most solempne wise according to his worship. And the said juge Boecius +loved rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of Rome in that +susteyned and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. But +suffred hym to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of Rome, and to be +in exile rathir {53} than he wolde offende justice. Notwithestanding the +saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and tendring +the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in worshipfulle +remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and laude. Also it +is to be noted that was one of the gret causis that the princes Romayns +were so gret conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in +subjeccion, but only using of trouthe and justice keping in here +conquestis. + +[Sidenote: De justicia Camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.] + +A fulle noble historie how that Camillus the duke of Rome wolde use justice +in his conquest. + +[Sidenote: Quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per +traditionem.] + +[Sidenote: Titus Livius decade primo.] + +[Sidenote: Florens cytee.] + +[Sidenote: Camillus.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum.] + +[Sidenote: Proposicio ad Romanos gentes.] + +In example I rede in the Romayns stories of Titus Livius in the booke of +the first decade that a prince Romayn clepid Camillus, whiche did so many +victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of Rome, +that he was called the second Romulus whiche founded first Rome, besieged a +gret cite of Falistes, whiche is nowe as it is saide called Florence, to +have hem undre the governaunce of the Romayne lawes. And as he had leyne +long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes it fortuned that +a maister of sciencis of Falliste called now Florence, the whiche had all +the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and worshipfulle men of the +saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous sciencis, thought to wynne a +gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince Camillus, and by the umbre of +treson ayenst justice that the said maistre wolde wirke to cause the +senatours of Faliste [the rather[149]] to deliver up the cite to the +prince, the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his +clerkis to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe +withe sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and +power of Camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had +brought to hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of +Falliste, {54} whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn in servage, the +faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any more werre making. +Than saide that just prince Camillus that it was not the Romayns condicions +to werre and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew +not what werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the Falistes be defrauded +of here contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew +alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of +armes to take the cite. And there the saide prince comaunded the +scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid +withe baleese and sharpe roddis withe his owne clerkis into the cite ayen; +than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng consideracion of the +gret justice and manhod that he used in his conquest, sent to Camillus +ambassatours withe the keies of the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, O +ye fathir and prince of justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of +justice and of victorioux dedis reignithe among you Romaynes by using of +justice, and that for asmoche they perceyved that princes Romayns used +feithe and justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to +be subgettis to Rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve +undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the[150]] citee, to +the gret renomme of the saide prince and to alle the Romayns gretly to be +magnified. + +Historie of dame Cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of peple +shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble cenatoure called +Fabricius. + +[Sidenote: Res publica.] + +And also as dame Cristyn[151] in the .xv. chapitre of the first partie of +hir seid booke of Tree of Batailes leiethe a noble example that {55} among +alle vertues that shulde long to a prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a +governoure of a contre, citee, or towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe +how it is necessarie that he shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret +trouthe, as by example it is write of the noble and trew senatoure +Fabricius, leder of the Roman oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe, +vailliaunce, and manhod, and wise governaunce, king Pirrus his adversarie +offred to gyve hym the .iiij^{the}. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure +and goodis, so that the saide Fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his +partie and become his felow in armes. To whiche Pirrus the said Fabrisius +answerd, that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise +tresoure and richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by +possibilite and alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and +wonne bye armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. In +whiche matier verifieng, saiethe Vigecius in his booke of Chevalrie, to a +chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the +charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and entreprises +of a prince is office is principally comytted hym for the governaunce of +comon publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie, +castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the comon +profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. And if by +the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall consideracion and +cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, or citee that he +hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every particuler charge +and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his charge; and any thing +myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut of oversight of remedie +of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, thoroughe whiche might grow +to an universall damage, than it is to be wited his defaute. {56} And +therefore in conclusion of this, late it take example to folow the noble +and fructufulle examples of the noble cenatours. And we ought so to kepe us +frome the offending and grevyng of oure sovereyne Maker not to usurpe +ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle +and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us, +suffring us this grevouslie for oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and +punished as we bee, but lyve and endure in suche clene life, observyng his +.x. preceptis, that he have no cause to shew on us the rod of his +chastising as he dothe. + +[Sidenote: Deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.] + +Another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of God, for in doubte that ellis God +wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his rodde. + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +O mightifulle God, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche is +not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, seeyng so +many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe reigned, for +whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of moche more chastising and +grettir punishement of God, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is +wretyn in the booke of Paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym +of Israelle, God of his rightwisnesse suffred the Phillistyns that were +they never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and +destroiers of the lande of Judee and of Goddis peple, and the rathir that +the saide Israelites had a law gyven hem by Moises and kept it not. + +[Sidenote: De republica augmentanda.] + +How every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym in his devoire +to the avaunsing of the comon profite. + +[Sidenote: Tullius in nova rethorica.] + +And it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made mencion in +this Epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld principallie +put hym in devoire and laboure for the {57} avaunsment of the comon profit +of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the famous +clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of Rome Tullius in his +booke De Officiis [de Republica, that Novius Marcellus makyth mencion of yn +dyvers chapiters,[152]] and in other bookis of his De Amicicia, Paradoxis, +and Tusculanis questionibus, that Res publica welle attendid and observed, +it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of alle maner peple. And first +to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. termys Res publica, as seint +Austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. chapitre of the Cite of God, +and the saide Tullius the famous rethoricien accordithe withe the same, +saieng in Latyn termes: "Res publica est res populi, res patrić, res +communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum commune et utilitatem +populi vel patrić vel civitatis augere, conservare, protegere, salva +justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." And it is forto +lerne and considre to what vertues Respublica strecchithe, as I rede in a +tretie that Wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote in his book clepid Commune +loquium, C^o. 3^o. p^e partis, seithe quod, "Respublica ordinatur hiis +virtutibus, scilicet, legum rectitudine, justicić soliditate, equitatis +concordia, unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri +dirigente, morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." As +for the first partie it is verified by Tullie in his Rethorik the first +booke: "Omnes leges ad commodum reipublicć judicis referre oportet, et lex +nichil aliud est quam recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta, +prohibens contraria." And it is right expedient that alle tho that be +justices, governours, or rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon +profit, must doo it by prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved +men; for a governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the +Romayns, havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that +bene called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis, +marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers, +esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, {58} baillifis, provostis, maires, and +suche othirs officers. And Tullius in the first booke of Offices seiethe: +"Parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi." + +How auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect for a +counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, than yong men. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +[Sidenote: Examplum amplum.] + +[Sidenote: Experiencia, &c.] + +[Sidenote: Job.] + +Tullius in his book De Senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene growen +in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the avaunsing and +governyng a comon profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices, +than othirs that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of +bodie. For an example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be +yonge of mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute +the ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe +as the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. Yet the eldist man that is halde +wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship, +and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, behofefulle +to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche dothe more +profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho yong lusty men +that rennen, halithe, or clymethe. Wherfor it may be concluded that the +auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours +of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire +wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by +mighty power of her hand. And it is saide by Job, .12^o. that Roboam, +whiche forsooke the counceile of olde men, and drew after the counceile of +yong men, lost the kingdom [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche +example is right necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise +governoure is hert. And so wolde the mightifulle God that every governoure +wolde have a verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise +and goode counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples {59} of +the noble senatours of Rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit, +setting aside singular availe. So tho famous region and citeis aboute undre +theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in +gret worship and prosperite, as I shalle in example put here in +remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among +othir ys + +[Sidenote: De preferramento rei publice.] + +How Fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, but only +laboured for the comon profit of Rome. + +[Sidenote: Fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.] + +[Sidenote: Quomodo Romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste pro +conservacione rei publice.] + +Tullius de Senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince +Romayne clepid Fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe Hanibal +prince of Cartage, to kepe the conquest of Romayne contreis, and to see +theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of alle +maner peple; whiche Fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but onlie +gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon profit of +Rome; for whiche cause the saide Fabius after his dethe was put in gret +renomme and more magnified among the Romayns than he was in his liffe tyme. +And the saide Fabius, after the right and usage was in tho daies, did gret +diligence to lerne and know by augures and divinacions of briddis and by +other causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes +prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, [and] +oilis shulde falle to the contre of Romayns, to his grettist comfort for +the avauncement of the comon wele. And he delited gretly to rede actis and +dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter remembraunce and +experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir than before his +daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce except the worthy +Scipion's. And it were fulle necessarie that princes and lordis shuld know +by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and yeris of prosperite or +adversite falling to the region that he is of, to th'entent he might make +his provision thereafter; but more pite is few {60} profound clerkis in +this lande ben parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her +principales in scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they +taken upon them the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions +of the heire and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of +suche judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the +bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid. + +How Lucius Paulus Fabricius and Curius Cornicanus, cenatours, in her grete +age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the comon wele. + +Also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble consulle +of Rome Lucius Paulus, whiche the wise Caton is sonne maried the doughter +of the saide Lucius Paule. Also the senatours clepid Fabricius and Curiois +Cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide Fabius in her grete age did +none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by theire auctorite +counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee to the comon profit +of the saide cite of Rome. + +How Appius the highe preest of the tempill of Mynerfe, albeit he was +blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the Romains to make werre withe king +Pirrus then to be com subjet to her auncient ennemy king Pirrus. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +[Sidenote: Ennius poeta.] + +In like wise the [hyghe[153]] preest of the tempille of Mynerve of Rome +clepid Appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king +Pirrus, king of Epirotes, werrid so ayenst Rome that he had [febled +and[153]] werried them so sore and wan upon hem so gret contreis, that the +Romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made pease and alliaunces withe +hym to her uttermost dishonoure, {61} but the said Appius purposid tofore +the noble senatoures Romayn and required hem to doo after the counceile of +Ennius the wise consul, that the Romains shulde take good hert to hem, and +not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to theire auncient +adversarie Pirrus; and that they shulde take new entreprinses upon Pirrus +and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide senatours were revived in +theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions of Appius, and had the +victorie of Pirrus. + +[Sidenote: De Officiis Catonis.] + +This chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite Caton was +called and auctorised for his gret manhode and wisdom, and how he in his +age couraged the yong knightis to goo to feelde to venquisshe Cartage or he +died. + +Also the noble senatoure of Rome Caton, that was so manlie, prudent, and of +holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of a knight +in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of tribune as a +chief juge among the Romayns, another season was a legat as an ambassatoure +into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien age, that he +might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of Rome to sit stille and avise +the weies and meenys how the Romayns might alway be puissaunt to resist +ayenst Cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died to see the saide cite +destroied. And the said Caton, in presence of yong Scipio and Lelius, .ij. +noblest yong knightis of Rome that visited Cato to here of his wise conduit +and counceile, he being then of full gret age, tendred so ferventlie the +well of comon profit of Rome, that he required and besought the immortalle +godis[154] of licence that he might not die till he might know Cartage +destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid of the servage and +miserie of the noble Romayns whiche were prisoneris withe Quintus Fabius in +Cartage xxxiij yere passed. + +{62} + +[Sidenote: Doctor militum in armis.] + +Of a semblable noble condition of Quintus Fabius according to Caton. + +And Quintus Fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left the +usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, just +withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age alway +gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit of the +citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf and of +the wise senatoure. + +The diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +And whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men +assembled togither. + +How Caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by men of +yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode wastefullie. + +[Sidenote: Ita Officia danda juvenibus.] + +And Caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde finde +that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, were +destroied and brought to desert, as well Rome as othirs, and it was not +revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. And +the saide Cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, Scipion +and Lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong counceilours had +wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid patrimonie, and the +comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. And Nennius the poet +made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made counceilours for the +{63} comon profit of the towne, also suche that were of Scipion and Lilius +counceile, were but new [not expert[155]] drawen maistris, ignoraunt +advocat[gh] and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in the law ne in +policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse and be the +proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of Lelius and +Scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to governaunce. +And he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must doo by +counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile causes as in +conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for the defence of +the comon publique. + +[Sidenote: Agamenon.] + +Of the answere and reson of Agamenon duke and leder of the Greekis hoost +ayenst the Troiens. + +For Agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the Grekis +batailes ayenst the noble Troiens, + +[Sidenote: Nestor.] + +Of the wisdom of king Nestor a Troian. + +[Sidenote: De conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.] + +when he herde of king Nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of +counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age, + +[Sidenote: Ayax.] + +Of the recomendacion of the prowesse of Ayax a knight of Grece. + +and in like wise one Ayax a knight of Grece was halden the best fighter +amonge the Grekis ayenst the Trojens; in so moche that the Grekis desired +of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous knightis as +Ayax is to fighte withe the Grekis ayenst the Troyens, + +{64} + +How duke Agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid men, that he +required the immortelle goddis to have suche .vj. olde kingis as Nestor is, +doubted not to wynne Troie in short tyme. + +but that noble duke Agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise viellars +as was Nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that Troie shulde +be take and destroied. + +[Sidenote: Publius Decius.] + +How that most noble centoure Publius Decius, so hardie an entreprennoure in +the bataile, whan the Romains were almost overthrow, he avaunsid hym silfe +so ferre in the bataile, to die to th'entent to make the Romains more gret, +and felle for his dethe in fighting tille they had the victory. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene diversitatem militum.] + +[Sidenote: Publius Decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.] + +In semblable wise Tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin Romayne +Publius Decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne among +the Romayne ostes, he saw how the Romayne oost was almost bete downe to +grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in jubardie +frely to die, forto make the Romains more egir and fellir in that bataile +to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. He tooke his hors withe +the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, and at the last +was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to grounde deede. The +Romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous hertis how knyghtly he +avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered dethe for here sake, tooke +courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem foughten so vigorouslie +ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the victorie. + +[Here is added in the margin the following anecdote:] + +Hyt ys to remembre that I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, whan he had +yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that {65} there be twey maner +condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys an +hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more then +the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode +avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and wyth +grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth hys +felyshyp destrussed. And the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he avaunce +hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille so +discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of hys +adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. And therfore the aventure of +Publius Decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys willefulle deth, +nother hys son. + +How the son of the said Publius died in the same case. + +And the sonne of the said Publius, that was foure tyme electe and and chose +consul among the Romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, for the +helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the Romains, that he died in bataile in +like wise. + + Here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in + perpetuite of Marcus Actilius, a chief duke of the Romayne hostes, of + his gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees[156] + of cornes, wines, [and] oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being + prisoner in Cartage amongis his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put + to raunson, suffred wilfullie for to die in prison, because he was so + gretly aged and wered in bataile, then to the Romains to pay so + infenite a somme for his finaunce and raunson. + +[Sidenote: Autor rei publicć.] + +Hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray trew +lover of the comon wele of the Romains, Marcus Actilius, that first yave +hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and {66} pastures, to +furnisshe and store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile; +after, for his gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and +conestable of the Romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited +theire adversaries of Cartage. And he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in +bataile, was take prisoner into Cartage, being of gret age than. And for +deliveraunce of whiche Actilius the governours of Cartage desired hym that +he shulde laboure and sende to Rome forto deliver out of prison a gret +nombre of yong men of werre of Cartage that were prisoneris in Rome, and he +shulde goo frank and quite. And the saide Actilius denyed and refused it +utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the werrours +of Cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon wele and +proffit of Rome; and becaus that noble Actilius wolde not condescende to +deliver the prisoneris of Cartage, they turmentid hym in prison in the most +cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid here, it wolde make an +harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. The voluntarie dethe of +whiche Marcus Actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, and comon profit of +Rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, and to be put +perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship. + +How the noble duke Scipion Affrican put hym in so gret aventure in his gret +age ayens the Cartages, that he died upon,[157] rathir than to life in +servage. + +[Sidenote: Scypio Affricanus.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio Asyanus.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio Affricanus.] + +Also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble and +glorious champions two bretherin Scipion Africanus and Scipion Asian, +whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers entreprises +of armees and batailes ayenst the Affricains, for the saufegarde and +defense of the comon wele of theire contre. And the saide Scipion Affrican +wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and +distresse among his adversaries in Cartage. + +{67} + +How Scipion Asian, a noble conqueroure for the Romayns, yet in his age he +was envyed, accused to king Antiochus, [and] died pitouslie in prison for +his rewarde. + +And notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by Scipion +Asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of Asie, and enriched gretlie the +tresoure of Rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious peple accused +falsely to king Antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the tresoure of Rome, +and was condempned to prison, where he endid his daies. + +[Sidenote: Lucius Paulus.] + +How Lucius Paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde not doo by +counceile, he was slayne in bataile. + +[Sidenote: Quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.] + +Also Lucius Paulus, a noble consul Romayne, that spared not hym silfe to +die in bataile in Puylle withe .ccc. noble Romains that were assemblid +unwitting the saide Lucius Paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the +saide .iij^c. nobles Romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he seeng anothir +consul Romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe his felouship, +the saide Lucius Paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his adversaries withe +the residew of the Romains that [were] lefte, and there died withe them, to +th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the saide entreprise was +not lost in his defaute. + +[Sidenote: Marcus Marcellus.] + +[Sidenote: Haniballe.] + +How Marcus Marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of Rome, bethout avise, +went hastilie to bataile ayenst Haniballe of Cartage, and he being so sorie +for the dethe of so manlie a duke did hym to be buried in the most +worshipfulle wise. + +Also it is [to be] remembrid of Marcus Marcellus, a consulle Romayne that +set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret {68} deliberacion or +advisement, desired to fight ayenst Haniballe prince of Cartage, assemblid +withe a gret power ayenst the Romains, whiche were feerse + +[Here again a leaf of the Manuscript is lost.] + +[Sidenote: Res publica.] + +of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of his +grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that whan +ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife moist, +colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the saide +countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid before +shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or derthe +fallen [by] suche straunge menys. And aswelle the terme of Res publica, +whiche is in Englisshe tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be +referred to the provision and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a +householde as to the conduit and wise governaunce of a village, towne, +citee, countree, or region. + +[The following addition is here made in the margin.] + +Hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of Parys felle in abcence of +Herry .v^{te}. kyng beyng in England wyth hys queene. And bethoute noote of +vaynglory, yff I do wryte of myne autor[158] I fynde by hys bokes of hys +purveours how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde +hafe grete providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of +stokphyshe and saltfyshe owt of England commyng by shyppes. And that +policie was one of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the +lordes of the kyng ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to +kepe that he ledd yerly .iij^c. sperys and the bowes. And also yn semblable +wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys +soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to do +the kyng and the sayd regent service. And yt fille yn the .viij^{te}. yere +of Herry the .v^{the}., named kyng, when he was capteyn of the Bastyle of +Seynt Antonye of Parys, and Thomas Beauford, dux of Excestyr, {69} beyng +then capteyn of the cytee, hyt fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord +Lyseladam, who[159] was yn so grete favour of the cyte that alle the comyns +of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of +Exetyr and ayenst hys armee and felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth +hys felyshype were coherced to take the Bastyle for her deffence. And at +hys commyng the chieff questyon he demaunded of the seyd Fastolf how welle +he was stored of greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for +horsmete, and of othyr vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt. +And hyt comforted gretly the prince. Then the duc made redy the ordenaunce +wyth shot of grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye, +that they kept her loggeyns. And the Frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn +the cytee, helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer +constreyned to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace. + +[Sidenote: De magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda, +specialiter Cyro regi.] + +Caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe erthe +tiliers. + +[Sidenote: Socrates.] + +[Sidenote: De quodam Lysander ph'o.] + +[Sidenote: De Ciro rege Persarum.] + +[Sidenote: Tullius.] + +And as Caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a prince +to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all tho that +bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of verray +necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be plenteous, riche, and +well at ease. And the philosophur Socrates writithe that Cirus king of +Perse was excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies +[of] whiche Cirus one Lisander, of the cite of Lacedemone in Grece, a man +halden of gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the +saide king Cirus, being in the cite of Sardes, and presented hym withe +clothis of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of +Lacedemonois; the whiche king Cirus received the saide Li[gh]ander full +worshiplie in his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and +pleasure that the said {70} king Cirus had to doo hym worship and pleasure +and chier, he broughte the saide Lisander to see his gardins and herbers, +whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce sett and +planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so welle +aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many straunge +and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of flouris and +herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and plesaunt sighte that +ever the saide citesyn Lisander had see beforne. And the saide Cirus saide +unto Lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be compassed, +rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his owne hande. +And the saide Lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse of his +parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious stones, he +saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt withe his +vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide Cirus emploied and +intentife[160] besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage +of his londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of +beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the naturelle richesse of +worldlie joie. Also Tullius writithe that Valerius Corvinus, an auncien +citesyn Romayne, did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and +make it riche withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele +of the cite of Rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in Rome +shulde be alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of +corne shulde be alway hadde. + +[Sidenote: De re publica.] + +How the noble cenatours of Rome avaunced here parsones in gret perille and +jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon welfare of the Romains. + +[Sidenote: Lucius Brutus.] + +[Sidenote: Lucius Romanus.] + +[Sidenote: Non est laudendum secundum legem Christianorum.] + +And the saide famous clerk Tullius, in the .5. disc' of the saide booke, +puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous {71} dukis, +princes, and cenatours of Romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only +putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire +adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and +welfare of Rome. Among whiche, one of the saide Romains was Lucius Brutus, +that whan Arnus, a leder of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the Romains +to have discomfit hem and put hem in servage out of her fraunchise, the +saide noble Lucius, being then governoure of the ooste of Romains, thought +rathir to die upon the said Arnus, so that he mighte subdew hym, rathir +than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. He mounted upon his hors, +and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a mightie courage renne feerslie +upon the saide Arnus being in the myddille of his oost, and fortuned by +chaunce that bothe of hem wounded[161] othir to dethe. And whan it was +undrestonde in the hooste that the saide Arnus, capitalle adversarie to +Romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their feelde, whiche had +not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the wilfulle dethe of the +saide Lucius Brutus. + +How a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke[162], chieveteyne, +lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie just paiment +to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis might falle. + +[Sidenote: Autor. Notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad +execucionem justicii.] + +[Sidenote: Notandum est de ordinaria solucione Joh'is ducis Bedfordie.] + +[Sidenote: Concidera.] + +[Sidenote: Nota multiplicacionem officiariorum.] + +And overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace and +providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in way of +justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to youre +liege people, the whiche by Goddis law, and by law of reason and nature, is +the contrarie of it righte dampnable,[163] and which grevous offence, as it +is voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that +oughte be[164]] youre obeisaunce in Fraunce and Normandie than in othir +straunge regions: and to {72} every welle advised man it is easy to +undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid, +and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide adverse +partie; that is to say, that shalle be men of soude and of armes, as well +tho that [shalle be[165]] undre youre lieutenauntis as the chiefteins and +capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, [lyke as Johan +regent of Fraunce payd,[165]] or by quarter, bethout any rewarde [of +curtesyie of colour[166]] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or abreggement, or +undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, aswelle in this +londe as in Normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be empoverisshed in +straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the saide contreis. +And that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie or nede of[167] +long and grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle +require it. And that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or +commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde, +or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have cause +to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking theire +vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in defaut of due +payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day contynued, or the +saide londes were lost, uncorrectid ne punisshid, [as] turned to the gret +undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, and one othir of gret causis that they +have turned their hertis frome us, breking theire allegeaunce by manere of +cohercion for suche rapyn, oppressions, and extorcions. And also the +officers than being nedithe not to have so many lieutenauntis or undre +officers as they have hadde, whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide +peple by undew charges to enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have +be but esy vaileable to the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence +of exersising of armes for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of +necessite. For it was never seen that any countre, cite, or towne did +encrece welle wherover many nedeles officers and governours that onlie +wolde have a renomme, and {73} undre that colour be a extorcioner, piller, +or briboure, was reignyng and ruling over theym. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: De lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in Frauncia.] + +[Sidenote: Alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in Normannia commorancium.] + +[Sidenote: Deploracio miserić.] + +O mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele +advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche +oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche +officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, laborers, +paissauntes of the saide duchie of Normandie, it is verailie to deme that +certe[gh] ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde not have suffred +suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid long or the said +intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in tho daies in youre +possession. For often tymes suche as have pretendid theym officers wastid +of youre [predecessour[168]] is livelode more than nedithe, and often tymes +suffred them to be manassed [and] beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe +theire wepyns, that they were nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so +enforced for duresse to forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie +relevyd and socoured. And therto they have ben so often surcharged +grevouslie withe paieng of tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions +beside theire rentis, paieng to the somme righte importable sommes, paide +to your predecessours for youre demains, and to theire landlordis that +halden of you, and many of theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre +adverse partie also to dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and +divers tormentis have ben done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. He +allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre +obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew Englisshe men +done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the bettir +born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that suche +tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? O God! whiche art most +mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long suffre +this regnyng without the {74} stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng +upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom? + +[Sidenote: Nota tria.] + +[Sidenote: Prima.] + +[Sidenote: .ij^{a}.] + +[Sidenote: .iij. causa.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum est super omnia.] + +Late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow herof. +There may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of gret +hurtis. One is the ire of God and his rod of vengeaunce fallen now upon us +by his dyvyne punisshement [of God,[169]] aswelle in suffring oure saide +adversaries to have the overhande upon us, as in destroieng of oure lordis +by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons[169]] in this lande the saide yere and +season, the yere of Crist .M^liiij^cl. that youre [grete[169]] adversarie +made his intrusion in the saide Normandy, for pite of his peple so +oppressid, hiring theire clamours and cries and theire curses. The second +is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of hastie +socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be turned awaie +frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, seeing theym +thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to kepe, defende, +and maynteyn them. The .iij^{de}. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money, +and lak of provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre +saide obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre +adverse partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die +for famyn and povertee. + +[Sidenote: Ecclesia honoranda.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Hospitalitas in ecclesia est preferranda.] + +[Sidenote: Lamentacio.] + +[Sidenote: Cogita.] + +An exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship and +meynteyne the Chirche, and defende hem from oppression. + +And moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of God suffre ye not +the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, +abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, to be +oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre predecessour +daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or {75} obedience, for how that +men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by experience +knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion to lyve in +more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out to rulers, +gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that they dwellin +upon or have her lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. And +the peple that were welle set[170] and often tymes they ben visited withe +straungiers of gret astatis, as welle spirituelle as temporelle, and +namelie withe tho that have the lawes to mynistre and to kepe, and withe +other nedeles peple that waste and surcharge theym, for they were founded +to that entent but to kepe theire nombre of fundacion, praieng for theire +foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee for to[171]] feede the pore and the +nedie in case of necessite. A mercifulle Jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in +her cronicles that Pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte +amongis the Romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was +alonlie that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places, +as chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in Salamon is Temple, the +whiche the saide Salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or +temple of the erthe to serve and praise God. And in example of late daies +yn king Johan of Fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee before +he was take at the bataile of Peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted hym silfe +to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of Salisbury. And after he +was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they[171]] had gret +repentaunce of. And therfor, fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of +renomme, let a covenable and a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven +to us for provision and reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be +purveied for by so dew meenes that it may be to God is pleasaunce. And that +we may withedraw and leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men +wolde so inordinatlie rule and oppresse the Chirche. So that now this begon +mischiefe and stroke of pestilence in youre {76} predecessour daies be not +set as a jugement in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or +determyned for oure wele and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng, +so to be take for oure savacion. What saiethe saint Jeroyme amongis his +dolorous lamentacions upon the prophesie of Jooelle? If we have not, +(seithe he,) know God in welthe and prosperite, then, at the leest, let us +know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise there we have erred and fauted by +over gret haboundaunce of suche chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of +suche oppression, covetice, inespecialle pride and envy, &c. Let us +withedraw us from hem withe goode corage, and to that ende that we be not +chastised ne punisshed by the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of +none suche affliccions as we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies +by youre saide adversaries. + +[Sidenote: Quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patrić est preferrandum +quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.] + +How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, +shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng. + +[Sidenote: Introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.] + +[Sidenote: Ser Johan Fastolf.] + +[Sidenote: Optativus modus.] + +And also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe garde +of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece +of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe, +and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of +alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien +knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of +grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines, +doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe +speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to +wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, +and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to +have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of +experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what +region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[172]] abashed, ne astonied, +{77} forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire +in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein +pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite +you[173] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre +adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the custom in the daies of youre +noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of Fraunce as of Englande. In example +wherof, king Edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the +prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries, +wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. And, [as myne autor seyd +me,[174]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[174]] Henry duke of Lancastre, which +is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym +frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon, +Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be +doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and +for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here honoure +spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. And after +hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret +birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and +gentilnes[175] to them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is, +many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis +sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler +practik, straunge [facultee[gh][176]] frome that fet, as to lerne the +practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn +gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis +halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris +halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns +of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who can be a reuler +and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now, +among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl. +yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre {78} [antecessourys[177]] +conquestis and werris. So wolde Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to +be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that +befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir +rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a +sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple, +to theire [enpoveryshyng[178],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified +the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers +usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. And than ye shulde have righte +litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and +wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from +youre ennemies. And that suche singuler practik shulde [not[177]] be +accustumed and occupied [undewly[177]] withe suche men that be come of +noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve +honestly[177].] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had suffred theire sonnes to +mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by +colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[177]] Cartage +ayenst alle the Affricans. + +How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, +vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of +birthe. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the +custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of +demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he +were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to +mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre +peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide officers and +ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes, +lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that +oughte defende yow and youre {79} roiaume that halden theire londis of you +by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries. +And over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of God, and +not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and +in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the .36. chapitre of the +prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king of Juda despraised the +admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of God, that Jeremie +had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in +the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse +and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of +the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede +ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore +that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym +that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. And so it fille after +the prophesie. O ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of +sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome +the children of noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe +that in thingis [of noblesse[179]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to +theym to lerne, as in excercising[180] of armes and to suche occupacions of +worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied, +but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that +God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us, +despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his +infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good +entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis. + +How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed. + +And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse +of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as {80} the worthie +Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes +by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir +maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. And the same +maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce hathe used, +escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, +and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. Whiche +costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used +in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be +one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and +enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe +broughte them to gret indigence and povertee. + +How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because +the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to +highe sovereins. + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[181]] not paied +holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir +marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the +behofe of youre predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises +be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her +deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of +her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and +hinderaunce of youre peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient, +righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let +youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of +gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe +and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and +nedie peple. And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, +livelode, and {81} goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be +put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this +gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from +youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre +or[182]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship, +and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in +tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and +strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree +wolle doo the same. And to example of us alle ye [soo[182]] puissaunt and +mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[183] every man helpe after his +degree. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne +hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and +favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, and use justice and peas. + +And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king of +Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his +testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip +that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence +that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to +favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his roiaume, and to +kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve +puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of +goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt +and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. And if the +adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare +of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe +of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes +largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. And, {82} therefore, favoure +and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre +hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to +this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late +lost. And who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym +in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[184] +and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode +courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in +tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is +so expedient and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man +bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the +worship of God let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be +shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or +set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret +necessite. And who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or +tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and +of noble renomme as thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to +be victorious, who may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded +withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and +youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before +this? It is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne +defendour but it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder. +Som say that the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in +stormye seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art +not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche +indigence and necessite. + +{83} + +How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete +and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left +toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the +frauncheis and libertees of Rome. + +And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that +bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode, +neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that, +what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made +knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese +withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies of Rome, and +namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom +nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme +whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of +theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked +and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid. + +[Sidenote: Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how +amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an +armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.] + +[Sidenote: Lenius.] + +Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the seconde +decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme of werris +long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by tasques, tailes, +and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven +largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide Romains had no more in +substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it fille soo that the +countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and +an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the +lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many gret chargis before that +they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of Rome +wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that the comons of Rome +complained and grugged in open market places {84} ayenst the saide gret +astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies +and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide +governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile +togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in +conclusion that, were[185] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and +governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the +comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping of the lande and +see frome ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide +that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in +preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they +here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist +comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to +morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the +golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and +statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but +ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that +every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a +cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and +every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an +ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and +degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle +othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers +of the citee. And aftre than the comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that +the senatours and governours of Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned +and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the +comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and +maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of +the comons of Rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought +frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the {85} tresorers and +chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete +that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto +nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they +broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid +that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to +defende and kepe the countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be +maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre +was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours +counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem +wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret +discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee, +and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship, +prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde +covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good +and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries, +and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and +maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme. + +Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the yeere +of Crist .M^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble Reyne of kyng Edward the +.iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}. + + * * * * * + + +{87} + +GENERAL INDEX. + + * * * * * + + Acre, 11 + Actovylle, Raulyn, 8 + Africa, 11, 83 + Agamemnon, 20, 63 + Agincourt, battle of, 16, 28, 32, 45 + Ajax, 63, 64 + Alencon, duke of 12; + taken prisoner 18; + his redemption 19 + Alexander, king, 7 + Anjou, the title of, 23 + Appius, 60 + Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, lvi + Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, 77 + Armonac, earl of, 8, 28, 37 + Arras, treaty of, xlix + Arthur, king, 2, 9 + ---- of Breteyn, 40 + Astrology depreciated, viii, 50 + Authors quoted:-- + de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, 25, 27, 33; + Preface iii, vi, vii, ix + Austyn, of the City of God, 57; + ---- of Free will, 50; + Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, 2; + Basset, Peter, liii; + Boetius de Consolatione, 3, 21, 50, 52; + Cato, 25, 62, 69; + Chartier, see Auriga + Cicero, of Divination, 50; + ---- _see_ Tullius; + Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, 6 _bis_, 27, 30, 31, 54 (her biography + _ib._); + de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, 23; + Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, vii; + Froissart, 40; + Gildas, 51; + Governance of Princes,liv; + Jeremye the prophet, 79; + Jerome, saint, 76; + Job, 6, 52, 58; + Josephus, liber antiquitatum, 51; + Kayus son, ii, 1; + Livius (Titus, 26, 51, 53, 83; + Machabeus, 42; + Malexander, Walter, 22, 26; + Nennius, 62; + Novius Marcellus, 57; + Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, 51; + Ovid, 26, 33; + Paralipomenon, 56; + Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), 13; + Pliny the younger, ii; + du Premier-Faict, Laurence, li; + Ptolomy, Centilogie, 51; + _de Regimine Principum_, liv; + Socrates, 69; + Tree of Batailes, iii, liv; + Tullius, 25, 57 _ter_, 58 _bis_, 59, 60, 62, 70; + Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (_de Arte Militari_), 21, 29, 55; + Preface, p. vi.; + Wallensis, Commune loquium, 57; + Worcestre, William of, l, 1 + Averaunces, 28 + {88} + Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 10 + Basset, Peter, an historical writer, liii + Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, 68 + Beauchamp, sir William, 15 + Bedford, John duke of, 15, 17; + wins the battle of Vernelle 18; + and conquers the county of Maine 19; + other victories 28; + statutes of 31; + eulogy on 44; + defended Paris 47; + his payment of wages 72 + Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi + Bituitus, king, 27 + Boecius, 52 + BOKE OF NOBLESSE, its scope and intention, i; + probable date of its composition, _ib._; + abstract of its contents, i-xvii; + the question of its authorship, l; + other books of the same character, liv; + the MS. described, lv + Bonnet, Honoré, iv + Bordeaux, 42 + Bougée, battle of, 17, 44 + Bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 28 + ---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix + Brennus, 10 + Bretagne, Charles duke of, 13 + ---- Giles son of the duke of, ii, 5 + ---- the duke of, protected by king Edward, xl, xli + Bretailles, Louis de, xlii + Bretigny, peace of, 37, 40, 49 + Buchan, earl of, 17 + Burgoyne, duke of, 7, 8 + ---- marshal of, 17 + Burgundy, Charles duke of, i; + his designation of _le Hardi_, x; + brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, xxviii; + interviews with king Edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii; + character of, xxv; + suspected by the English, xxx, xlvi; + his truce with France, xlvii + ---- John duke of, his murder, xxxviii + ---- Margaret duchess of, xxiii + Caen, won by assault, 12, 36; + rescue of, 28; + parliament at, 31 + Calais, siege of, 13, 36, 45 + Camillus, 53 + Canute (Knowt), 2 + Carew, the baron of, 15 + Carthage, wars of the Romans with, 26, 61, 65 + Cato, 61 + Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, lvi + Caxton, works of:-- + Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, liv; + Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, vi; + Curial, vii; + Tully on Old Age, li; + Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, xliii + Cerdic, 2 + Champenois, 83 + Chandos, Sir John, 15, 37, 46 + Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, xxxii; + mentioned, 33, 37 + Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy ii, iii; + his secretary Alain Chartier vii; + mentioned 3, 25 + Charles le bien amé, 25 + Charles le simple, 39 + Charles the sage, 40 + Chartier; _see_ Authors + Chester, Randolfe earl of, 10 + Cheyne, sir John, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii + Childermas day, xxxv + Chirburgh, 12 + Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, xv + Christine, dame; _see_ Passy _and_ Pisan + Church, oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74 + Citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi; + their experience in the campaign, xlv + Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their + pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii + Clarence, Thomas duke of, 18; + eulogy on, 44 + Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, 15 + Cleret, Pierre, xxxiii + Clergy oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74; + {89} + Clothing, cost and pomp in, 79 + Commines, Philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv; + employed by king Louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; + dressed like his master, xxxvii; + characteras an historian, xli + Commons, or people, termed "bestial", 77, 78 + Conquerors, duties of, 21 + Cornwall, language of, 2 + Countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv + Courtenay, sir Hugh, 15 + ---- sir Philip, _ib._ + Cravant, battle of, 17, 18, 28, 44 + Cressy, battle of, 12, 36 + Cyprus, king of, 10 + Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, 69 + + Damascus, 10 + David king of Scots, 13 + Derby, earl of, 13 + Dieppe, 5 + Dorset, Edmond earl of, 28 + ---- Thomas earl of, 15 + Douglas, earl of, 18 + Dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii + Dress; _see_ Clothing + Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", vii + Dudley, William, xxxi, xxxii + Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), 13 + Dynham, John lord, xxii + + Education, military, 76 + Edmond Ironside, 10 + Edward the First, 11 + Edward the Third, 3, 12, 14, 33, 77; + he made great alliances, 40 + Edward prince of Wales, 4, 13, 14; + received homage as duke of Guienne, 37, 43 + Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, i; + prepares to invade France xvii; + salutes the generous widow xxi; + lands at Calais xxvi; + interviews with the duke of Burgundy xxiv, xxix; + with king Louis xxxvi; + character of xxv, xli, xlv; + his personal appearance xxxviii; + ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii + Elkyngton, John, xxxii + English, their character as soldiers xxvi; + beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, 28 + Ennius, 61, 62 + Eu, earl of, 12 + Exeter, Thomas duke of 28, 68; + captain of Paris, xi, xii + + Fabius, 59, 60, 62 + Fabricius, 55, 60 + Faliste, 53 + Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", i; + anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv; + his books of accompt, xi; + captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, _ib._; + his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", l; + his services in France, li; + mentioned, 15, 16, 19, 28 _ter_, 31, 64, 68 + Fauconberg, lord, 28; + taken prisoner, iii, 5 + Felton, sir Thomas, 15 + Ferranus king of Spain, 10 + Fizar, battle, 46 + Florence, 53 + Formigny, the battle of, viii, 42 + Fougeres, the capture of, iii, 5 + France, oppression of the English subjects in, vii; + its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii; + narrative of the invasion of in 1475, xvii-xliv; + difficulties of an English invasion of, xxvii; + costly dress put away in, 80 + Franklin, character of, xv + Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, 28 + Fulke earl of Anjou, 10, 23 + + Garnett, Richard, xxi + Garter, the order of the, 46; + {90} + Gascony, the title of, 24 + Geoffrey Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52 + Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, 45 + ---- Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii; + affects to lead the English chivalry, xli + ---- Robert Clare, earl of, 10 + Gourney, Mathew, lix, 15 + Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx + Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, 34 + Guisnes, castle of, xxiii + + the Hagge, 12 + Hannibal, 50, 59, 67 + Hardy man, definition of, x + Harflete, siege of, 15 + Harington, sir Richard, 28 + Hastings, Hugh lord, 15 + ---- sir Ralph, 15 + ---- William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France, + xxxiii, xxxviii + Hay, sir Gilbert, liv + Hector, 20 + Henry the First, 10 + Henry the Second, 24 + Henry the Fifth, 4; + how he conquered Normandy and France, 15; + his marriage, 17; + wins the battle of Agincourt, 28, 32; + "that victorious prince", 39, 41; + praise of him and his brethren, 43; + his historians, liii + Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, 19; + "the innocent prince", 39 + Hercules, 21 + Homeldon hill, battle of, 18 + Howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; + left as hostage with the French, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi + Hubert bishop of Salisbury, 10 + Huntingdon, John earl of, 16 + + Jerusalem, 52 + Joachym king of Juda, 79 + John, king, 33 + John king of France taken prisoner and + brought to England, 13, 14, 36, 75 + Judas Machabeus, 42 + + Kedecause, journey of, 28 + Kent, Edmond earl of, 35, 36 + Knollys, sir Robert, 15 + Knowt (Canute), 2 + Kyriell, sir Thomas viii, 42 + + Lancaster, Henry duke of, 43; + "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," 77 + Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, 77; + choice of officers of, 78 + Lelius, 61, 62 + Lenius, 84 + Library of sir John Paston, lix; + of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 45 + Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house + of England, ii; + men of war should resemble, 4, 22, 46, 47, 48 + L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; 8, 68 + Loans, xvi. 80 + Lombards, 32 + Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, v. 8, 11, 42, 81 + Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, xvii; + character, xxv; + his reception of King Edward's defiance, xxvii; + kept no herald, xxx; + his "disguised apparel", xxxvii; + his timidity, xliii; + anecdotes of xli _et seq._ + Lucius Brutus, 71 + Lucius Paulus, 60, 67 + Lucius Valerius, 52 + Lumley, John lord, lv + Lysander, 69 + + Maine, county of, the conquest of, 19, 45; + the title of, 23, 32; + revenues of 68 + {91} + Manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, 65 + Mansel, an esquire, iii, 5 + March, earl of, 15, 28, 45 + Marcus Actilius, 65 + Marcus Marcellus, 67 + Margaret of Austria, her matrimonial alliances, xlviii + Maude, the empress, 23, 52 + Montgomery, sir N., 19 + Morhier, sir Simon, iii, 5 + Morton, doctor, xxv, xxxi, xxxii + Montreuil (Motreaw), 8 + Mountgomery, sir Thomas, xxiii, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvi + + Narbonne, the vicomte de, xlvi + Nazar, battle of, 14 + Nestor, 63, 64 + Neuss, the siege of, xxv + Neville, lord, 15 + Noblesse, identical with Chivalry, xv; + and with Honour, liv.; + _See_ BOKE OF NOBLESSE + Normandy, the title of, 22; + arms of, 23; + the wretched state of, 72; + the clergy oppressed, 74; + its re-conquest by the French, ii, iii, viii + + Oldhall, sir William, 19 + Orleans; bastard of, 28 + ---- duke of, 7, 8 + ---- siege of, 28 + + Paris, 7, 8, 19; + siege of, 47; + rebellion in, 68; + bastille of St. Anthony, xi, lx, 68; + in the hands of the English, xi + Parliament, the English, as described by Commines, xvii + Passy, dame Christine of, iv; + biographical note upon, 54 + Paston, sir John, his library, lix + Peace, the treaty of, in 1475, xxxviii + Philip, king of France, 8 + Philip Dieu-donné, 10, 33, 34, 40 + Philip of Valois, 12 + Picquigny, the royal interview at, xxxvi + de Pisan, Christine, vi + Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52 + Poitiers, battle of, 13, 75 + Pompeus, 75 + Pont l'Arche, the capture of iii, 5 + Popham, sir John, 19 + Poynings, lord, 28 + Prophecies, the English always provided with, xxxix, 50 + Publius Decius, 64 + Pyrrhus, 55, 60 + + Radcliff, sir John, 48 + Rais, lord, 15 + Rempston, sir Thomas, 28 + Respublica, 68 + Richard emperor of Almaine, 11 + Richard the First, 10 + Riviers, Anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of Burgundy, xxv; + his connections with royalty, xxvi. _See_ Scales + Robert, king of Jerusalem, 10 + Rochedaryon, 13 + Rollo, duke of Normandy, 39 + Romans, their wars with Carthage, 26; + the largess of, to make an army to Africa, 83 + Rome, 52 + Rotherham, archbishop, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix + Rouen, 5 + Roveraye, battle of, 28, 44 + Runcyvale, 15 + + St. Cloud, battle of, 8 + St. Leger, sir Thomas, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi + St. Pol, Louis de Luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king Louis, and + uncle to queen Elizabeth Wydville, xxviii; + his temporising and treacherous conduct, xxix; + circumstances of his ruin, xxxiv, xl, xliv + Salisbury, Thomas earl of, 17, 19, 28 + {92} + Scales, lord, 19; + _see_ Riviers + Sciences, the, vii, 45 + Scipio, 61, 62 + Scipio Africanus and Scipio Asianus, 66 + Scluse, battle of, 12, 36 + Senlys, 47 + Sensuality, evils of, 22, 33, 52 + Sessions, 77, 78 + Shire-days, holding of, xv, 77, 78 + Shrewsbury, 18 + Shrewsbury, earl of, 28 _bis_ + Sicily, 83 + Smert, John, Garter king of arms, xxvii + Soldiers, on the just payment of, 71 + Somerset, Edmond duke of, 28 + ---- John duke of, 28 + Stanley, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi + Suffolk, William earl of, 17, 28, 45 + Surie (Syria), 10, 11 + + Tancarville, earl of, 12 + Thames, the flood of, 82 + Tours, 5, 25; + truce of, ii + "Tree of Batailes," a popular work, iii; + its author, editions, and manuscripts, iv; + quoted, vii + Troy, 2, 20, 43, 64 + Truces with France, the history of, 34; + truce of Tours, ii + Tryvet, sir John, 15 + Tunis, 11 + Tunstall, sir Richard, xx, xxiii, xxxii + + Ulixes, 21 + d'Urfé, seigneur, xxxiii + + Valerius Corvinus, 70 + Vernelle, battle of, 18, 19, 28, 32 _bis_, 44 + Virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, 7 + + Wales, language of, 2 + Warwick, Thomas earl of, 37 + William the Conqueror, 2, 10, 22 + Willoughby, Robert lord, 17, 28 + Winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir John + Fastolfe), lvii + Worcestre, William of, the secretary of sir John Fastolfe, l; + his supposed _Acta d'ni Joh. Fastolff_, lii + Wyer, Robert, liv + + York, Richard duke of, 41. + + * * * * * + + +{93} + +GLOSSARIAL INDEX. + + * * * * * + + admonestementis 79 + afferaunt 43 + aiel 35 + amercie 78 + approwementis 65 + assailours 9 + astonyed 2 + atwix (betwixt) 48 + avaunt 75 + aventure 33 + aveyn 69 + + baleese 54 + barnage (baronage) 55 + batellous 63 + be (by) 9 + beforce (by force) 31 + beforne 70 + benecute 70 + benevolence xvii, xxi, xxii + bestialle 77, 78 + bethout (without) 7 _et passim_ + bethyn (within) 3 _et passim_ + bobauncees 80 + bonchief 21 + + chevalrie 66, 76, 83 + clepid 27, 31, 40, 55 + congie 30 + convenable 74, 75 + costius, costues (costly) 80 + cote-armer 18 + cotes of armes 20 + countour xv + covyn 54 + croiserie 10, 11 + custrell xx + + defalke 31, 72 + defend (drive away) 9 + deliver (agile) 76 + deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) 77 + depart (part with) 81, 83 side note + detrussed 65, _detroussé_, unbound + devoire 9, 56 + dissimiled (dissembled) 30, + dissimuled 41 + dissimulacion 40 + dulled 2 + + egallie (equally) 21 + embrace (to take part, or patronise) xv, 77 + empeshement 35 + enfamyned 13 + entendement 20 + entreprennour 64 + entreprinses _and_ entreprises, 6, 21, 29 + ering 70 + at erst 6 + escarmisshes 13 + esy (little _or_ scarcely) 72, + esilie (scarcely), 73 + ewred 43 + + fauten 60 + feernesse (_for_ feersnesse?) 4, 20 + fellir (more fell) 64 + fille (fell) 21, 23, 27, 73, 83 + finaunce 9, 14, 19, 29, 33, 65 + fole-hardiesse 63, _see_ hardy + fraunchise 81 + {94} + fructufulle 56 + + grene age 76 + + hardiesse 29 + hardy (or fool-hardy) man, 65 + haunting arms 3, 6, 22, 77 + havyour 84 + herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) 70 + hethynesse 46 + historier 25, 43 + hostied 13 + hubes 68 + + infortune 42, 50 + inure 62 + + joieuest (most joyful) 70 + jorney (military expedition) 47 + jupardie 65, 70, 77 + + labourage 65, 69, 70 + lifelode 32, 49, 32, 73, 80 + lust (_verb_) 82 + lyes (leash) 16 + + manassed 73 + manly man 65 + mantelle 20 + masty hound 16 + meintenaunce 78 + menage 69 + messangiers 45 + moien 85 + mondeyn 70 + mow (shall mow endure) 69 + muys 50 + + namelie (especially) 82, 83 + noblesse xv. liv + nompower 30 + nouches 84 + noy 82 + + obeisaunce _and_ obediaunce 17, 30, 59 + obeissauntes 30, 47 + onure, 85 + oost (host) 27, 28, 31, 32, 64, 71 + osteyng 11 + ovyr hand 65 + + paast, 6 + paissauntes (peasants) 72, 73 + patised 73 + payneymys 10 + paynym 75 + peine hem (take pains) 31 + perveaunce 40 + piller (thief) 31, 72 + plenerlie 37 + practik (singler) 77, 78 + practique of law 77 + print money, 84 + puissaunt 20, 23, 26, 41, 43, 46, 61 + purveonds 68 + puttithe away (_plur._) 79 + + quaiers (of books) lix, 79 + + raise 40. Chaucer says of his Knight, In Lettowe had he _reysed_ and in + Russe. + ravyne 72, 73 + recordacion 3 + renomme 32 + revaled 3, 9, 11, 74 + rightwisnesse 56 + rothir or sterne 58 + + servage 71 + sille (sell) 84 + sleuth (sloth) 6 + soude 33, 72; + soulde 29, 40 + soudeours 16, 68, 71; + sowdieris 30 + soudeyng 29; + souding, 83 + souneth (threaten) 48 + synguler (personal) 7, 29, 55 + + {95} + tailis 73, 83, 84 + take in gree 79 + tasques 73, 83, 84 + terrein 69 + tilieng (tilling) 70 + tofore (before) 60 + to morne (tomorrow) 84 + trespasseinte 11 + trespassement 41, 43 + + umbre 3, 4, 25, 33, 41 + + viellars 64 + vileyned 74 + voulenté 84 + vyfnes 4 + + wanhope 74 + well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" 82 + werreied (made war) 10 + wited (considered) 55 + + yen (eyen _or_ eyes) 66 + yoven (given) 81 + + * * * * * + + +NOTES + +[1] Giles brother to Francis I. duke of Bretagne. Having differences with +his brother respecting his apanage, he was with the duke's consent arrested +by king Charles VII.; and, perhaps in consequence of the English taking his +part, he was put to death in the year 1450. His fate was commemorated in +the "Histoire lamentable de Gilles seigneur de Chateaubriand et de +Chantocé, prince du sang de France et de Bretagne, estranglé en prison par +les ministres d'un favory." See Daru's Histoire de Bretagne, 1826, vol. ii. +pp. 287 et seq. + +[2] Sir Simon Morhier is one of the commissioners named for concluding a +treaty with "our adversary of France," dated 28 July 1438. (Rymer, x. 709.) +Monstrelet relates that at the battle of Rouvray, commonly called the +battle of the Herrings, which took place during the siege of Orleans in +1428, the only man of note slain on the English side was one named +Bresanteau, nephew to Simon Morhier provost of Paris. + +[3] I do not find the name of this esquire in the memoirs of the Mansel +family, privately printed in 1850, by William W. Mansell, esq. There were +Mansels in Bretagne as well as in England. + +[4] A description of the taking of Pont de l'Arche will be found in the +_Histoire du roy Charles VII._, by Alain Chartier. He states that from a +hundred to six score Englishmen were there either killed or taken +prisoners: "Entre les autres y fut prins le sire de Faucquembergue, qui +d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." This was William Neville, lord +Fauconberg, a younger son of the first earl of Westmerland, and uncle to +the King-making earl of Warwick. Dugdale describes his imprisonment on the +authority of letters patent (30 Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 24) whereby he was +granted some compensation: "Being sent ambassador into Normandy, to treat +of peace and truce betwixt both realms, he was most perfidiously seized +upon by the French, and kept prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he +had in 30 Hen. VI. an assignation of 4108l. 18s. 10Ľd. then in arrears to +him for his pay whilst he was governor of Roxburgh, to be received out of +the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising in +the ports of Boston, Kingston upon Hull, and Ipswich." In 32 Hen. VI. +(1453-4) he was still prisoner in France. (Baronage of England, i. 308, +309.) + +[5] Fougčres was a strongly fortified town, and was considered one of the +keys of Bretagne. It was taken by surprise, in the night of the 23-24 of +March 1448, by François de Surienne, on the part of the English: an event +which was followed by very important results, for Charles VII. made it an +excuse for resuming hostilities in order to protect the duke of Bretagne as +his vassal and ally: the Constable of France Artur de Richemont, who was +the duke's uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew +Giles,) recovered the captured town; the duke invaded Lower Normandy, +whilst the king of France entered the upper province, and by a rapid series +of successes they within fifteen months drove the English out of the +country. + +[6] Honoré Bonnet was prior of Salon in Provence, as is shown by his own +dedication of the book to Charles VI. written during the sovereignty of +Louis II. of Anjou in Provence, that is, from 1384 to 1390. In some of the +early editions of the book the author's name was altered to Bonnor: its +title is "Larbre des batailles. Sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de +plusieurs choses comme de leglise. Et aussi des faictz de la guerre. Et +aussi c[=o]ment on se doyt gouuerner. Paris, 1493." folio. Also Paris, +1505, 4to. Among the Royal collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum +(20 C. VIII.) is a magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto, +has been recently purchased (Addit. MS. 22,768.) Respecting others at Paris +see the work of M. Paulin Paris on "Les Manuscrits Français de la +Bibliothčque du Roi," vol. v. pp. 101, 307. + +On the fly-leaf of the Royal MS. is the following inscription in an old +hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the note at p. 54 of the +present volume: + +_L'Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en +Prouuence._ + +Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y^e tree of +Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a notable Benefactour +to Learned men and perchaunce to y^e autor of this Booke. And therefore +diuers of them sette furthe their Bookes under her name. See y^e Booke of +Noblesse in englishe and Chrystines Life amongste y^e autors de claris +mulieribus as I rem[=e]ber. + +On the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former +owners of the volume, _Sum Humfridi LLoyd_ and _Lumley_: and at the end is +inscribed _Iste liber constat Joh'i Gamston' Generoso_. It seems not +improbable that the entry above extracted was written by Lord Lumley. + +[7] At the end of the life of Saint Louis by Geoffroi de Beaulieu, in the +_Historiens de la_ _France_, tome xx. p. 26, (1840, folio,) will be found +the Instructions of king Louis to his Son, in their vernacular language. A +copy of them, headed "Ce sont les enseignemens que mons^r sainct Loys fist +a son filz Charles roy de France," occurs in the MS. at the College of Arms +which contains many things about sir John Fastolfe. (MS. Arundel XXVI. fol. +ii v.) + +[8] Vegetius was a great authority with the writers of the middle ages. +Monstrelet commences the prologue to the second volume of his chronicles by +citing the book of "un trčsrenommé philosophe nommé Végčce, qu'il feist de +la vaillance et prudence de chevalerie." The treatise of Vegetius de Re +Militari had been translated into French about the year 1284, by Jean de +Meun, one of the authors of the Roman de la Rose. In the fifteenth century +it was one of the principal sources of a book entitled "Lart de cheualerie +selon Vegece; lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au +fait de leurs guerres et batailles." This was printed at Paris by Anthoine +Verard in 1488; and it was, at the command of king Henry VII. translated by +Caxton, and printed by him at Westminster in the following year, as "The +Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,) +"Christian of Pise made and drew out of the book named Vegecius de Re +Militari, and out of the Arbre of Battles." Now, Christina de Pisan was a +poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise on +the art of war than the "dame Christine" of our present author had with the +Arbre des Batailles. Indeed it is probable that the two misappropriations +are connected in their origin. On the actual productions of Christine de +Pisan, which furnished other works to our first English printer, see the +description by M. Paulin Paris of "Les Manuscrits Français de la +Bibliothčque du Roi," vol. iv. 184, vol. v. 148-185, vi. 359, 399: and an +"Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de Pisan, suivi d'une Notice +Litteraire et de Pičces Inédites. Par Raimond Thomassy, 1838." 8vo. pp. +200. + +[9] Alain Chartier was a writer both in prose and poetry. There are +separate editions of several of his works: and a collected volume of them +was edited by Andrew du Chesne in 1617. An English translation of his +"Curial" was printed by Caxton without date. See an account of various +manuscripts of the works of Chartier given by M. Paulin Paris in his vol. +vi. pp. 385-387, vol. vii. pp. 251-254. + +[10] The personages speaking in the Quadrilogue are France, Le Peuple, Le +Chevalier, and Le Clergie, to whose conversation l'Acteur, or the Author, +occasionally interposes some remarks. Le Chevalier is also the Gendarmerie, +and described as being identical with the Estat de Noblesse--an identity +which is thus maintained at the beginning of the reign of Henry the +Eighth:--"in all the Chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all +Dukes, Erles, Barons, Knightes, Esquires, and other Gentlemen by office or +aucthoritie." I quote this from The Tree of Common Wealth, by Edmonde +Dudley, (written in 1509 or 1510,) printed for the Brotherhood of the Rosy +Cross, at Manchester, 1859, p. 18. + +[11] "Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo." Sidenote in +p. 27. + +[12] This battle, from which the final loss of Normandy ensued, was fought +at Formigny, between Charenton and Bayeux, on the 15th of April 1450. Sir +Thomas Kyriell, who was there taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of +Agincourt, and had for some years been lieutenant of Calais. By a writ of +privy seal dated the 12th August 1451, Henry VI. granted the sum of 5000 +crowns and lent another 5000, out of the bonds due from the duke of +Orleans, in order to provide for the ransom of sir Thomas Kyriell. (Rymer, +xi. 287.) Sir Thomas was elected a Knight of the Garter at the close of the +reign of Henry the Sixth, Feb. 8, 1460-1, and beheaded by the victorious +Yorkists on the 18th of the same month. + +[13] This passage was an abridgment from one in _Le Quadrilogue Invectif_ +of Alain Chartier: which is as follows: "Toutes anciennes escriptures sont +plaines de mutations, subversions, et changemens de Royaulmes et des +Principaultez. Car comme les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes +parfaitz, et puis declinent ŕ vieillesse et ŕ mort; ainsi ont les +Seigneuries leur commencement, et leur accroissement, et leur declin. Oů +est Ninive la grant cité, qui duroit trois journées de chemin? Qu'est +devenue Babiloine, qui fut edifiée de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer +aux hommes, et maintenant est habitée de serpens? Que dira l'en de Troye la +riche et tres renommée? Et de Ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes +furent d'ivoire, et les colonnes d'argent; et maintenant ŕ peine en reste +le pié des fondemens, que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des +hommes? Thebes qui fut fondée de Cadmus le fils de Agenor, et la plus +peuplée de dessus la terre pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en +trouver tant de reliques de son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de +sa semence? Lacedemoine, dont les loix vindrent ŕ diverse nations, +desquelles encores nous usons, ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder +les loix de Licurgus le doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa +perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit extaincte et aneantie. Athenes fontaine +de sapience, et source des haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas +en subversion, et les ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? Carthage +la batailleresse, qui domptait les elephans ŕ batailler, et qui jadis fut +tant redoubtée aux Romains, oů a elle tourné sa grant glorie, sinon en la +cendre du feu oů elle fut arse et embrasée? Mais parlons de Romme, qui fut +derreniere en souveraine majesté, et excellente en vertu. Et notons bien la +parolle de Lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut. +Car les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. Par ceste +maniere chascune ŕ sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou +soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des Royaulmes. Ainsi +comme la Monarchie du monde et la dignité du Souverain Empire fut jadis +translatée des Assiriens aux Persans, des Persans aux Grecz, des Grecz aux +Rommains, et des Rommains es mains des François et des Germains." + +[14] It was in this sense that the duke of Burgundy was called Charles le +Hardi, which was equivalent to the modern _le Temeraire_, that is, not only +Bold, but Rash. We find that the author of _L'Arbre des Batailles_ +discusses in his third book, chapter viii., the various causes from which +"est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car +premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire +et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez +et le couhars dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur +de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil +estoit couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps +porté le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in +ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a +qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de +bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil +scet estre bien sage et bien fortuné. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy +par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre chevalier y a +qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est +vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. Aultre +chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour +aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu +si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit +scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulenté +d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de +force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant ŕ present." + +[15] Jean de Villiers, seigneur de l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel, +having joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, was by his influence made +Maréchal of France in 1418. He was arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris +in 1420, and released by the duke of Bedford in 1422, at the request of +Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke Charles he was highly favoured, made one +of the first knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of +Paris when the duke of Bedford left that city in 1430. He was killed during +a popular commotion at Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire +Genealogique, 1723, vii. 10. + +[16] The account which Monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely +corresponds with that of our author. It is as follows: + + "En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour + certaines causes qui ŕ ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le + seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse + s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour + le rescourre ŕ ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais + tantost ledit duc d'Excestre ŕ tout six vingts combattans, dont il y + avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer + les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par + la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de + par le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit + seigneur de l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y + demoura durant la vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict + mourir, ce n'eust esté la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques + de Monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.) + +[17] It is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with +some passages of Commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes +the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which France especially +suffered from quartering soldiers. "To the common people they leave little +or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do +they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who +are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything, +and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, +not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, +they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, +wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's +wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep +her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it would be no +difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them +every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of +pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the +prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. I say this in +compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed +in quartering soldiers than any in all Europe." + +[18] This word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be +taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. 73, in the place of +"predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse. + +[19] Chaucer says of his Franklin-- + + At sessions there was he lord and sire, + Full often time he was Knight of the shire, + A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour. + +The countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a +commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal +exchequer. + +[20] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part. + +[21] Sir Harris Nicolas, in his memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll +(ii. 347), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of +the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition +of sir William Aton. Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that +he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his +parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless +used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of +_Azure, a bend or_. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley, +though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full +suit of armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both +his gentilitial and his professional merits: + + Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri, + Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suć; + Legis erat patrić gnarus, compescere lites + Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis. + +But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing +chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd +class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in +proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from the +Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families +have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of +young men of noble birth. + +[22] The notices which the chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first +Benevolence will be found in a subsequent page. + +[23] Commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an English +parliament. "The king was not able to undertake such an affair without +calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, +consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable +and a great strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament +the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no +money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or +Scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against +France. Yet the kings of England have this artifice when they want money, +and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend +quarrels with Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for +about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of +the money for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood +very well, and often practised it." + +[24] At that time the parliament first granted the number of 20,000 +archers, which was afterwards reduced to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231. + +[25] Rotuli Parl. vi. 4. + +[26] Ibid. p. 6. + +[27] Ibid. p. 39. + +[28] The parliament re-assembled accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and +during that session, on the 18th of July, the commons again granted to the +king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum +of 51,147l. 4s. 7ľd. in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers, +who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still +maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes, +the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a +mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme +beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that, +if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John Baptist the +year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid +xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the +same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. Parl. vi. 111, +118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 a further act +was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (Ibid. p. 120); +and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the dissolution of the +parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three +parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of +51,147l. 4s. 7ľd. (Ibid. pp. 149, 153.) + +[29] They are printed in Rymer's Foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq. + +[30] An account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is +preserved on the pell records of the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in +Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi. p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of +Clarence, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland, +the lords Grey, Scrope, Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and +Cobham, and as bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and +sir John Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of +Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's +household. + +The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these payments: +"Georgio duci Clarentić pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut Duce +ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum Militum quilibet ad ij s. +per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj +d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille Sagittariis [2275li. + +Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d. + +The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but extracted in +Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly to the same +amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 s. 4 d. per +day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. per day, 54 l. +12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at Arms 12 d. per day, +and 6 d. per day as a reward,--743 l. 18 s. 6 d.; and to 950 Archers, to +each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 s.--Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d. + +Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens of +the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August 1474) +is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king for one +whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten speres, +himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled, +armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for +everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the +day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said +archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th +November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to +attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six +archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij +d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj +d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made with +Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for +the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with +xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking +wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and +for the remainder each vj d. a day. + +[31] Ibid. pp. 837, 838. + +[32] Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843. + +[33] Rymer, xi. 848. + +[34] Foedera, vol. xii. p. 1. Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea +by previous appointments in the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage, +i. 515. + +[35] Fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of July (_an error for_ June) he +rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde." + +[36] Printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 366. + +[37] They are printed in Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a +constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age. + +[38] Hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned +passed over betwene Dover and Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army, +horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty +days. + +[39] Monstrelet in his Chronicle attempts to present a list of the +principal English lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number), +but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as +the names he gives to the nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of +Sufflocq and Noirflocq, the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan, +Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury, +which title did not then exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Rivičre; the +lords Stanlay, Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey, +Strangle, Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord +Fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp. +844-848, already noticed in the note in p. xx. + +[40] These particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres +d'hostel_ of the Burgundian court, which gives the following minute and +curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not +elsewhere to be found, of the English army during the months of July and +August. + +"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit été presque toujours a +Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya. + +"Le 14. ce duc arriva ŕ Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le deffraya, +la duchesse etant pour lors ŕ Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de Clarence et de +Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines avec ce roy, qui +le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla ŕ Sainct Omer, oů il trouva +la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla ŕ Fauquemberghe, prčs l'ost du +roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et en partit le 24. aprčs déjeuner, +et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cité d'Arras; et ce jour il +mangea du poisson, ŕ cause de la veille de Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit +d'Arras aprčs disner, et alla coucher ŕ Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. aprčs +disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de +Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner ŕ +Gand, oů mademoiselle de Bourgoyne étoit restée. + +"Le mardy premier Aoűt, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha au +village d'Aichen, prčs l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. aprčs +disner, et coucha ŕ Ancre. Il en partit le 3. aprčs disner, et coucha a +Curleu sur Somme, prčs ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par l'ost du roy +d'Angleterre, et coucha ŕ Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. qu'il en +partit aprčs disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et alla coucher ŕ +Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha ŕ Valenciennes, d'oů il partit le 18. +aprčs disner, souppa ŕ Cambray, et alla coucher ŕ Peronne. Il y disna le +20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher ŕ +Cambray. Le 21. il disna ŕ Valenciennes, coucha ŕ Mons. Le 22. il disna ŕ +Nivelle, et coucha ŕ Namur, oů les ambassadeurs de Naples, Arragon, Venise, +et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aoűt, entreveue du roy avec le roy +d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre +eux, et que le Dauphin épouseroit la fille de ce roy d'Angleterre." +(Mémoires de P. de Cominines, edited by Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii. +p. 216.) + +[41] Another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts +from Commines hereafter. + +[42] The fact of earl Rivers having repaired to the duke of Burgundy +_once_, at the end of April, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the +journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le +sire de Riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en +fut regalé." (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbé Lenglet du +Fresnoy, 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The +King's ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls +(doctor Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii. +p. 175.) + +[43] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour. + +[44] Hall, following this part of Commines's narrative, on mentioning this +English herald, adds, "whome Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth +Garter borne in Normandy, for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no +estraunger." The office of Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert, +who was appointed in 28 Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the +son-in-law of Bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large +materials for his biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the +College of Arms, but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's +assertion, or Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy. + +[45] The constable of France, Jacques de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol. +After temporising between Burgundy and France at this crisis, he paid the +penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to Louis, by whom he +was decapitated before the end of the year (Dec. 19, 1475). + +[46] Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, the mother of the queen of England, was +one of the constable's sisters. The constable was also connected by +marriage with king Louis, who called him "brother" from their having +married two sisters. The relationship of all the principal actors in the +transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:-- + + Pierre Louis Charles VII. Richard + Comte de St. Pol Duke of Savoy. King of France. Duke of York. + = = = = + | | | | + +-----+ +-----+-----+ +-----+-+ +-----+ + | | | | | | | | + | Louis Comte=Mary of Charlotte=Louis Katharine=Charles=Margaret | + | de St. Pol, Savoy. of Savoy. XI. of Duke of of York.| + | the Constable. France. Burgundy. | + | | + Jacqueline = Richard | + Duchess of | Earl | + Bedford. | Rivers. | + +-+------------------------------------+ +-------+ + | | | + Anthony Lord Scales, Elizabeth Wydville.=King Edward + and Earl Rivers. the Fourth. + +[47] Afterwards the first duke of Norfolk and earl of Derby of their +respective families. + +[48] The narrative is continued on the authority of Commines. + +[49] See the extracts from the register of the Burgundian _maistres +d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. The English camp is described as near +Fauquemberghe on the 22d of July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its +position near Peronne is believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river +Somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time. + +[50] The duke was at Peronne from the 6th to 12th of August. See the note +on his movements before, p. xxiv. + +[51] The last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady +Anne of York, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of Rutland. + +[52] The prudent and conciliatory conduct of Louis XI. towards the English +at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor +Charles V. "Le sage roy de France Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait +que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les +Anglois ŕ tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par +force, Il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne +doit point estre acheté par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth +chapter of the second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie +par Christine de Pisan.) + +[53] St. Christ. + +[54] It is printed in Rymer's Collection, vol. xii. p. 14. + +[55] Lord Hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of Burgundy. +Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to William +lord Hastings a yearly pension of 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the +castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on +the 12th July 1474; and another receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated +12th April 1475. (Mémoires de P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.) +Commines, in his Sixth Book, chapter ii. relates how he had himself been +the agent who had secured lord Hastings to the Burgundian interest, and how +he subsequently negociated with him on the part of king Louis. Hastings +accepted the French pension, being double the amount of the Burgundian, but +on this occasion, according to Commines, would give no written +acknowledgment. In an interview with the French emissary, Pierre Cleret, of +which Commines in his Book VI. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some +length, he said the money might be put in his sleeve. Cleret left it, +without acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master. + +[56] In the article of plate "his bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave +unto lorde Hastynges then lord chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys, +wherof halfe were gylt and halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every +cuppe or more." Fabyan's Chronicle. + +[57] This passionate interview must have taken place on the 19th or 20th of +August: see the note on the Duke's movements in p. xxiv. + +[58] We are continuing to follow the account of Commines. But the truce, +which was not yet concluded, was made for seven years only; and the dukes +of Burgundy and Britany were not mentioned in the articles. The duke of +Burgundy, shortly after, himself made a truce with France for nine years. +It was dated on the 13th of September, only fifteen days after that of the +English. + +[59] Molinet says, "de quatrevingts ŕ cent chariots de vin." + +[60] The real Childermas day was on the 28th of December; but sir John +Fenn, the editor of the Paston Letters, has suggested that the 28th of +every month was regarded as a Childermas day; for the 28th of June, 1461, +being Childermas, and consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for +the coronation of Edward the Fourth. From other authorities it appears that +the day of the week on which Childermas occurred was regarded as +unfortunate throughout the year. + +[61] Molinet mentions three other names, those of the admiral, the seigneur +de Craon, and the mayor of Amiens. + +[62] According to our London historian, Fabyan, Louis's attire was by no +means becoming: + +"Of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge Lowys +ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge I myght make a longe rehersayl: +but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble man, that was +apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, therfor I passe it +over." + +[63] Commines saw king Edward at the Burgundian court in 1470. On that +occasion he gives him this brief character: "King Edward was not a man of +any great management or foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the +most beautiful prince my eyes ever beheld." + +[64] The documents which bear date on the day of the royal interview are +these, as printed in the edition of Commines by the Abbé Lenglet du +Fresnoy, 1747, 4to. vol. iii:-- + +1. The treaty of truce for seven years between Edward king of France and +England and lord of Ireland and his allies on the one part, and the most +illustrious prince Louis of France (not styled king) and his allies, on the +other. (In Latin.) Dated in a field near Amiens on the 29th August 1475. +The conservators of the truce on the part of the king of England were the +dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the chancellor of England, the keeper of +the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain or deputy +of Calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of France his +brother Charles comte of Beaujeu and John bastard of Bourbon admiral of +France. + +2. Obligation of Louis king of the French to pay to Edward king of England +yearly, in London, during the life of either party, the sum of 50,000 +crowns. (In Latin.) Dated at Amiens on the 29th of August. + +3. A treaty of alliance between king Edward and Louis of France (in Latin) +stipulating, 1. that if either of them were driven from his kingdom, he +should be received in the states of the other, and assisted to recover it. +2. to name commissioners of coinage, which should circulate in their +dominions respectively. 3. that prince Charles, son of Louis, should marry +Elizabeth daughter of the king of England, or, in case of her decease, her +sister Mary. Dated in the field near Amiens, on the 29th of August. + +4. Another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for the +arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of England his uncle +the cardinal Thomas archbishop of Canterbury and his brother George duke of +Clarence, and on the part of Louis of France, Charles archbishop of Lyons +and John comte de Dunois. + +In April 1478 the three years were prolonged by another like term to the +29th August 1481; the letters patent relative to which are printed ibid. p. +536. + +On the 13th Feb. 1478-9 the truce was renewed for the lives of both +princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king Louis +obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the 50,000 +crowns during that term: the documents relating to this negotiation are +printed ibid. pp. 560--570. + +[65] Molinet, in his account of the conference, states that it lasted for +an hour and a half, and that a principal topic of discussion was the +conduct of the constable, Louis showing a letter, in which the constable +had engaged to harass the English army as soon as it was landed. + +[66] This Gascon gentleman is a person of some interest, from his name +being mentioned by Caxton. He was resident at the English court, as a +servant of Anthony lord Scales (the queen's brother) as early as the year +1466, when in a letter, dated at London, on the 16th of June, he challenged +sir Jehan de Chassa, a knight in the retinue of the duke of Burgundy, to do +battle with him in honour of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately +after the performance of the intended combat in London between the lord +Scales and the bastard of Burgundy. His letter of challenge, in which he +terms the king of England his sovereign lord, is printed in the Excerpta +Historica, 1831, p. 216; and that of sir Jehan de Chassa accepting it at p. +219, addressed, _A treshonnouré escueire Louys de Brutallis_. His own +signature is _Loys de Brutalljs_. The encounter is thus noticed in the +Annals of William of Wyrcestre: "Et iij^o die congressi sunt pedestres in +campo, in prćsencia regis, Lodowicus Bretailles cum Burgundić; deditque Rex +honorem ambobus, attamen Bretailles habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by +Olivier de la Marche: "On the morrow Messire Jehan de Cassa and a Gascon +squire named Louis de Brettailles, servant of Mons. d'Escalles, did arms on +foot: and they accomplished these arms without hurting one another much. +And on the morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein Messire Jean de +Chassa had great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance." +Lowys de Bretaylles, as his name is printed by Caxton, was still attendant +upon the same nobleman, then earl Rivers, in 1473, when he went to the +pilgrimage of St. James in Galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after +sailing from Southampton, he lent to the earl the Book of _Les Dictes +Moraux des Philosophes_, written in French by Johan de Tronville, which the +earl translated, and caused it to be printed by Caxton, as _The Dicts and +Sayings of the Philosophers_, in 1477. + +[67] Fabyan's Chronicle. + +[68] The former importance and power of the constable are thus described by +Commines: "Some persons may perhaps hereafter ask, Whether the king alone +was not able to have ruined him? I answer, No; for his territories lay just +between those of the king and the duke of Burgundy: he had St. Quintin +always, and another strong town in Vermandois: he had Ham and Bohain, and +other considerable places not far from St. Quintin, which he might always +garrison with what troops (and of what country) he pleased. He had four +hundred of the king's men at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and +made his own musters,--by which means he feathered his nest very well, for +he never had his complement. He had likewise a salary of forty-five +thousand francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed +into Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all +this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest +in France, and a greater in Burgundy, on account of his kinsmen." + +[69] None had actually been made with Burgundy by the treaty of the 29th of +August. Commines certainly wrote under a misapprehension in that respect, +as well as upon the number of years of the truce with England. + +[70] Besides the lady Margaret there were two sons: Maximilian, afterwards +the emperor Maximilian, and Philip. There was a contract of marriage in +1479 between the latter and the lady Anne of England, one of the daughters +of Edward the Fourth. (Rymer, xii. 110.) + +[71] Margaret herself was eventually rejected by Charles VIII. who was +nearly nine years her senior. When he had the opportunity of marrying the +heiress of Bretagne, and thereby annexing that duchy to France, Margaret +was sent back to her father in 1493, and afterwards married in 1497 to John +infante of Castile, and in 1501 to Philibert duke of Savoy. She +subsequently nearly yielded to the suit of Charles Brandon lord Lisle, +(afterwards the husband of Mary queen dowager of France,) who was made duke +of Suffolk by his royal master in order to be more worthy of her +acceptance; but at last she died childless in 1530, after a widowhood of +six and twenty years, and a long and prosperous reign as regent of the +Netherlands. + +[72] Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 172. + +[73] "Whiche book was translated and thystoryes openly declared by the +ordinaunce and desyre of the noble auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf, of +the countee of Norfolk banerette, lyvyng' the age of four score yere, +excercisyng' the warrys in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees for +the diffence and universal welfare of bothe royames of Englond' and' +Fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the fayte of armes haunting, and in +admynystryng Justice and polytique governaunce under thre kynges, that is +to wete, Henry the fourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, And was +governour of the duchye of Angeou and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of +many townys, castellys, and fortressys in the said Royame of Fraunce, +havyng' the charge and saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and +rewlynge thre honderd' speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, And yeldyng' +good' acompt of the foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd' +kynges and to theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan +regent of Fraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of Excestre, Thomas duc of +Clarence, and other lyeutenauntes." This may be considered as a grateful +tribute from William of Worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died +in or about 1484), to the memory of his ancient master, sir John Fastolfe, +who had died in 1460. The biography of William of Worcestre was written by +the Rev. James Dallaway in the Retrospective Review, vol. xvi. p. 451; and +reprinted in 4to. 1823, in his volume entitled "William Wyrcestre +redivivus: Notices of Ancient Church Architecture, particularly in +Bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of Worcestre's life +is that given by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope in his History of Castle Combe, +1852, 4to. + +[74] He has recorded that in 1473 he presented a copy of his translation to +bishop Waynflete,--"but received no reward!" His version was not made from +the original, but from the French of Laurentius de Primo Facto, or du +Premier-Faict: an industrious French translator, who flourished from 1380 +to 1420. + +[75] Bale, in his list of the works of Worcestre, whom he notices under his +_alias_ of Botoner, mentions _Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf_, lib. I, +(commencing) "Anno Christi 1421, et anno regni--" + +Oldys (in the Biographia Britannica, 1750, p. 1907) attributes to Worcestre +"a particular treatise, gratefully preserving the life and deeds of his +master, under the title of _Acta Domini Johannis Fastolff_, which we hear +is still in being, and has been promised the publick;" but in the second +edition of Oldys's life of Fastolfe (Biographia Britannica, 1793, v. 706), +we find merely this note substituted: "This is mentioned in the Paston +Letters, iv. p. 78." The letter there printed is one addressed by John Davy +to his master John Paston esquire after sir John Fastolfe's death. It +relates to inquiries made of one "Bussard" for evidences relative to +Fastolfe's estate; and it thus concludes: "he seyth the last tyme that he +wrot on to William Wusseter it was beffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrote a +Cronekyl of Jerewsalem and the Jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in +Fraunce, that God on his sowle have mercy, and he seyth that this drew more +than xx whazerys (quires) off paper, and this wrytyng delyvered onto +Wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is feyth." It +appears, I think, very clearly that this passage was misunderstood by +Oldys, or his informant, and that the historian of the "journeys" and +valiant acts of sir John Fastolfe was not Worcestre, but the person called +Bussard. It is not impossible that the person whom John Davy meant by that +name was Peter Basset, who is noticed in the next page. + +Mr. Benjamin Williams, in the Preface to "Henrici Quinti Gesta," (printed +for the English Historical Society, 1850,) says of Worcestre that "he wrote +the _Acts of Sir John Fastolfe_, contained in the volume from which this +chronicle is extracted," _i.e._ the Arundel MS. XLVIII. in the College of +Arms; but that statement appears to have been carelessly made, without +ascertaining that the volume contained any such "Acts." "Also (Mr. Williams +adds) the _Acts of John Duke of Bedford_ (MS. Lambeth);" but those "Acts" +again are not an historical or biographical memoir, but a collection of +state papers and documents relating to the English occupation of France, +which will be found described in Archdeacon Todd's Catalogue of the Lambeth +Manuscripts as No. 506. Its contents are nearly identical with those of a +volume in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, MSS. No. 41, as will +be found on comparison with Sir Henry Ellis's Catalogue of that collection, +p. 17. The latter is the volume which Oldys, in his life of sir John +Fastolfe, in the Biographia Britannica 1750, has described at p. 1907 as a +"quarto book some time in the custody of the late Brian Fairfax esquire, +one of the Commissioners of the Customs," and of which Oldys attributes the +collection to the son of William of Worcestre, because a dedicatory letter +from that person to king Edward the Fourth is prefixed to the volume. + +Another very valuable assemblage of papers of the like character, and which +may also be regarded as part of the papers of sir John Fastolfe, is +preserved in the College of Arms, MS. Arundel XLVIII., and is fully +described by Mr. W. H. Black in his Catalogue of that collection, 8vo. +1829. This is the volume from which Hearne derived the Annals of William of +Worcestre, and Mr. Benjamin Williams one of his chronicles of the reign of +Henry the Fifth. + +It is probable that the Lambeth MS. was formerly in the Royal Library, for +abstracts of some of its more important documents, in the autograph of King +Edward the Sixth, are preserved in the MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. These have +been printed in the Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth, pp. 555-560. + +[76] From the authority of Tanner and Oldys, we gather that there was +formerly a volume in the library of the College of Arms, bearing the +following title: "Liber de Actis Armorum et Conquestus Regni Francić, +ducatus Normannić, ducatus Alenconić, ducatus Andegavić et Cenomannić, &c. +Compilatus fuit ad nobilem virum Johannem Fastolff, baronem de Cyllye +guillem vel Cylly quotem, &c. 1459, per Pet. Basset armig." (Tanner, +Bibliotheca Britannica, 1748, p. 79; Oldys, Biographia Britannica, 1750, +iii. 1903, again, p. 1906; and 2nd edit. 1793, v. 701.) Both Tanner and +Oldys describe this book as being in the Heralds' Office at London, but it +is not now to be found there; and is certainly not a part of the Arundel +MS. XLVIII. the contents of which curious and valuable volume are minutely +described in the Catalogue of the collection by Mr. W. H. Black, F.S.A. + +[77] Bale (Scriptores Brytannić, vii. 80, Folio, 1557, p. 568,) describes +Peter Basset as an esquire of noble family, and an attendant upon Henry the +Fifth in his bedchamber throughout that monarch's career. Bale states that +this faithful esquire wrote the memoirs of his royal master, very fully, +from his cradle to his grave, in the English language; and we find that the +work was known to the chronicler Hall, who quotes Basset in regard to the +disease of which the king died. It is remarkable, however, that this work, +like that formerly in the College of Arms, mentioned in the preceding note +(if it were not the same), has now disappeared; and the name of Basset has +been unknown to Mr. Benjamin Williams and Mr. Charles Augustus Cole, the +editors of recent collections on the reign of Henry the Fifth for the +English Historical Society and the series of the present Master of the +Rolls, (1850 and 1858,) as also to Sir N. Harris Nicolas, the historian of +the Battle of Agincourt, and the Rev. J. Endell Tyler, the biographer of +King Henry of Monmouth (2 vols. 8vo. 1838). + +[78] Its real author is supposed to have been Ćgidius Romanus, or De +Columna, who was bishop of Berri, and died in 1316. See Les Manuscrits +Francois de la Bibliothčque du Roi, par M. Paulin Paris, 1836, i. 224. It +was printed at Rome in 1482, and at Venice in 1598: see Cave, Historia +Literaria, vol. ii. p. 340. Thomas Occleve, the contemporary of Chaucer, +wrote a poem _De Regimine Principum_, founded, to a certain extent, upon +the work of Ćgidius, but applied to the events of his own time, and +specially directed to the instruction of the prince of Wales, afterwards +King Henry V. The Roxburghe Club has recently committed the editorship of +this work to Mr. Thomas Wright, F.S.A. + +[79] Preface to The Buke of the Order of Knyghthede (Abbotsford Club, +1847,) p. xxiii. + +[80] Ames's Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, iii. 198. Moule +(Bibliotheca Heraldica, 1822, p. 12,) conjectures that this may have been +the same with "A Treatise of Nobility," by John Clerke, mentioned by Wood, +in his Athenć Oxonienses, as being also a translation from the French; this +was printed in 12mo, 1543. (Ath. Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 205.) In that case +the name of _Larke_ is an error of Ames. + +[81] Wyer also printed "The Boke of Knowledge," a work on prognostics in +physic, and on astronomy (Dibdin's Ames, iii. 199, 200), and "The Book of +Wysdome, spekyng of vyces and vertues, 1532." (ibid. p. 175.) + +[82] Typographical Antiquities, first edition, iii. 1527. + +[83] Mr. B. B. Woodward, F.S.A. the author of a History of Hampshire now in +progress, kindly undertook for me to search the records of the city of +Winchester in order to discover, if possible, any information in +elucidation of this document; but he found them in so great confusion, that +at present it is impossible to pursue such an inquiry with any hope of +success. + +[84] _Here is written above the line, in a later hand_, yn yo^r most noble +persone and + +[85] _In MS._ whiche whan + +[86] _MS._ of + +[87] _These words are inserted by a second hand._ + +[88] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._ + +[89] _sc._ weight + +[90] _MS._ infinitee + +[91] _MS._ to + +[92] _MS._ if it + +[93] _MS._ defoule + +[94] _MS._ be that + +[95] _MS._ they + +[96] _MS._ it is + +[97] _The words_ thowsands and _are inserted above the line._ + +[98] _Added by second hand._ + +[99] _Altered by second hand to_ youre + +[100] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._ + +[101] _qu._? yet + +[102] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[103] _Added by second hand._ + +[104] _This passage is inserted by the second hand._ + +[105] _Added by second hand._ + +[106] _The Hague._ + +[107] _So the MS._ + +[108] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[109] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[110] _MS._ cons. + +[111] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[112] _The word_ king _has been erased, and altered to_ prince. + +[113] _The insertion occupying the ensuing page is written by the second +hand in the margin._ + +[114] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[115] overthrow _in MS._ + +[116] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[117] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[118] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[119] _Added in the margin by second hand._ + +[120] _Added by second hand in the margin._ + +[121] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[122] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[123] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[124] _So in MS._ + +[125] _Inserted by third hand._ + +[126] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[127] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[128] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[129] ? all. + +[130] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[131] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[132] _The word_ innocent _is written by some Lancastrian over an erasure_. + +[133] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[134] _Added by second hand._ + +[135] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[136] _So in the MS._ + +[137] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[138] _So in MS._ + +[139] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[140] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[141] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[142] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[143] _So in the MS._ + +[144] _MS._ youre. + +[145] _MS._ of. + +[146] _MS._ they owre. + +[147] of _in MS._ + +[148] _Added by second hand._ + +[149] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[150] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[151] _In the margin is here placed the following note respecting Dame +Christina of Passy:--_ "Notandum est quod Cristina [fuit] domina prćclara +natu et moribus, et manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud Passye +prope Parys; et ita virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos +studentes in universitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros +virtuosos, utpote _Liber Arboris Bellorum_, et doctores racione eorum +exhibicionis attribuerunt nomen autoris Christinć, sed aliquando nomen +autoris clerici studentis imponitur in diversis libris; et vixit circa +annum Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno Christi 1400." + +[152] _Inserted by second hand in the margin._ + +[153] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[154] _MS._ goodis. + +[155] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[156] _MS._ startees. + +[157] _So in MS._ + +[158] Sir John Fastolfe. + +[159] _This word has been in the MS. by error altered to_ stode, _which +belongs to the next line_. + +[160] _So. in MS._ + +[161] _MS._ wounding. + +[162] _This word is written on an erasure._ + +[163] _So in the MS._ + +[164] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[165] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[166] _Written over an erasure._ + +[167] _MS._ nede or of. + +[168] _Written on an erasure._ + +[169] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[170] _So in the MS._ + +[171] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[172] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[173] _MS._ youre. + +[174] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[175] _MS._ Gentiles. + +[176] _Written on an erasure._ + +[177] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[178] _Written on an erasure._ + +[179] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[180] _MS._ excersing. + +[181] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[182] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[183] _So in MS. sc._ stir? + +[184] _So in MS._ + +[185] _MS._ where. + + * * * * * + + +Corrections made to printed original. + +Page xxxvi. "the gate should be delivered up": 'he delivered' in original. + +Page 38. "the seneschalcie of Pierregort": 'of of' (across line break) in +original. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + +***** This file should be named 33953-8.txt or 33953-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/9/5/33953/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Boke of Noblesse + +Author: Unknown + +Editor: John Gough Nichols + +Release Date: October 1, 2010 [EBook #33953] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<table border="0" cellpadding="10" style="background-color: #ccccff;"> +<tr> +<td style="width:25%; vertical-align:top"> +Transcriber's note: +</td> +<td> +A few typographical errors have been corrected. They +appear in the text <span class="correction" title="explanation will pop up">like this</span>, and the +explanation will appear when the mouse pointer is moved over the marked +passage. +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h1>T<span class="gsp"> </span>H<span class="gsp"> </span>E B<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>K<span class="gsp"> </span>E O<span class="gsp"> </span>F N<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>B<span class="gsp"> </span>L<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>E</h1> + +<h2>ADDRESSED TO KING EDWARD THE FOURTH</h2> + +<h2>ON HIS INVASION OF FRANCE</h2> + +<h2>IN 1475</h2> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + +<h3>WITH AN INTRODUCTION</h3> + +<h2>B<span class="gsp"> </span>Y J<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>H<span class="gsp"> </span>N G<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>U<span class="gsp"> </span>G<span class="gsp"> </span>H N<span class="gsp"> </span>I<span class="gsp"> </span>C<span class="gsp"> </span>H<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>L<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>, F.<span class="gsp"> </span>S.<span class="gsp"> </span>A.</h2> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + + <div class="figcenter" style="width:8%;"> + <a href="images/bon001.png"><img style="width:100%" src="images/bon001.png" + alt="Printers Mark" title="Printers Mark" /></a> + </div> +<p class="cenhead">BURT FRANKLIN<br /> +NEW YORK</p> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)</p> + <p>235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017</p> + <p>Reprinted: 1972</p> + <p>Printed in the U.S.A.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Burt Franklin: Research and Source Works Series</p> + <p>Selected Studies in History, Economics, & Social Science:</p> + <p>n.s. 17 (b) Medieval, Renaissance & Reformation Studies</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Reprinted from the original edition in the University of</p> + <p>Minnesota Library.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>The Boke of noblesse.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Reprint of the 1860 ed. printed for the Roxburghe Club.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>1. Chivalry—History. 2. Hundred Years' War, 1339-1453. 3. Great</p> + <p>Britain—History—Edward IV, 1461-1483. I. Roxburghe Club, London.</p> + <p>CR4515.B64 1972 394'.7'09 73-80201</p> + <p>ISBN 0-8337-2524-6</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p class="i8"><b>The Roxburghe Club.</b></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p class="i16">MDCCCLX.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G.</p> + <p class="i16">PRESIDENT.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON.</p> + <p>THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G.</p> + <p>HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER.</p> + <p>MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN.</p> + <p>EARL OF CARNARVON.</p> + <p>EARL OF POWIS, V.P.</p> + <p>EARL CAWDOR.</p> + <p>EARL OF ELLESMERE.</p> + <p>LORD VERNON.</p> + <p>LORD DELAMERE.</p> + <p>LORD DUFFERIN.</p> + <p>LORD WENSLEYDALE.</p> + <p>RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS.</p> + <p>HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN.</p> + <p>SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART.</p> + <p>SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART.</p> + <p>SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART.</p> + <p>SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART.</p> + <p>SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES.</p> + <p>NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ.</p> + <p>BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treasurer.</p> + <p>REV WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY.</p> + <p>PAUL BUTLER, ESQ.</p> + <p>FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ.</p> + <p>THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ.</p> + <p>RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ.</p> + <p>REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D.</p> + <p>ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ.</p> + <p>ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ.</p> + <p>ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ.</p> + <p>REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A.</p> + <p>JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ.</p> + <p>EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ.</p> + <p>WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ.</p> + <p>SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ.</p> + <p>GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ.</p> + <p>CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<h2>TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS</h2> + +<p class="cenhead">OF</p> + +<h2><b>The Roxburghe Club</b></h2> + +<h3>THIS INTERESTING HISTORICAL TREATISE,</h3> + +<p class="cenhead">WRITTEN IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE</p> + +<h3>INVASION OF FRANCE BY KING EDWARD THE FOURTH IN 1475,</h3> + +<p class="cenhead">IS DEDICATED AND PRESENTED</p> + +<p class="cenhead"> BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT,</p> + +<h2> DELAMERE.</h2> + + <p>June 23, 1860.</p> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><!-- Page i --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagei"></a>{i}</span></p> + +<h2>INTRODUCTION.</h2> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + + <p>The Book of Noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was + addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great + and important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living + in high prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian + rivals were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought + his last field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate + reason to dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and + treacherous we now know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of + England, and, like his predecessors, the titular King of France. His + brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile + in 1470, was continually urging, for his own ambitious views, that the + English should renew their ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, + notwithstanding his natural indolence, was at last prepared to carry his + arms into that country. The project was popular with all those who were + burning for military fame, indignant at the decay of the English name + upon the continent, or desirous to improve their fortunes by the + acquisitions of conquest. The Book of Noblesse was written to excite and + inflame such sentiments and expectations.</p> + + <p>Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited + by the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly + with the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the + writer in several places mentions as "myne autor."</p> + + <p>Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, + and died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all + improbable that the substance of this book was written during his + life-time, and that it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of + Edward the Fourth's invasion of France. All the historical events which + are mentioned in it date at least some five-and-twenty years before that + expedition.</p> + + <p>The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how + necessary it is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace + of God: and then <!-- Page ii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pageii"></a>{ii}</span>introduces a definition of true nobility or + Noblesse, in the words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger + Pliny.</p> + + <p>He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the + realm had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the + duchies of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and + Ponthieu; which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles + the Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year + 1450. To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the + ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the + ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes, + Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though + in his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history.</p> + + <p>The next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should + resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In + illustration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing + the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales, + who was <i>as courageous and cruel as a lion</i>, took great pleasure + this day in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is + still popularly known by his martial epithet of Cœur de Lyon: and + that the lion was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour + is testified by its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the + highest ranks of feudal chivalry. The royal house of England displayed + three lions, and the king of beasts was supposed to be peculiarly + symbolic of their race—</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth</p> + <p>Do all expect that you should rouse yourself</p> + <p>As did the former Lions of your Blood.</p> + <p class="i20">Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the + French party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had + been concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to + have transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on + the sea; and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore + allegiance to the English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of + the duke of Bretagne<a name="NtA1" href="#Nt1"><sup>[1]</sup></a>; sir + Simon Morhier, the <!-- Page iii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pageiii"></a>{iii}</span>provost of Paris, taken at Dieppe<a + name="NtA2" href="#Nt2"><sup>[2]</sup></a>; one Mansel an esquire, taken + on the road between Rouen and Dieppe, in January 1448-9<a name="NtA3" + href="#Nt3"><sup>[3]</sup></a>; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de + l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.<a name="NtA4" + href="#Nt4"><sup>[4]</sup></a> The writer is careful to state that these + acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were + committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that + the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.<a + name="NtA5" href="#Nt5"><sup>[5]</sup></a></p> + + <p>There is next discussed (p. <a href="#page6">6</a>) "a question of + great charge and weight, whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian + blood." This is determined upon the authority of a book entitled The Tree + of Batailes, a work which had evidently already acquired considerable + popularity whilst still circulated in manuscript only, <!-- Page iv + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pageiv"></a>{iv}</span>and which so far + retained its reputation when books began to be multiplied by the + printing-press as to be reproduced on several occasions. Our author + frequently recurs to it, but his references do not agree with the book as + it now remains; and it is remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honoré + Bonnet its real author,<a name="NtA6" href="#Nt6"><sup>[6]</sup></a> but + to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. <a + href="#page54">54</a>) as an inmate of the house of religious ladies at + Passy near Paris. It would seem, therefore, that he made use of a + somewhat different book, though probably founded on the celebrated work + of Honoré Bonnet.</p> + + <p>The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or + revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have + distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some + remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between + the houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty + and violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century.</p> + + <p>King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled + his son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding + that blessed king's counsel,<a name="NtA7" href="#Nt7"><sup>[7]</sup></a> + it is declared on the other hand that "it is notarily and openly <!-- + Page v --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagev"></a>{v}</span>known + through all Christian realms that our adverse party hath moved and + excited war and battles both by land and sea against this noble realm + without any justice or title, and without ways of peace showed; and + consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king of England + to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title, and to + put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance."</p> + + <p>The writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the + English nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he + proceeds to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the + examples of king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the + Conqueror, Henry the First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, + Fulke earl of Anjou, Richard Cœur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonné of + France, Edward the First, and Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of + Almaine. He rehearses how Edward the Third had the victory at the battle + of Scluse, gat Caen by assault, won the field at the great and dolorous + battle of Cressy, captured David king of Scots and Charles duke of + Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward prince of Wales made John + king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the battle of Nazar was + fought in Spain.</p> + + <p>In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth + conquered Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the + defence of Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name + of sir John Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a + circumstance of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed + themselves of the assistance of mastiffs—"and as for wache and ward + yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every + man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a lyes (<i>or</i> leash), + to barke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to + aproche the towne for to scale yt."</p> + + <p>The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and + the marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter.</p> + + <p>The following chapters (pp. <a href="#page17">17</a> et seq.) contain + how in the time of John duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years + Regent of France, the victory of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant + the earl of Salisbury; how the duke in his own person won the battle of + Verneuil in Perche; how that the greater part of the county of Mayne, and + the city of Mauns, with many other castles, were brought <!-- Page vi + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagevi"></a>{vi}</span>into subjection; + and how that Henry the Sixth, by the might of great lords, was crowned + King in Paris; after which the writer bursts forth into another + exhortation, or "courageous recomforting" of the "valiauntnes of + Englishemen."</p> + + <p>The author now flies off (p. <a href="#page20">20</a>) to more remote + examples, to the noblesse of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the + deeds in arms of Agamemnon the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of + Ulysses and Hercules.</p> + + <p>He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,<a + name="NtA8" href="#Nt8"><sup>[8]</sup></a> how a conqueror should + especially practise three things,—the first, a scientific prudence + or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms: and the + third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people.</p> + + <p>He next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and + delights.</p> + + <p>In the following chapters (p. <a href="#page22">22</a> et seq.), he + sets forth the King's title to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance + of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, and to the duchies of Gascoigne and + Guienne.</p> + + <p>The "historier" proceedeth (p. <a href="#page25">25</a>) in his matter + of exhortation, strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous + authority of master Alanus de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence + Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work + of the first of these authors, Alain Chartier, seems to have been at once + the source from which many of our author's materials were derived, and + also to have furnished the key-note upon which he endeavoured to pitch + his <!-- Page vii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagevii"></a>{vii}</span>appeals to the patriotism and prowess of + his countrymen. Alain Chartier<a name="NtA9" + href="#Nt9"><sup>[9]</sup></a> had been secretary to king Charles the + Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue<a name="NtA10" + href="#Nt10"><sup>[10]</sup></a> in the year 1422, in defence of the + native party in France, and in opposition to the English usurpation. Our + author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some of his verbal + artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against the party of + their original deviser.</p> + + <p>In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain + Chartier<a name="NtA11" href="#Nt11"><sup>[11]</sup></a>; and further + advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp. <a + href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page30">30</a>), and from the treatise + of Vegetius (p. <a href="#page29">29</a>).</p> + + <p>It is related (p. <a href="#page33">33</a>) how king John lost the + duchy of Normandy for lack of finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next + follows (p. <a href="#page34">34</a>) a long and important chapter + recounting the various truces made between the kings of England and + France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the French + party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the + victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the + discussion is concluded with a representation (p. <a + href="#page41">41</a>) of the lamentable condition of the French subjects + of the English crown, when put out of their lands and tenements. "Heh + allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme (they saide) that ever we + shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or theire allies in + any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde tymes we have ben deceived + and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes!"</p> + + <p>Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is + expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its + true and right estate.</p> + + <p>The writer then proposes (p. <a href="#page41">41</a>) a question to + be resolved by divines, How be <!-- Page viii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pageviii"></a>{viii}</span>it that at some times God suffereth the + party that hath a true title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a + man should not be discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the + last unfortunate overthrow sustained at Formigny<a name="NtA12" + href="#Nt12"><sup>[12]</sup></a> in 1450, and the consequent loss of + Guienne and Bordeaux.</p> + + <p>After which follows (p. <a href="#page43">43</a>) "another exhortation + of the historier," addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king + of Englonde and of France, and alle y<sup>e</sup> other noble princes and + other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers astates olde or yong."</p> + + <p>A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful + prince of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and noble + princes his brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of + Gloucester, the second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as + yt ys seyd to the value of M<sup>l</sup> marks, of the vij sciences, of + dyvinite, as of law spirituall and cyvyle, to the universite of + Oxford."</p> + + <p>Allusion is made (p. <a href="#page46">46</a>) to the order of the + Garter, "founded (as yt ys seyd) in token of worship that he being in + bataile, what fortune fille, shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the + fortune that God lust sende;" of which fellowship sir John Chandos, + seneschal of Poictou, had been a right noble exemplar. The historical + reminiscences of the author then again lead him on to the disastrous + period during which the continental possessions of England had been lost, + "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen) weeks, that is to + wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the xv. day of August + in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town defensable of the + said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to the adverse + party."</p> + + <p>After a break (p. <a href="#page50">50</a>), in consequence of the + loss of a leaf of the Manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a + discussion of the merits of astrology. The author addresses himself to + combat the prevalent confidence in prophecies and in the influence of the + stars: "which judgments (he avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely + contingent or likely, and, he adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For + if, he puts the case, "a constellation or a prophecy signified that such + a year or within <!-- Page ix --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pageix"></a>{ix}</span>such a time there should fall war, + pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country or region, or privation of + a country, it is said but dispositively, and not of necessity or + certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies, constellations, + and influence of the stars were masters over God's power, and that would + soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this pious + determination upon a question that at that period presented great + difficulties, the author adds, that he believed God to have bestowed that + sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even + turn the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary + disposition: to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous + astrologian Ptolemy,</p> + +<p class="cenhead"><i>Quod homo sapiens dominatur astris.</i></p> + + <p>With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of + the age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of + the recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of + prudence and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from + "havyng no consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and + enriche one silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and + suffering extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he + subsequently speaks still more plainly.</p> + + <p>This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries + that had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, + when driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And + where (he exclaims<a name="NtA13" href="#Nt13"><sup>[13]</sup></a>) is + Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure, + inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and Thebes, ij. + grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and + of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme," had been + burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome <!-- Page x --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagex"></a>{x}</span>herself had for the greater + part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate.</p> + + <p>In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his + matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of Titus + Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes." + Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited.</p> + + <p>It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus + introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but + attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in + the book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir + John Fastolfe:—</p> + + <p>"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and + nobles at his solasse (<i>i.e.</i> tuition), how that there be twey maner + condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a + hardye man; but he sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then + the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode + avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth + grete aventur he scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his + felyshyp detrussed (or disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys + that (if) he avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn + racountre, he wulle so discretely avaunce hym that he wulle entend + [<i>i.e.</i> be sure] to hafe the over-hand of hys adversarye, and safe + hymself and hys felyshyp."</p> + + <p>It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe + distinguished between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on + some feasible and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term + "hardy" was then sometimes understood in the sense we now call + fool-hardy.<a name="NtA14" href="#Nt14"><sup>[14]</sup></a> The author + himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. <a + href="#page63">63</a>.</p> + +<p><!-- Page xi --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexi"></a>{xi}</span></p> + + <p>At p. <a href="#page68">68</a> will be found another anecdote of sir + John Fastolfe. It shows that the writer had access to those books of + accompt which sir John had kept when a captain in France. "I fynde (he + says) by his bookes of hys purveonds how yn every castell, forteresse, + and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete providence of vitaille, of cornys, + of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh and saltfysh owt of England commyng + by shyppes." It was because of his good management in this respect that + the regent and lords of the council intrusted so many castles to his + custody that he yearly had under his command three hundred spears (or + mounted men-at-arms) with their attendants. Also in like manner he + purveyed yearly for his soldiers a livery of red and white; and + equipments sufficient for any naked man that was able to do the king and + regent service. The good result of this provision was manifested on a + memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter was captain of the city of + Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine. It happened, + in consequence of the arrest of the lord de Lisle Adam,<a name="NtA15" + href="#Nt15"><sup>[15]</sup></a> a favourite with the commons of the + city, that they suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of + Exeter, who found it necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. + <!-- Page xii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexii"></a>{xii}</span>At his coming the first question he asked + of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with corn, with wheat, beans, + peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other vitail. Fastolfe + replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which gave the prince + great "comfort," or re-assurance. So he made ready his ordnance, and + discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty shot of arrows: + by which means, and because the French king and queen, who were in the + city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a short time + constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.<a name="NtA16" + href="#Nt16"><sup>[16]</sup></a></p> + + <p>At p. <a href="#page69">69</a> occurs a curious chapter in the praise + of agriculture, or "labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, + illustrated by a description of the gardens and herbers of king + Cyrus.</p> + + <p>But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical + point of view, is the chapter commencing at p. <a href="#page71">71</a>, + intended to inforce the wisdom and necessity of making just pay to + soldiers, for eschewing of great inconveniences that may otherwise insue. + It is here admitted that in this respect there had been more neglect in + the English possessions in France than was elsewhere known<a name="NtA17" + href="#Nt17"><sup>[17]</sup></a>: <!-- Page xiii --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexiii"></a>{xiii}</span>that in consequence + the people had suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their + vitail without payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for + ten or twelve years previously to the country being lost. Our author + advises that the chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, + either monthly, as had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, + or quarterly, and that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, + defalcation, or abridgment, or any undue assignation; and that such + payments be made content without delay, or long and great pursuit. It + appears from the writer's statements, that the royal officers, deputies, + and commissioners had not only been guilty of the practices thus + denounced, but that those officers themselves had been needlessly + numerous, living as they did upon bribery and extortion, and neglecting + the exercise of arms necessary for the defence and protection of the + territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the subjects'<a name="NtA18" + href="#Nt18"><sup>[18]</sup></a> livelode more than was necessary, and + oftentimes had suffered them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved + their beasts with their weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits + for sorrow, and thus enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws + of their English sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously + surcharged with paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and + impositions, besides their rents paid either to the crown or their + landlords, and many of them dwelling upon the marches having also patised + (or compounded?) to the adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that + these innumerable charges and divers torments had effected their + uttermost undoing. The author cannot quit these reflections without this + passionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh God! which art most mercifulle and + highest juge, soverein and just, how maist thou long suffre this (misery) + regnyng without the stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon + the depryvyng or yelding up of that Dukedom?"</p> + + <p>The next chapter (p. <a href="#page74">74</a>) appears to intimate + that the writer personally sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. + "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in way of gret pitee, and in the worship of + God, suffre ye not the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as + archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and + their ministrours, to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as in your + predecessour's <!-- Page xiv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexiv"></a>{xiv}</span>daies they have been accepted in fulle + litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges been privily + coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the marches and + countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to live at rest + upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by strangers of + great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by those + intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless + people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of + their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers, + praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of + necessity.</p> + + <p>The following chapter (p. <a href="#page76">76</a>) is a remarkable + one in respect to ancient chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis + sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, shulde + exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is urged that "the sonnes of princes, + of lordis, and for the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid + of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient + gentille men, while they ben of grene age, (should be) drawen forthe, + norisshed, and excercised in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of + armes, as using justis, to renne with speer, handle withe ax, sworde, + dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, + leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed;" ... + "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for to take entrepresis, + to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in worship to doo armes in + liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein pointis, or in a + quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend their sovereign + and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings both of France + and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and of Henry duke + of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a chief auctour + and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by sir John + Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions, as out + of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children, young + knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court, in + scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship."</p> + + <p>This useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and + lords of great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the + greater pity is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, + as the sons of knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set + themselves to "singuler practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn + "the practique of law or custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so + waste greatly their time in such needless business, as to undertake the + holding of manorial courts, to keep and bear out a proud <!-- Page xv + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexv"></a>{xv}</span>countenance at + the holding of sessions and shire-motes,<a name="NtA19" + href="#Nt19"><sup>[19]</sup></a> and "there to embrace<a name="NtA20" + href="#Nt20"><sup>[20]</sup></a> and rule among youre pore and symple + comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." And it is + added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such matters, + was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates than he + who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great jeopardies in + the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues the argument + at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his decided + opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather learn to + be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to be a + captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to the + king's justices and officers,<a name="NtA21" + href="#Nt21"><sup>[21]</sup></a> and that "suche singuler practik shulde + not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come of + noble birthe,"—except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the + younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly.</p> + + <p>The following chapter (p. <a href="#page78">78</a>) discusses "How + officers of the law shulde be <!-- Page xvi --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexvi"></a>{xvi}</span>chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, + vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men + of birthe." There is nothing however in this chapter so remarkable as in + that which has preceded.</p> + + <p>The author next shows (p. <a href="#page79">79</a>) "How over gret + cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he + asserts that in France "alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, + and bobauncees, and the usaige of pellure and furres they have + expresselie put away:" whilst in England the like "costues arraymentis + and disguising of clothing, of so many divers facion," had caused + impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride, envy, and wrath + amongst the people.</p> + + <p>Whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. It is, + however, more probable that the "pore comyns" of England had really + suffered, as set forth in the succeeding chapter (p. <a + href="#page80">80</a>), "gret hurt and inconvenientis because the + creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis made to + high sovereins." This, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case in the + reign of Henry the Sixth. They had advanced loans, "prests of vitails and + other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed that great + part of their property was previously expended, and they were sometimes + fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to recover the + rest. As an alternative for this inconvenience the writer recommends a + course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "Let your riche + tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both juellis + (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and + inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the + relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that + have lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the + saide tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the + remedie and socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the + defens of youre roiaume from your adversaries."</p> + + <p>In another chapter (p. <a href="#page81">81</a>), having recommended + the king, "after the blessed counceile of Saint Louis," to cherish and + favour the good cities and towns, the author pursues the former argument + of raising supplies, urgently exhorting all classes to strain their + utmost for that object. "Youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns + if they be tendred shalbe of power and of good courage, and wille withe + here bodies and goodes largelie depart to be yoven for to resist the + adversaries." Those who had not able bodies nor usage in arms, were yet + to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as well as temporal, + and, as true Englishmen should do, "every man put forthe of his goodes + after that his power is."</p> + + <p>With this strain the Epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. <a + href="#page83">83</a>) being an illustration of the same argument from + the <i>Punica bella</i> of Titus Livius, consisting of <!-- Page xvii + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexvii"></a>{xvii}</span>"A noble + history of the largesse of Romaynys, how amplye they departed ther godes + yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an armee yn to the contree of + Auffrique."</p> + + <p>These final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a + voluntary contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written + in the year 1475, with which date the whole composition concludes: for it + is recorded by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion + that king Edward the Fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies + he could obtain by the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new + device of a contribution nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and + therefore termed a Benevolence,<a name="NtA22" + href="#Nt22"><sup>[22]</sup></a> but which eventually, when repeated, was + regarded with peculiar repugnance and discontent.</p> + + <p> </p> + + <p>After this review of the contents of the Work, we will proceed to + notice the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly + composed.</p> + + <p>The English invasion of France in the year 1475 originated in the + events of 1470 and 1471. The temporary deposition of Edward the Fourth + from his throne had been abetted by the aid which the King-making earl of + Warwick derived from that forger of all mischief Louis the Eleventh of + France. At that time Edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke + of Burgundy, a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king Louis, but + whose disposition instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path + of martial enterprise. His enmity to the king of France was bitter and + inveterate; and it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse + with the exiled English monarch. Edward, on his part, vowed an ample + revenge when the forces of England should be again at his command: and + the result was a mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute + their common quarrel at the earliest opportunity.</p> + + <p>Having this object in view, Edward summoned a parliament<a + name="NtA23" href="#Nt23"><sup>[23]</sup></a> in the autumn <!-- Page + xviii --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexviii"></a>{xviii}</span>of + 1472, in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last day of + November an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a + force of 13,000 archers (the like number which had been granted to his + predecessor in the 31st year of his reign<a name="NtA24" + href="#Nt24"><sup>[24]</sup></a>), assigning as their motives for so + doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and the + defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye verraily + entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all diligence to + youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to resiste the + seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in setting + outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of God to resiste the seid + ennemyes." The archers were to abide in the king's service by the space + of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons + granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from + lands, tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a + lord of parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of + Saint Michael in 1473, the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. <a + name="NtA25" href="#Nt25"><sup>[25]</sup></a></p> + + <p>The lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the + consideration "that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace + of God in his owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an + armee roiall, for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of + the auncien ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."<a name="NtA26" + href="#Nt26"><sup>[26]</sup></a> In the next session, on the 8th April + 1473, the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth, because, + among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to aredye + youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble persone + to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties outward, to + subdue by the myght of God youre and oure auncien enemyes, to the weele + of you and prosperite of this youre reame."<a name="NtA27" + href="#Nt27"><sup>[27]</sup></a></p> + + <p>Notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the + season of 1473 wore away without any embarkation for France; and, at the + close of the session on the 1st of February 1473-4, the chancellor, by + the king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was + prorogued to the 9th of May following,<a name="NtA28" + href="#Nt28"><sup>[28]</sup></a> "because in the matter of foreign war + the king was not certainly <!-- Page xix --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexix"></a>{xix}</span>informed of the disposition of his brother + of Burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to + his said brother."</p> + + <p>The treaty with Burgundy was concluded in July 1474. The principal + documents<a name="NtA29" href="#Nt29"><sup>[29]</sup></a> respecting it + bear date on the 25th of that month, on which day they were ratified both + by king Edward and duke Charles. The former undertook to land in + Normandy, or in other parts of France, with more than ten thousand men, + before the 1st of July following (<i>i.e.</i> 1475); and the latter + agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in order + to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine, and + the kingdom and crown of France, from Louis, then unjustly occupying + them. The king engaged not to treat with Louis, without the consent of + the duke of Burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat + with him without the consent of king Edward. Henceforth Louis was to be + deemed and proclaimed their common enemy.</p> + + <p>By further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting + parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have + liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed + men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them, + unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only + three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. By a + further treaty, also dated on the 26th July 1474, king Edward ceded to + the duke of Burgundy the duchy of Barr, the counties of Champagne, + Nevers, Rethelle, Eu, and Guise, the barony of Douzi, the cities of + Tournay and Lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of + Picquigny, all the towns and lordships on either side the Somme before + pledged to him, and further all the lands and lordships then possessed by + Louis de <!-- Page xx --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexx"></a>{xx}</span>Luxemburgh count of St. Paul: retaining no + feudal sovereignty over the same, but conceding that the duke and his + successors should in future be esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. + It was further agreed that Edward should be crowned and anointed king of + France at Rheims, notwithstanding that the county of Champagne was ceded + to the duke of Burgundy.</p> + + <p>From this time the whole military population of England made constant + and earnest preparation for hostilities. They were retained by indenture + to serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of + France, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. + These were,—to a Duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an Earl vj s. + viij d., to a Baron or Banneret iiij s., to a Knight ij s., to a Man at + Arms xij d. by the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an Archer vj + d. by the day.<a name="NtA30" href="#Nt30"><sup>[30]</sup></a></p> + +<p><!-- Page xxi --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxi"></a>{xxi}</span></p> + + <p>In December proclamations were made throughout England for all bowyers + and fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and + diligence, the latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were + sent into several circuits to superintend the delivery of their + supplies.<a name="NtA31" href="#Nt31"><sup>[31]</sup></a> Other + commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service + carpenters, wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other + artificers; and also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons + and upwards, for the transport of the army.<a name="NtA32" + href="#Nt32"><sup>[32]</sup></a></p> + + <p>For all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and + commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their + convocation, were not sufficient. It was then that recourse was had to + the collections called Benevolences, to which allusion has been already + made, from their being so strongly advocated by the author of The Boke of + Noblesse. The process by which they were first brought into operation is + thus described by Fabyan the London chronicler:</p> + + <p>"He sent for the mayer of London and his brethren the aldermen, and + them severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the + sayd great journaye; of whiche the maier (Robert Drope, draper,) for his + parte granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. + And that done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd + cytie, and theym exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye + granted to hym the wages of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted + to iiijli. xjs. iijd. And after that he rode about the more part of the + lande, and used the people in suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby + notable summes of money, the whiche way of the levyinge of this money was + after named a Benevolence."</p> + + <p>"But here (adds the chronicler Hall on this subject) I wil not let + passe a prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you + shall not onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a + woman. Kyng Edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in + substance, and no lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what + she gladly woulde geve him towarde his greate charges. By my treuth, + (quod she,) for thy lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. The + kyng, lokyng scarce for the halfe of that summe, <!-- Page xxii --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxii"></a>{xxii}</span>thanked her, and + lovingly kyst her. Whether the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her + stommacke, or she estemed the kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she + swore incontinently that he should have xxl. more, which she with the + same will payed that she offered it.</p> + + <p>"The kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much + acceptable, and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of + money a Benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and + malevolence gave great summes toward that new-founde Benevolence. But the + using of such gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their + assistance in his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not + otherwise do, but frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable + reward."</p> + + <p>In the spring of 1475 the season for the campaign had at length + arrived; and on the 1st of May proclamation was made that all "the lordes + and capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at + Portsdown in the county of Southampton on the 26th of the same month.<a + name="NtA33" href="#Nt33"><sup>[33]</sup></a> John lord Dynham, by + letters patent dated the 15th of April, was appointed to conduct the army + across the sea.<a name="NtA34" href="#Nt34"><sup>[34]</sup></a></p> + + <p>The transport of the army to Calais occupied the greater part of the + month of June. The king, having left London on the 4th of that month,<a + name="NtA35" href="#Nt35"><sup>[35]</sup></a> proceeded towards the coast + through the county of Kent. On the 6th and 10th he was at Canterbury, and + on the 20th at Sandwich, where on that day he made his will,<a + name="NtA36" href="#Nt36"><sup>[36]</sup></a> and executed the + instruments by which he constituted his son Edward prince of Wales to be + Custos and Lieutenant of the kingdom during his absence.<a name="NtA37" + href="#Nt37"><sup>[37]</sup></a> There was still some further delay, and + the king appears not to have crossed the channel until the 4th of July,<a + name="NtA38" href="#Nt38"><sup>[38]</sup></a> just one month after his + quitting London.</p> + + <p>The king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the + dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, by the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, + the marquess of <!-- Page xxiii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxiii"></a>{xxiii}</span>Dorset, the earls of Northumberland, + Rivers, and Pembroke, the earl of Ormond, the earl of Douglas, and lord + Boyd, the barons Grey of Ruthyn, Scrope, Grey of Codnor, Stanley, + Hastings, Ferrers, Howard, Lisle, and probably others<a name="NtA39" + href="#Nt39"><sup>[39]</sup></a>; together with a long train of knights, + among whom were sir Thomas Mountgomery and sir Ralph Hastings bannerets + and knights for the king's body, sir John Astley a banneret, sir John + Parre a knight for the body, sir William Parre, and sir Richard + Tunstall.</p> + + <p>When the king had landed at Calais his sister the duchess of Burgundy + came thither to welcome him, on the 6th of July. She was followed by the + duke her husband on the 14th; at which time the duchess was at St. Omer's + with her brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester. On the 18th the + sovereigns of England and Burgundy went together to the castle of + Guisnes, where the duke was entertained at king Edward's expense, as he + had been at Calais.<a name="NtA40" href="#Nt40"><sup>[40]</sup></a></p> + +<p><!-- Page xxiv --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxiv"></a>{xxiv}</span></p> + + <p>Meanwhile, (relates Molinet,) "the army spread itself through the + neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the + king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to + go on horseback. The English were then inflated with high expectations, + and thought that France might well tremble before them. They brought a + new engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put + it in action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at + every stroke breaches both deep and wide. Many of the English, who were + natives of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, brought with them the + deeds of purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and + rents that they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, + looking forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof.</p> + + <p>"The king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards + Fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved + on Rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king + Henry, the father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory + over the French, in the year 1415—<i>i.e.</i> at Agincourt; from + thence he marched to Blangy, and from Blangy towards Peronne. Supplies + came to his army from the countries and lordships of the duke of + Burgundy. The English repeatedly passed and repassed the river Somme; and + the duke of Burgundy, in person departing from Valenciennes, (where he + had been honourably received, and where many pageants had been exhibited + and performed before him in compliment to the king of England and + himself,) came to view the army of the English, whom he caused to march + and countermarch at his orders, to show his desire to lead them. The duke + and king Edward, who then kept the field, held a conference for the space + of three hours. A dove was observed to remain on the king's tent for a + whole day and a half<a name="NtA41" href="#Nt41"><sup>[41]</sup></a>: and + after its departure there <!-- Page xxv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxv"></a>{xxv}</span>followed a terrible thunder-storm, which + did great damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as + walnuts. From that day forward the English were in trouble enough, and + began to murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that + had been made to them. The time passed away without anything being + accomplished. The duke of Burgundy parted from them, and went to + Lorraine, where he had left part of his forces, to conquer the duchy and + county of Vaudemont."</p> + + <p>Our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign + made in France on this occasion. It has not offered to them the + attractions of a Creci, a Poictiers, or an Agincourt; nor even presented + any minor achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or + stimulated their researches. Its laurels in fact withered under the wily + diplomacy of Louis the Eleventh; and, besides the chapter of Molinet from + which the preceding passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that + monarch's vivid biographer, Philippe de Commines, that we are most fully + informed of its transactions. Its results were entirely in correspondence + with the personal characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. The + obstinate self-will of Charles the Rash, the luxurious indolence of king + Edward, and the timid but crafty time-serving of Louis the Eleventh, all + contributed to work out their natural effects.</p> + + <p>When the English began to land in France, the duke of Burgundy, + already engaged in warfare with the German princes, was besieging the + town of Neuss, upon the Rhine; and, until he could effect his object + there, he would not be persuaded to leave the spot, although other + projects of far greater political importance were now at stake. Commines + states that "the lord Scales (meaning Anthony then earl Rivers, the + king's brother-in-law,) was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, + to the duke<a name="NtA42" href="#Nt42"><sup>[42]</sup></a>; but the duke + was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and + understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the + English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all + things prepared to receive them both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he + obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him + to succeed."</p> + +<p><!-- Page xxvi --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxvi"></a>{xxvi}</span></p> + + <p>There was an apostolic legate at that time with the emperor, and the + king of Denmark was quartered in the same neighbourhood, and they both + endeavoured to negociate a peace, by which means the duke of Burgundy + might, if he would, have had honourable terms, and thus have been free to + join the king of England, but he would not accept their overtures. To the + English he excused himself as plausibly as he could, telling them that + his honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to + raise the siege of Neuss, with other like excuses. "The Englishmen (adds + the historian) were not the same who had flourished in his father's days, + and had conducted themselves with so much valour and skill in the old + wars with France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted + with French affairs; so that the duke acted very unwisely, if he had any + design to make a future use of them, for in that case he ought to have + led them on, as it were step by step, at least during the first + campaign."</p> + + <p>The earliest bad consequence that resulted to the duke of Burgundy + from his lingering at the seige of Neuss, was the loss of the three towns + of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, which were taken by the king of France, + shortly after the termination of his truce with Burgundy, which expired + on the 1st of May 1475. Still the duke would not quit the siege of Neuss + before the 13th of June.</p> + + <p>In the meanwhile, king Edward landed at Calais. His army is described + by Commines as "the most numerous, the best mounted, and the best + equipped, that ever any king of England had invaded France withal. He was + attended by all the lords of England, with few exceptions. He had 1500 + men of arms, richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and + most of them barded,<a name="NtA43" href="#Nt43"><sup>[43]</sup></a> and + every one of them had several persons on horseback in his retinue. The + archers were 15,000, all on horseback; besides a great number of footmen, + and others to pitch the tents and pavilions, take care of the artillery, + and inclose the camp; and there was not one varlet in the whole army. + There was besides a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in + Bretagne."</p> + + <p>After these particulars, Commines repeats his censures of the duke of + Burgundy's infatuated conduct, in throwing away that advantage of English + aid, which he had been labouring all his life to procure. He ought (it is + remarked) to have known that it was necessary for him to have made at + least one campaign with the English, in order to have instructed them in + the method of the French wars; for, though no nation is more raw or + undisciplined than the English on their first coming over, yet a little + time makes them excellent soldiers, equally brave and skilful. But the + duke's conduct was just the reverse; and, among other <!-- Page xxvii + --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxvii"></a>{xxvii}</span>disadvantages which ensued, the season + was almost lost, and his own army so worn out and diminished, that he was + ashamed they should be seen, for he had lost before Neuss 4000 of his + soldiers, the very flower of his army.</p> + + <p>The English were, however, assisted in the transport of their horses + by the duke of Burgundy providing them five hundred flat-bottomed vessels + of Holland and Zeeland; yet, notwithstanding that large number, and all + the vessels king Edward could procure from his own ports, the passage of + his forces occupied more than three weeks: "from whence one may observe + (remarks Commines) with what amazing difficulty the kings of England + transport their armies into France; and, if the king of France had + understood maritime affairs as well as he did those of the land, king + Edward would never have crossed over, at least that year; but king Louis + had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he committed his + authority knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, + belonging to Eu, took two or three of their transports.</p> + + <p>"Before the king of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his + heralds, named Garter, who was a native of Normandy,<a name="NtA44" + href="#Nt44"><sup>[44]</sup></a> to the king of France, with a letter of + defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in such polite language, + that I can scarcely believe any Englishman indited it. The contents were, + that our king should surrender France to the king of England, as his + right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the church, the + nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve them from + the great oppression and burthens they groaned under; and, if king Louis + refused, it was declared that all the ensuing miseries and calamities + would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such + occasions.</p> + + <p>"The king of France read the letter to himself, and then, withdrawing + into another room, commanded the herald to be called in; to whom he + said,—I am very sensible that your master has not made this + invasion of his own seeking, but at the importunity of the duke of + Burgundy and the commons of England. He then remarked that the season was + visibly far spent, and that the duke of Burgundy <!-- Page xxviii + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxviii"></a>{xxviii}</span>had + returned from Neuss in so weak and miserable a condition, that he would + not be in a capacity to assist the invaders; that, as to the constable,<a + name="NtA45" href="#Nt45"><sup>[45]</sup></a> he was satisfied he held + intelligence with the king of England, who had married his niece,<a + name="NtA46" href="#Nt46"><sup>[46]</sup></a> but there was no confidence + to be reposed in him, for he would deceive king Edward, as he had often + deceived himself; and, after enumerating the favours which he had + conferred upon him, Louis added, 'His plan is to live in eternal + dissimulation, to traffic with everybody, and to make his advantage of + all.' Besides these, the king used several other arguments to induce the + herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, giving him + 300 crowns with his own hand, and promising him 1000 more upon the + conclusion of the peace; and afterwards, in public, his majesty ordered + him to be rewarded with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in + length.</p> + + <p>"The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would + contribute all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his + master would be glad to entertain the proposal; but nothing could be done + until he was landed in France, and then, if king Louis pleased, he might + send a herald to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind + to send any to king Edward; but withal Garter desired the king to address + letters to the lords Howard or Stanley,<a name="NtA47" + href="#Nt47"><sup>[47]</sup></a> and also to himself, that he might + introduce the French herald.</p> + + <p>"There was a host of people attending outside during the king's + private discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the + king would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. + When he had done, (continues Commines,) he called me, and charged me to + entertain the herald till he <!-- Page xxix --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxix"></a>{xxix}</span>ordered him an escort, that I might keep + him from talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give + him a piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which + the king addressed himself to the rest of the company, giving them an + account of the letters of defiance; and, having called seven or eight of + them apart, he ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very + cheerful and valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for + indeed he was much revived by what he had learned from the herald."</p> + + <p>When the duke of Burgundy first came to wait on the king of England at + Calais, he was attended only by a small retinue,<a name="NtA48" + href="#Nt48"><sup>[48]</sup></a> having dismissed his army into the + countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder and refresh themselves (the + duke of Lorraine having declared himself his enemy). The English had + expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least 2500 men + at arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot; and + that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before + their descent, when they might have found king Louis already harassed + with the war and in great distress.</p> + + <p>King Edward (by the stages already described from Molinet,) marched to + Peronne, a town belonging to the duke of Burgundy. The English, however, + except in small companies, were not received within its gates, but they + formed their encampment in the adjacent fields.<a name="NtA49" + href="#Nt49"><sup>[49]</sup></a> At this place a messenger arrived from + the constable of France, bringing letters both for the duke and the + king.<a name="NtA50" href="#Nt50"><sup>[50]</sup></a> To the former he + made strong professions of friendship and service, declaring that he + would assist him and his allies, and particularly the king of England, + against all persons and princes whatever. In his letter to king Edward he + referred his good-meaning to the duke of Burgundy's testimony. The duke + communicated also to the king the contents of his own letter from the + constable, somewhat exaggerating them, and assuring Edward that the + constable would receive him into the town of St. Quentin, and all the + other towns under his control; and king Edward really believed it, + because he had married the constable's niece, and he thought him so + terribly afraid of the king of France, that he would not venture to break + his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the duke of Burgundy less + credulous than king Edward. <!-- Page xxx --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxx"></a>{xxx}</span>But neither the perplexities of the + constable, nor his dread of the king of France, had as yet carried him so + far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them (according to his + custom), and suggest to them such plausible reasons as might prevail with + them not to force him to declare himself openly.</p> + + <p>"The king of England and his nobility (remarks Commines,) were not so + well skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of France, but went + more bluntly and ingenuously about their business; so that they were not + so sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side + of the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally + headstrong, as the people generally are in all cold countries."</p> + + <p>Commines next relates how the English, when they attempted to occupy + the town of St. Quentin, were driven off with the loss of some killed and + others taken prisoners; and how on the following morning the duke of + Burgundy took his leave of king Edward, in order to return to his forces + in Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the + English, being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the + water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an + ill opinion of their ally, and were not satisfied he had any army at all; + besides, the duke of Burgundy could not reconcile them to the constable's + manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was + well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the + duke of Burgundy's arguments did not pacify them, and, being disheartened + at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more + inclinable to peace than war.</p> + + <p>Meanwhile, king Louis was thinking upon the suggestions which had been + made to him by Garter king of arms; and a message he received from the + lords Howard and Stanley by a dismissed prisoner determined him to put + them in action. With the assistance of Commines, he tutored a clever + servant to act as a herald, equipping him for the occasion in a coat of + arms formed from the banner of a trumpeter,—for king Louis was not + so stately nor so vain as to maintain a herald in his train as other + princes did.</p> + + <p>The man was sent off to the English camp, where, on his arrival, he + was immediately conducted to the tent of king Edward. Being asked his + business, he said he was come with a message from the king of France to + the king of England, and had orders to address himself to the lords + Howard and Stanley. He was taken into a tent to dinner, and very gently + entertained. When king Edward had dined, he sent for the herald, who then + said that his errand was to acquaint his majesty that the king of France + had long desired to be at amity with him, that <!-- Page xxxi --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxxi"></a>{xxxi}</span>both their kingdoms + might be at ease, and enjoy the blessings of peace; that, since his + accession to the crown of France, he had never made war or attempted + anything against king Edward or his kingdom; and, as for having formerly + entertained the earl of Warwick, he had done that more from opposition to + the duke of Burgundy than from any quarrel with the king of England. He + next proceeded to represent that the duke of Burgundy had invited king + Edward over, only in order to make his own terms the better with France; + and, if others had joined with him, it was to secure themselves against + their former offences, or to advance their private objects; which when + they had once compassed, they would not regard the interests of the king + of England, provided they had attained their own ends. He represented + likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was approaching, that + his master was sensible of the great charges king Edward had been at, and + that he knew that in England there were many, both of the nobility and + merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side of the water; yet, if + the king should be inclined to a treaty, his master would not refuse to + come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and to his + subjects; and if the king of England had a mind to be more particularly + informed of these matters, on his giving a passport for 100 horse, his + master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or, if king + Edward should prefer to depute certain commissioners, king Louis would + gladly consent to that arrangement, and send them a passport to hold a + conference in some village between the two armies.</p> + + <p>The king of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased + with these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his + request, and, having been rewarded with four nobles in money, he was + attended by a herald from the king of England to obtain the king of + France's passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the + next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part + of the king of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon admiral of + France, the lord of St. Pierre, and the bishop of Evreux. On the king of + England's side, there were the lord Howard, doctor Morton then master of + the rolls and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, William Dudley dean of + the king's chapel, and Thomas Selynger.<a name="NtA51" + href="#Nt51"><sup>[51]</sup></a> Many overtures passed between these + negociators. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, + the crown of France; and then gradually fell to Normandy and Guienne. The + French commissioners replied as became them; so that the demands were + well urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the + very first day <!-- Page xxxii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxxii"></a>{xxxii}</span>of the treaty there was great prospect + of an accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken + to reasonable proposals.</p> + + <p>King Louis was exceedingly pleased when matters had taken this + favourable turn, and he employed all his arts to bring the negociation to + a peaceful termination. He sent every hour to entertain and wheedle the + treacherous constable, and prevent him from doing any harm. He resolved + to raise without delay the money required to buy off the invaders,<a + name="NtA52" href="#Nt52"><sup>[52]</sup></a> declaring that he would do + any thing in the world to get the king of England out of France, except + putting any towns into his possession, for, rather than do that, which + had been suggested by the constable, he would hazard all.</p> + + <p>The conclusion of the terms of the treaty was made on the 13th of + August, king Edward being then "in his felde beside a village called + Seyntre,<a name="NtA53" href="#Nt53"><sup>[53]</sup></a> within + Vermondose, a litell from Peronne," attended by his brothers the dukes of + Clarence and Gloucester, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the bishop of + Lincoln his chancellor, the marquess of Dorset, the earls of + Northumberland, Riviers, and Pembroke, the lords Grey de Ruthyn, Scrope, + Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, Howard, the earl Douglas, + lord Lisle, the master of the Rolls, the dean of the king's chapel, the + deans of Wells and Westminster, sir Thomas Mountgomery, sir Thomas + Borough, sir William Parre, sir Richard Tunstall, Thomas Selynger, and + John Elkyngton treasurer of the king's wars; most of whom signed the + public declaration<a name="NtA54" href="#Nt54"><sup>[54]</sup></a> of the + king's determination, which is stated to have been founded on these three + considerations,—"the povertie of his armyes, the nygh approachyng + of wynter, and small assistance of his allies."</p> + + <p>It was at the same time agreed, that the two kings should have an + interview, and swear mutually to the performance of certain articles; + after which the king of England should return to his own country, upon + the receipt of 72,000 crowns (as stated by Commines, but the amount + finally settled was 75,000), leaving the lord Howard and sir John Cheyne + as hostages until his arrival in England. In addition, pensions amounting + to 16,000 crowns were promised to the privy councillors <!-- Page xxxiii + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxxiii"></a>{xxxiii}</span>of the + king of England, viz. to the lord Hastings<a name="NtA55" + href="#Nt55"><sup>[55]</sup></a> 2000 crowns a-year, to the chancellor + (Rotherham) 2000, and the remainder to the lord Howard, the master of the + horse (Cheyne), Thomas St. Leger, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and several + others, besides a great deal of ready money and plate<a name="NtA56" + href="#Nt56"><sup>[56]</sup></a> that was distributed among the rest of + the king of England's retinue.</p> + + <p>Louis contrived to carry his corruption through every grade of his + adversaries. He purchased from one of the English secretaries for sixty + silver marks two letters which had been addressed by the seigneur d'Urfé, + who was then in the duke of Bretagne's service, (and afterwards master of + the horse of France,) one directed to the king of England, and the other + to the lord Hastings, lord chamberlain of England. They were shown to + Commines, who noticed in them this, among other expressions, That the + duke of Bretagne would do more by his intelligence in a month, than the + king of England and the duke of Burgundy both, with all the force they + could make.</p> + + <p>The duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxembourg, having intimation of + these negociations, came in great haste to the king of England, attended + only with sixteen horse.<a name="NtA57" href="#Nt57"><sup>[57]</sup></a> + King Edward was much surprised at his unexpected arrival, and inquired + what it was that had brought him, for he saw by his countenance that he + was angry. The duke told him that he came to talk with him. The king of + England asked whether it should be in public or private? Then the duke + demanded whether he had made a peace? The king replied, that he had made + a truce for nine years, in which the duke of Bretagne and himself were + <!-- Page xxxiv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxxiv"></a>{xxxiv}</span>comprehended,<a name="NtA58" + href="#Nt58"><sup>[58]</sup></a> and his desire was that they should + accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent passion, and + in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to recount the + glorious achievements of Edward's predecessors on the throne of England, + who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, nor + refused any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them immortal + honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and told + the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any + necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of + recovering their own right and inheritance; and, to convince them he + could subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of + the truce until the king had been three months in England. Having + unburthened himself in this manner, the duke took his leave, and returned + to Luxembourg. The king of England and his council were extremely + irritated by his language, but others who were adverse to the peace + highly extolled it.</p> + + <p>But, however dissatisfied the duke was with the truce, the constable + of France had cause to be still more so: for, having deceived all + parties, he could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He made one more + attempt to ingratiate himself with king Edward, by offering him the towns + of Eu and St. Valery for winter quarters, and a loan of 50,000 crowns; + but king Louis immediately received intimation of this, and at once + ordered the two towns to be burned. King Edward returned to the constable + this answer, "That the truce was already concluded, and could not be + altered; but, had the constable performed his former promise (as to the + town of St. Quentin), the truce would never have been made." This answer + stung the constable to the very soul, and made him desperate on all + sides.</p> + + <p>In order to bring the treaty to a conclusion, king Edward advanced + within half a league of Amiens; and the king of France, being upon one of + the gates of the city, (where he had arrived on the 22d of August,) + viewed from a distance the English army marching up. "Speaking + impartially, (continues Commines,) the troops seemed but raw and unused + to action in the field; for they were in very ill order, and observed no + manner of discipline. Our king sent the king of England 300 cartloads<a + name="NtA59" href="#Nt59"><sup>[59]</sup></a> of the best wines in France + as a present, and I think the <!-- Page xxxv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxxv"></a>{xxxv}</span>carts made as great a show as the whole + English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came + into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and + without the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the + streets all armed, and in great companies, so that if the king of France + could have dispensed with his oath, never was there so favourable an + opportunity of cutting off a considerable number of them; but his + majesty's design was only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm + and lasting peace, that might endure during his reign. The king had + ordered two long tables to be placed on either side the street, at the + entrance of the town gate, which were covered with a variety of good + dishes of all sorts of viands most likely to relish their wine, of which + there was great plenty, and of the richest that France could produce, + with a troop of servants to wait on them; but not a drop of water was + drank. At each of the tables the king had placed five or six boon + companions, persons of rank and condition, to entertain those who had a + mind to take a hearty glass, amongst whom were the lord of Craon, the + lord of Briquebec, the lord of Bressure, the lord of Villiers, and + several others. As the English came up to the gate, they saw what was + prepared, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take their + horses by the bridles and lead them to the tables, where every man was + treated handsomely, as he came in his turn, to their very great + satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or + whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten + taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, the French king + bearing all the costs of that entertainment, which lasted three or four + days."</p> + + <p>On Childermas day (the 28th of August<a name="NtA60" + href="#Nt60"><sup>[60]</sup></a>) the license of the English visitors had + grown to such a height, that it was. estimated that there were at least + 9000 of them in the town. The councillors of Louis were alarmed, and + although on that day the superstitious monarch never spoke upon business, + nor allowed any one else to address him thereon, but took it as an ill + omen, Commines was induced to disturb his devotions, in order to inform + him of the state of affairs. The king commanded him immediately to get on + horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English captains of + note, to persuade them to order their troops to retire, and if he met any + of the French captains to send them to him, for he <!-- Page xxxvi + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxxvi"></a>{xxxvi}</span>would be + at the gate as soon as Commines. Commines met three or four English + commanders of his acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's + directions; but for one man that they directed to leave the town, there + were twenty that came in. In company with the lord of Gié (afterwards + maréchal of France) Commines went into a tavern, where, though it was not + yet one o'clock, there had already been a hundred and eleven reckonings + that morning. The house was filled with company; some were singing, + others were asleep, and all were drunk; upon observing which + circumstance, Commines concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform + the king of it; who came immediately to the gate, well attended, having + commanded 200 or 300 men at arms to be harnessed privately in their + captains' houses, some of whom he posted at the gate by which the English + entered. The king then ordered his dinner to be brought to the porter's + lodgings at the gate, where he dined, and did several English captains + the honour of admitting them to dinner with him. The king of England had + been informed of this disorder, and was much ashamed of it, and sent to + the king of France to desire him to admit no more of his soldiers into + the town. The king of France sent him word back he would not do that, but + if the king of England pleased to send a party of his own guards thither, + the gate should <span class="correction" title="Original reads `he'." + >be</span> delivered up to their charge, and they then might let in or + shut out whomever they pleased, which was done accordingly.</p> + + <p>In order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, consultation was + now taken for the place that might be most convenient for the proposed + interview between the two kings, and commissioners were appointed to + survey it,—the lord du Bouchage and Commines on the French part, + and the lord Howard, Thomas St. Leger, and a herald on the English. Upon + taking view of the river, they agreed upon Picquigny, where the Somme is + neither wide nor fordable. On the one side, by which king Louis would + approach, was a fine open country; and on the other side it was the same, + only when king Edward came to the river, he was obliged to traverse a + causeway about two bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, + "which might (remarks Commines) have produced very dangerous consequences + to the English, if our intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, + as I have said before, the English do not manage their treaties and + capitulations with so much cunning and policy as the French do, let + people say what they will, but proceed more openly, and with greater + straightforwardness; yet a man must be careful, and take heed not to + affront them, for it is dangerous meddling with them."</p> + + <p>When the place of meeting was settled, the next business was to build + a bridge, <!-- Page xxxvii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexxxvii"></a>{xxxvii}</span>which was done by French carpenters. + The bridge was large and strong, and in the midst was contrived a massive + wooden lattice, such as lions' cages were made with, every aperture + between the bars being no wider than to admit a man's arm; at the top + were merely boards to keep off the rain, and the area was large enough to + contain ten or twelve men on a side, the bars running full out to either + side of the bridge, to hinder any person from passing either to the one + side or the other. For passage across the river there was provided only + one small boat, rowed by two men.</p> + + <p>The incident in French history which suggested these extraordinary + precautions had occurred fifty-six years before; when, at a similar + meeting upon a bridge at Montereau fault Yonne, John duke of Burgundy and + his attendants were treacherously slaughtered in the presence of Charles + the Seventh (then Dauphin), in revenge for the murder of Louis duke of + Orleans. In the barricade of that fatal bridge there was a wicket, which + the duke himself incautiously opened; a circumstance which the timid + Louis well remembered, and he now repeated the story to Commines, and + expressly commanded that there should be no such doorway.</p> + + <p>When the bridge at Picquigny was ready, the interview between the two + kings took place on the 29th of August 1475. The description which + Commines gives of it is highly graphic and interesting: "The king of + France came first, attended by about 800 men of arms. On the king of + England's side, his whole army was drawn up in battle array; and, though + we could not ascertain their total force, yet we saw such a vast number + both of horse and foot, that the body of troops which was with us seemed + very inconsiderable in comparison with them; but indeed the fourth part + of our army was not there. It was arranged that twelve men of a side were + to attend each of the kings at the interview, and they were already + chosen from among their greatest and most trusty courtiers. We had with + us four of the king of England's retinue to view what was done among us, + and they had as many of ours, on their side, to have an eye over their + actions. As I said before, our king came first to the barriers, attended + by twelve persons, among whom were John duke of Bourbon and the cardinal + his brother.<a name="NtA61" href="#Nt61"><sup>[61]</sup></a> It was the + king's pleasure (according to his old and frequent custom) that I should + be dressed like him that day.<a name="NtA62" + href="#Nt62"><sup>[62]</sup></a>"</p> + +<p><!-- Page xxxviii --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxxviii"></a>{xxxviii}</span></p> + + <p>"The king of England advanced along the causeway very nobly attended, + with the air and presence of a king." Commines recognised in his train + his brother the duke of Clarence, the earl of Northumberland, his + chamberlain the lord Hastings, his chancellor, and other peers of the + realm; "among whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of + gold like himself. The king wore a black velvet cap upon his head, and on + it a large fleur-de-lis made of precious stones—[probably as a + compliment to the French king]. He was a prince of a noble and majestic + presence, but a little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before + when the earl of Warwick drove him out of his kingdom, in 1470<a + name="NtA63" href="#Nt63"><sup>[63]</sup></a>; then I thought him much + handsomer, and, to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a + more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the + barrier he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of + the ground; and the king of France, who was then leaning against the + barrier, received him with abundance of reverence and respect. They + embraced through the apertures of the barriers, and, the king of England + making him another low bow, the king of France saluted him thus, 'Cousin, + you are heartily welcome! There is no person living I was so desirous of + seeing; and God be thanked that this interview is upon so good an + occasion.' King Edward returned the compliment in very good French<a + name="NtA64" href="#Nt64"><sup>[64]</sup></a>."</p> + +<p><!-- Page xxxix --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexxxix"></a>{xxxix}</span></p> + + <p>"Then the chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and bishop of + Lincoln) began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are + always provided), that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded + between the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the + instrument was produced containing the articles which the king of France + had sent to the king of England. The chancellor demanded of the king, + whether he had dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? + The king replied, Yes; and when king Edward's letters were produced on + our side, he made the like answer. The missal being then brought and + opened, both the kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the + other upon the holy true cross, and both of them swore religiously to + observe the contents of the truce.</p> + + <p>"This solemnity performed, king Louis (who had always words at + command) told king Edward in a jocular way that he should be glad to see + him at Paris, and that if he would come and divert himself with the + ladies, he would assign the cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he + knew would willingly absolve him if he should commit any peccadillo in + the way of love and gallantry. King Edward was extremely pleased with his + raillery, and made him many good repartees, for he was aware that the + cardinal was a gay man with the ladies, and a boon companion.</p> + + <p>"After some further discourse to this purpose, the French king, to + shew his authority, commanded those who attended him to withdraw, for he + had a mind to have a little private discourse with the king of England. + They obeyed; and those who were with king Edward, seeing the French + retire, did the same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two + kings had conversed together alone for some time, our master (continues + Commines) called me to him, and asked the king <!-- Page xl --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexl"></a>{xl}</span>of England whether he + knew me. King Edward said that he did, naming the places where he had + seen me, and told the king that I had formerly endeavoured to serve him + at Calais, when I was in the duke of Burgundy's service. The king of + France demanded, If the duke of Burgundy refused to be comprehended in + the treaty—as might be suspected from his obstinate + answer—what the king of England would have him do? The king of + England replied, he would offer it to him a second time, and, if he then + refused it, he would not concern himself any further, but leave it + entirely to themselves. By degrees king Louis came to mention the duke of + Bretagne, who was really the person he aimed at in the question, and made + the same demand as to him. The king of England desired that he would not + attempt anything against the duke of Bretagne, for in his distress he had + never found so true and faithful a friend. Louis then pressed him no + further, but, recalling the company, took his leave of king Edward<a + name="NtA65" href="#Nt65"><sup>[65]</sup></a> in the politest and most + flattering terms imaginable, and saluted all his attendants with especial + courtesy; whereupon both monarchs at the same time retired from the + barrier, and, mounting on horseback, the king of France returned to + Amiens, and the king of England to his army. King Edward was supplied + from the French household with whatever he required, to the very torches + and candles."</p> + + <p>By the treaty thus concluded king Edward engaged to return to England + with his army so soon as king Louis had paid him the sum of 75,000 + crowns. A truce for seven years was concluded between the two sovereigns; + and they mutually undertook to assist each other in case either prince + should be attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and, to + make this alliance still closer, Charles the son of Louis was to wed the + princess Elizabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter, so soon as they were + both of marriageable age.</p> + + <p>By the fourth and last article, the king of France engaged to pay + annually to the king of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 + crowns.</p> + + <p>Commines states that the duke of Gloucester, king Edward's younger + brother, and some other Englishmen of high rank, being averse to the + treaty, were not present at the interview; though (he adds) they + afterwards recollected themselves, and the duke of Gloucester waited upon + king Louis at Amiens, where he was splendidly entertained, and received + noble presents both of plate and of fine horses.</p> + +<p><!-- Page xli --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexli"></a>{xli}</span></p> + + <p>The chronicler Jean de Molinet also mentions the duke of Gloucester's + disapproval of the peace, although, as we have seen, he had signed the + preliminary articles of agreement on the 13th of August. It is by no + means inconsistent with the aspiring character of Richard duke of + Gloucester—who at this period was not twenty-three years of + age—that he should have affected to place himself at the head of + the more martial and chivalrous party of the English nobility, and that + Commines had good information of his policy in that respect.</p> + + <p>The same delightful historian, who, not content with barren facts, + confidentially introduces his readers into the secret motives and + reflections of the actors in his story, supplies some remarkable + particulars of the sentiments of his master king Louis on the result of + this memorable interview, which form as it were the finishing touches of + his picture.</p> + + <p>Whilst Louis was riding back to Amiens, he expressed his misgivings + upon two incidents in what had passed. One was that the king of England + had so readily caught at the idea of visiting Paris. "He is (said Louis,) + a handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but that + he might find one of them at Paris, who would say so many pretty things + to him, as to make him desirous to come again? His ancestors have been + too often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his + company so near, though on the other side of the water I shall be ready + to esteem him as my friend and brother." Louis was also displeased to + find the English king so resolute in relation to the duke of Bretagne, + upon whom he would fain have made war; and to that purpose he made him + further overtures by the lord de Bouchage and the lord de St. Pierre; but + when Edward found himself pressed, he gave them this short but honourable + answer, that if any one invaded the duke of Bretagne's dominions he would + cross the sea again in his defence. Upon which the French king importuned + him no more.</p> + + <p>When Louis was arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three + or four of the English lords, who had attended upon the king of England + at the interview, came to sup with his majesty; and one of them, the lord + Howard, told the king in his ear that, if he desired it, he would readily + find a way to bring the king his master to him to Amiens, and perhaps to + Paris too, to be merry with him. Though this proposition was not in the + least agreeable to Louis, yet he dissembled the matter pretty well, and + began washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered + to Commines, and said that what he had dreaded was really coming to pass. + After supper the subject was renewed, but the king then put it off with + the greatest quietness and tact <!-- Page xlii --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexlii"></a>{xlii}</span>imaginable, alleging + that his expedition against the duke of Burgundy would require his + departure immediately.</p> + + <p>Thus, (as our pleasant friend remarks,) though these affairs were of + the highest moment, and required the gravest caution to manage them + discreetly, yet they were not unattended by some agreeable incidents that + deserve to be related to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder, + considering the great mischiefs which the English had brought upon the + kingdom of France, and the freshness of their date, that the king should + incur so much trouble and expense to send them home in an amicable + manner, and endeavour to make them his friends for the future, or at + least divert them from being his enemies.</p> + + <p>The next day the English came into Amiens in great numbers, and some + of them reported that the Holy Ghost had made the peace, producing some + prophecy in support of the assertion: but their greatest proof was that + during the interview a white dove came and sat upon the king of England's + tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make. The + less superstitious, however, explained the incident more rationally; a + shower having fallen, and the sun afterwards shining out very warm, when + the pigeon, finding that tent higher than the others, came thither to dry + herself. This was the explanation given to Commines by a Gascon gentleman + named Louis de Bretailles,<a name="NtA66" + href="#Nt66"><sup>[66]</sup></a> who was in the king of England's + service. This gentleman was one of those who saw further than others into + the state of affairs, and, being an old acquaintance of Commines, he + privately <!-- Page xliii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexliii"></a>{xliii}</span>expressed his opinion that the French + were making sport of the king of England. During the conversation, + Commines asked him how many battles king Edward had fought. He answered + nine, and that he had been in every one of them in person. Commines then + asked how many he had lost. Bretailles replied, Never but one; and that + was this, in which the French had outwitted him now; for in his opinion + the ignominy of king Edward's returning so soon after such vast + preparations, would be a greater disgrace and stain to his reputation + than all the honour he had achieved in his nine previous victories. + Commines repeated this smart answer to his master, who replied, He is a + shrewd fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of his tongue. The + next day Louis sent for him, had him to dinner at his own table, and made + him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his master's service, + and live in France; but, finding he was not to be prevailed upon, he + presented him with a thousand crowns, and promised he would do great + matters for his brothers in France. Upon his going away, Commines + whispered him in his ear, and desired him to employ his good offices to + continue and propagate that love and good understanding which was so + happily begun between the two kings.</p> + + <p>Though Louis could scarcely conceal his delight and self-gratulation + at the success of his policy, yet his timidity was continually revived + when he imagined that he had dropped any expressions that might reach the + ears of the English, and make them suspect that he had overreached and + deluded them. On the morning following the interview, being alone in his + closet with only three or four of his attendants, he began to droll and + jest upon the wines and presents which he had sent into the English camp, + but, turning suddenly round, he became aware of the presence of a Gascon + merchant who lived in England, and was come to solicit license to export + a certain quantity of Bordeaux wines without paying the duties. Louis was + startled at seeing him, and wondered how he had gained admission. The + king asked him of what town in Guienne he was, whether he was a merchant, + and whether married in England. The man replied yes, he had a wife in + England, but what estate he had there was but small. Before he went away, + the king appointed one to go with him to Bordeaux, and Commines had also + some talk with him, by his majesty's express command. Louis conferred on + him a considerable post of employment in his native town, granted him + exemption from duty <!-- Page xliv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexliv"></a>{xliv}</span>for his wines, and gave him a thousand + francs to bring his wife over from England, but he was to send his + brother for her, and not go personally to fetch her; and all these + penalties the king imposed upon himself for having indulged in too great + freedom of speech.</p> + + <p>As soon as king Edward had received his money, and delivered the lord + Howard and sir John Cheyne as hostages until he was landed in England, he + retired towards Calais by long and hasty marches, for he was suspicious + of the duke of Burgundy's anger, and the vengeance of the peasants; and, + indeed, if any of his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be + knocked on the head.</p> + + <p>"Uppon the xxviijth daye of Septembre folowynge he was with great + tryumphe receyved of the mayor and cytezeyns of London at Blakheth, and + with all honoure by theym conveyed thorugh the cytie unto Westmynster, + the mayer and aldermen beynge clade in scarlet, and the commoners to the + nombre of v C. in murrey."<a name="NtA67" + href="#Nt67"><sup>[67]</sup></a></p> + + <p>The treacherous constable of France again turning round, in order if + possible to recover his lost favour with his own sovereign,<a + name="NtA68" href="#Nt68"><sup>[68]</sup></a> sent a messenger to Louis, + offering to persuade the duke of Burgundy to join his forces with the + king's, and destroy the king of England and his whole army on their + return. But this last shift of the baffled traitor only contributed to + confirm his ruin. King Edward communicated to Louis (probably before this + offer) two letters which the constable had addressed to him, and related + all the proposals he had from time to time made; so that his three-fold + treasons were revealed to all the princes with whose rival interests he + had endeavoured to play his own game, and they were all alike provoked to + join in his destruction.</p> + + <p>Louis contemplated his punishment with the bitterest animosity. When + he received the overture above stated, there were only in his presence + the lord <!-- Page xlv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexlv"></a>{xlv}</span>Howard the English hostage, the lord de + Coutay, who was newly returned from an embassy to the duke of Burgundy, + the lord du Lude, and Commines, which two had been employed to receive + the constable's messenger. The king, calling for one of his secretaries, + dictated a letter to the constable, acquainting him with what had been + transacted the day before in relation to the truce; and adding that at + that instant he had weighty affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a + head as his to finish them. Then turning to the English nobleman and to + the lord de Coutay, he said, "I do not mean his body. I would have his + head with me, and his body where it is." After the letter had been read, + Louis delivered it to Rapine the constable's messenger, who was mightily + pleased with it, and took it as a great compliment in the king to write + that he wanted such a head as his master's, for he did not perceive the + ambiguity and sting of the expression.</p> + + <p>We are now arrived at the closing reflections of Commines upon the + course which events had taken in France at this memorable crisis. "At the + beginning of our affairs with the English, you may remember that the king + of England had no great inclination to make his descent; and as soon as + he came to Dover, and before his embarkation there, he entered into a + sort of treaty with us. But that which prevailed with him to transport + his army to Calais was first the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, + and the natural animosity of the English against the French, which has + existed in all ages; and next to reserve to himself a great part of the + money which had been liberally granted him for that expedition; for, as + you have already heard, the kings of England live upon their own demesne + revenue, and can raise no taxes but under the pretence of invading + France. Besides, the king had another stratagem by which to content his + subjects; for he had brought with him ten or twelve citizens of London, + and other towns in England, all fat and jolly, the leaders of the English + commons, of great power in their countries, such as had promoted the wars + and had been very serviceable in raising that powerful army. The king + ordered very fine tents to be made for them, in which they lay; but, that + not being the kind of living they had been used to, they soon began to + grow weary of the campaign, for they expected they should come to an + engagement within three days of their landing, and the king multiplied + their fears and exaggerated the dangers of the war, on purpose that they + might be better satisfied with a peace, and aid him to quiet the murmurs + of the people upon his return to England; for, since king Arthur's days, + never king of England invaded France with so great a number of the + nobility and such a formidable army. But, as you have heard, he returned + immediately into England upon the conclusion of the peace, and then + reserved for his own private use the <!-- Page xlvi --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexlvi"></a>{xlvi}</span>greater part of the + money that had been raised to pay the army; so that, in reality, he + accomplished most of the designs he had in view. King Edward was not of a + complexion or turn of mind to endure much hardship and labour, and such + any king of England must encounter who designs to make any considerable + conquest in France. Besides, our king was in a tolerable posture of + defence, though he was not so well prepared in all respects as he ought + to have been, by reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. + Another great object with the king of England was the arrangement of a + marriage between our present king Charles the Eighth and his daughter; + and this alliance, causing him to wink at several things, was a material + advantage to our master's affairs.</p> + + <p>"King Louis himself was very desirous to obtain a general peace. The + vast numbers of the English had put him into great alarm; he had seen + enough of their exploits in his time in his kingdom, and he had no wish + to witness any more of them."</p> + + <p>When Louis went to meet the duke of Burgundy's plenipotentiaries at a + bridge half-way between Avesnes and Vervins, he took the English hostages + with him, and they were present when he gave audience to the Burgundians. + "One of them then told Commines that, if they had seen many such men of + the duke of Burgundy's before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded + so soon. The vîcomte of Narbonne, (afterwards comte of Foix,) overhearing + him, replied, 'Could you be so weak as to believe that the duke of + Burgundy had not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them + into quarters of refreshment; but you were in such haste to be at home + again, that six hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent + you presently back into England.' The Englishman was irritated, and + answered with much warmth, 'I plainly see, as everybody said, that you + have done nothing but cheat us. But do you call the money your king has + given us a pension? It is a tribute; and, by Saint George! you may prate + so much as will bring us back again to prove it.' I interrupted their + altercation, and turned it into a jest; but the Englishman would not + understand it so, and I informed the king of it, and his majesty was much + offended with the vîcomte of Narbonne."</p> + + <p>King Edward, being highly disgusted with the duke of Burgundy's + rejection of his truce, and his subsequent offer to make a distinct peace + with the king of France, despatched a great favourite of his, named sir + Thomas Mountgomery, to king Louis at Vervins, and he arrived whilst the + negociation was proceeding with the duke of Burgundy's envoys. Sir Thomas + desired, on the behalf of the king his master, that the king of France + would not consent to any other truce with the <!-- Page xlvii --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagexlvii"></a>{xlvii}</span>duke than what was + already made.<a name="NtA69" href="#Nt69"><sup>[69]</sup></a> He also + pressed Louis not to deliver St. Quentin into the duke's hands; and, as + further encouragement, Edward offered to repass the seas in the following + spring with a powerful army to assist him, provided his majesty would + continue in war against the duke of Burgundy, and compensate him for the + prejudice he should sustain in his duties upon wool at Calais, which + would be worth little or nothing in war time, though at other times they + were valued at 50,000 crowns. He proposed likewise that the king of + France should pay one-half of his army, and he would pay the other + himself. Louis returned Edward abundance of thanks, and made sir Thomas a + present of plate: but as to the continuation of the war, he begged to be + excused, for the truce with Burgundy was already concluded, and upon the + same terms as those which had been already agreed to between them; only + the duke of Burgundy had pressed urgently to have a separate truce for + himself; which circumstance Louis excused as well as he could, in order + to satisfy the English ambassador, who with this answer returned home, + accompanied by the hostages. "The king (adds Commines) felt extremely + surprised at king Edward's offers, which were delivered before me only, + and he conceived it would be very dangerous to bring the king of England + into France again, for between those two nations, when brought into + contact, any trifling accident might raise some new quarrel, and the + English might easily make friends again with the duke of Burgundy." These + considerations greatly forwarded the conclusion of the king of France's + treaty with the Burgundians.</p> + + <p>In fact, the duke of Burgundy at last overreached his brother-in-law + king Edward, for he concluded a truce with France for nine years, whilst + that of England with France was for seven years only. The duke's + ambassadors requested king Louis that this truce might not be proclaimed + immediately by sound of trumpet, as the usual custom was, for they were + anxious to save the duke's oath to king Edward (when he swore in his + passion that he would not accept of the benefit of the truce until the + king had been in England three months), lest Edward should think their + master had spoken otherwise than he designed.</p> + + <p>As for Edward himself, whatever selfish satisfaction he may have + derived from the result of the campaign,—such as Commines has + already suggested—it must have weakened his popularity both with + his nobles and with his people, whilst it terminated the former + cordiality that had existed with his brother of Burgundy. The king of + England had now become the pensioner of France, the great <!-- Page + xlviii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagexlviii"></a>{xlviii}</span>absorbing power of that age, which + was soon to swallow up England's nearest and best allies, the duchies of + Burgundy and Britany.</p> + + <p>The French pension of 50,000 crowns was, as Commines relates, + punctually paid every half-year in the Tower of London; and by a treaty + made in Feb. 1478-9 it was renewed for the lives of Edward and Louis, and + extended for a hundred years after the death of both princes: which + seemed to give it more directly the character of a tribute, a term that + Commines says the English applied to it, but which the French indignantly + repelled. However, after little more than four years longer, it had + answered its purpose, and its payment ceased. The English voluptuary then + found himself entirely outwitted by the wily Frenchman. After the duke of + Burgundy's death (in 1477) and that of his only daughter the wife of the + archduke Maximilian (in 1482) his grand-daughter Margaret of Austria was + suddenly betrothed to the Dauphin, in the place of the lady Elizabeth of + England. Louis caught at this alliance in order to detach the counties of + Burgundy and Artois from the territory of the Netherlands, and annex them + to the crown of France; and the turbulent citizens of Ghent, in whose + keeping the children<a name="NtA70" href="#Nt70"><sup>[70]</sup></a> of + their late sovereign lady were, were ready to make this concession, + without the concurrence of the children's father, in order to reduce the + power of their princes. This infant bride was then only three years and a + half old; and had consequently made her appearance on the stage of life + subsequently to the Dauphin's former contract with the English + princess.<a name="NtA71" href="#Nt71"><sup>[71]</sup></a></p> + + <p>Commines describes at some length the mortification experienced by + king Edward when he heard of this alliance,—"finding himself + deluded in the hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the + Dauphin, of which marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious + than of any other in the world, and never would give credit to any man, + whether subject or foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our + king's intentions were not sincere and honourable. For the parliament (or + council) of England had remonstrated to king Edward several times, when + our king was in Picardy, that after he had conquered <!-- Page xlix + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagexlix"></a>{xlix}</span>that + province he would certainly fall upon Calais and Guines, which are not + far off. The ambassadors from the duke and duchess of Austria, as also + those from the duke of Bretagne, who were continually in England at that + time, represented the same thing to him; but to no purpose, for he would + believe nothing of it, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity. Yet I + am entirely of opinion that his conduct proceeded not so much from + ignorance as avarice; for he was afraid to lose his pension of fifty + thousand crowns, which our master paid him very punctually, and besides + he was unwilling to leave his ease and pleasures, to which he was + extremely devoted."</p> + + <p>The enervated temper of Edward's latter years is faithfully depicted + in the opening lines of one of the best-known works of our great Dramatic + Poet:</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths,</p> + <p>Our bruised arms hung up for monuments;</p> + <p>Our stern alarums chang'd to merry meetings,</p> + <p>Our dreadful marches to delightful measures.</p> + <p>Grim-visaged War hath smooth'd his wrinkled front,</p> + <p>And now, instead of mounting barbed steeds,</p> + <p>To fright the souls of fearful adversaries,</p> + <p>He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber,</p> + <p>To the lascivious pleasing of a lute.</p> + <p class="i20"><i>Shakspeare's Richard the Third, act i. sc. 1.</i></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>In another place Commines attributes the death of Edward the Fourth to + the vexation he conceived at the great reverse in his political + prospects, which disclosed itself on his loss of the French alliance. + This conclusion is probably imaginary, though Edward's death certainly + occurred whilst the Dauphin's new betrothal was in progress. The treaty + of Arras, by which the arrangement was made, was signed on the 23d Dec. + 1482, and the lady Margaret was delivered to the French, and met the + Dauphin at Amboise, on the 22d of June following. King Edward died on the + intervening 9th of April, a victim, as is generally thought, to his long + course of intemperate living. It is obvious, however, that the failure of + the French alliance must have been a very serious loss to Edward's + family, who were left defenceless on his death, although he had + previously contracted his daughters to the heirs of France, Scotland, + Spain, and Burgundy.</p> + + <p>Altogether, the ruin of the house of York, if we may credit Commines, + was the eventual result of the fatal compromise made in the campaign of + 1475, and of <!-- Page l --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagel"></a>{l}</span>the enervating and corrupting influences + exercised by the French pensions which were then accepted by king Edward + and his ministers. Thenceforward, any hope of recovering the English + provinces of France was indefinitely deferred; the very echoes of those + martial glories which had once made the English name so dreadful in that + country were allowed to die away; the dreams of conquest were dissipated; + and the hands of Englishmen again turned to internecine contests, which + resulted in the total destruction of the royal house of Plantagenet, and + the ruin of a large proportion of the ancient nobility.</p> + + <p><span class="sc">The Boke of Noblesse</span>, after the total failure + of those more generous sentiments and aspirations which it was intended + to propagate, at once became, what it is now, a mere mirror of by-gone + days; and, considering these circumstances, we cannot be surprised that + it was never again transcribed, nor found its way to the press.</p> + + <p>It is with regret that I relinquish to some future more fortunate + inquirer the discovery of the author of this composition. The manuscript + from which it is printed is certainly not his autograph original; for its + great inaccuracy occasionally renders the meaning almost unintelligible. + And yet the corrections and insertions, which I have indicated as coming + <i>ŕ secundâ manu</i>, would seem to belong to the author.</p> + + <p>I have already, in the first page of this Introduction, intimated the + possibility of the work having been composed in the lifetime of sir John + Fastolfe, and merely re-edited, if we may use the term, upon occasion of + the projected invasion of France in 1475. There are three circumstances + which decidedly connect the book with some dependent of sir John + Fastolfe:—</p> + + <p>1. That the writer quotes sir John as "mine autour," or informant, in + pp. <a href="#page16">16</a> and <a href="#page64">64</a>, as well as + tells other anecdotes which were probably received from his relation.</p> + + <p>2. His having access to sir John's papers or books of account (p. <a + href="#page68">68</a>); and</p> + + <p>3. There being still preserved in the volume, bound up with its + fly-leaves, the two letters, probably both addressed to Fastolfe, and one + of them certainly so, which are printed hereafter, as an Appendix to + these remarks.</p> + + <p>Sir John Fastolfe is not commemorated as having been a patron of + literature. In the inventory of his property which is printed in the + twentieth volume of the Archćologia, no books occur except a few missals, + &c. belonging to his chapel. Though William of Worcestre, now famous + for his historical collections, (which have been edited by Hearne, + Nasmith, and Dallaway,) was Fastolfe's secretary, he was kept in a + subordinate position, and valued for his merely clerical, <!-- Page li + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pageli"></a>{li}</span>not his + literary, services. Sir John Fastolfe's passion was the acquisition of + property; whilst William of Worcestre, on his part, followed (as far as + he could) the bent of his own taste, and not that of his master; being + (as his comrade Henry Windsore declared) as glad to obtain a good book of + French or of Poetry as his master Fastolfe was to purchase a fair + manor.<a name="NtA72" href="#Nt72"><sup>[72]</sup></a></p> + + <p>The translation of Cicero de Senectute, which was printed by Caxton in + 1481, is indeed in the preface stated to have been translated by the + ordinance and desire of the noble ancient knight sir John Fastolfe;<a + name="NtA73" href="#Nt73"><sup>[73]</sup></a> and, though Worcestre's + name is not mentioned by Caxton, we may conclude that it was the same + translation which from Worcestre's own memoranda we know was made by + him.<a name="NtA74" href="#Nt74"><sup>[74]</sup></a> Still, it was but a + very slight deference to literature, if the ancient knight approved of + his secretary's translating "Tully on Old Age," and did not make any + further contribution towards its publication.</p> + + <p>But on the particular subject of the loss of the English provinces in + France, and the causes thereof, there can be no question that sir John + Fastolfe, the "baron <!-- Page lii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagelii"></a>{lii}</span>of Sillie le Guillem," once governor of + Anjou and Maine, and lord of Piron and Beaumont, took the deepest + interest; considering that he had spent his best days in their + acquisition, administration, and defence, and that he was one of the + principal sufferers by their loss. He may, therefore, well have promoted + the composition of the work now before us.</p> + + <p>William of Worcestre has the reputation of having written a memoir<a + name="NtA75" href="#Nt75"><sup>[75]</sup></a> of the exploits of sir John + Fastolfe; but this is not traceable beyond the bare assertion of Bale, + and a more recent misapprehension of the meaning of one of the Paston + letters.</p> + +<p><!-- Page liii --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pageliii"></a>{liii}</span></p> + + <p>Another person whose name has occurred as having been employed in a + literary capacity for sir John Fastolfe<a name="NtA76" + href="#Nt76"><sup>[76]</sup></a> is Peter Basset<a name="NtA77" + href="#Nt77"><sup>[77]</sup></a>; who is commemorated with some parade by + Bale as an historical writer, but whose writings, though quoted by Hall + the chronicler, have either disappeared or are no longer to be + identified.</p> + + <p>I have, however, mentioned the names of William of Worcestre and Peter + Basset only from the circumstance of their being connected with that of + sir John <!-- Page liv --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pageliv"></a>{liv}</span>Fastolfe; and not from there being any + other presumptive proof that either of them wrote "The Boke of Noblesse." + We have no known production of Basset with which to compare it; and as to + Worcestre his "Collectanea" and private Memoranda can scarcely assist us + in determining what his style might have been had he attempted any such + work as the present.</p> + + <p>Altogether, The Boke of Noblesse is more of a compilation than an + original essay. It has apparently largely borrowed from the French; and I + have already shown that it was partly derived from former works, though I + cannot undertake to say to what extent that was the case. In its general + character our book resembles one which was popular in the middle ages, as + the <i>Secretum Secretorum</i>, falsely attributed to Aristotle,<a + name="NtA78" href="#Nt78"><sup>[78]</sup></a> and which was also known + under the title <i>De Regimine Principum</i>. The popularity of this work + was so great that MS. copies occur in most of our public libraries, and + not less than nine English translations and six French translations are + known.<a name="NtA79" href="#Nt79"><sup>[79]</sup></a> A Scots + translation by sir Gilbert de Hay, entitled "<i>The Buke of the + Governaunce of Princis</i>," is contained in a MS. at Abbotsford, + accompanying a version of <i>The Tree of Batailes</i>, already noticed in + pp. <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>. <a href="#pagevi">vi</a>.</p> + + <p>Another work of the same class is that of which Caxton published + (about the year 1484) a translation entitled <i>The booke of the ordre of + Chevalrye or Knyghthode</i>, and of which the Scots translation by sir + Gilbert de Hay was printed for the Abbotsford Club by Beriah Botfield, + esq. in 1847.</p> + + <p>To his translations of the treatises of Cicero on Old Age and + Friendship, which Caxton printed in 1481, he also appended two + "declaracyons," or orations, supposed to be spoken by two noble Roman + knights before the senate, in order "to know wherein Noblesse restith," + or, as otherwise expressed in the title-page, "shewing wherin Honoure + should reste." These imaginary orations were the work of an Italian, who + styled himself, in Latin, Banatusius Magnomontanus.</p> + + <p>After a time, the term Noblesse, which we here find synonymous with + Honour, and (in p. <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>. <i>ante</i>) with Chivalry, + in the sense of a class or order of society, <!-- Page lv --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="pagelv"></a>{lv}</span>became obsolete as an + English word. In the former sense, at least, it was changed into our + English "Nobleness;" and about the year 1530 we find published a "Book of + Noblenes," printed by Robert Wyer, without date.<a name="NtA80" + href="#Nt80"><sup>[80]</sup></a> This work had been translated from Latin + into French, and "now into English by John Larke." I have not seen it, + but I imagine it was a far smaller and slighter composition than the + present.<a name="NtA81" href="#Nt81"><sup>[81]</sup></a></p> + + <p>Ames<a name="NtA82" href="#Nt82"><sup>[82]</sup></a> mentioned our + "Boke of Noblesse" as a printed work, on the authority of Tanner's MSS., + but this was evidently a misapprehension.</p> + + <p>It only now remains that I should describe the Manuscript, which is + preserved in the Royal Collection at the British Museum, and marked 18 B. + XXII.</p> + + <p>It is written in a paper book, which is formed of four quires of + paper, each consisting of six sheets, and is of the size of a modern + quarto volume. The quires are marked in the lower margin with the + signatures of the scribe: the first quire consisting of six sheets, + placed within one another, and marked j. ij. iij. iiij. v. vj.; the + second also of six sheets, marked .a.i. .a.ij. .a.iij. .a.iiij. .a.v. and + .a.vj.; the third, b.1. .b.3. .b.4. .b.5. .b.6.; the fourth .c.1. c.2. + c.3. c.4. c.5. c.6. Thus it is seen that the sheet containing the leaf + b.2. and the attached leaf (b.11. as it might be called) is lost: and + this loss occasions the defects which will be found in the present volume + at p. <a href="#page50">50</a> and p. <a href="#page68">68</a>.</p> + + <p>In front of the volume are bound three leaves of vellum, on the last + of which is fastened a slip of the like material, inscribed, + apparently</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Edwarde w [iiij?]</p> + <p>wych ys</p> + <p class="i2">bold</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>On the back of the same leaf is the name of</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p><i>Symond'</i></p> + <p><i>Samson.</i></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>At the foot of the first paper leaf is the autograph name of</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p><i>Lumley.</i></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><i>i. e.</i> John lord Lumley, the son-in-law of the last Earl of + Arundel, into whose <!-- Page lvi --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagelvi"></a>{lvi}</span>possession the volume probably came by + purchase in the reign of Elizabeth or James the First.</p> + + <p>On the leaf .c.2. is the autograph name of <i>Robert Savylle</i>.</p> + + <p>On the last leaf are many scribblings, and attempts in drawing + grotesque heads and figures, apparently done about the time of queen + Mary. Among them occurs again the name of</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p><i>Symeon Sampson p.</i></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>Also those of <i>Richarde Dyconson</i> and <i>Edward Jones of Clemente + in the Jor of</i> —— and these sentences,</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>John Twychener ys booke he that stellys thys booke</p> + <p>he shall be hangid a pon a hooke and that wylle macke</p> + <p>ys necke to brake & that wyll macke ys neck awrye</p> + </div> + </div> + +<table class="nob" summary="A nyes wiffe." title="A nyes wiffe."> +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> A nyes wiffe & a backe dore makythe +</td><td class="hspcsingle" style="vertical-align:middle;" rowspan="2"> <a href="images/$rbrace.png"><img src="images/$rbrace.png" class="middle" style="height:5ex; width:0.75em" alt="brace" /></a> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> outon tymys a Ryche man pore. </td></tr> +</table> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>In the name of the father of the Sonne and the holey Gost. So be itt.</p> + <p class="i2">Jhesus nazerinus Rex iudiorū fillij dei miserere mei.</p> + <p>Jhesus.) God save the king o<sup>r</sup> souu'ain lorde.</p> + <p class="i2">Jhesus Nazarinus. God save king p. & mary.</p> + <p>O gloryous Jesu o mekest Jesu o moost sweteste Jesu have m'cye on us.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>Quite at the bottom of the page is the name of</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p><i>Edward Banyster.</i></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<h3>LETTERS ADDRESSED TO SIR JOHN FASTOLFE.</h3> + +<p class="cenhead">(Royal MS. 18 B. XXII. f. 44.)</p> + +<p class="cenhead">From <span class="sc">John Appulton</span>, captain of Pontdonné and the Haye de Puis.</p> + + <p>Mon treshonnouré et Redoubté Sr., toute humble Recommendacion primier + mise, plaise vous savoir que Jay entendu que piecha vous aviez quittie et + transporté afin de heritaige a Degory Gamel vostre terre et seignourie de + Piron pour le prix de deux mille francs lesquelx il devoit paier a chinq + annees enssuit du dit transport, cest assavoir pour la premir ann six + cens francs, et le demourant es autres quatres anns ensuit, a chacun par + egalle porcion; de la quelle chose J'entens que le dit Degory na pas + acompli ces termes ne ses <!-- Page lvii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagelvii"></a>{lvii}</span>paiemens, car il nest pas tousjours + prest de paier, et est de tel gouvernement que p..... que navez eu que + peu de chose de vostre ditte s'rie dempuis quil en a eu le gouvernement. + Et pour ce, mon treshonnouré et Redoubté, Janvois grant desir davoir + icelle terre afin de heritaige si c'estoit vostre plaisir et volenté. Car + elle est pres de mes et bien a mon aise. Sy vous prie et requier tant + humblement comme Je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, qu'il + vous pla[ira] que J'aie icelle terre et seigneurie de Piron par les prix + et condicions dessus desclerés et que l'aviez accordee au dit Degory en + cas que [sera] vostre plaisir de vous en des faire, et que Je la puisse + avoir aussi tost que ung autre, et J'en seay a tousjours mais tenu ... + car vous estes le seigneur qui vive en monde a qui Je suis plus tenu et a + qui Jay greigno' service, et que elle me soit confe[rmé?] par le Roy + nostre seigneur tellement que Je ny puisse avoir empeschement. Et je vous + promet que Je vous paieray loyalment es termes qui seront assignes sans + aucune faulte, et se faulte y avez per moy que le marchie ne fust nul, et + sur paine de perdre s ... que Jen avoie paié. Et sy est ce grant chose + pour le present de deux mille Francs attendans la guerre qui est a + present ou ... a l'occasion de la prinse et perte de la place de + Grantville. Car se remede ny est mis de brief tout le bailliage de + Costentin est en voie destre destruit, et estre comme le pais de Caulx, + que Dieu ne vueille. Car se seroit grant dommaige et grant pitie. Et pour + ceste cause Jenvoie Jehan Dotton devers vous, qui est vostre serviteur, + porteur de ces presentes, auquel Jay donné pouvoir et puissance den + composer et appointier avecque vous ainsi quil vous plaira, et que + regarderez quil sera bon a faire, tout aussi comme se Je y estoie + present, et lequel vous parlera plus a plain de lestate et gouvernement + de vostre ditte seigneurie de Piron et comme elle a esté gouvernée. Et + pour ce que autrefois Je vous avoie rescript de vostre terre et + seigneurie de Beaumont, que Jeusse volentiers eue se ceust esté vostre + plaisir et volenté, pour ce que ma terre d'Asineres est parmys la vostre + et joingnent ensemble, Et en cas que se ne seroit vostre plaisir que + Jeusse vostre ditte seigneurie de Piron, jentend' encores volentiers a + icelle de Beaumont, et quil vous pleust la mettre a prix de raison, car + Je ne scay pas bien que elle peult valloir, mes vous le savez bien, car + vous en avez fait fe presn(?) et en avez eu la desclaracion, non obstant + que les terres depar de cha sy sen vont en tres grant diminucion pour la + cause dessus dict. Sy vous plaise de vostre grace a y avoir sur le tout + advis, et den faire tant que Jen puisse estre tous jours vostre petit et + humble serviteur, et comme Jay tousjours esté et seray tant que je + vivray. Et se il vous plaist faire quelque appointe des choses dessus + dictes, quil vous plaise a le faire vous mesmes, et que ne menvoiez a + Raouen ne ailleurs, car les chemins sont trop dangereux, et ne voudroie + pas aler a Rouen voulentiers pour gaignier deux cens frans. Mon + treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, Je me recommande a vous tant + humblement comme Je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, et se + il est chose que faire puisse pour vous, mandez le moy et Je l'acompliray + de tout mon cuer et volentiers, en priant le Saint Esprit qu'il soit + garde de vous et vous donne bonne vie et longue et acomplisse(ment) de + vous nobles desirs. Escript a la Haie du Puis, le derrain jour dé May. + <!-- Page lviii --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagelviii"></a>{lviii}</span></p> + + <p>Mon treshonnouré et redoubté seigneur, Je vous recommande ma fille qui + est demour' veufue, et quil vous plaist qelle soit (en) vostre bonne + grace et service, et la conseiller et conforter en tous ses afaires.</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Letout vostre humble serviteur Jhon 'Appulton, cap(itaine)</p> + <p>du Pont donne et de la Haie du Puis.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>(<i>Directed on the back</i>,)</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>A mon treshonnouré et tresredoubté sire</p> + <p>Messire Jehan Fastouf, chevalier,</p> + <p>seigneur de Piron et de Beaumont</p> + <p>en Normendie.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p> </p> + +<p class="cenhead">From the <span class="sc">Bailiffs</span> of <span class="sc">Winchester</span>.<a name="NtA83" href="#Nt83"><sup>[83]</sup></a></p> + + <p>Right Worshipfulle Sire,—We recommande ws unto you, latyng you + wete of howre taryng that we brynge nat hoppe (up) howre money for howre + ferme ys for be cawse that we wholde receyve of howre dewte of the Cete, + and of the awnage sum of xiij. li.; the wheche money we cannat receyve in + to the time that we have a wrette to the mayre and to ws Ballys, for the + Cete scholde have of the awnage as Easter terme xx. marcs, for that the + Cete grant(ed) us to howre eryste ferme, and here a pon we tryst; and now + the fermeris of the awnage sey it pleynli that the Cete schale nat have a + peny in to Mighelmas terme but zyffe so be that ye sende us a wrytt that + we mowe brynge the fermers in to the Cheker, and ther to pay ws thys xx. + marcs, for we lacke no money but that, for the fermers makit hyrr a + skowsce apon the refuson that was thys tyme thre zere, for they fere + laste they schold pay agen, and there for they sey it they whole nat pay + us no peni but in the Cheker, also howre Mayre takyt no hede of ws, + nother howe whe schal be servyd of the mony, theirefore we pray you sende + a wrett down to the Mayre and to ws for to brynge ho(ppe, <i>i.e.</i> up) + howre ferme for the halfe zere, for dowt hyt nat ze schale be as wel payd + of ws as zevr (ever) ye w(ere) of zeny men, for in trowyf we pay of howre + money more than xiiij. li. No more, but God kepe you. I-wretyn at + Wynchester the viij. day of May.</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>By the baillifes of Wynchester.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>(To this letter no address is preserved.)</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><!-- Page lix --><span class="pagenum"><a name="pagelix"></a>{lix}</span></p> + +<h2>ADDITIONAL NOTES.</h2> + + <p>Page <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>. <i>De Regimine + Principum.</i>—Sir John Paston (temp. Edw. IV.) had a copy of this + work, which formed part of a volume which he thus described in the + catalogue of his library:—</p> + + <p>"M<sup>d</sup>. my <i>Boke of Knyghthode</i> and the maner off makyng + off knyghts, off justs, off tornaments, ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden + by soldiers and chalenges, statutes off weere, and <i>de Regimine + Principum</i>." (Paston Letters, vol. iii p. 302.)</p> + + <p>It is more fully described by William Ebesham, the scribe who had + written the book, in his bill of accompt, which is also preserved in the + same volume, p. 14:—</p> + +<table class="nob" summary="Bill of accompt." title="Bill of accompt."> +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item as to <i>the Grete Booke</i>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "First for wrytyng of the <i>Coronacion</i> and other <i>tretys of Knyghthode</i> in that quaire, +which conteyneth a xiij. levis and more, ij<sup>d</sup>. a lefe </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> ij<sup>s</sup>. ij<sup>d</sup>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item for the <i>Tretys of Werre</i> in iiij. books, which conteyneth lx. levis, after ij<sup>d</sup>. a +leaff </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> x<sup>s</sup>. </td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item for <i>Othea pistill</i>, which conteyneth xliij. levis </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> vij<sup>s</sup>. ij<sup>d</sup>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item for the <i>Chalenges</i> and the <i>Acts of Armes</i>, which is xxviij<sup>ti</sup>. lefs </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> iiij<sup>s</sup>. viij<sup>d</sup>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item for <i>de Regimine Principum</i>, which conteyneth xlv<sup>ti</sup>. leves, after a peny a leef, +which is right wele worth </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> iij<sup>s</sup>. ix<sup>d</sup>.</td></tr> + +<tr><td class="hspcsingle"> "Item for rubriesheyng of all the booke </td><td class="hspcsingle" style="text-align:right"> iij<sup>s</sup>. iiij<sup>d</sup>.</td></tr> +</table> + + <p>The "Treatise of Knighthood" here mentioned, may probably have + resembled <i>The Booke of the Ordre of Chyvalrye or Knyghthode</i> + printed by Caxton (see p. liv.); and the "Treatise of War" may have been + a version of <i>The Boke of Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye</i>, which + Caxton also published from the <i>Arbre de Batailes</i>, &c. as + before noticed in p. vi.</p> + + <p>The "Othea pistill" was certainly the same book which passes under the + name of Christine de Pisan, and which was printed at Paris by Philippe + Pigouchet, in 4to, under the title of "<i>Les cent Histoires de + troye.</i> Lepistre de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit + cheualereux Hector de troye, auec cent hystoires." In every page of this + book there is a <i>Texte</i> in French verse, and a <i>Glose</i> in + prose, which agrees exactly with sir John Paston's description in his + catalogue (where it appears as distinct from Ebesham's "Great Book,") in + this entry,—"Item, a <i>Book de Othea</i>, text and glose, in + quayers."</p> + + <p> </p> + + <p>Page <a href="#page15">15</a>. <i>Matheu Gournay de comitatu + Somerset.</i> This personage, whose name has been inserted by the second + hand, was a very distinguished warrior in the French wars, and has been + supposed to have been the model of the Knight in Chaucer's Canterbury + <!-- Page lx --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="pagelx"></a>{lx}</span>Pilgrims. His epitaph at Stoke upon Hampden + in Somersetshire, which has been preserved by Leland, describes him as + "le noble et vaillant chivaler Maheu de Gurney, iadys seneschal de Landes + et capitain du chastel Daques por nostre seignor le Roy en la duche de + Guyene, qui en sa vie fu a la batail de Beaumarin, et ala apres a la + siege Dalgezire sur les Sarazines, et auxi a les batailles de Lescluse, + de Cressy, de Yngenesse, de Peyteres, de Nazara, Dozrey, et a plusiurs + autres batailles et asseges, en les quex il gaina noblement graund los et + honour per lespece de xxxxiiij et xvj ans, et morust le xxvj jour de + Septembre, l'an nostre Seignor Jesu Christ Mccccvj, que de salme Dieux + eit mercy. Amen." (See Records of the House of Gournay, by Daniel Gurney, + esq. F.S.A. p. 681.)</p> + + <p> </p> + + <p>Page <a href="#page68">68</a>. <i>Sir John Fastolfe's victualling of + the Bastille.</i> This anecdote is illustrated by the following passage + of one of sir John's books of accompt:—</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>"Item, in like wise is owing to the said Fastolfe for the keeping and victualling of the</p> + <p>Bastile of St. Anthony in Paris, as it appeareth by writing sufficient, and by the creditors</p> + <p>of sir John Tyrel knight, late treasurer of the King's house, remaining in the exchequer</p> + <p>of Westminster of record, the sum of xlij li.</p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>(Paston Letters, iii. 269.)</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><!-- Page 1 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page1"></a>{1}</span></p> + +<h2>T<span class="gsp"> </span>H<span class="gsp"> </span>E B<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>K<span class="gsp"> </span>E O<span class="gsp"> </span>F N<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>B<span class="gsp"> </span>L<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>E.</h2> + +<p class="cenhead">[<span class="sc">MS. Reg. 18 B. XXII.</span>]</p> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + +<blockquote class="forsidenotel"> + +<blockquote class="b1n"> + + <p>The Boke of Noblesse, compiled to the most hyghe and myghety prince + Kynge Edward the iiij<sup>the</sup> for the avauncyng and preferryng the + comyn publique of the Royaumes of England and of Fraunce.</p> + +</blockquote> + + <p>First, in the worship of the holy Trinite, bring to mynde to calle, in + the begynnyng of every good work, for grace. And sithe this litille + epistle is wrote and entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes + to be in perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right + convenient is soo to bee. And as it is specified by auctorite of the + noble cenatoure of Rome Kayus son, in these termes foloweng: "Hoc igitur + summum est nobilitatis genus, posse majorum suorum egregia facta dicere, + posse eorum beneficiis petere honores publicos, posse gloriam rei publicć + hereditario quodam jure vendicare, posse insuper sese eorum partes + vocare, et clarissimas in suis vultibus ymagines ostendere. Quos enim + appellat vulgus nisi quod nobilissimi parentes genuere."</p> + +<p class="cenhead">De remedio casus Reipublicć.</p> + + <p>Here folowethe the evident Examples and the Resons of comfort for a + reformacion to be had uppon the piteous complaintes and dolorous + lamentacions made for the right grete outragious and most <!-- Page 2 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2"></a>{2}</span>grevous losse of + the Royaume of Fraunce, Ducheeȝ of Normandie, of Gascoyne, and + Guyen, and also the noble Counte of Mayne and the Erledom of Pontife. And + for relevyng and geting ayen the said Reaume, dukedoms, [and earldoms,] + undre correccion of amendement ben shewed the exortacions and mocions, be + auctorite, example <span class="sidenotel">Anglorum nacio originem + sumpsit ex nacione Trojanorum.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Nota + j<sup>o</sup>. quod lingua Britonum adhuc usitatur in Wallia et Cornibea, + que lingua vocabatur corrupta Greca.</span> of actis in armes, bothe by + experience and otherwise purposid, meoved and declarid, to corage and + comfort the hertis of [the] Englisshe nacion, havyng theire first + originalle of the nacion of the noble auncient bloode of Troy more than + M<sup>l</sup>. yere before the birthe of Crist; in token and profe wherof + the auncient langage of the Brutes bloode at this day remayneth<a + name="NtA84" href="#Nt84"><sup>[84]</sup></a> bothe in the Princedome of + Walis and in the auncient provynce and Dukedom of Cornewale, whiche was + at tho daies called corrupt Greke.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">ij<sup>o</sup>. lingua Saxonum alias lingua Germanorum.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Dux Cerdicius applicuit in Britania tempore Regis Arthuri, et sic per favorem regis inhabitavit, et . . ex natione Grecorum.</div> + <p>And next after the mighty Saxons' bloode, otherwise called a provynce + in Germayne, that the vaileaunt Duke Cerdicius arrived in this reaume, + with whom<a name="NtA85" href="#Nt85"><sup>[85]</sup></a> Arthur, king of + the Breton bloode, made mighty werre, and suffred hym to inhabit here. + And the Saxons, as it is writen in Berthilmew in his booke of Propreteis, + also were decendid of the nacion of Grekis.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">iij<sup>o</sup>. Lingua Danorum ex nacione Grecorum. Rex Danorum Knott conquestum fecit.</div> + <p>And next after came the feers manly Danysh nacion, also of Grekis bene + descendid, that the gret justicer king Knowt this land subdued and the + Saxons' bloode.</p> + + <p>And sithen the noble Normannes, also of the Danys nacion, descendid be + William Conquerour, of whome ye ben lyniallie descendid, subdued this + lande.</p> + + <p>And, last of alle, the victorius bloode of Angevyns, by mariage of + that puissaunt Erle Geffry Plantagenet, the son and heire of Fouke king + of Jherusalem, be mariage of Dame Maude, Emperes, soule doughter and + heire to the king of grete renoune, Henry the first of Inglond, and into + this day lineally descendid in most prowes.</p> + + <p>And whiche said Englisshe nacion ben sore astonyed and dulled <!-- + Page 3 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page3"></a>{3}</span>for the + repairing and wynnyng ayen, uppon a new conquest to be hadde for youre + verray right and true title in the inheritaunce of the saide Reaume of + Fraunce and the Duche of Normandie. Of whiche Duchie, we have in the yere + of oure Lorde M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>l., lost, as bethyn the space + of xv monithes be put out wrongfullie, tho roughe subtile wirkingis + conspired and wroughte be the Frenshe partie undre the umbre and coloure + of trewis late taken betwyxt youre antecessoure king Harry the sext then + named king, and youre grete adversarie of Fraunce Charles the + vij<sup>the</sup>.</p> + + <p>And where as the saide piteous complaintes [and] dolorous lamentacions + of youre verray true obeisaunt subjectis for lesing of the said countreis + may not be tendrid ne herde, [they] many daies have had but litille + comfort, nether the anguisshes, troubles, and divisions here late before + in this reaume be cyvyle batailes to be had, may not prevaile them to the + repairing and wynnyng of any soche manere outrageous losses to this + Reaume, whiche hathe thoroughe sodein and variable chaunces of unstedfast + fortune so be revaled and overthrow; the tyme of relief and comfort wolde + not be despendid ne occupied so: namely with theym whiche that have + necessite of relief and socoure of a grettir avauntage and a more + profitable remedie for theire avauncement to a new conquest: or by a good + tretie of a finalle peace for the recovere of the same: but to folow the + counceile of the noble cenatoure of Rome Boicius in the second prose of + his first booke of consolacion seieng <i>Sed medicine</i> (inquid) + <i>tempus est</i>, <i>quŕm querele</i>.</p> + + <p>Therfor, alle ye lovyng liege men, bothe youre noble alliaunces and + frendis, levithe suche idille lamentacions, put away thoughte and gret + pensifnes of suche lamentable passions and besinesse, and put ye hem to + foryetefulnesse. And doo not away the recordacion of actis and dedis in + armes of so many famous and victorious Kingis, Princes, Dukis, Erles, + Barounes, and noble Knightis, as of fulle many other worshipfulle men + haunting armes, whiche as verray trew martirs and blissid souls have + taken theire last ende by werre; <!-- Page 4 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page4"></a>{4}</span>some woundid and taken prisonneres in so just + a title and conquest uppon youre enheritaunce in Fraunce and Normandie, + Gasquyn and Guyen; and also by the famous King and mighty Prince king + Edward the thrid, first heriter to the said Royaume of Fraunce, and by + Prince Edwarde his eldist son, and alle his noble bretherin, [who] + pursued his title and righte be force of armes, as was of late tyme sithe + the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>xv. done, and made a new + conquest in conquering bothe the saide Reaume of Fraunce and Duche of + Normaundie by the Prince of blissid memorie king Harry the + v<sup>the</sup>. Also be the eide of tho thre noble prynces his bretherne + and be other of his puissant Dukes and lordis, being lieutenauntȝ + for the werre in that parties, as it is notorily knowen thoroughe alle + Cristen nacyons, to the gret renomme and<a name="NtA86" + href="#Nt86"><sup>[86]</sup></a> worship of this Reaume.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How every good man of [worshyp yn<a name="NtA87" href="#Nt87"><sup>[87]</sup></a>] armes shulde in the +werre be resembled to the condicion of a lion.</p> + + <p>And therfor, in conclusion, every man in hym silf let the passions of + dolours be turned and empressid into vyfnes of here spiritis, of egre + courages, of manlinesse and feersnesse, after the condicion of the lion + resembled in condicions unto; for as ire, egrenesse, and feersnesse is + holden for a vertu in the lion, so in like manere the said condicions is + taken for a vertue and renomme of worship to alle tho that haunten armes: + that so usithe to be egre, feers uppon his advers partie, and not to be + lamentable and sorroufulle after a wrong shewed unto theym. And thus + withe coragious hertis putting forthe theire prowes in dedis of armes, so + that alle worshipfulle men, whiche oughte to be stedfast and holde + togider, may be of one intencion, wille, and comon assent to vapour, + sprede out, according to the flour delice, and avaunce hem forthe be + feernesse of strenght and power to the verray effect and dede ayenst the + untrew reproches of oure auncien adversaries halding uppon the Frenshe + partie, whiche of late tyme by unjust dissimilacions, undre the umbre + <!-- Page 5 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page5"></a>{5}</span>and + coloure of trewis and abstinence of werre late hadde and sacred at the + cite of Tairs the .xxviij. day of Maij, the yere of Crist of + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>xliiij<sup>to</sup>. have by intrusion of + soche subtile dissimilacion wonne uppon us bethyn v yeres next foloweng + withyn the tyme of [the last<a name="NtA88" + href="#Nt88"><sup>[88]</sup></a>] trieux the said Reaume and duchees, so + that in the meane tyme and sethe contynued forthe the saide trewes from + yere to yere, to this land grete charge and cost, till they had conspired + and wrought theire avauntage, as it approvethe dailie of experience. And + under this they bring assailours uppon this lande and begynneris of the + trewis breking.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How the Frenshe partie began firste to offende and brake +the Trewis.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Tempore Regis H. vj<sup>th</sup>.</div> + <p>First by taking of youre shippis and marchaundises upon the see, + keping men of noble birthe undre youre predecessoure obedience and divers + other true lieges men prisoneris under arest, as that noble and trew + knight ser Gilis the Duke is son of Bretaine, whiche for his grete + trouthe and love he hadde to this youre Royaume warde, ayenst all manhode + ungoodely entretid, died in prison. And also before the taking of Fugiers + ser Simon Morhier knight, the provost of Paris, a lorde also of youre + partie and chief of the Kingis counceile, take prisoner by Deepe and + paieng a grete raunson or he was deliverid. And sone after one Mauncelle + a squier, comyng fro Rone, with .xx. parsones in his company, to Deepe, + pesibly in the monythe of Januarij next before the taking of Fugiers, + were in Deepe taken prisoneris wrongfullie undre the umbre of trewis. And + sithen the lord Faucomberge take prisoner by subtile undew meanys of a + cautel taken under safconduct of youre adversarie at Pountelarge the xv + day of Maij, the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>xlix. And + also the said forteresse of Pountlarge take the said day be right undew + meanys taken uppon the said lorde Faucomberge contrarie to the said + trewis, <!-- Page 6 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page6"></a>{6}</span>forging here colourable matieris in so + detestable unjust quarellis. For reformacion of whiche gret injuries + conspired, shewed, and doone, alle ye put to youre handis to this paast + and matier. Comythe therfor and approchen bothe kyn, affinitees, frendis, + subgectis, allies, and alle wellewilleris. Now at erst the irnesse be + brennyng hote in the fire thoroughe goode courage, the worke is overmoche + kindelid and begonne, thoroughe oure dulnesse and sleuthe slommering many + day, for be the sheding of the bloode of good cristen people as hathe be + done in youre predecessours conquest that now is lost: is said be the + wordis of Job: Criethe and bewailethe in the feelde, frendis and kyn, + take heede pitously to your bloode.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">A question of grete charge and wighte,<a name="NtA89" href="#Nt89"><sup>[89]</sup></a> meoved first to be determyned, +whethir for to make werre uppon Cristen bloode is +laufulle.</p> + + <p>But first ther wolde be meoved a question, whiche dame Cristyn makithe + mencion of in the seconde chapitre of the Tree of Batailles: whethir that + werres and batailes meintenyng and using ben laufulle according to + justice or no. And the oppinion of many one wolde undrestond that + haunting of armes and werre making is not lefull, ne just thing, for + asmoche in haunting and using of werre be many infinite<a name="NtA90" + href="#Nt90"><sup>[90]</sup></a> damages and extorsions done, as mourdre, + slaugheter, bloode-sheding, depopulacion of contrees, castelles, citees, + and townes brennyng, and many suche infinite damages. Wherfor it shulde + seme that<a name="NtA91" href="#Nt91"><sup>[91]</sup></a> meintenyng of + werre is a cursid deede: not dew to be meyntened. As to this question + it<a name="NtA92" href="#Nt92"><sup>[92]</sup></a> may be answerd that + entrepruises and werris taken and founded uppon a just cause and a trew + title is suffred of God, for dame Cristen seiethe and moevithe, in the + first booke of the Arbre of Bataile, how it is for to have in + consideracion why that princes shuld maynteyne werre and use bataile; and + the saide dame Cristin saiethe v. causes principalle: thre of them <!-- + Page 7 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page7"></a>{7}</span><span + class="sidenotel">1: p<sup>a</sup></span> bene of righte: and the other + tweyne of vallente. The first cause <span class="sidenotel">2: + ij<sup>da</sup></span> is to susteyne right and justice; the second is to + withestande alle soche mysdoers the whiche wolde do foule<a name="NtA93" + href="#Nt93"><sup>[93]</sup></a> greif and oppresse the peple of the + contre that the kyng or prince is gouvernoure of; the <span + class="sidenotel">3: iij<sup>d</sup></span> thrid is for to recuver + landes, seignories and goodes [that] be other unrightfully ravisshed, + taken away be force, or usurped, whiche shulde apperteine to the kyng and + prince of the same seignorie, or ellis to whome his subgettys shuld + apparteine [and] be meinteined under. And the other tweyne be but of + violence, as for to be venged for dammage or griefe done by another; the + othir to conquere straunge countrees bethout<a name="NtA94" + href="#Nt94"><sup>[94]</sup></a> any title of righte, as king Alexandre + conquerid uppon the Romayne: whiche tweine last causes, though<a + name="NtA95" href="#Nt95"><sup>[95]</sup></a> the conquest or victorie by + violence or by roialle power sownethe worshipfulle in dede of armes, yet + ther ought no cristen prince use them. And yet in the first thre causes, + before a prince to take an entreprise, it most be done be a just cause, + and havyng righte gret deliberacion, by the conduyt and counceile of the + most sage approuved men of a reaume or countre that the prince is of: and + so for to use it in a just quarelle as<a name="NtA96" + href="#Nt96"><sup>[96]</sup></a> the righte execution of justice + requirithe, whiche is one of the principalle iiij. cardinall virtues. And + if that using of armes and haunting of werre be doone rather for + magnificence, pride, and wilfulnesse, to destroie Roiaumes and countreis + by roialle gret power, as whan tho that wolde avenge have noo title, but + sey <i>Vive le plus fort</i>, [that] is to sey, Let the grettest maistrie + have the feelde,—</p> + +<blockquote class="b1n"> + + <p>[In this place the following insertion is made by a second hand in the + margin:]</p> + +</blockquote> + + <p>Lyke as when the duc off Burgoyn by cyvyle bataylle by maisterdom + expelled the duc of Orlyance partie and hys frendis owt of Parys cytee + the yere of Christ M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>xij, and slow many + thowsands and<a name="NtA97" href="#Nt97"><sup>[97]</sup></a> hondredes + bethout title of justice, but to revenge a synguler querel betwen both + prynces for the dethe of the duc off Orlyans, <!-- Page 8 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page8"></a>{8}</span>slayn yn the vigille of + Seynt Clement by Raulyn Actovyle of Normandie, yn the yeer of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>vij<sup>o</sup>. And the bataylle of + Seynt-clow besyde Parys, by the duc of Burgoyn with help of capteyns of + England owt of England, waged by the seyd duc, was myghtly foughten and + had the fielde ayenste theyr adverse partye. Albeyt the duc of Orlyance + waged another armee sone aftyr owt of England to relyeve the ovyrthrow he + had at Seyntclowe. And the dyvysyon betwene the duc of Orlyance and the + duc of Burgoyn dured yn Fraunce continuelly by .xj. yeerday, as to the + yeere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>iiij<sup>c</sup>xviij, yn wyche yeere Phelip + duc of Burgoyn, a greet frende to the land, was pyteousely slayn at + Motreaw, and the cyte of Parys ayen taken by the Burgonons; lord + Lyseladam pryncipalle capteyn and the erle of Armonak conestable sleyn by + the comyns the seyd yere. (<i>End of the insertion.</i>)</p> + + <p>in soche undew enterprises theire can be thought no grettir tiranny, + extorcion, ne cruelte [by dyvysyons<a name="NtA98" + href="#Nt98"><sup>[98]</sup></a>].</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How seint Lowes exorted and counceiled his sonne to moeve +no werre ayenst Cristen peple.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Seynt Lowys. 1270.</div> + <p>And the blissid king of Fraunce seint Lowes exhortid and comaunded in + his testament writen of his owne hand, that he made the tyme of his + passing of this worlde the year of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cclxx to his sonne + Philip that reigned after hym, that he shulde kepe hym welle, to meove no + werre ayenst no christen man, but if he had grevously done ayenst him. + And if he seke waies of peace, of grace and mercie, thou oughtest pardon + hym, and take soche amendis of hym as God may be pleasid. But as for this + blessid kingis counceile, it is notorily and openly knowen thoroughe alle + Cristen Royaumes that oure<a name="NtA99" + href="#Nt99"><sup>[99]</sup></a> adverse party hathe meoved [and] excited + werre and batailes bothe by lond and see ayenst this noble Royaume + bethout any justice [or] title, and bethout waies of pease shewed; and as + forto <!-- Page 9 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page9"></a>{9}</span>defende them assailours uppon youre true title + may be bethout note of tiranye, to put yow in youre devoire to conquere + youre rightfulle enheritaunce, without that a bettir moyene be had.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">A exortacion of a courageous disposicion for a reformation +of a wrong done.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Exclamacio.</div> + <p>O then, ye worshipfulle men of the Englisshe nacion, which bene + descendid of the noble Brutis bloode of Troy, suffre ye not than youre + highe auncien couragis to be revalid ne desceived by youre said + adversaries of Fraunce at this tyme, neither in tyme to come; ne in this + maner to be rebuked and put abak, to youre uttermost deshonoure and + reproche in the sighte of straunge nacions, without that it may be in + goodely hast remedied [as youre hyghnesse now entendyth,<a name="NtA100" + href="#Nt100"><sup>[100]</sup></a>] whiche ye have be conquerours of, as + ye<a name="NtA101" href="#Nt101"><sup>[101]</sup></a> to be yolden and + overcomen, in deffaute of goode and hasty remedie, thoroughe lak of + provision of men of armes, tresour, and finaunce of suffisaunt nombre of + goodes, in season and tyme convenable to wage and reliefe them. For were + ye not sometyme tho that thoroughe youre gret [prowesse,<a name="NtA102" + href="#Nt102"><sup>[102]</sup></a>] corages, feersnes, manlinesse, and of + strenght overleid and put in subgeccion the gret myghte and power of the + feers and puissaunt figheters of alle straunge nacions that presumed to + set ayenst this lande?</p> + + <p>How many worthi kinges of this lande have made gret conquestis in + ferre contrees in the Holy Lande, and also for the defence and right of + this lande, and for the duche of Normandie.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Arthur.</div> + <p>And for an example and witnes of King Arthur, whiche discomfit and + sleine was undre his banere the Emperoure of Rome in bataile, and + conquerid the gret part of the regions be west of Rome. And many othre + conquestis hathe be made before the daies of the said <!-- Page 10 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page10"></a>{10}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Brenus.</span> Arthur be many worthi kinges of this + roiaume, as Brenus, king Belynus' brother, a puissaunt chosen duke, that + was before the Incarnacion, wanne and conquerid to Rome, except the + capitoile of Rome. And sithen of other victorious kinges and princes, + <span class="sidenotel">Edmondus Ironside.</span> as Edmonde Irensede had + many gret batailes [and] desconfited the Danes to safe Englond. And what + victorious dedis <span class="sidenotel">Willelmus Conquestor.</span> + William Conqueroure did gret actis in bataile uppon the Frenshe partie + [many conquestys <a name="NtA103" href="#Nt103"><sup>[103]</sup></a>]. + And also his son [kyng<a href="#Nt103"><sup>[103]</sup></a>] <span + class="sidenotel">Henricus primus fundator plurimorum castrorum.</span> + Harry after hym defendid Normandie, bilded and fortified many a strong + castelle in his londe, to defende his dukedom ayenst the Frenshe partie. + And how victoriouslie his brother <span class="sidenotel">Robertus frater + Henrici primi, electus Rex de Jherusalem, sed renuit.</span> Roberd did + armes uppon the conquest of the holy londe, that for his gret prowesse + there was elect to be king of Jherusalem, and refusid it for a singuler + covetice to be duke of Normandie, returned home, and never had grace of + victorie after. And to bring to mynde how the noble worriour <span + class="sidenotel">Fulco comes de Angeu, Rex Jerusalem.</span> Fouke erle + of Angew, father to Geffrey Plantagenet youre noble auncetour, left his + erledom to his sonne, and made werre upon the Sarasynes in the holy land, + and for his noble dedis was made king of <span + class="sidenotel">1131.</span> Jherusalem, anno Christi + M<sup>l</sup>.cxxxi. As how king <span class="sidenotel">De Ricardo Rege + primo in terra sancta.</span> Richarde the first, clepid Cuer de lion, + whiche in a croiserie went in to the holy londe, and Baldewyne <span + class="sidenotel">Archiepiscopus Cant', Robertus Clare comes Glouc', + comes Cestr'.</span> archebisshop of Caunterburie, Hubert bisshop of + Salisburie, Randolfe the erle of Chestre, Robert Clare erle of + Gloucestre, and werreied uppon the hethen paynemys in the company of + <span class="sidenotel">Philippus Rex Francie, vocatus Deo datus, in + terra sancta.</span> king Philip Dieu-donné of Fraunce, whiche king + Richard conquerid and wanne by roiall power uppon the Sarrasyns in the + yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.c.iiij<sup>xx</sup>vij<sup>o</sup>. and toke + the King of Cipres and many other gret prisonneris. Also put the londe of + Surie in subjeccion, the isle of Cipres, and the gret cite of Damask + wanne be assaut, slow the king of Spayne clepid Ferranus. And the said + king Richard kept and defendid frome his adversarie Philip Dieu-donné + king of Fraunce, be mighty werre made to hym, the duchees of Normandie, + Gascoigne, Gyen, the counteeȝ of Anjou and Mayne, Tourayne, <!-- + Page 11 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page11"></a>{11}</span>Pontyve, + Auverne, and Champaigne, of alle whiche he was king, duke, erle, and + lorde as his enheritaunce, and as his predecessours <span + class="sidenotel">Edwardus Rex primus.</span> before hym did. Also in + like wise king Edward first after the Conquest, being Prince, in about + the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup>.lxx, put hym in gret + laboure and aventure amonges the Sarrasins in the countye of Aufrik, was + at the conquest of the gret cite of the roiaume of <span + class="sidenotel">Sanctus Lodowicus rex Francorum obiit in viagio + antequam pervenit ad terram sanctam.</span> Thunes. [Yn whiche cuntree + that tyme and yeere seynt Lowys kyng of Fraunce dyed, and the croyserye + grete revaled by hys trespasseinte, had not the seyd prince Edward ys + armee be redye there to performe that holy voyage to Jerusalem, as he dyd + wyth many noble lordes off England.<a name="NtA104" + href="#Nt104"><sup>[104]</sup></a>] Also fulle noblie ententid about the + defence and saufegarde of the gret cite of Acres in the londe of Sirie, + that had be lost and yolden to the Sarrazins had not [hys armee and<a + href="#Nt104"><sup>[104]</sup></a>] his power bee, and by an hole yere + osteyng and abiding there in tyme of gret pestilence and mortalite + reigning there, and by whiche his peple were gretly wastid, where he was + be treason of a untrew messaunger Sarrasin wounded hym in his chambre + almost to dethe, that the souldone of Babiloyne had waged hym to doo it, + becaus of sharpe and cruelle werre the seide Edwarde made uppon the + Sarrasines, of gret fere and doubte he had of the said prince Edward and + of his power; whiche processe ye may more groundly see in the actis of + the said prince Edwarde is laboure. And his father king Harry thrid + decesid while his son was in the holy londe warring uppon the Sarasines. + And how worshipfullie <span class="sidenotel">Ricardus Imperator + Alemannie et comes Cornewayle.</span> Richard emperoure of Almaine and + brother to the said king Henry did gret actis of armes in the holy londe + uppon the Sarasynes and <span class="sidenotel">Edwardus primus + rex.</span> in the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup>.xl. And + overmore the said king Edwarde first kept under subjeccion bothe Irelond, + Walis, and Scotlond, whiche were rebellis and wilde peple of condicion. + And also protectid and defendid the duchees of Gascoigne and Guyen, his + rightefull enheritaunce.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 12 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page12"></a>{12}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How King Edward [the] thrid had the victorie at the bataile of +Scluse, and gate Cane by assaute, and havyng the victorie at +the batelle of Cressye [and wanne Calix by sege.<a name="NtA105" href="#Nt105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>]</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">T. Regis E. iij<sup>cii</sup> et ejus filiorum.</div> + <p>And sithen, over that, how that the most noble famous knighte of + renomme, king Edwarde the thrid, the whiche, with his roialle power, the + yere of Christ M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.xl. wanne [the day of seynt John + baptiste<a href="#Nt105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>] the gret bataile uppon the + see at Scluse ayenst Philip de Valoys callyng hym the Frenshe King and + his power, and alle his gret navye of shippis destroied, to the nombre of + .xxv.M<sup>l</sup>. men and CCxxx<sup>ti</sup>. shippis and barges. And + also after that, in the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xlvj. + the said king Philip purposid to have entred into Englond and had waged a + gret noumbre of Genues shippis and other navyes. And the said king Edward + thrid thought rather to werre withe hym in that countre rather: tooke his + vyage to Cane withe xij<sup>c</sup>. shippis, passed into Normandie by + the Hagge,<a name="NtA106" href="#Nt106"><sup>[106]</sup></a> wynnyng the + contrees of Constantine [from Chyrburgh<a + href="#Nt105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>] tylle he came to Cane, and by grete + assautes entred and gate the towne, and fought withe the <span + class="sidenotel">Comes de Ew captus. Comes Tankervyle captus.</span> + capitaine and burgeises fro midday till night; where the erle of Eu, + connestable of Fraunce, the erle of Tancarville, and others knightes and + squiers were take prisoneris: but the castelle and donjoune held still, + where the bisshop of Baieux and othre kept hem; and than the king + departid thens, for he wolde not lese his peple [by segyng yt.<a + href="#Nt105"><sup>[105]</sup></a>] And after that the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xlvj descomfit the said king Philip and + wanne the feelde uppon hym at the dolorous <span + class="sidenotel">Cressye.</span> and gret bataile of Cressy in Picardie + the .xxvj. day of August the said yere, where the king of Beame was + slayne the son of Henry the Emperoure, and alle the gret part of the + noble bloode of Fraunce of dukes, erlis, and barons, as the erle of + Alaunson king of Fraunce is brother, the duke of Lorraine, the erle of + Bloys, the erle of Flaundres, the erle of Harecourt, the erle of + Sancerre, the erle of Fennes, to the nombre of .l. knightis sleyne, as + well as to othre gret <!-- Page 13 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page13"></a>{13}</span>nombre of his liege peple, as in the .39. + chapitre of the Actis of the said King Philip more plainly is historied. + And also the full noble <span class="sidenotel">Comes Derbye.</span> erle + of Darby, havyng rule under the said king Edwarde in the duchie of Guyen, + hostied the said tyme and yere, and put in subjeccion fro the towne of + saint Johan Evangelist unto the citee of Peyters, whiche he wanne also, + be the said erle of Derbye is entreprises.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How David King of Scottis was take prisoner.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">David Rex Scotorum captus est apud Doraham.</div> + <p>And in the said king Edward tyme David king of Scottis was take + prisoner, as I have undrestond, at the bataile beside Deram upon the + marchis of Scotlond.</p> + + <p>And also the said king kept Bretaine in gret subjeccion, had the + victorie uppon Charles de Bloys duke of Breteine, and leid a siege in + Breteine to a strong forteresse clepid Roche daryon, and kept be his true + subjectis. After many assautes and grete escarmisshes and a <span + class="sidenotel">Karolus dux Britannić captus est per E. + iij<sup>m</sup>.</span> bataile manly foughten, the said duke was take, + and havyng .vij. woundes was presentid to the said king Edward. And he + also <span class="sidenotel">Calicia capta est eodem tempore per Edwardum + iij<sup>m</sup>.</span> wanne Calix after, by a long and puissaunt sieges + keping<a name="NtA107" href="#Nt107"><sup>[107]</sup></a> by see and be + londe; and they enfamyned couthe have no socoure of king <span + class="sidenotel">Calicia reddita est in manus Regis Edwardi iij.</span> + Philip, and so for faute of vitaile yeldid Calix up to king Edwarde the + .iiij. day of August in the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.xlvij. And + also put Normandie gret part of it in subgeccion. And therto in his daies + his eldist sonne Edward prince of Walis the .xix. day of Septembre the + yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lvj had a gret discomfiture + afore the cite of Peyters uppon John calling hym King of Fraunce, where + the said <span class="sidenotel">Edwardus princeps cepit Johannem + vocantem se Regem Francić a<sup>o</sup>, d'ni + M<sup>o</sup>ccc<sup>o</sup>lvj<sup>o</sup>.</span> king was taken + prisoner, and in whiche bataile was slaine the duke of Bourbon, the duke + of Athenes, the lord Clermont, ser Geffrey Channy that bare the baner of + the oriflamble, and also take withe king Johan ser Philip duc [le + hardye<a name="NtA108" href="#Nt108"><sup>[108]</sup></a>] of Bourgoine + his yongist sonne, and for whois raunson and othres certaine lordes <!-- + Page 14 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page14"></a>{14}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Edwardus Rex Anglić iij<sup>us</sup> retribuit + xx.M<sup>l</sup>.li. Edwardo principi filio suo.</span> king Edwarde + rewarded the Prince xx.M<sup>l</sup>.li. sterlinges. Also <span + class="sidenotel">Karolus filius Regis Johannis Frauncić ac nominando se + pro duce Normandić captus est.</span> taken that day ser Jaques de + Bourbon erle of Pontieu [and] Charles his brother erle of Longville, the + kingis cosins germains, ser John Meloun erle of Tancarvile, ser William + Meleum archebisshop of Sens, the erle Dampmartyn, the erle Vendosme, the + erle Vaudemont, the erle Salebruce, the erle Nanson, ser Arnolde of + Doneham mareshalle of Fraunce, and many other knightis and gentiles to + the nombre of M<sup>l</sup>.vij<sup>c</sup>. prisonneris, of whiche were + taken and sleine .lij. knightis banerettis. And the kingis eldist sonne + Charlis calling hym duc of Normandie, the duc of Orliauns the kingis + brother, the duc of Anjou, the erle of Peiters that after was clepid + [Johan<a name="NtA109" href="#Nt109"><sup>[109]</sup></a>] the duc of + Berrie, the erle of Flaundris, withe a few other lordis, withdrewe hem + and escapid from the seide bataile. And sone after, the <span + class="sidenotel">Edwardus princeps navim ascendit cum Johanne nominando + se pro rege Francić et applicuerunt prope Dover iiij<sup>o</sup>. die + Maij, a<sup>o</sup> d'ni M<sup>l</sup>. &c.</span> yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lvij. the .xvj. day of Aprill the said + prince Edward with king Johan tooke the see at Burdeux to Englond, and + londed the .iiij. day of Maij and came to London the .xxiiij. day of + Maij, the said king Edwarde his father meeting withe king Johan in the + feelde, doing hym gret honoure and reverence. And after in the <span + class="sidenotel">De redempcione Johannis dicentis [se] Regem + Francić.</span> yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lxvij the + month of Maij the said king Johan was put to finaunce and raunson of thre + millions of scutis of golde, that two of them be worth .j. noble, of + whiche was paied sex hondred thousand scutis be the said king Johan + comyng to Calix, and in certein yeris after was obliged under gret + seurtees, as it is declared in the articulis of the pease finalle made + betwene both kingis, to be paied 400,000 till the said thre hondred + M<sup>l</sup> crones<a name="NtA110" href="#Nt110"><sup>[110]</sup></a> + were fullie paied, whiche as it is said was not parfourmed. And, after + that, the said prince Edwarde and Harry that noble duke of Lancastre had + the <span class="sidenotel">De bello de Nazar.</span> bataile of Nazar in + Spaine withe king Peter ayenst the bastarde Henry callinge hym King of + Spain, haveng lxiij M<sup>l</sup>. fighting men in his host, and hym + descomfit, voided the feelde, and many a noble knighte of Englonde and of + Gascoigne and Guyen withe many othre worshipfulle gentiles quite hem + righte manlie, and amongis <!-- Page 15 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page15"></a>{15}</span><span class="sidenotel">Chandos.</span> many + goode men of chevalrie ser John Chandos avaunced hym chief in that + bataile [havyng the avauntgard<a name="NtA111" + href="#Nt111"><sup>[111]</sup></a>], for he had in his retenu <span + class="sidenotel">Beauchamp comes.</span> M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup> + penons armed and x.M<sup>l</sup>. horsmen; and ser William Beauchampe + <span class="sidenotel">D'n's Hastyngys.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">D'n's Nevyle.</span> the erle of Warwik is sonne, lorde + Hue Hastinges, lord Nevyle, <span class="sidenotel">D'n's Rays.</span> + lorde Rais a Breton lorde of Aubterré, withe many Gascoignes there <span + class="sidenotel">Rad's Hastyngys ch'l'r.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">Tho's Felton.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Robertus + Knolles.</span> also: ser Raufe Hastingis, ser Thomas Felton, ser Roberd + Knolles, withe many other notable of the chevalrie of Inglonde, passed + the streit high monteyns of Pirone by Runcyvale in the contre of + Pampilon, going from the cite of Burdeux into Spaine, and ser <span + class="sidenotel">Courteneyes. Tryvett.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">Matheu Gournay.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Et quam + plures alii milites hic nimis diu ad inscribendum.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">Bertl's Clekyn, locum tenens adversć partis, captus est + prisonarius.</span> Hughe Courtney, ser Philip Courtnay, ser John Tryvet, + [Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset<a + href="#Nt111"><sup>[111]</sup></a>]. And there was take ser Barthilmew + Clekyn the Frenshe kingis lieutenaunt for the werre prisoner, also the + Mareshalle of Fraunce, the Besque, with many othre notable lordis. Whiche + bataile of Nazar was in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lxvj. the thrid day of Aprille.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How King Henry the v. conquerid [Normandy and Fraunce<a href="#Nt111"><sup>[111]</sup></a>].</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De Henrico quinto.</div> + <p>And sithe now late the noble prince<a name="NtA112" + href="#Nt112"><sup>[112]</sup></a> Henry the v<sup>te</sup>. how in his + daies, withyn the space of .vij. yere and .xv. daies, thoroughe sieges + lieng, <span class="sidenotel">Nota quomodo Rex Henricus V<sup>te</sup>. + obtinuit Harefleet.</span> [<a name="NtA113" + href="#Nt113"><sup>[113]</sup></a> wan the towne of Harflete bethyn .xl. + days, made Thomas Beauford then erle Dorset hys oncle capteyn of yt. And + the seyd erle made ser John Fastolfe chevaler his lieutenaunt wyth + M<sup>l</sup>.v<sup>c</sup> soudeours, and the baron of Carew, wyth + .xxxiij. knyghtys, contynuelly defended the seyd toune ayenst the myghty + power of Fraunce by the space of one yere and half aftyr the seyd prince + Herry. v<sup>te</sup>. departed from <span class="sidenotel">De extrema + defensione ville Harflue contra potestatem Francić et de fame + ibidem.</span> Hareflue. And the seyd towne was beseged by the Frenshe + partye by lond and also by see, wyth a grete navye of carekys, galeyes, + and shyppis off Spayne, tille that yn the meene tyme Johan duc of + Bedfor(d), the erle of Marche your moste noble antecessour, accompanyed + wyth many other nobles, wyth a puissaunt armee of shypps, fought wyth the + carrekys and shypps lyeng at Seyn hede before Hareflue, were <!-- Page 16 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page16"></a>{16}</span>taken and many + one sleyn and drowned; and so vyttailled Harflue yn grete famyn, that a + wreched cowys hede was solde for vj s. viij d. sterling, and the tong for + xl d., and dyed of Englysh soudeours mo then v<sup>c</sup>. yn defaut of + sustenaunce. And the second voyage after wythynne the tyme before seyd + Johan erle of Hontyndon was made cheif admyralle of a new armee to rescue + Harflue, beseged of the new wyth a grete navy of shyppys and carekys of + the Frenshe partye, [which] were foughten wyth and ovyrcom throw myghty + fyghtyng; and of the new vitailled Hareflue, the seyd erle Dorset then + beyng yn England at the Emperour comyng hedre, called Sygemondus. I + briefly title thys incident to th'entent not to be foryete how suche + tweyn myghety batailles were foughten uppon the see bethyn one yere and + half, and how the seyd toune of Hareflue was deffended and kept ayenst + the puyssaunt power of Fraunce beseged as yt were by the seyd tyme; and + as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan + Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a + lyes, to berke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes + or to aproche the towne for to scale yt. And the seyd prince Herry + v<sup>the</sup>,<a name="NtA114" href="#Nt114"><sup>[114]</sup></a>] + albeit that it consumed gretlie his peple, and also by batailes yeveng, + conquerid [the towne of Harflete<a href="#Nt114"><sup>[114]</sup></a>], + and wanne bothe the saide Duchie of Normandie first and after the Roiaume + of Fraunce, conquerid and broughte in subjeccion and wanne be his gret + manhode, withe the noble power of his lordis and helpe of his comonys, + and so overleid the myghtie roialle power of Fraunce be the seide sieges + lieng, first in his first viage at Harflete, and in the second <span + class="sidenotel">Nota, qualiter per civitates et mare obtinuit.</span> + viage he made manly besegid Cane, the cite of Rone, Falleise, Argenten, + Maunt, Vernonsurseyne, Melun, Meulx, Enbrie, and at many other castellis, + forteressis, citeis, and townes to long to rehers. Also <span + class="sidenotel">Bellum supermare et leȝ carrikes.</span> had gret + batailes on the see ayenst many grete carekkis and gret shippes that + beseiged Hareflue after it was Englisshe. And had a gret <span + class="sidenotel">Nota de bello apud Agincourt.</span> discomfiture at + the bataile of Agincourt in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>xv. <!-- Page 17 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page17"></a>{17}</span>at his first viage, where + many dukes, erlis, lordis, and knightis were slaine and take prisoneris + that bene in remembraunce at this day of <span class="sidenotel">Henricus + Rex duxit in uxorem filiam Regis Frauncić.</span> men yet livyng. And + after allied hym to the Frenshe king Charlis .vj.<sup>te</sup> is + doughter, because of whiche alliaunce gret part of the roiaume of Fraunce + were yolden unto hym his obeisaunce. And now also in the said noble + conquest hathe be kepte undre the obediaunce of Englisshe nacion from the + begynnyng of the said late conquest by .xxxv. yeris be continued and kept + by roialle power, as first be the noble and famous prince Johan duke of + Bedforde, regent and governoure of the roiaume of Fraunce by .xiij. + yeris, with the eide and power of the noble lordis of this lande, bothe + youre said royaume of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie was kept and the + ennemies kept ferre of in gret subjeccion.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Joh'es dux Bedforde.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How that in Johan duke of Bedforde tyme be his lieutenaunt erle of +Salisburie had the victorie at the batelle of Cravant.</p> + + <p>In profe wherof how and in the first yere of the reigne of king Harry + the sixt, at whiche tyme his seide uncle toke uppon hym the charge and + the name of Regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, that had <span + class="sidenotel">Bellum de Cravant.</span> the victorie at the bateile + of Cravant, where as at that tyme Thomas <span class="sidenotel">Thomas + Montagu comes Sarum.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Will's Pole comes + Suff'.</span> Montagu the noble erle of Salisburie, the erle of Suffolke, + the <span class="sidenotel">Dominus Willughby.</span> marchalle of + Bourgoine, the lord Willoughebie, withe a gret power of Phelip the duke + of Bourgoine is host, holding the partie of the said Johan regent of + Fraunce, duc of Bedford, withe the eide and help of the trew subgettis of + this lande, had the overhande of the ennemies assembled to the nombre of + .ix. M<sup>l</sup>. Frenshemen and Scottis at the said bataile of Cravant + in the duchie of Bourgoine, where there were slayne of the ennemies to + the nombre of .iiij. M<sup>l</sup>., beside .ij. M<sup>l</sup>. + prisonneris take, of whiche gret part of them were Scottis, the erle + Bougham being chief capitein over them;<a name="NtA115" + href="#Nt115"><sup>[115]</sup></a> which late before were the cause of + the male-infortuned journey at Bougée, where the famous <!-- Page 18 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page18"></a>{18}</span>and victorious + knight Thomas duc of Claraunce, youre nere cousyn, <span + class="sidenotel">Vindicatio mortis ducis Clarencić.</span> for the right + of Fraunce, withe a smale company of his side, withe the Scottis to a + grete nombre there assembled among hem in the feelde, was slayn, withe + many a noble lorde, baron, knightis, squyers of Englond, that never so + gret an overthrow of lordes and noble bloode was seene in no mannys daies + as it was then. Aboute the nombre of .ij<sup>c</sup>. l. cote-armes + slaine and take prisoneris as yt was seyd, be the saide Scottis holding + withe youre adverse party of Fraunce, whiche God of his infinite goodenes + sone after at the saide batelle [of] Cravant, and after at the bateile of + Vernell, was sent a <span class="sidenotel">Secunda vice punicio mortis + ducis Clarencić.</span> chastisement upon the saide Scottis for theire + cruelltie vengeable and mortelle dethe of the said victorious prince, + duke of Claraunce, and of other of his noble lordis and knightis.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Johan duke of Bedforde had yn his owne parsone the batelle +of Vernelle.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">1423.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Batelle of Cravant.</div> + <p>Also in the said daies, sone after the saide batelle of Cravant, in + the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.xxiij., the .iij. yere + of King Harry the sext, the .xvij. day of August, the said Johan duke of + Bedford had a gret discomfiture and the victorie upon your adversaries of + Fraunce and of <span class="sidenotel">Batelle of Vernoyle.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">1424.</span> Scottis at the batelle of Vernelle in + Perche, where as Johan cleping hym duc of Alaunson, lieutenaunt for the + Frenshe partie, was take prisoner that day, and the said erle Bougham of + Scotlonde, marchalle of Fraunce, whiche was cause of that noble prince + Thomas duke of Claraunce dethe, was in the said bataile overthrow and + sleyne, and the erle Douglas made duc of Tourayne, aswelle as his sonne + and heire that was in the feelde at Shrewisburie ayenst king Henry the + .iiij<sup>the</sup>, and another tyme being ayenst the said Johan duc of + Bedford at Homeldonhille in Scotlond, was also slaine at the said + batelle, withe many other grete lordis of the Frenshe partie slayne and + taken prisoneris at the said bataile. <!-- Page 19 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page19"></a>{19}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How that the grettir part of the counte of Mayne, the cite of +Mauns, withe many other castellis, were yolden.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Mayn.</div> + <p>And, overmore, not long after, youre auncien enheritaunce in the + counté of Mayne, the cite of Maunce, conquerid and brought be the said + regent duc of Bedforde, withe the power of his lordis and helpers, in + subgeccion, [by the erle of Salysbery, lord Scalys, ser John Fastalf, ser + John Popham, ser N. Mongomery, ser Wylliam Oldhalle, chevalers, and many + othyr noble men of worshyppe.<a name="NtA116" + href="#Nt116"><sup>[116]</sup></a>] And whiche counté of Mayne was + accustomed sithen to be in value yerely to the eide and helpe of the + werres of Fraunce, and to the releve of the kyng ys subgettis obeisauntes + lyvyng uppon the werre for the furtheraunce of that conquest, .x. + M<sup>l</sup>. li. sterlinges. Also the said regent of Fraunce, with the + power of youre noble bloode and lordes, wanne the feeld at the forseid + grete bataile of Vernelle in Perche ayenst the power of the Frenshe + adverse party of Fraunce, being assembled to the nombre of .xl. + M<sup>l</sup>. fighters of the Frenshe partie; and <span + class="sidenotel">Redempcio Joh'is dicentis [se] ducem de Allunson pro + .clx. M<sup>l</sup>. salux bene solutis ultra alia onera suarum + expensarum.</span> there Johan cleping hymsilf duke of Alaunson, + lieutenaunt to Charles the .vij. calling hym Frenshe king, taken + prisonner, withe many other lordis, barons, and knightes, and noble men + of worship, whiche paied to the said regent duc of Bedforde for his + raunson and finaunce allone .clx. M. salux, beside his other grete costis + and charges, whiche was a gret relief and socoure to the eide of the + conquest, whiche bataile was in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.xxiiij., the seyd .iij<sup>d</sup>. yere + of the reigne of king Henry sext.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota bene pro titulo Regis Henrici sexti.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How that Henry the sext was crouned king be the might of +grete lordes.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Coronatio Regis Henrici sexti.</div> + <p>And he also, for a gret act of remembraunce to be had in writing, was + crouned king of Fraunce in the noble citee of Paris, in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.xxix., the .ix. yere of his reigne, withe + right gret solennyte amongis the lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and + be the gret mighte and power, as well in goodes and richesse, of his + graunt <!-- Page 20 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page20"></a>{20}</span>oncle Henry cardinalle of Englande, byshop + of Wynchester, and by the gret mighte and power of his uncle Johan regent + of the roiaum of Fraunce, duc of Bedforde, being present at that tyme to + their grettist charge and cost to resist theire gret adversarie of + Fraunce calling hym Dolphin. For sethen the roiaume of Englonde first + began to be inhabite withe peple was never so worshipfulle an act of + entreprise <span class="sidenotel">De magna fama regni Anglić tempore + regis Hen. vi<sup>th</sup></span> done in suche a case, the renoume of + which coronacion spradde thoroughe alle cristen kingis roiaumes.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">A courageous recomfortyng.</div> + <p>O then ye most noble and cristen prince, for notwithestanding gret + conquestis and batailes had in the said roiaume be the famous knight king + Edwarde the thrid, he never atteyned to that souvraine honoure but by + valiauntnes of Englishe men, whiche have in prowes avaunced hem, and + governed so nobly as is before briefly historied and specified, be youre + saide noble, puissaunt, and vailaunt progenitours in divers regions, and + inespecialle in Fraunce and Normandie, and in the duchie of Gascoigne and + Guyen, that this sodenly wern put oute of by usurpacion ayenst alle + trouthe and <span class="sidenotel">Exortacio militaris.</span> + knyghthode. Now therfore, in repairing this undew intrusion uppon yow, + mantelle, fortifie, and make yow strong ayenst the power of youre said + adversaries of Fraunce. For now it is tyme to clothe you in armoure of + defense ayenst youre ennemies, withe the cotes of armes of youre auncien + feernesse, haveng in remembraunce the victorious conquestis of youre + noble predecessours, the whiche clothing many histories, cronicles, and + writinges witnessithe moo than myn simple entendement can not suffice to + reherse in this brief epistle.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">Of the noblesse of Ectour and other mighty kinges of Grece.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota de exemplis aliorum nobilium.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Hector.</div> + <p>And also let be brought to mynde to folow the steppis in conceitis of + noble courage of the mighty dedis in armes of the vaillaunt knight Hector + of Troy, whiche bene enacted in the siege of Troy for a perpetuelle + remembraunce of chevalrie [that your noblesse ys <span + class="sidenotel">Agamemnon.</span> decended of<a name="NtA117" + href="#Nt117"><sup>[117]</sup></a>]. Also of the dedis in armes of + Agamemnon the <!-- Page 21 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page21"></a>{21}</span>puissaunt king of Greece, that thoroughe + cruell and egre werre ayenst the Trojens bethin .x. yere day conquerid + the gret cite of <span class="sidenotel">Ulixes.</span> Troie. In like + wise of the famous knight Ulixes, that alle his daies dispendid in + marciall causis. And of the .xij. puissaunt entreprinses <span + class="sidenotel">Hercules.</span> and aventurous dedis that Hercules, as + it is figured and made mencion in the vij<sup>the</sup> metre of the .v. + booke of Boecius, toke uppon hym, putting himself frome voluptuouse + delites and lustis, being subget to grete laboure, wynnyng renomme and + worship; whiche .xij. entreprinses of Hercules, albeit it be thought [but + a poesye<a name="NtA118" href="#Nt118"><sup>[118]</sup></a>] impossible + to any mortalle man to doo or take uppon hym, as for to <span + class="sidenotel">1. j.</span> <span class="sidenotel">2. ij.</span> + <span class="sidenotel">3. iij.</span> bereffe the skyn of the rampant + lion, wrestlid withe Antheus and Poliphemus, the gret giauntes, and hym + overthrew, he slow the serpent clepit Ydra, made tame the proude beestis + clepid Centaurus, that be of halfe man and halfe best, and many soche + wonderfulle entreprises as is wreten that Hercules did, whiche is writen + in figure of a poesy for to courage and comfort alle othre noble men of + birthe to be victorious in entreprinses of armes. And how, in conclusion, + that there is no power, puissaunce, ne strenght, who so lust manly [wyth + prudens<a href="#Nt118"><sup>[118]</sup></a>] put forthe hymsilf may + resist and withestande ayenst such gret entreprises.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How a conquerour shulde use in especialle thre thinges.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">A conqueroure shuld use iij thinges.</div> + <p>And, as Vegecius in his booke of Chevalrie counceilithe that a + conquerour shulde use thre thinges in especialle whiche the Romains used, + and alle that tyme they had the victorie of here ennemies, that is to + wete, The first was science, that is forto undrestonde prudence, to seene + before the remedies of bonchief, or the contrarie; The <span + class="sidenotel">j.</span> second was exercitacion and usage in dedis of + armes, that they might be apte and redie to bataille whan necessite + fille; the thrid <span class="sidenotel">ij.</span> was naturalle love + that a prince shulde have to his peple, as doing his trew diligence to + doo that may be to the comon wele of his peple, whiche is to be + undrestonde in the executing of justice egallie. And for to kepe them in + tranquillite and pece within hemsilfe.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 22 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page22"></a>{22}</span></p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Menne of noblenesse shuld lefe sensualites and delites.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How men of noblesse ought lefe sensualitees and delites.</p> + + <p>Let it no lenger be suffred to abide rote, no forto use the pouder and + semblaunce of sensualite and idille delites, for Water Malexander + seiethe, that voluptuous delitis led be sensualite be contrarie to the + exercising and haunting of armes. Wherfor, like and after the example of + the boore whiche knowethe not his power, but foryetithe his strenghte + tille he be chafed and see his owne bloode, in like wise put forthe youre + silf, avaunsing youre corageous hertis to werre, and late youre strenght + be revyved and waked ayen, furious, egre, and rampanyng as liouns ayenst + alle tho nacions that soo without title of right wolde put you frome + youre said rightfulle enheritaunce. And where is a more holier, parfiter, + or a juster thing than in youre adversary is offence and wrong-doing to + make hym werre in youre rightfull title, where as none other moenys of + pease can be hadde. And therfore considering be this brief declaracion + that youre right and title in alle this royaumes and contrees is so + opyn—</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Mentio brevis de titulo ducatus Normandić.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Here is briefly made mencion of the first title of Normandie, and +how frely it holdithe.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota pro titulo ducatus Normannić.</div> + <p>For as youre first auncien right and title in youre duchie of + Normandie, it is knowen thoroughe alle cristen landes, and also of highe + recorde by many credible bookis of olde cronicles and histories, that + William Conqueroure descendid frome duc Rollo, after cristned and called + Roberd, that came out of Dennemarke aboute the yere of Crist + .ix<sup>c</sup>.xij., was righte duke of Normandie by yeft of Charlys the + symple, king of Fraunce, [who] maried his doughter to Rollo and gave + <span class="sidenotel">Richardus dux Normandić cepit in bello Lodovicum + regem Francić, qui resingnavit totum titulum Ricardo de ducatu + predicto.</span> hym the saide ducdome. And after Richarde due of + Normandie, in the yere of Crist .ix<sup>c</sup>.xlv. in plaine batelle + before the cite of Rone toke Lowes king of Fraunce prisoner, and the said + Lowes relesid the seide dukedom to the said Richarde and to alle his + successours to holde frely in souvereinte and resort of none creature but + of God, as in act therof is made mencion that was sene and rad uppon this + writing. <!-- Page 23 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page23"></a>{23}</span>And after the said William Conquerour being + king of Englond, of whome ye and youre noble progenitours bene descendid + and entitled <span + class="sidenotel">ccccc.<sup>th</sup>xxx.v<sup>te</sup>.</span> <span + class="sidenotel">Arma ducatus illius.</span> this .v<sup>c</sup>.xxxv. + yere, and beere in armes by the saide duchie of Normandie in a feelde of + gulis .ij. libardis of golde.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota de tempore quo Rex Anglić intitulatus ducatui de Angew et comitatui Mayne.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How long the king is entitled to the righte enheritaunce of Angew +and Mayne.</p> + + <p>And that as for youre next enheritaunce that fille to youre seide + progenitoures and to you in the duchie of Anjou and countee of Mayne and + Tourayne, it is also notorily knowen among alle cristen <span + class="sidenotel">Matildis filia et heres Henrici primi copulata fuit + imperatori, et quo mortuo copulata fuit Galfrido Plantagenet, et ex ea + Henricus .ij. natus est.</span> princes and be parfit writing how that + dame Maude, whiche was doughter and soule heire to that puissaunt king + Henry the first, that after she weddid was to the emperoure of Almayne; + after his decese the saide Maude emperesse was maried the yere of Crist + <span class="sidenotel">1127.</span> .M<sup>l</sup>.cxxvij. to Geffry + Plantagenest son to Fouke king of Jherusalem, that was erle of Anjou, of + Mayne, and Toreyne, by whome the saide Maude had issue that most famous + king in renome Henry the seconde, whiche be right of his moder Maude was + right king and enheritoure <span class="sidenotel">Angew. Nota, pro + titulo ducat' Andegav'.</span> of Englonde, also duke of Normandie + seisid. And be right of his foresaide father Geffrey Plantagenet was + bethout any clayme or interupcion right enheritour and seisid of the said + countee of Anjou, Mayne, Toreyne continued this .iij<sup>c</sup>.xlvij. + yer. [And the noble actys of the seyd erles of Angew wyth her lynealle + dessentys ben wryten yn the cronicles called <i>Ymago historiarum</i> + that maister Raffe de Diceto dene of Poulys yn seynt Thomas Canterbery + days wrote notablye. And therfore the armys of the noble erlys that for + her prowesse were chosen king of Jerusalem wold be worshypped, because + yowr hyghnes ys descended of the eyr masle, that ys to wete of Geffry + Plantagenest erle of Angew, and the countee of Mayne by maryage was + unyoned to the erledom of Angew to longe to wryte.<a name="NtA119" + href="#Nt119"><sup>[119]</sup></a>]</p> + +<p><!-- Page 24 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page24"></a>{24}</span></p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Gyen.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Here is made mencion of the title of Gascoigne and Guien, and how +long agoo passed possessid.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota, pro titulo Vasconić.</div> + <p>And than for to be put in remembraunce of youre auncien enheritaunce, + verray right and title in youre duchies of Gascoigne and Guien, withe the + countrees, baronnyees and seignouries therto belonging. It is in like + fourme knowen of highe recorde, enacted in divers cronicles, as amongis + many other historialle bookis of <span + class="sidenotel">M<sup>l</sup>.cxxxvij.</span> auctorite, that aboute + the yere of Crist .M<sup>l</sup>.cxxxvij. William the duke of Guien died + bethout heire masle, uppon his voiage he made to seint <span + class="sidenotel">Alienora et Alicić filić et heredes Will'mi ducis + Guion.</span> James, havyng .ij. doughters and heires, called Alienore, + the second Alice, and king Lowes of Fraunce in his yong age, by the + agrement of Lowys le gros his father, spoused the said Alienor, to whome + the said duchie was hole enheriter. And after the said king Lowes came to + yeris of discretion, the archebisshoppis of Sens, of Rayns, of Rone, and + of Burdeux, withe others barouns, made relacion to the <span + class="sidenotel">Nota, divortio facta inter regem Francić et + Alienoram.</span> said king Lowes that the saide Alienor was so neere of + his blode that he might not laufullie be the chirche kepe her to wiffe, + so be theire counceile they bothe were departed laufully, and the said + king Lowes maried after that Constance the king of Spayne doughter. And + the said Alienor the duches of Gascoigne and Guien went to Burdeux. <span + class="sidenotel">Henricus ij<sup>d'</sup> Anglić rex superduxit + Alienoram filiam et heredem Willielmi ducis de Guien circa + M.cxlvj<sup>ad</sup></span> Than came the forsaid king Harry the seconde + of Englande, that was the Erle of Anjou is sonne and heire, and wedded + the said Alienor about the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cxlvj. by whome he + was duke of Gascoigne and Guien, and his heires after hym, of whom ye + bene descended and come right downe. And the said king Henry the seconde + bare in armes frome that day forthe the saide libarde of golde withe the + other two libardis of the same that is borne for Duke of Normandie. So in + conclusion he was, be right of his moder dame <span + class="sidenotel">Nota pro titulo Henrici ij.</span> Maude, the empresse, + king of Englonde and duke of Normandie, and, be right of his father + Geffry Plantagenest, erle of Anjou and of Mayne and Torayne; be right of + his wiffe dame Alienor, duke of Guien; of whiche duchie of Gascoigne and + Guien your noble <!-- Page 25 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page25"></a>{25}</span><span class="sidenotel">Nota bene, Karolus + vij rex Frauncić primo intrusionem fecit in ducatum Normannić, Gascon, + Guion, etc. circa annum M<sup>l</sup>iiij<sup>c</sup>lj.</span> + progenitours have continually be possessid and seased of, this + .iij<sup>c</sup>.xxviij. yere complete, tille that by intrusion of youre + said adversarie Charlis the vij<sup>the</sup>. of Fraunce have disscasid + yow in or about the monithe of June the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.lj., as he hathe late done of youre + enheritaunce of Fraunce and Normandie and of the counte of Mayne, + thoroughe umbre of the said fenied colour of trewes, ayenst alle honoure + and trouthe of knighthode.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How the historier procedithe in his matier of exhortacion.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota bonum concilium.</div> + <p>And for to think to alle cristen nacions for to fight in bataile if + the cas require it soo, that youre said enheritaunce can not be recuverid + by none other due meane of pease, bothe for youre defens for the + recuverey of youre roiaume of Fraunce, duchie of Normandie, and sithen + sone after the duchie of Gascoigne, that alle cristen princes opynly may + know it is youre verray true enheritaunce, and for salvacion of youre + enheritaunce by undew menys lost; for that yt ys <span + class="sidenotel">Magister Alanus de Auriga dicit.</span> wryten by + [maister Aleyn Chareter, <i>id est</i> de Auriga, in hys boke of + Quadrilogue, secretaire to Charlys le bien amée, the yere of Crist .1422. + yn thys termys: "Ayenst Herry the .v<sup>th</sup>., named kyng," yn + provokyng the adverse partye to werre ayenst the seyd king Herry. How<a + name="NtA120" href="#Nt120"><sup>[120]</sup></a>] the famous clerke of + eloquence Tullius seithe in his booke of retherique that, like as a man + recevethe his lyving in a region or in a countree, so is he of naturall + reason bounde to defende it; and law of nature, as welle as law imperiall + whiche is auctorised by popis and emperours, wol condescend and agre to + the same. Also Caton affirmithe withe the said Tullie. Therfor late not + this gret and importune losses now by infortune and of over grete favoure + and trust put to youre adversaries, fallen ayenst this lande undre the + umbre and coloure of trewes and abstinence of werre late hadde and taken + at Towris atwixen Charlis the .vij<sup>th</sup>. youre adversaire of + Fraunce and your predecessour <!-- Page 26 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page26"></a>{26}</span>Harry the sext, and now uppon the exercise + and usaige of bataile and left by so little a tyme, forto discomfort or + fere to a new recovere. Not so: God defende that! for the famous poet + Ovide seiethe that who so levithe the pursute and foloweing of good + fortune for one mysaventure, it shalle never come to hym. And namely the + said Water Malexander agreithe hym to the same saieng, and affermyng that + good courages of hertis be not mynissed, broken, ne lessid for disusage + and levyng armes for a litille season, nether for sodeyn recountres and + hasty comyng on, be force of whiche one mysadventure may folow.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota quod pro defectu excercicii armorum mala sequentur exercitui Romanorum.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How for the defaute of exercise of armes the gret nombre of Romains +were scomfited by men of Cartage.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Syr Alanus de Auriga.</div> + <p>A, mercifulle God! what was the losses of the Romayns, whiche in + defaute and by negligence lost by a litille tyme left the exercise of + armes was fulle gret ayenst the doughty men of Cartage, whan alle the + puissaunce of the Romains were assembled in bataile, where that were so + many noble men and coragious peple, the whiche were <span + class="sidenotel">Notand' est.</span> innumerable, assembled and joyned + in bataile, that men say was betwene Camos and Hanibal prince of Cartage, + the whiche discomfit <span class="sidenotel">Nota de cede + Romanorum.</span> before duke Camos in Puylle be suche power that the + ringis of golde <span class="sidenotel">Nota de annulis inventis super + digitos Romanorum occisorum.</span> take frome the fingers of ded bodies + of the said Romains, whiche were men of price and renomme, and Titus + Livius seiethe in his booke of Romayne batailes were extendid and mesurid + to the quantite of mesure of .xij. quarters or more, whiche Hanibal + brought withe hym to his countre of Cartage in signe of victorie.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota de experiencia armorum ex parte Romanorum.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How after the seide gret descomfiture that a few nombre of Romans +expert in werre (<i>unfinished</i>)</p> + + <p>But the worthy Romains, for alle that, left not the hope and trust of + recovering on another day, whan God lust, onnere and fortune, theyme so + exercised daily armes, [and] after accustumyng hem ayene <!-- Page 27 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page27"></a>{27}</span>to werre, were + by experience lerned and enhardid, that, as by the exorting and + comforting of one of theire princes, he assembled another time in bataile + ayenst the litille residue that were left of the said Romayns, and by + subtile craft of wise policie and good conduyt in actis of werre they + fille and tooke uppon theym and charged theym so moche that by unware of + theire purveiaunce met withe the said Haniballe at certen streightes and + narow places fille into the handis of Romains, to the gret discomfiture + and destruccion of Haniballe his gret oost of Cartage.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Exercitium armorum excedit divicias.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How men of armes welle lerned and excercised is of a grettir tresoure +then any precious stones or riche tresour.</p> + + <p>Dame Cristen saiethe in the first booke of the Tree of Batailes that + there is none erthely thing more forto be allowed than a countre or + region whiche be furnisshed and stored withe good men of armes well + lerned and exercited; for golde, silver, ne precious stones surmountethe + not ne conquerithe not ennemies, nother in time of pease wardithe the + peple to be in rest, the whiche thing a puissaunt man in armes dothe.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How a few nombre of the Romains that were expert and connyng +in the werre descomfited .c.iiij<sup>xx</sup>.M<sup>l</sup>. of Frenshemen that the +prince of hem tolde and set right litille by.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo.</div> + <p>Also ye may consider by example of king Bituitus of the countre of + Gaule clepid Fraunce, the whiche went ayenst the Romains withe an hondred + and fourescore thousande men of armes; and he saw so few a companie of + the Romains comyng that he despraised hem, and seid of gret pride that + there were not inoughe of the Romains for to fede the doggis of his oost: + neverthelesse, that few company were so welle excersised and lerned in + armes that there were ynoughe whiche overcome and destroied the said king + of Gaule and alle his gret <!-- Page 28 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page28"></a>{28}</span>oost; whiche storie may be verified in every + bataile or journay atwix youre adversarie of Fraunce and youre + predecessoures entreprises this .xxxv. yeres that continued in possession + frome king [named<a name="NtA121" href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] + Henry the .v. is conquest till it was lost: for at the bataile of + Agincourt descomfited <span class="sidenotel">In multitudine gencium non + consistit victoria, ut infra. Nota bene.</span> by seid king Henry the + .v.<sup>th</sup> [wyth a few nomber.<a + href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] And at the bataile of the see ayenst + the carrakes descomfited by Johan duke of Bedforde and the erle of the + Marche being principalle cheveteins also in that bataile [wyth a few + nombre yn comparison of the grete Frensh navye.<a + href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] Also at the journay of Kedecause + descomfited be Thomas Beauforde erle Dorset after was duke of Eccestre; + [the erle of Armonak conestable of Fraunce beyng aboute x.M<sup>l</sup> + fyghtyng men ayenst aboute .ix<sup>c</sup>. accompanyed wyth the erle + Dorset.<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] Also at the bataile of + Cravaunt descomfited by [Johan duc of Bedford as by hys lieutenaunt<a + href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] Thomas Montague the erle of Salisbury + and Roberd [lord<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] Willugheby + chiefeteynes. And at the bataile of Vernelle fought and descomfited by + Johan regent duke of Bedforde, the said erle of Salisbury and the erle of + Suffolke, [lord Wyllughby, lord Pownynnys, ser John Fastolf, and many + other noble men yn armys.<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] Also at + the bataylle of Roveraye foughte [ayenst the bastard of Burbon, the + bastard of Orlyance,<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] be ser Johan + Fastolfe, ser Thomas Rempstone, chiefteins, upon the vitailing the siege + of Orliaunce. Also at the <span class="sidenotel">Averaunces. D'n's + Talbot. D'n's Fauconberge. Harflete.</span> rescue of the cite [of] + Averaunces fought by Edmonde duke of Somerset and the erle of + Shrewisburie and lorde Fauconberge chiefeteins. And at the second wynnyng + of Hareflete fought [beseged<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] <span + class="sidenotel">J. dux Som', Ed's Dors'. Cane.</span> by Johan duke of + Somerset, by Edmund erle of Dorset, and the erle of <span + class="sidenotel">Fastolf. Harynton.</span> Shrewisbury, at the rescue of + Cane fought by ser Johan Fastolfe and ser Richarde Harington, and his + felouship, [ayenst .xxx.M<sup>l</sup>. men.<a + href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] And so in many other [sodeyn jorneys + and<a href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] sharpe recountres sodenly met + and foughten, to long to write here. And also for the gret part at any + maner bataile, journey, enterprise, [seges,<a + href="#Nt121"><sup>[121]</sup></a>] and rescuse of places, it hathe bene + alway seen that the power of Fraunce have be in nombre of peple assembled + ayenst youre power <!-- Page 29 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page29"></a>{29}</span><span class="sidenotel">Nota bene et + applica.</span> by double so many, or by the thrid part, yet youre right + and title have bene so goode and fortunat, and men so well lernid and + exercised in armes, that withe few peple have descomfited the gret + multitude of your adverse partie.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Vegesse in his Booke of Chevalrie also gretly recomendithe +exercise in men of armes.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Vegescius de re militari.</div> + <p>O then, seith Vegecius in his Booke of Chevalrie, therbe none that + knowethe the gret merveilles and straunge aventures of armes and + knighthode, the whiche be comprehendid and nombred in dedis of armes, to + tho that be exercised in suche labouris of armes, that withe wise conduyt + prudently can aventure and hardely take uppon theym such sodein + entreprinses on hande.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Animacio.</div> + <p>O then, ye noble Englisshe chevalrie, late it no mervaile be to yow, + in lessing youre courage ne abating of your hardiesse, they that ye renew + youre coragious hertis to take armes and entreprinses, seeing so many + good examples before yow of so many victorius dedis in armes done by + youre noble progenitoures, and that it hathe be a thing to moche left + discorage you not; for, thoughe that ye were in renomme accepted alleway + withe the most worthi as in dede of armes, but now at this time ye ben + take and accepted in suche marcialle causes that concernithe werre on the + left hande, as withe the <span class="sidenotel">Concideracio.</span> + simplest of price and of reputacion. And it is to suppose that it is + rather in defaute of exercising of armes left this .xxiiij. yere day that + the londes were lost, thoroughe the said coloure of trewes, and for lak + of good provisions bothe of artillery and ordenaunce for the werre and + soudeyng to be made in dew season, and for singuler covetice reignyng + among some peple endowed with worldly goodes, that can not depart but + easily withe finaunce [wagyng<a name="NtA122" + href="#Nt122"><sup>[122]</sup></a>] and soulde theim in tyme of nede, + then for defaut of good corage and manhode, whiche is to deme werre never + feerser ne corageouser to dedis of armes, so they may be cherished and + avaunced therafter, as ben at this day.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 30 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page30"></a>{30}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How dame Cristen counceilithe to make true paimentis to +sowdieris.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Hic nota optime pro solucione soldariorum.</div> + <p>For ye shalle rede in the first part of the Arbre of Batailes, where + dame Cristen exhortithe and counceilithe that every chieftein and + capiteyne of men of armes ought to have goode paimentis and sewre for + assignacion of paiment for his sowdieris for so long tyme that he + trustithe to endure and be souded in that voiage and armes; <span + class="sidenotel">Nota concilium.</span> for to that singlerly before + thing alle chieveteyns shulde have regarde, by as moche as it is the + principalle and chief cause of the good spede and conduit of here + entreprise, and the undoing and mischief of it [the contrarye<a + name="NtA123" href="#Nt123"><sup>[123]</sup></a>], if the paimentis be + not duely made to the soudeours; for late it be put in certein that no + cheveteyn can not have ne kepe long tyme good men of armes eville paied + or long <span class="sidenotel">Nota bene, ne forte.</span> delaied, but + discoragethe them as sone as paiment failethe, and takethe theire congie + and licence of theire prince, if they can have licence, orellis they + departethe bethout licence. And also of overmoche trust and avauntage + gyven to your adversaries be this dissimiled trewes as otherwise. And + also when that the cheveteins take more kepe to good than to worship + [and] using justice. And as welle as in defaute of largesse to youre + obeissauntes, not rewarding ne cherisshing youre obeissauntes subgettis + yolden and sworne stedfastly abiding under your obeissaunce, but suffring + them to be oppressid and charged unduely in divers wises, as well by over + gret taskis and tailis rered uppon them, and therto they finding bothe + horsmete and mannysmete to youre soudeours riding be the contre without + contenting or agreing hem, becaus of nompower of youre said men ben not + paide of here wages and soude, by lak of simple payment [caused the + rather the ducdom of Normandy to be lost.<a + href="#Nt123"><sup>[123]</sup></a>]</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota peroptimum concilium istud.</div> + <p>And the same dame Cristen in the .xiiij. chapiter seiethe that a noble + good cheveteyn, whiche wolbe a leder of a felowship in werre, he must use + justice to Goddis pleasure; and that he may stand in the grace and + favoure of the worlde, and of his retenu and <!-- Page 31 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page31"></a>{31}</span>of other peple undre hym, + that the said chieftein must pay his men of soude so justly and truly, + bethout any defalking [or] abbregging of here wagis, that they have no + nede to lyve by pillage, extorcion, and rapyn uppon the countreis of here + frendis that be yolden undre obeisaunce of here prince. And be this way + the ost may never faut, for then the ost shalbe furnished of alle costis + coostis<a name="NtA124" href="#Nt124"><sup>[124]</sup></a> commyng withe + vitailes inoughe; so that it be provided that marchauntes and vitailers + may surely passe and come, and that a payne resonable be made, that uppon + forfeiting that payne no man take vitaile beforce without payment made in + hande, as the proclamacions made by Henry the .v<sup>the</sup>., that + victorious prince, in his host. [And also the statutes made by Johan + regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, by a parlement at Cane, yn the + .ij<sup>de</sup>. yeere of [blessed<a name="NtA125" + href="#Nt125"><sup>[125]</sup></a>] Henry .vj<sup>te</sup>., named kyng, + uppon the conduyt of the werre, that I delyvered to <span + class="sidenotel">Inquiratur pro libro illo, bonum est.</span> your + hyghenes enseled, the day before your departyng out of London, that + remayned yn the kepyng of ser Johan Fastolfe for grate <span + class="sidenotel">Nota bene, ne forte.</span> autoritee, a. iij.<a + name="NtA126" href="#Nt126"><sup>[126]</sup></a>] And that no damage or + offence be done to the marchauntes. It is fulle gret jupardie and perille + to an oost where as covetise of pillage and rappyne reignithe among men + of armes more than theire entencion is to kepe and meinteine the right of + theire prince's partie. And the worship of chevalrie and knighthode ys + that they shulde peine hem to wynne. And suche as ben of that inordynat + condicion of covetise and rappyne oughte rather be clepid pilleris, + robberis, extorcioneris, than men of armes chevalerous. In example the + said dame Cristen puttithe that the men of armes of the countre of Gaule, + whiche now is Fraunce, that had in a tyme a discomfiture and the + overhande uppon the Romains, being assembled withe a grete oost + embatailed upon the river of Rosne in Burgoyne; and the men of Gaule had + wonne gret praies and good, as horse harneis, vesselle of golde and of + silver gret plente; <span class="sidenotel">Nota bene.</span> but as to + the worldly goodes they set no count ne prise of it, but cast it into the + river. And in semblable wise it was saide of Johan duke <span + class="sidenotel">Dux Bedfordić.</span> of Bedforde, then regent, that + the day he had the victorie at the <!-- Page 32 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page32"></a>{32}</span>bataile of Vernaile, he + exhorted, making an oration to his peple, that they attende not to + covetise, for no sight of juelx and riches of cheynes of golde or nouches + [or] ringis cast before hem or left in the feelde, to take them up, + whiche might be the losse of the feeld, tille God had shewed his power + and fortune; but onely to worship and to <span class="sidenotel">Nota + bene.</span> doo that that they come for. And so be the jugement of God + had the victorie withe gret worship and riches, be the raunsonyng of + prisoneris, and be rewardis of the said regent in londis and goodis to + every man for theire welle doing that day, rewarded in lifelode of londes + and tenementis yoven in the counte of Mayne to the yerely valeu of + .x.M<sup>l</sup>. marcs yerely, whiche was .lx.M<sup>l</sup>.li. Turneis, + as it is of record to shew; the whiche was don aftyr the Romayns' + condicion, seeing that thei set so litille by goodis dispising but onely + by worship, the whiche the saide Romains were gretly astonied and <span + class="sidenotel">Exhortacio.</span> dred her power, for thei saw it + never done before. And wolde Jhesus for his highe grace that every + prince, chieftein, or captein wolde be of so noble condicions as is + before made mencion of! I have be credibly enfourmed by tho as were + present in bateile withe the fulle noble and victorius prince of renomme + king Henry the .v<sup>te</sup>. youre cousin and antecessour, used the + saide counceile among his ostes. <span class="sidenotel">Nota + bene.</span> And also at the bateile of Agincourt be the exortacion of + that forseyd noble prince Henry the .v<sup>the</sup>. counceiled to set + not be no tresure, praies, ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver, + aswelle of tho that were his there lost, ne of the juelx that he wonne, + but only to his right and to wonne worship. And that also fulle noble + prince youre cousin Johan duke of Bedforde, another victorius prince, + folowed his steppis tho daies that he was regent of the roiaume of + Fraunce, and whan his chariottes of his tresoure and vesselle at the + bataile of Vernelle in Perche was bereved frome hym by Lombardis and + other sowdieris holding youre adverse partie, he comaunded the oost + embatailed <span class="sidenotel">Exhortacio ad observandum ordinacionem + principis in bello.</span> not forto breke ne remeve [theyr aray<a + name="NtA127" href="#Nt127"><sup>[127]</sup></a>] for wynnyng or kepyng + worldly goodis, but only to wynne worship in the right of Englonde that + day, whiche he hadde the victorie to his grettist renomme.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 33 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page33"></a>{33}</span></p> + + <p>But yet it most be suffred paciently the fortune that is gevyn to + youre ennemies at this tyme, and late the case be taken for a new + lerning, and to the sharping of goode corages, to the refourmyng and + amendement of theire wittis. For the saide Ovide the lawreat poet saiethe + that it happithe often times that mysaventures lernithe tho that bene + conquerid to be wise. And so at other times in actis and <span + class="sidenotel">Verba m'ri Alani de Auriga.</span> dedis of armes that + for lak of providence or mysfortune were overthrow, enforcethe hem to be + conquerours [another seson.<a name="NtA128" + href="#Nt128"><sup>[128]</sup></a>] Here is yet noone so gret + inconvenient of aventure ne mysfortune falle at this tyme, but that it + hathe be seene fallen er now [yn kyng Johan dayes and in kyng Edward + iij<sup>d</sup> day, as yn hys gret age put owt of Normandye and off many + castells and townes yn Gyen by kyng Charlys the .v<sup>te</sup>.<a + href="#Nt128"><sup>[128]</sup></a>]</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Defectus pecunić ad solvendum soldarios fuit causa una prodicionis ducatus Normannić.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How the duchie of Normandie for lak of a sufficient arme waged in +due time, that king Johan [of England<a href="#Nt128"><sup>[128]</sup></a>] had not sufficiently +wherof to wage [his peple,<a href="#Nt128"><sup>[128]</sup></a>] he lost the duchie of Normandie.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Infinita mala ex sensualitate corporis.</div> + <p>For a like mysfortune and overthrow fille unto us for defaute of + providence and helpe in dew tyme, and sensualite of lustis of the bodie + idely mispendid, and for lak of finaunce and goodeȝ to soude and + wage goode mennys bodies over into Normandie and other contrees, ande + thoroughe the umbre of trewes, the hole privacion of your duchie of + Normandie, and of Angew, Mayne, and Torayne, <span + class="sidenotel">.1203.</span> and a gret part of Gascoigne and Guyen, + was in king Johan daies by king Philip dieudonné of Fraunce, the yere of + Crist .M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup>.iij<sup>o</sup>. in the monithe of + Maij began.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 34 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page34"></a>{34}</span></p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Treugć pluries infractć.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How many divers times trewes that were taken betwene king +Richarde the first, king Johan, and king Edward the thrid at +the finalle peas generalle betwene tho kinges and the Frenshe +kinges, were afterwarde be the Frenshe partie first broken.</p> + + <p>And thus undre the coloure of trewes at divers times taken atwixt + youre noble progenitoures king Henry the seconde, and also divers treties + taken betwene the said king Johan and king Philip, and also sondry tymes + trewes taken betwene king Richarde the first and the Frenshe king Philip + dieudonné. And notwithestanding so oft tymes trewes and alliaunces taken + and made betwene the forsaide kinges of Englonde and of Fraunce, alle + waye whan the Frenshe partie coude have and fynde any avauntage or + coloure to breke here <span class="sidenotel">Nota fallacias Francorum in + rupcione treugarum; vide et attende bene.</span> trewes they did make new + werre ayenst this lande. Also there was another trewes made at Paris the + monithe of Octobre the yere of <span class="sidenotel">Treuga pessima + a<sup>o</sup> Xp'i 1259.</span> Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cclix. betwene king + Henry the thrid and Lowes king of Fraunce, the whiche king Lowes haveng + grete conscience that he heelde bethout title of right the duchie of + Normandie, the counté of Angew, Mayne, and Toureyne, out of the handis of + the kinges of Englonde, therfore toke a trewis withe king Henry the + thridde; and the saide king Lowes graunted and confirmed to the saide + king Henry and to his heires for ever all the right that he hadd or myght + have in the duchie of Gascoigne, withe thre eveschies clepid diocesis and + citees in the saide duchie, that is to witt, Limogensis, Caourcensis, and + Pieregourt. Also at<a name="NtA129" href="#Nt129"><sup>[129]</sup></a> + Agenois and Peito. <span class="sidenotel">De infinitis dampnis ex ilia + treuga sine pace.</span> And a peas to be made atwix bothe kinges undre + the condicion that the saide king Henry thrid shuld relese unto king + Lowes alle his right in Normandie and in the countre of Anjou, of Mayne, + and Toreyne, your verray auncient enheritaunce tailed, whiche albeit if + the said king Henry thrid had alone made any suche relese it was of none + strenght ne effect, for it was never graunted be the auctorite of the + parlement of thre astatis of his roiaume. For it is to be undrestande + that be no law imperialle ne by no dew reason can be founded <!-- Page 35 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page35"></a>{35}</span>that a prince + may not gyve away his duchees or countees ne his demaynes that is his + propre enheritaunces to a straunge parsone, of what astate or degre he + is, bethout the agrement and consenting of a parlement of his lordis + spirituelle and temporelle, and of his comyns assembled, and a sufficient + nombre of every of hem, as it hathe bene accustumed; so in conclusion the + relese of king Henry thrid to king Lowes was and is voide. And if any + relese of king Lowes to the said king Henry in the said duchie of + Gascoine had be made it standithe of fulle litille effect, becaus it was + the said king Henry propre enheritaunce by his aiel king Henry the second + that weddid dame Alienor duchesse and heriter of Guien, as is before + expressid. And so the said king Lowes relese was a confirmacion of the + said duchie of Guien into king Henry thrid is possession and a <span + class="sidenotel">De pluribus treugis sine effectu durationis.</span> + disclayme frome the kinges of Fraunce for ever. Also ther was another + trux and pease made the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cclxxix., at Amyens, + betwen king Edwarde first and king Philip of Fraunce, that the said king + Edwarde shulde holde peasibly all the saide landes in Gascoigne. Another + trewes and peas made at Paris the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup>.lxxxvj. betwene the said king Edwarde first + and king Philip of Fraunce for the saide duchie of Guien. Another trews + made at Paris, the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.iij<sup>o</sup>., the monithe of Maij, + betwene king Edwarde first and king Philip of Fraunce, that marchauntes + and alle maner men might passe to bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce + bethout empeshement, and heelde not long. Another trux made in the yere + of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cc.xiij., in a towne clept in <span + class="sidenotel">Edward ij<sup>d</sup>.</span> Latyn Pissaicus, betwene + king Edwarde second and king Phelip king of Fraunce for the said duchie + of Guien. And in the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xxiiij. + king Charles of Fraunce and of Navarre seased certein townes and + forteresses in Guien for defaut of homage of the king Edwarde second for + the said duchie of Guien, whiche townes and <span class="sidenotel">Nota + pro titulo regis.</span> forteresses after was delivered ayen to the king + Edwarde by the moyen of Edmonde erle of Kent, his lieftenaunt. Also + another pease made in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xxv. betwene king Edwarde second and king + Charles de Valoys of Fraunce, be reason and meane that <!-- Page 36 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page36"></a>{36}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Effectus maritagii Isabellć reginć heredis regni + Francić.</span> the saide king Edwarde weddid dam Isabel king Charles of + Fraunce daughter, [soule<a name="NtA130" + href="#Nt130"><sup>[130]</sup></a>] enheriter of Fraunce; and at that + tyme king <span class="sidenotel">Edwardus ij<sup>us</sup> duxit + Isabellam filiam et heredem Karoli regis Francić</span> Edward made + Edmond his brother erle of Kent his lieftenaunt for the duchie of Guyen, + whiche fulle nobly governed and kept that contre.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">a<sup>o</sup>. X<sup>l</sup>. M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.xxv<sup>t</sup>i.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Bellum Scluse.</div> + <p>Also in semblable wise in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xl. the .xiij. yere of king Edwarde the + thrid, after the saide king had wonne the gret bataile of Scluse ayenst + Philip de Valois his adversarie, and besieged Tourenay in Picardie, whan + the saide Philip de Valois and the [kyngis<a + href="#Nt130"><sup>[130]</sup></a>] Frenshe lordis were gretly rebuked + and put abak, they desired a trux of king Edwarde frome the monithe of + Septembre tille the feest of saint John next sueng, to the gret damage of + the king Edwarde conquest. And the Bretons making under that colour + mortalle werre to this land, but they were kept in subgeccion, and a gret + bataile of descomfiture ayenst them had by the erle of Northampton, then + the kingis lieutenaunt in that parties.</p> + + <p>Also the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.xliij<sup>o</sup>., the .xix. day of + Januarii, another gret trux for the yere take withe Philip de Valois + calling hym king, youre saide adversarie, and his allies, and the saide + trux broken be the seide Philip bethin thre yeris after, comaunding the + Bretons to make werre ayenst youre progenitours.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Obcidio Cane.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Bellum Cressye.</div> + <p>And the noble king Edwarde the thrid, seeing that, in the monithe of + Julie, the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.xlvij<sup>o</sup>., the .xx. + yere of his reigne, disposed hym ayen to werre ayen withe the saide + Philip, and wanne upon hym the strong towne of Cane, [and had<a + href="#Nt130"><sup>[130]</sup></a>] the sore fought bataile of Cressy, + the castelle of Calix by a harde siege bethin few daies after leide and + (<i>unfinished</i>.)</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De pace finali quamvis non sortiebatur diu effectum.</div> + <p>How notwithestonding a finalle peas was made solempnely be the fulle + assent of king Johan of Fraunce prisoner, as it is the chief auctorite, + and comprehendid in many articles most sufficiauntly grounded by + auctorite of the Pope, confermed that, for alle that it helde not passe + .vij. or .viij. yere after. And so contynued by .xiij. <!-- Page 37 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page37"></a>{37}</span>yeris fro the + saide tyme mortal werre continued tille a final generalle peas was made + after by agrement of king Johan of Fraunce that was take betwene the said + noble king Edwarde the thrid and the saide king Johan the monithe of Maij + the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lx., at Bretigny, the + Pope assentyng, and be mediacion of cardinales, archebishoppis, + bisshoppis, abbotis, dukes, erles, barons, and lordis, and by the assent + of bothe parties of Englande as of Fraunce, and confermed by the saide + Pope and the sacramentis of both cristen kinges, made bothe by hemselfe + and by here commissaries in suche solempne wise that alle cristen princes + wolde have thought it shulde stande ferme and have bene stable for ever, + ande whiche finalle peas dured not scant .viij<sup>the</sup>. yere after, + but that it was broke fraudulentlie be feyned causes and colourable + quarellis of the Frenshe partie, as of the erle of Armenak and other + lordis of Guien. And after king Charles the .v<sup>the</sup>, of Fraunce, + son to king Johan, under colour of the seide trux and fynal peas made be + his father, put king Edwarde the thrid and his sonnes and other his + lieutenauntes out of alle his conquest, aswelle of alle the londis that + king Edwarde conquerid in Fraunce, Normandie, Burgoyne, and Flaundres, + and out of many other counteeȝ, baronies, and lordshippes, and of a + gret part of the duchie of Guien, whiche counteeȝ and lordshippes + in Gascoigne and Guien were given utterly and plenerlie to doo none + homage, ne sovereinte to holde but of the saide noble king Edwarde, and + of alle his enheriteris, never to resort ayen in homage ne feute to youre + adversaries of Fraunce, as it is expresly enacted and recorded in the + registres of alle the homagieris of Guien and Gascoigne, that was made by + the erle of Armenak, the lorde de la Brette, vicecountes, barons, + chevalers, and escuiers, and alle other nobles of the saide duchies, made + to the saide king Edwarde and to prince Edwarde the duke of Guien the + kingis lieutenaunt; that is to wete, in the cathedralle chirche of saint + Andrieu chirche at Burdeux, the <span class="sidenotel">.1363.</span> + .xix. day of Juilly, the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lxiij., present there ser Thomas Beauchampe + erle of Warewik, that aventurous and most <span + class="sidenotel">Chaundos chevalier.</span> fortunat knighte in his + daies, and ser John Chaundos of Herfordshire <!-- Page 38 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page38"></a>{38}</span><span + class="sidenotel">De magnificencia Joh'is Chundos.</span> vicount de + Saint Saveoure [in Normandye,<a name="NtA131" + href="#Nt131"><sup>[131]</sup></a>] whiche had bene in many batailes, and + had the governaunce of M<sup>l</sup>. speris, and was comissarie for king + Edwarde, withe a fulle grete ost of multitude of <span + class="sidenotel">Princeps Edwardus.</span> peple well defensid in Guien. + And so, after that prince Edwarde had received alle the homages aboute + Bourdeux, Bordelois, and Bassedois, within the seneschalcie of Gascoigne, + than he and the said comissaries went to alle the countees foloweng and + received theire homages and feutees bothe in the name of King Edwarde + .iij<sup>d</sup>., and than in like fourme did homage to the prince as + Duc of Guien. And was no differens betwene the bothe homages doing to the + King and to the Duc of Guien, except that homager at his othe making to + the saide duke <span class="sidenotel">De pluribus comitatibus in + Vasconia sub obediencia regis Anglić.</span> he reserved the sovereinte + and the ressort dew to his highe soverein seigneur king Edwarde. [So he] + toke the homages of alle the vassallis and subgettis in the seneschalcie + of Agenois, after in the seneschalcie of Landis, after in the counte of + Bigorre, then in the seneschalcie <span class="correction" + title="Original reads `of of' across line break.">of</span> Pierregort, + in the seneschalcie of Caoursyn and Roergev' and Lymosyn, also in the + counté of Engwillom, also in the seneschalcie of Xantonge, than in the + counté of Poitou and Poytiers. By whiche it may be considerid be the said + countees and countrees before specified, it was of a wide space and many + a thousand peple that were at that tyme and yet ought be under youre + obeisaunce. And the saide prince Edwarde and the kinges commissaries made + here journeis by .viij. monithes day as tille the .iiij<sup>the</sup>. + day of Aprille the <span class="sidenotel">1364.</span> yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lxiiij., or thei coude receive alle the + saide homagiers; whiche now in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.li., after that hole Normaundie was lost, + and also Gascoigne and Guien yoven up in defaute of socoure [of an armee + made<a href="#Nt131"><sup>[131]</sup></a>] in season, many of youre saide + trew liege peple be overcome by youre adversaries of Fraunce, and many a + thousand peple of nobles and others coherted and be force ayenst theire + hertis wille and entent to become homagiers to youre saide adversarie by + the hole privacion of the saide duchie of Guien, as of Normandie, whiche + withe the helpe of almightie God and <!-- Page 39 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page39"></a>{39}</span>saint George, chief + defendoure and protectoure of these youre londis, withe the comfort of + youre true subgectis, shalnot abide long in theire possession ne + governaunce.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De pace finali.</div> + <p>And now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king + Charlis the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at Trois + in Champayne, the .xxj. day of Maij the yere of Crist <span + class="sidenotel">.1420.</span> M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xx., and registred in + the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and debates betwene + the roiaume of Englande and the roiaume of Fraunce shulde for ever cease; + and the saide finalle peas <span class="sidenotel">Pro titulo regis + nota.</span> heelde not fullie .ij. yeris, but brake sone after the + decese of that victorioux prince king Harry the .v<sup>the</sup>., upon + his mariage withe quene Katerin.</p> + + <p>And now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at Towris betwene + Henry the sext, the innocent<a name="NtA132" + href="#Nt132"><sup>[132]</sup></a> prince, and Charlis the + .vij<sup>the</sup>., youre adversarie of Fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. + yere of his reigne, <span class="sidenotel">De infractione treugarum nota + hoc.</span> solempnely sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the + Frenshe partie.</p> + + <p>And none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, + notwithstanding any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre + adversarie and be his dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide Frenshe + partie, but alway brake the saide trewes whan they coude take any + avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe openly, and may be a mirroure for + ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust any trewes taking by youre saide + adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be it the duke of Breteyne, the + duke of Orliens, or any suche other his complisses: for where as youre + noble progenitours were seased and possessid of the said duchie <span + class="sidenotel">De continuacione hereditatis ducatus Normandić. Rollo + dux vocatus Robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno Dacić vocati + Byercoteferre.</span> of Normandie sithe that duke Rollo of the nacion of + Denmarke, the yere of Crist .ix<sup>c</sup>xij. conquerid it upon Charlis + le Simple, to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide + duchie, and so hathe continued from heire to heire + .cc.iiij<sup>xx</sup>xj. yere, but after as it may be cast it was + .cc.iiij<sup>xx</sup>xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of Fraunce is + hande tille it was lost in king Johan is daies of Englande. And than for + suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under <!-- Page 40 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page40"></a>{40}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Nota causam &c.</span> [the umbre of trewes and for + puttyng down Arthur of Breteyn,<a name="NtA133" + href="#Nt133"><sup>[133]</sup></a>] it was lost and yoven up to the seide + king Phelip dieudonné in the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cc.iij., about + the first [and second<a href="#Nt133"><sup>[133]</sup></a>] yere of the + seide king Johan. And frome the saide first yere of king Johan the + possession of the saide duchie of Normandie discontynued .C.xxxvj. yere, + that was <span class="sidenotel">Nota optime.</span> to the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed + by youre noble progenitoure king Edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris + leide segis and had batailes withe Philip de Valois and Johan of Fraunce, + occupieris of that kingdom.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How king Edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret +astatis or he began to make werre in Fraunce.</p> + + <p>And therto king Edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to + socour and reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first + withe Lowes emperoure of Allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande + sak wolle for perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to + helpe king Edward the thrid in his conquest; and <span + class="sidenotel">Nota de auxilio regis Edwardi.</span> after allied hym + to the erle of Heynew and to the erle of Flaundres, and also withe the + duke of Bretein; the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe + to his conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, for he wanne at the first raise + that he made over the see M<sup>l</sup>.M<sup>l</sup>.v<sup>c</sup>. + <span class="sidenotel">Conciderand'.</span> townes and castellis, and + soforthe reigned and continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the + Frenshe king and his allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his + enheritaunces, like as who so lust rede <span class="sidenotel">In + cronicis Frodsard.</span> the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster<a + href="#Nt133"><sup>[133]</sup></a>] Froddesarde more plainly may + perceyve. And so alle his daies contynued tille unto the tyme <span + class="sidenotel">Pax finalis sperata fuit.</span> that be dissimulacion + of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his prisoner king Johan of Fraunce, + made at Bretigny the yere of Crist <span class="sidenotel">.1360.</span> + M<sup>l</sup>.iij<sup>c</sup>.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes + Charles le Sage his sonne, after the decese of king Johan, did put king + Edwarde thrid out of alle his said conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, and + partie of Guyen. And sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes + <!-- Page 41 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page41"></a>{41}</span>hathe be done by that victorioux prince + Henry the .v<sup>the</sup>., he being parsonelly bothe at many sieges, + leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second yere of his + reigne [exclusyfe<a name="NtA134" href="#Nt134"><sup>[134]</sup></a>] + into the day of his trespassement the space of .vij. yere. Whiche + labouris parcellis of them briefly bene specified before. And there youre + obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple be put owt of their londis and + tenementis yoven to hem by youre predecessoures, as wel as be that highe + and mighty prince Richarde duke of Yorke youre father, being at two + voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in Fraunce, for service done unto hem + in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen to theire <span + class="sidenotel">Exclamacio.</span> undoing. Heh allas! thei did crie, + and woo be the tyme they saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and + trust to the Frenshe partie or theire allieȝ in any trewes keping, + considering so many folde tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid + thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is late before specified. And yet + not for alle <span class="sidenotel">Consideracio.</span> these + inconvenientis that have falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre + umbre of suche dissimuled trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe + they holde theym never so proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and + crafty in suche deceitis conspiring, they by Goddis might shalbe overcome + and brought to the right astate that it oughte be, where as the title and + clayme of thenheritaunce of Fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence + have be shewed by us in executing the saide right, as it is verefied + briefly by examples here before.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How be it that at som tymes that God suffrithe the partie that hathe +a true title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man +shulde not be discouraged alway to sew his right.</p> + + <p>And albeit that at som tymes God suffrethe the partie that hathe right + and a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly + parsecuted, and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some + tyme to be overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in <!-- Page 42 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page42"></a>{42}</span>bataile be + divine providence whan hym lust to be Juge, thoughe the peple be never so + goode, ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for + no suche adversite and as have fallen the yere <span + class="sidenotel">.1450.</span> of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.iiij<sup>c</sup>.l., be the last overthrow of a notable + arme at <span class="sidenotel">Infortunium bellum apud Fermenye ultima + vice.</span> Fremyny, where ser Thomas Kirielle knight, lieftenaunt in + that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the nombre about + .ix<sup>c</sup>.,<a name="NtA135" href="#Nt135"><sup>[135]</sup></a>] a + grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde not obbey at the day of that + journay at that sodeyne recountre to her chieftein, and taried lengir in + his voiage after he was londed or he came to any strong holde was + present.<a name="NtA136" href="#Nt136"><sup>[136]</sup></a> Also another + gret armee and voiage fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this + yere of Crist <span class="sidenotel">Gyen.</span> M<sup>l</sup>.cccclj., + whiche were at last redy to goo to Gyen, the armee taried upon the see + coostis in Englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire <span + class="sidenotel">Burdeux.</span> payment was redie. And the cite of + Burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. Yet God defende that + thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged. Late us take + example in according to this. It is wretin in the booke of Machabeus, in + the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull Judas Machabeus, seeyng Goddis + peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of theym, seide + to his knightis, A, a, It is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe and rather + to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and troubles of + oure infortune. And fro thens forthe by the wille of God, good corage and + comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the victorie + in alle theire batailes. Also another <span class="sidenotel">De sancto + Lodovico rege Frauncić.</span> example by seint Lowes king of Fraunce, + whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into the holy + land in [about<a href="#Nt135"><sup>[135]</sup></a>] the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.ij<sup>c</sup>.lxx., and suffrethe gret adversiteis among + the Sarresyns, he and his knightis overthrow and take prisoneris to the + Soudan of Babilon, and the king put to gret raunsom paide, his peple died + up by gret mortalite of pestilence, suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, + yet God at the last releved hym, and [he] came into Fraunce withe gret + worship.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 43 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page43"></a>{43}</span></p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Animacio.</div> +<p class="cenhead">An nother exhortacion of the historier.</p> + + <p>O ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englande and of Fraunce, + and alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of + divers astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a + lineage, as of the noble Trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised + and may appere by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted + and registred, that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour + or deformite of the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe + alle regions cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and + governaunce the habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir + landes after the quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as + a mirrour noted and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to + thentent that the excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the + more vigorously endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of + youre highe predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this + tyme of what worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in + difference of other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and + excellence of youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in + straunge regions as among the Sarrazyns in the region of Sirie and + Turkie, as in the said neere regions of Fraunce, Spayne, Lumbardie, + Spruce, and other countrees. And therfor ye shulde yeve laude and + praisingis alway to God, for, sithe the trespassement of prince Edwarde + and good Henry duc of Lancaster that was, [ther wer but few like to hem + in armys.<a name="NtA137" href="#Nt137"><sup>[137]</sup></a>]</p> + +<p class="cenhead">Here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn<a name="NtA138" href="#Nt138"><sup>[138]</sup></a> worship +of Henry the .v<sup>the</sup>. and his bretheryn Thomas, Johan, and +Humfrey, .iiij. noble princes.</p> + + <p>Where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so + corageous in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of + <!-- Page 44 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page44"></a>{44}</span>youre noble lynage Henry .v<sup>te</sup>. + and his said thre full mighty and noble princes his brethern, and next + .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here daies were as the + pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last conquest, and of + the<a name="NtA139" href="#Nt139"><sup>[139]</sup></a>] possession of + youre rightfulle enheritaunce, bothe of youre roiaumes of Fraunce as of + justice keping, tranquillite and pease in youre roiaume of Englonde, also + of the duchies of Normandie, Gascoigne, Guyen, and of the counte of + Mayne.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Dux Clarence.</div> + <p>For as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how Thomas the duc + of Clarence in his yong age, the yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.iij., + lieutenaunt of alle Irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure + of youre duchees of Gascoyne and Guien, defending the true subgettis + frome theire adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple + and subgettis under youre lawes. And after [the seyd duc,<a + href="#Nt139"><sup>[139]</sup></a>] in company of the victorioux prince + Henry the .v<sup>te</sup>., labourid in armes <span + class="sidenotel">Conciderandum est.</span> upon that noble conquest in + Fraunce and the duchie of Normandie, there being lieutenaunt for that + marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the duchie of + Anjou at Bowgée most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting withe a + few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not abiding + theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xxj. among the Frenshemen and Scottis was slayne; + whiche not long after God thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of + Scottis to be overthrow bothe at the batailes of Cravant, also at the + bataile of Vernelle, and [also<a href="#Nt139"><sup>[139]</sup></a>] at + the bataile of Rouverey.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">J. dux Bedfordie regens regni Frauncie.</div> + <p>Also youre second cousyn Johan duc of Bedforde, that in his grene age + was lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the Scottis, keping them in + subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. After that + made admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and + victorie ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. Beyng also + a certayn tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede + upon youre said conquest into Fraunce and <!-- Page 45 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page45"></a>{45}</span>Normandie, therof being + regent and gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince Henry the sext + over alle the subgeitis of Fraunce and <span class="sidenotel">Conquestus + comitatus de Mayn.</span> Normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the + counte of Mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in + gret tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and + there made his faire ende at Rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of + Crist <span class="sidenotel">.1435.</span> M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xxxv., the + .xiiij. day of Septembre.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Dux Glouc'.</div> + <p>And how the thrid brother Humfrey duc of Gloucestre, withe a notabille + power, was upon youre conquest in Normandie withe his said brother, and + at the bataile of Agyncourt was sore woundid, and <span + class="sidenotel">Comes de Marche. Comes Suff'.</span> after he wanne + [with help of the noble erle of Marche and the erle of Suffolk + acompanyed,<a name="NtA140" href="#Nt140"><sup>[140]</sup></a>] brought + in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base + Normandie, the castelle of Chierbourgh, the cite of Bayeux, Costances, + withe all the close of Costantyne and Averances, Seynt Lowe, Carenten, + and Valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. + And over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of + Englond, in the tyme of the said Henry the sext of grene age, keping gret + justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. And <span + class="sidenotel">Calix.</span> after whan youre nobille castelle and + towne of Calix was beseigid <span class="sidenotel">.1436.</span> in the + yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, + he puissauntly rescued it. And many other souvereyne and princely + condicions he used in this youre roiaume of Englonde, as in [bokys yovyng + as yt ys seyd to the value of M<sup>l</sup>. marks of all the .vij. + sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and cyvyle, to the + universite of Oxford, and<a href="#Nt140"><sup>[140]</sup></a>] + cherisshing the noble clergie of youre said roiaume. And also havyng gret + charge and cost aboute the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done + to alle straungiers, were they ambassatours, messangiers, and other + noblesse that sought worship of armes, that of divers regions visited + this lande, for whiche favoure and bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes + done to theym, the renome of his noble astate and name sprad thoroughe + alle cristyn roiaumes <!-- Page 46 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page46"></a>{46}</span>and in hethynesse. And after he had by many + wyntris lyved in worship, he making his ende at the towne of Bury, the + yere of Crist <span class="sidenotel">.1447.</span> + M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv. day of Februarie.</p> + + <p>And over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the + foreseid .iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of + youre noble bloode, as cosins germayns and other allieȝ of youre + nere kyn, as dukis, erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the + last conquest of Fraunce and Normandie.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota de ordine militum de la Gartere.</div> +<p class="cenhead">For what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of +saint George was ordeigned.</p> + + <p>And also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and + worshipfulle ordre of the Garter, founded by the right noble prince king + Edward thrid, and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the Garter, in the + castelle of Wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. And [as yt ys seyd<a + name="NtA141" href="#Nt141"><sup>[141]</sup></a>] in token of worship + that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the feeld, + but abide the fortune that God lust sende. Whiche for gret prowesse and + here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in + werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to God and ought be put + in memorialle, that in what <span class="sidenotel">Non sunt oblivio + tradend'.</span> distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben yn for + the righte title in the crowne of Fraunce they alway avaunsid hem forthe + withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire + felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. He allas! sethe + that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or + dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the + full <span class="sidenotel">Nobilitas Johannis Chaundos de comitatu + Herefordie, senescalli de Peytou.</span> noble knight, a felow of the + Garter, ser Johan Chaundos, as a lion fighting in the feelde [at the + bataylle of Fizar, yn Spayn, wyth prince Edward<a + href="#Nt141"><sup>[141]</sup></a>] of the lion condicion, and defendid + youre roiaume of Fraunce frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire + prince's right and theire subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of Fraunce + and Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, and the noble duchie of Gascoigne and + Gyen, <!-- Page 47 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page47"></a>{47}</span>and maynteyned theire honoure and astate, to + the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief of youre treu subgettis of + this lande. And thereto they have ben of the condicions of lyons fighting + withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly sett to withestande youre + ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said adverse partie have + voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire felouship at suche tyme + as they sought to abide. In example, of the fulle noble jorney late had + <span class="sidenotel">Senlys</span> <span + class="sidenotel">.1431.</span> in the yere of Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xxxj., at Senlys, where youre lieutenaunt and youre + power being present, and Charlis the .vij<sup>the</sup>, youre gret + adversarie of Fraunce withe alle his power to the nombre of + .l<sup>ti</sup>.M<sup>l</sup>. fighters on his side, and embatilled by + thre daies in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of + Senlis, youre saide kynnesman Johan duc of Bedford being then + lieutenaunt, and present in the feeld before hym thre daies. And also + sone after the saide worshipfull journey of Senlis, your saide adversarie + of Fraunce, after that <span class="sidenotel">Parys.</span> made his + entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of Paris, with alle his roialle + power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide cosyn duke + of Bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed hym + (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen + withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in + youre saide cite of Paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and + sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. And + youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging + theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, + so grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent.</p> + + <p>And as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt + lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned + theire bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, + or to be taking prisoneris, and yet God hathe served hem soo, that + thoroughe His grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have + had the overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee + and the feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie + contrarie have ben nombred double or treble <!-- Page 48 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page48"></a>{48}</span>moo than youris, as is + before expressid. And at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly + besegid, ser John Radclif knight, withe his felouship, had gret + worship.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Exclamacio.</div> + <p>O ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the + coroune of Fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for + the worship of his bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce, ye forto + susteyne righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret + aventure, as was often tymes of the worshipfulle Romayns. And therfore of + you may be saide that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn + unto the jupardie and perille of dethe. So wolde Jhesus that in the brief + seson of the sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly + disseising and putting oute of Fraunce, Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, + withe the duchies of Gasquien and Guyen, whiche is done bethin the space + of .j. yere and .xiiij. wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of Maij + in the yere of <span class="sidenotel">Nota. 1449, 1450.</span> Crist + M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of August the + yere of Crist M<sup>l</sup>.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and + towne defensable of the said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or + composicion to the adverse partye.<a name="NtA142" + href="#Nt142"><sup>[142]</sup></a>] And if they had be alway furnished + and stuffed withe suche suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with + ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages duely kept and be paied, that they myght + couraged and enforced hem to have bene kept stille the possession,<a + name="NtA143" href="#Nt143"><sup>[143]</sup></a> and they so being of the + lyonns kynde as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and + stedfast as they were before this tyme in that parties of Normandie, + conquering, keping, and defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. + yeris complete and .vij. <span class="sidenotel">Tempus ultimi + conquestus.</span> daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the + thrid yere of king Henry the .v<sup>the</sup>., and not the whele of + fortune turned ayenst this lande as it hathe. Notwithestanding king + Edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest of Fraunce and Normandie + passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre certayne condicions upon + apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and king Johan of Fraunce + was <!-- Page 49 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page49"></a>{49}</span>graunted that the saide king Johan shulde be + seased and possessid <span class="sidenotel">De pace finali apud + Bretygnye.</span> ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for + certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief + halde in Guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the + saide finalle trety of pease made at Bretygny; yet for alle the othes, + sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety + of pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take + theire <span class="sidenotel">.1371.</span> avauntage, about the yere of + Crist M<sup>l</sup>.ccc.lxxj.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Exclamacio alia.</div> + <p>He allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions + and miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure<a name="NtA144" + href="#Nt144"><sup>[144]</sup></a> lyvelode there unrecompensid, as in + oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or say? Shalle we in + this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long thus? Nay, nay, God + defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and tiranye shuld be left + unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not repared! For one + good moyen, undre correccion, <span class="sidenotel">De amicicia per + maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.</span> may be this, and if youre + lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allieȝ of straunge + regions and countrees, as the Romayns did whan they werrid in Auffrik + ayenst the Cartages, and of late daies king Edwarde the thrid gafe + example and sithe king Harry the .v<sup>te</sup>. in oure daies, and also + his noble brothir Johan duke of Bedford <span class="sidenotel">Nota + bene.</span> after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to + oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages + of gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the + <span class="sidenotel">Nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.</span> + regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and + honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or<a + name="NtA145" href="#Nt145"><sup>[145]</sup></a> sending at suche tymes + as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that be halden + worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in divers + contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause and + necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho + yowre<a name="NtA146" href="#Nt146"><sup>[146]</sup></a> people true + subgettis of Fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it is, but oure saide + allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might to the <!-- Page + 50 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page50"></a>{50}</span>reformacion + of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes wrought ayenst us. In + example of this matier, it bathe bene specified herebefore, and how it + hathe be rad among the Romayne stories that, whan Haniballe, prince of + Cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst Camos, governour of the + Romayne ooste, that the men of Cartage gaderid of the fingers of the ded + Romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. So it shewed that the power of + Rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. Than, whan this tidingis come to + Cartage, one Hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if it so were that + for alle so gret a discomfiture is</p> + +<p class="cenhead">[At this place a leaf of the MS., or more, has been lost.]</p> + + <p> </p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Tullius Cicero.</div> + <p>whiche may noie be, for Cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of + Divinacion, and the famous doctour seint Austyn in the book of Fre <span + class="sidenotel">Boecius.</span> wille, and also Boecius in his booke of + Consolacion, or<a name="NtA147" href="#Nt147"><sup>[147]</sup></a> + Comforte ayenst mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only + trust that the thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the + whiche comethe to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure <span + class="sidenotel">Constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores + hominum altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere + naturalia concernencia.</span> offenses not keping the lawes of God, that + oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be casuelte of + fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and constellacions of + sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie true, for and if + it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of no necessite, + that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. And if a constellacion or + prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a tyme there shulde + falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a contree or region, or + privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie and not of necessite + or certente, for than it shulde folow that the prophesies, + constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over Goddis power, + and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure. And if + suche <!-- Page 51 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page51"></a>{51}</span>prophesies and influence of the seide + constellacions might be trew, <span class="sidenotel">Contra fiduciam + adhibendam in prophesiis.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Nota + conclusionem.</span> <span class="sidenotel">Nisi fuerit sanctissimis + viris.</span> yet God hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that + he, havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that + jugement of constellacion or prophesies signified. As it is verified by + the famous astrologien Ptolome in his booke called Centilogie, the + capitalle, seieng <i>quod homo sapiens dominatur astris</i>, that a man + is sovereyn abofe suche domes of constellacions. And therfor ye oughte + not deme ne conceyve the gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle + to us by prophesie or by influence of constellacion of sterris, but only + for synne and wrecchidnes, and for lak of prudence and politique + governaunce in dew tyme provided, and havyng no consideracion to the + comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and enriche oure silfe by singler + covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffring extorcions over the + pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the jugementis and suffraunce of + God, and of his divine providence, the whiche by divers and of his + secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe suffred this mysfortune + among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume of Fraunce and contreis + ther to falle upon us. And who so wolle considre <span + class="sidenotel">Josephus. Orosius. Titus Livius.</span> welle the + histories of olde croniclers, as of Josephas, libro Antiquitatum, Orosius + de Ormesta Mundi, Titus Livius of the Romayne battelis, and such othirs, + how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to + another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and + mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. And as it is made + mencion in the olde <span class="sidenotel">Gyldas.</span> historien + called Gildas that for pride, covetice, and flesshely lustis <span + class="sidenotel">Deexpulsione Britonum in Walliam et Cornewaylle propter + peccata. Destruccio regnorum.</span> used amongis the olde Breton bloode + lordis of this roiaume, God suffred the Saxons of Duche ys tung, a + straunge nacion, to dryve them out of this land in Angle in Cornewale and + Walis. And where is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, + the gret toure, <span class="sidenotel">Nynyve. Babylon. Troye. Thebes. + Athenes.</span> inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy + [and] Thebes, .ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the + welle of connyng and of wisdam? and Cartage, the victorioux cite of gret + renomme, most doubtable, by the Romayns was brent to asshes. <!-- Page 52 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page52"></a>{52}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Rome.</span> And also Rome, so gloriously magnified + thoroughe alle the world, <span class="sidenotel">Jerusalem.</span> + overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle as was Jerusalem. And to take an + example of the many overthrowes and conquestis of this lande by straunge + nacions sithen the Breton bloode first inhabited, <span + class="sidenotel">Picti gentes.</span> as withe peple callid Pictics, + commyng out of ferre northe partie of <span + class="sidenotel">Saxones.</span> the worlde. Then after the Saxones + drove out the olde Breton <span class="sidenotel">Danii. Normanni. + Andegavenses.</span> bloode. Than after the Danys peple conquerid the + Saxons, and than the Normans conquerid the Danys. And sone after the + Angevyns of highe Fraunce, full noble knightis of renomme, Geffrey erle + <span class="sidenotel">Galfridus Plantagenest.</span> Plantagenet erle + of Angew maried withe dame Maud, doughter of the duke of Normandie and + king of Englande, Harry the second, whych doughter, called dame Maude + emperesse, and so haldyn stille the Normandie bloode and the Angevyns + into this tyme. And Job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or + risithe on the erthe without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite + fallithe not to us, but only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that + reignithe on us; as pride, envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of + the bodie now a daies hathe most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we + not havyng consideracion to the generalle profit and universalle wele of + a comynalte. And to bring to mynde how the worshipfulle senatours <span + class="sidenotel">Lucius Valerius.</span> Romayns did gife us many + examples, as Lucius Valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of Rome + Boecius, [of the grete lofe<a name="NtA148" + href="#Nt148"><sup>[148]</sup></a>] had alway to the cite of Rome. For + the saide Lucius Valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of + the said cite, to kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending + the cite and contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret + povertee, but by the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis + they buried hym in the most solempne wise according to his worship. And + <span class="sidenotel">Boicius.</span> the said juge Boecius loved + rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of Rome in that susteyned + and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. But suffred hym + to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of Rome, and to be in exile + rathir <!-- Page 53 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page53"></a>{53}</span><span class="sidenotel">De republica + custodienda.</span> than he wolde offende justice. Notwithestanding the + saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and + tendring the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in + worshipfulle remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and + <span class="sidenotel">De justicia.</span> laude. Also it is to be noted + that was one of the gret causis that the princes Romayns were so gret + conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in subjeccion, but + only using of trouthe and justice keping in here conquestis.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De justicia Camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.</div> +<p class="cenhead">A fulle noble historie how that Camillus the duke of Rome +wolde use justice in his conquest.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per traditionem.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Titus Livius decade primo.</div> + <p>In example I rede in the Romayns stories of Titus Livius in the booke + of the first decade that a prince Romayn clepid Camillus, whiche did so + many victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of + Rome, that he was called the second Romulus whiche founded first Rome, + besieged a gret cite of Falistes, whiche is <span + class="sidenotel">Florens cytee.</span> nowe as it is saide called + Florence, to have hem undre the governaunce of the Romayne lawes. And as + he had leyne long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes + it fortuned that a maister of sciencis of Falliste called now Florence, + the whiche had all the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and + worshipfulle men of the saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous + sciencis, thought to wynne a gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince + Camillus, and by the umbre of treson ayenst justice that the said maistre + wolde wirke to cause the senatours of Faliste [the rather<a name="NtA149" + href="#Nt149"><sup>[149]</sup></a>] to deliver up the cite to the prince, + the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his clerkis + to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe withe + sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and power of + Camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had brought to + hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of + Falliste, <!-- Page 54 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page54"></a>{54}</span>whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn + in servage, the faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any + more werre making. <span class="sidenotel">Camillus.</span> Than saide + that just prince Camillus that it was not the Romayns condicions to werre + and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew not what + werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the Falistes be defrauded of here + contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew + alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of + armes to take the cite. And there the saide prince comaunded the + scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid + withe baleese and sharpe roddis <span + class="sidenotel">Conciderandum.</span> withe his owne clerkis into the + cite ayen; than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng + consideracion of the gret justice and manhod that he used in his + conquest, sent to Camillus ambassatours <span + class="sidenotel">Proposicio ad Romanos gentes.</span> withe the keies of + the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, O ye fathir and prince of + justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of justice and of + victorioux dedis reignithe among you Romaynes by using of justice, and + that for asmoche they perceyved that princes Romayns used feithe and + justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to be + subgettis to Rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve + undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the<a + name="NtA150" href="#Nt150"><sup>[150]</sup></a>] citee, to the gret + renomme of the saide prince and to alle the Romayns gretly to be + magnified.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">Historie of dame Cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of +peple shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble +cenatoure called Fabricius.</p> + + <p>And also as dame Cristyn<a name="NtA151" + href="#Nt151"><sup>[151]</sup></a> in the .xv. chapitre of the first + partie of hir seid booke of Tree of Batailes leiethe a noble example that + <!-- Page 55 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page55"></a>{55}</span>among alle vertues that shulde long to a + prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a governoure of a contre, citee, or + towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe how it is necessarie that he + shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret trouthe, as by example it + is write of the noble and trew senatoure Fabricius, leder of the Roman + oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe, vailliaunce, and manhod, and + wise governaunce, king Pirrus his adversarie offred to gyve hym the + .iiij<sup>the</sup>. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure and goodis, + so that the saide Fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his partie and + become his felow in armes. To whiche Pirrus the said Fabrisius answerd, + that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise tresoure and + richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by possibilite and + alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and wonne bye + armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. In whiche + matier verifieng, saiethe Vigecius in his booke of Chevalrie, to a + chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the + charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and + entreprises of a prince is office is principally comytted hym <span + class="sidenotel">Res publica.</span> for the governaunce of comon + publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie, + castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the + comon profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. And + if by the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall + consideracion and cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, + or citee that he hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every + particuler charge and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his + charge; and any thing myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut + of oversight of remedie of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, + thoroughe whiche might grow to an universall damage, than it is to be + wited his defaute. <!-- Page 56 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page56"></a>{56}</span>And therefore in conclusion of this, late it + take example to folow the noble and fructufulle examples of the noble + cenatours. And we ought so to kepe us frome the offending and grevyng of + oure sovereyne Maker not to usurpe ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in + suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his + lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us, suffring us this grevouslie for + oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and punished as we bee, but lyve + and endure in suche clene life, observyng his .x. preceptis, that he have + no cause to shew on us the rod of his chastising as he dothe.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of God, for in doubte that +ellis God wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his +rodde.</p> + + <p>O mightifulle God, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche + is not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, + seeyng so many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe + reigned, for whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of <span + class="sidenotel">Nota optime.</span> moche more chastising and grettir + punishement of God, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is wretyn + in the booke of Paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym of + Israelle, God of his rightwisnesse suffred the Phillistyns that were they + never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and + destroiers of the lande of Judee and of Goddis peple, and the rathir that + the saide Israelites had a law gyven hem by Moises and kept it not.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De republica augmentanda.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym +in his devoire to the avaunsing of the comon profite.</p> + + <p>And it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made + mencion in this Epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld + principallie put hym in devoire and laboure for the <!-- Page 57 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page57"></a>{57}</span>avaunsment of the comon + profit of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the + famous clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of Rome + Tullius in his booke De Officiis [de Republica, that Novius Marcellus + makyth mencion of yn dyvers chapiters,<a name="NtA152" + href="#Nt152"><sup>[152]</sup></a>] and in other bookis of his De + Amicicia, Paradoxis, and Tusculanis questionibus, that Res publica welle + attendid and observed, it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of + alle maner peple. And first to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. + termys Res publica, as seint Austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. + chapitre of the Cite of God, and the saide Tullius the famous rethoricien + accordithe withe the same, saieng in Latyn termes: "Res publica est res + populi, res patrić, res communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum + commune et utilitatem populi vel patrić vel civitatis augere, conservare, + protegere, salva justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." + And it is forto lerne and considre to what vertues Respublica + strecchithe, as I rede in a tretie that Wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote + in his book clepid Commune loquium, C<sup>o</sup>. 3<sup>o</sup>. + p<sup>e</sup> partis, seithe quod, "Respublica ordinatur hiis virtutibus, + scilicet, legum rectitudine, justicić soliditate, equitatis concordia, + unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri dirigente, + morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." As for the + first <span class="sidenotel">Tullius in nova rethorica.</span> partie it + is verified by Tullie in his Rethorik the first booke: "Omnes leges ad + commodum reipublicć judicis referre oportet, et lex nichil aliud est quam + recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta, prohibens contraria." And + it is right expedient that alle tho that be justices, governours, or + rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon profit, must doo it by + prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved men; for a + governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the Romayns, + havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that bene + called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis, + marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers, + esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, <!-- Page 58 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page58"></a>{58}</span>baillifis, provostis, + maires, and suche othirs officers. And Tullius in the first booke of + Offices seiethe: "Parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi."</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect +for a counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, +than yong men.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Tullius de Senectute.</div> + <p>Tullius in his book De Senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene + growen in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the <span + class="sidenotel">Examplum amplum.</span> avaunsing and governyng a comon + profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices, than othirs + that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of bodie. For an + example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be yonge of + mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute the + ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe as + the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. Yet the eldist man that is halde + wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship, + and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, + behofefulle to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche + dothe more profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho + yong lusty <span class="sidenotel">Experiencia, &c.</span> men that + rennen, halithe, or clymethe. Wherfor it may be concluded that the + auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours + of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire + wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by + mighty power of her hand. And it is <span class="sidenotel">Job.</span> + saide by Job, .12<sup>o</sup>. that Roboam, whiche forsooke the counceile + of olde men, and drew after the counceile of yong men, lost the kingdom + [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche example is right + necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise governoure is hert. + And so wolde the mightifulle God that every governoure wolde have a + verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise and goode + counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples <!-- Page 59 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page59"></a>{59}</span>of the noble + senatours of Rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit, setting + aside singular availe. So tho famous region and citeis aboute undre + theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in + gret worship and prosperite, as I shalle in example put here in + remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among + othir ys</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De preferramento rei publice.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How Fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, +but only laboured for the comon profit of Rome.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.</div> + <p>Tullius de Senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince + Romayne clepid Fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe + Hanibal prince of Cartage, to kepe the conquest of Romayne contreis, and + to see theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of + alle maner peple; whiche Fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but + onlie gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon + profit of Rome; for whiche cause the saide Fabius after his dethe was put + in gret renomme and more magnified among the Romayns than he was in his + liffe tyme. And the saide Fabius, after the right and usage was in tho + daies, did gret diligence to lerne and know by augures and <span + class="sidenotel">Quomodo Romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste + pro conservacione rei publice.</span> divinacions of briddis and by other + causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes + prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, + [and] oilis shulde falle to the contre of Romayns, to his grettist + comfort for the avauncement of the comon wele. And he delited gretly to + rede actis and dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter + remembraunce and experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir + than before his daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce + except the worthy Scipion's. And it were fulle necessarie that princes + and lordis shuld know by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and + yeris of prosperite or adversite falling to the region that he is of, to + th'entent he might make his provision thereafter; but more pite is few + <!-- Page 60 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page60"></a>{60}</span>profound clerkis in this lande ben + parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her principales in + scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they taken upon them + the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions of the heire + and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of suche + judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the + bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Lucius Paulus Fabricius and Curius Cornicanus, cenatours, in +her grete age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the +comon wele.</p> + + <p>Also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble + consulle of Rome Lucius Paulus, whiche the wise Caton is sonne maried the + doughter of the saide Lucius Paule. Also the senatours clepid Fabricius + and Curiois Cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide Fabius in her + grete age did none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by + theire auctorite counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee + to the comon profit of the saide cite of Rome.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Appius the highe preest of the tempill of Mynerfe, albeit he +was blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the Romains to +make werre withe king Pirrus then to be com subjet to her +auncient ennemy king Pirrus.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Tullius de Senectute.</div> + <p>In like wise the [hyghe<a name="NtA153" + href="#Nt153"><sup>[153]</sup></a>] preest of the tempille of Mynerve of + Rome clepid Appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king + Pirrus, king of Epirotes, werrid so ayenst Rome that he had [febled and<a + href="#Nt153"><sup>[153]</sup></a>] werried them so sore and wan upon hem + so gret contreis, that the Romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made + pease and alliaunces withe hym to her uttermost dishonoure, <!-- Page 61 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page61"></a>{61}</span>but the said + Appius purposid tofore the noble senatoures Romayn <span + class="sidenotel">Ennius poeta.</span> and required hem to doo after the + counceile of Ennius the wise consul, that the Romains shulde take good + hert to hem, and not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to + theire auncient adversarie Pirrus; and that they shulde take new + entreprinses upon Pirrus and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide + senatours were revived in theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions + of Appius, and had the victorie of Pirrus.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De Officiis Catonis.</div> +<p class="cenhead">This chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite +Caton was called and auctorised for his gret manhode and +wisdom, and how he in his age couraged the yong knightis to +goo to feelde to venquisshe Cartage or he died.</p> + + <p>Also the noble senatoure of Rome Caton, that was so manlie, prudent, + and of holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of + a knight in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of + tribune as a chief juge among the Romayns, another season was a legat as + an ambassatoure into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien + age, that he might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of Rome to sit + stille and avise the weies and meenys how the Romayns might alway be + puissaunt to resist ayenst Cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died + to see the saide cite destroied. And the said Caton, in presence of yong + Scipio and Lelius, .ij. noblest yong knightis of Rome that visited Cato + to here of his wise conduit and counceile, he being then of full gret + age, tendred so ferventlie the well of comon profit of Rome, that he + required and besought the immortalle godis<a name="NtA154" + href="#Nt154"><sup>[154]</sup></a> of licence that he might not die till + he might know Cartage destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid + of the servage and miserie of the noble Romayns whiche were prisoneris + withe Quintus Fabius in Cartage xxxiij yere passed.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 62 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page62"></a>{62}</span></p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Doctor militum in armis.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Of a semblable noble condition of Quintus Fabius according +to Caton.</p> + + <p>And Quintus Fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left + the usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, + just withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age + alway gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit + of the citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf + and of the wise senatoure.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">The diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Tullius de Senectute.</div> + <p>And whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men + assembled togither.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by +men of yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode +wastefullie.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Ita Officia danda juvenibus.</div> + <p>And Caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde + finde that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, + were destroied and brought to desert, as well Rome as othirs, and it was + not revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. + And the saide Cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, + Scipion and Lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong + counceilours had wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid + patrimonie, and the comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. + And Nennius the poet made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made + counceilours for the <!-- Page 63 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page63"></a>{63}</span>comon profit of the towne, also suche that + were of Scipion and Lilius counceile, were but new [not expert<a + name="NtA155" href="#Nt155"><sup>[155]</sup></a>] drawen maistris, + ignoraunt advocatȝ and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in + the law ne in policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse + and be the proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of + Lelius and Scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to + governaunce. And he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must + doo by counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile + causes as in conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for + the defence of the comon publique.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Agamenon.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Of the answere and reson of Agamenon duke and leder of the +Greekis hoost ayenst the Troiens.</p> + + <p>For Agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the + Grekis batailes ayenst the noble Troiens,</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nestor.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Of the wisdom of king Nestor a Troian.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.</div> + <p>when he herde of king Nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of + counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age,</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Ayax.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Of the recomendacion of the prowesse of Ayax a knight +of Grece.</p> + + <p>and in like wise one Ayax a knight of Grece was halden the best + fighter amonge the Grekis ayenst the Trojens; in so moche that the Grekis + desired of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous + knightis as Ayax is to fighte withe the Grekis ayenst the Troyens,</p> + +<p><!-- Page 64 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page64"></a>{64}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How duke Agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid +men, that he required the immortelle goddis to have suche +.vj. olde kingis as Nestor is, doubted not to wynne Troie in +short tyme.</p> + + <p>but that noble duke Agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise + viellars as was Nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that + Troie shulde be take and destroied.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Publius Decius.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How that most noble centoure Publius Decius, so hardie an entreprennoure +in the bataile, whan the Romains were almost overthrow, +he avaunsid hym silfe so ferre in the bataile, to die to +th'entent to make the Romains more gret, and felle for his dethe +in fighting tille they had the victory.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota bene diversitatem militum.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Publius Decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.</div> + <p>In semblable wise Tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin Romayne + Publius Decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne + among the Romayne ostes, he saw how the Romayne oost was almost bete + downe to grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in + jubardie frely to die, forto make the Romains more egir and fellir in + that bataile to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. He tooke + his hors withe the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, + and at the last was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to + grounde deede. The Romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous + hertis how knyghtly he avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered + dethe for here sake, tooke courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem + foughten so vigorouslie ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the + victorie.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">[Here is added in the margin the following anecdote:]</p> + + <p>Hyt ys to remembre that I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, whan he + had yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that <!-- Page 65 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page65"></a>{65}</span>there be twey + maner condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys + an hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more + then the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of + gode avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and + wyth grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth + hys felyshyp destrussed. And the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he + avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille + so discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of + hys adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. And therfore the + aventure of Publius Decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys + willefulle deth, nother hys son.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How the son of the said Publius died in the same case.</p> + + <p>And the sonne of the said Publius, that was foure tyme electe and and + chose consul among the Romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, + for the helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the Romains, that he died in + bataile in like wise.</p> + +<blockquote class="b1n"> + + <p>Here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in + perpetuite of Marcus Actilius, a chief duke of the Romayne hostes, of his + gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees<a + name="NtA156" href="#Nt156"><sup>[156]</sup></a> of cornes, wines, [and] + oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being prisoner in Cartage amongis + his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put to raunson, suffred wilfullie + for to die in prison, because he was so gretly aged and wered in bataile, + then to the Romains to pay so infenite a somme for his finaunce and + raunson.</p> + +</blockquote> + + <p>Hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray + trew lover of the comon wele of the Romains, Marcus Actilius, that first + yave hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and <!-- Page 66 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page66"></a>{66}</span><span + class="sidenotel">Autor rei publicć.</span> pastures, to furnisshe and + store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile; after, for his + gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and conestable of the + Romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited theire adversaries + of Cartage. And he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in bataile, was take + prisoner into Cartage, being of gret age than. And for deliveraunce of + whiche Actilius the governours of Cartage desired hym that he shulde + laboure and sende to Rome forto deliver out of prison a gret nombre of + yong men of werre of Cartage that were prisoneris in Rome, and he shulde + goo frank and quite. And the saide Actilius denyed and refused it + utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the + werrours of Cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon + wele and proffit of Rome; and becaus that noble Actilius wolde not + condescende to deliver the prisoneris of Cartage, they turmentid hym in + prison in the most cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid + here, it wolde make an harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. The + voluntarie dethe of whiche Marcus Actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, + and comon profit of Rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, + and to be put perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How the noble duke Scipion Affrican put hym in so gret aventure in +his gret age ayens the Cartages, that he died upon,<a name="NtA157" href="#Nt157"><sup>[157]</sup></a> rathir than +to life in servage.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Scypio Affricanus.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Scipio Asyanus.</div> + <p>Also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble + and glorious champions two bretherin Scipion Africanus and Scipion Asian, + whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers + entreprises of armees and batailes ayenst the Affricains, for the + saufegarde and defense of the comon wele of theire contre. And the <span + class="sidenotel">Scipio Affricanus.</span> saide Scipion Affrican + wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and + distresse among his adversaries in Cartage.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 67 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page67"></a>{67}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How Scipion Asian, a noble conqueroure for the Romayns, yet in his +age he was envyed, accused to king Antiochus, [and] died +pitouslie in prison for his rewarde.</p> + + <p>And notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by + Scipion Asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of Asie, and enriched + gretlie the tresoure of Rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious + peple accused falsely to king Antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the + tresoure of Rome, and was condempned to prison, where he endid his + daies.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Lucius Paulus.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How Lucius Paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde +not doo by counceile, he was slayne in bataile.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.</div> + <p>Also Lucius Paulus, a noble consul Romayne, that spared not hym silfe + to die in bataile in Puylle withe .ccc. noble Romains that were assemblid + unwitting the saide Lucius Paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the + saide .iij<sup>c</sup>. nobles Romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he + seeng anothir consul Romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe + his felouship, the saide Lucius Paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his + adversaries withe the residew of the Romains that [were] lefte, and there + died withe them, to th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the + saide entreprise was not lost in his defaute.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Marcus Marcellus.</div> +<div class="sidenotel">Haniballe.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How Marcus Marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of Rome, +bethout avise, went hastilie to bataile ayenst Haniballe of +Cartage, and he being so sorie for the dethe of so manlie a duke +did hym to be buried in the most worshipfulle wise.</p> + + <p>Also it is [to be] remembrid of Marcus Marcellus, a consulle Romayne + that set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret <!-- Page 68 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page68"></a>{68}</span>deliberacion or + advisement, desired to fight ayenst Haniballe prince of Cartage, + assemblid withe a gret power ayenst the Romains, whiche were feerse</p> + +<p class="cenhead">[Here again a leaf of the Manuscript is lost.]</p> + + <p>of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of + his grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that + whan ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife + moist, colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the + saide countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid + before shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or + derthe fallen [by] suche straunge menys. And <span class="sidenotel">Res + publica.</span> aswelle the terme of Res publica, whiche is in Englisshe + tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be referred to the provision + and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a householde as to the conduit and + wise governaunce of a village, towne, citee, countree, or region.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">[The following addition is here made in the margin.]</p> + + <p>Hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of Parys felle in abcence + of Herry .v<sup>te</sup>. kyng beyng in England wyth hys queene. And + bethoute noote of vaynglory, yff I do wryte of myne autor<a name="NtA158" + href="#Nt158"><sup>[158]</sup></a> I fynde by hys bokes of hys purveours + how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde hafe grete + providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stokphyshe + and saltfyshe owt of England commyng by shyppes. And that policie was one + of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the lordes of the kyng + ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to kepe that he + ledd yerly .iij<sup>c</sup>. sperys and the bowes. And also yn semblable + wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys + soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to + do the kyng and the sayd regent service. And yt fille yn the + .viij<sup>te</sup>. yere of Herry the .v<sup>the</sup>., named kyng, when + he was capteyn of the Bastyle of Seynt Antonye of Parys, and Thomas + Beauford, dux of Excestyr, <!-- Page 69 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page69"></a>{69}</span>beyng then capteyn of the cytee, hyt + fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord Lyseladam, who<a + name="NtA159" href="#Nt159"><sup>[159]</sup></a> was yn so grete favour + of the cyte that alle the comyns of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to + harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of Exetyr and ayenst hys armee and + felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth hys felyshype were coherced + to take the Bastyle for her deffence. And at hys commyng the chieff + questyon he demaunded of the seyd Fastolf how welle he was stored of + greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for horsmete, and of othyr + vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt. And hyt comforted + gretly the prince. Then the duc made redy the ordenaunce wyth shot of + grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye, that they + kept her loggeyns. And the Frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn the cytee, + helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer constreyned + to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda, specialiter Cyro regi.</div> +<p class="cenhead">Caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe +erthe tiliers.</p> + + <p>And as Caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a + prince to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all + tho that bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of + verray necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be <span + class="sidenotel">Socrates.</span> plenteous, riche, and well at ease. + And the philosophur Socrates writithe that Cirus king of Perse was + excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies [of] whiche + Cirus one Lisander, of the cite of Lacedemone in Grece, a man halden of + gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the saide + king Cirus, being in the cite of Sardes, and presented hym withe clothis + of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of + Lacedemonois; the <span class="sidenotel">De quodam Lysander ph'o.</span> + whiche king Cirus received the saide Liȝander full worshiplie in + his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and pleasure that the + said <!-- Page 70 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page70"></a>{70}</span>king Cirus had to doo hym worship and + pleasure and chier, he broughte the saide Lisander to see his gardins and + herbers, whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce + sett and planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so + welle aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many + straunge and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of + flouris and herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and + plesaunt sighte that ever the saide citesyn Lisander had see beforne. + <span class="sidenotel">De Ciro rege Persarum.</span> And the saide Cirus + saide unto Lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be + compassed, rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his + owne hande. And the saide Lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse + of his parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious + stones, he saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt + withe his vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide Cirus + emploied and intentife<a name="NtA160" href="#Nt160"><sup>[160]</sup></a> + besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage of his + londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of + beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the <span + class="sidenotel">Tullius.</span> naturelle richesse of worldlie joie. + Also Tullius writithe that Valerius Corvinus, an auncien citesyn Romayne, + did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and make it riche + withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele of the cite + of Rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in Rome shulde be + alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of corne + shulde be alway hadde.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">De re publica.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How the noble cenatours of Rome avaunced here parsones in gret +perille and jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon +welfare of the Romains.</p> + + <p>And the saide famous clerk Tullius, in the .5. disc' of the saide + booke, puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous <!-- Page + 71 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page71"></a>{71}</span>dukis, + princes, and cenatours of Romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only + putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire + adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and + welfare of Rome. Among whiche, one of the <span class="sidenotel">Lucius + Brutus.</span> saide Romains was Lucius Brutus, that whan Arnus, a leder + of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the Romains to have discomfit hem + and <span class="sidenotel">Lucius Romanus.</span> put hem in servage out + of her fraunchise, the saide noble Lucius, being then governoure of the + ooste of Romains, thought rathir to die upon the said Arnus, so that he + mighte subdew hym, rathir than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. + He mounted upon his hors, and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a + mightie courage renne feerslie <span class="sidenotel">Non est laudendum + secundum legem Christianorum.</span> upon the saide Arnus being in the + myddille of his oost, and fortuned by chaunce that bothe of hem wounded<a + name="NtA161" href="#Nt161"><sup>[161]</sup></a> othir to dethe. And whan + it was undrestonde in the hooste that the saide Arnus, capitalle + adversarie to Romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their + feelde, whiche had not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the + wilfulle dethe of the saide Lucius Brutus.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke<a name="NtA162" href="#Nt162"><sup>[162]</sup></a>, chieveteyne, +lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie +just paiment to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis +might falle.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Autor. Notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad execucionem justicii.</div> + <p>And overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace + and providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in + way of justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to + youre liege people, the whiche by Goddis law, and by law of reason and + nature, is the contrarie of it righte dampnable,<a name="NtA163" + href="#Nt163"><sup>[163]</sup></a> and which grevous offence, as it is + voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that + oughte be<a name="NtA164" href="#Nt164"><sup>[164]</sup></a>] youre + obeisaunce in Fraunce and Normandie than in othir straunge regions: and + to <!-- Page 72 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page72"></a>{72}</span>every welle advised man it is easy to + undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid, + and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide + adverse partie; that is to <span class="sidenotel">Notandum est de + ordinaria solucione Joh'is ducis Bedfordie.</span> say, that shalle be + men of soude and of armes, as well tho that [shalle be<a name="NtA165" + href="#Nt165"><sup>[165]</sup></a>] undre youre lieutenauntis as the + chiefteins and capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, + [lyke as Johan regent of <span class="sidenotel">Concidera.</span> + Fraunce payd,<a href="#Nt165"><sup>[165]</sup></a>] or by quarter, + bethout any rewarde [of curtesyie of colour<a name="NtA166" + href="#Nt166"><sup>[166]</sup></a>] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or + abreggement, or undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, + aswelle in this londe as in Normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be + empoverisshed in straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the + saide contreis. And that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie + or nede of<a name="NtA167" href="#Nt167"><sup>[167]</sup></a> long and + grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle require + it. And that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or + commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde, + or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have + cause to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking + theire vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in + defaut of due payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day + contynued, or the saide londes <span class="sidenotel">Nota + multiplicacionem officiariorum.</span> were lost, uncorrectid ne + punisshid, [as] turned to the gret undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, + and one othir of gret causis that they have turned their hertis frome us, + breking theire allegeaunce by manere of cohercion for suche rapyn, + oppressions, and extorcions. And also the officers than being nedithe not + to have so many lieutenauntis or undre officers as they have hadde, + whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide peple by undew charges to + enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have be but esy vaileable to + the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence of exersising of armes + for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of necessite. For it was never + seen that any countre, cite, or towne did encrece welle wherover many + nedeles officers and governours that onlie wolde have a renomme, and <!-- + Page 73 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page73"></a>{73}</span>undre + that colour be a extorcioner, piller, or briboure, was reignyng and + ruling over theym.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Exclamacio.</div> + <p>O mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele + advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche + oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche + officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, + laborers, paissauntes of the saide duchie of Normandie, it is verailie to + deme that certeȝ ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde + not have suffred suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid + long or the said intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in + tho daies in youre possession. For often tymes suche as have pretendid + theym officers wastid of youre [predecessour<a name="NtA168" + href="#Nt168"><sup>[168]</sup></a>] is <span class="sidenotel">De + lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in Frauncia.</span> livelode + more than nedithe, and often tymes suffred them to be manassed [and] + beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe theire wepyns, that they were + nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so enforced for duresse to + forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie relevyd and socoured. + And therto they have ben so often surcharged grevouslie withe paieng of + tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions beside theire rentis, paieng + to the somme righte importable sommes, paide to your predecessours for + youre demains, and to theire landlordis that halden of you, and many of + theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre adverse partie also to + dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and divers tormentis have + ben <span class="sidenotel">Alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in + Normannia commorancium.</span> done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. + He allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre + obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew Englisshe + men done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the + bettir born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that + suche tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? <span + class="sidenotel">Deploracio miserić.</span> O God! whiche art most + mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long + suffre this regnyng without the <!-- Page 74 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page74"></a>{74}</span>stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement + commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom?</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota tria.</div> + <p>Late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow + herof. There may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of + gret hurtis. One is the ire of God and his rod of vengeaunce <span + class="sidenotel">Prima.</span> fallen now upon us by his dyvyne + punisshement [of God,<a name="NtA169" href="#Nt169"><sup>[169]</sup></a>] + aswelle in suffring oure saide adversaries to have the overhande upon us, + as in destroieng of oure lordis by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons<a + href="#Nt169"><sup>[169]</sup></a>] in this lande the saide yere and + season, the yere of Crist .M<sup>l</sup>iiij<sup>c</sup>l. that youre + [grete<a href="#Nt169"><sup>[169]</sup></a>] adversarie made his + intrusion in the saide Normandy, for pite of his peple so oppressid, + hiring theire clamours and cries <span + class="sidenotel">.ij<sup>a</sup>.</span> and theire curses. The second + is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of + hastie socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be + turned awaie frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, + seeing theym thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to + kepe, defende, and maynteyn <span class="sidenotel">.iij. causa.</span> + them. The .iij<sup>de</sup>. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money, + and <span class="sidenotel">Conciderandum est super omnia.</span> lak of + provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre saide + obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre adverse + partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die for + famyn and povertee.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Ecclesia honoranda.</div> +<p class="cenhead">An exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship +and meynteyne the Chirche, and defende hem from oppression.</p> + + <p>And moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of God suffre ye + not the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, + bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, + to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre + predecessour daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or <!-- Page 75 + --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page75"></a>{75}</span>obedience, for + how that men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by + experience knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion + to lyve in more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out + to rulers, gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that + they dwellin upon or have <span class="sidenotel">Nota bene.</span> her + lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. And the peple that + were welle set<a name="NtA170" href="#Nt170"><sup>[170]</sup></a> and + often tymes they ben visited withe straungiers of gret astatis, as welle + spirituelle as temporelle, and namelie withe tho that have the lawes to + mynistre and to kepe, and withe other nedeles peple that waste and + surcharge theym, for they were founded to that entent but to kepe theire + nombre of fundacion, <span class="sidenotel">Hospitalitas in ecclesia est + preferranda.</span> praieng for theire foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee + for to<a name="NtA171" href="#Nt171"><sup>[171]</sup></a>] feede <span + class="sidenotel">Lamentacio.</span> the pore and the nedie in case of + necessite. A mercifulle Jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in her cronicles + that Pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte amongis the + Romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was alonlie + that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places, as + chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in Salamon is Temple, the + whiche the saide Salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or + temple of the erthe to serve and praise God. And in example of late daies + yn king Johan of Fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee + before he was take at the bataile of Peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted + hym silfe to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of Salisbury. + And after he was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they<a + href="#Nt171"><sup>[171]</sup></a>] had gret repentaunce of. And therfor, + fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of renomme, let a covenable and + a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven to us for provision and + reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be purveied for by so dew + meenes that it may be to God is pleasaunce. And that we may withedraw and + leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men wolde so inordinatlie + rule and oppresse the Chirche. So that now this begon mischiefe and + stroke of pestilence in youre <!-- Page 76 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page76"></a>{76}</span>predecessour daies be not set as a jugement + in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or determyned for oure wele + and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng, so to be take for oure + savacion. What saiethe saint Jeroyme amongis his dolorous lamentacions + upon the prophesie of Jooelle? If we have not, (seithe <span + class="sidenotel">Cogita.</span> he,) know God in welthe and prosperite, + then, at the leest, let us know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise + there we have erred and fauted by over gret haboundaunce of suche + chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of suche oppression, covetice, + inespecialle pride and envy, &c. Let us withedraw us from hem withe + goode corage, and to that ende that we be not chastised ne punisshed by + the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of none suche affliccions as + we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies by youre saide + adversaries.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patrić est preferrandum quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her +londe, shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.</div> + <p>And also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe + garde of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and + encrece of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, + establisshe, and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for + the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, + as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that + while they ben of grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised + in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, + to can renne withe speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir + defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make + hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in + suche tyme of nede to have theire service in entreprises of dedis of + armes, they may of experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service + honourable in what region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,<a + name="NtA172" href="#Nt172"><sup>[172]</sup></a>] abashed, ne astonied, + <!-- Page 77 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page77"></a>{77}</span>forto take entreprises, to answere or + deliver a gentilman that desire in worship to doo armes in liestis to the + utteraunce, or to certein pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, + and in cas of necessite you<a name="NtA173" + href="#Nt173"><sup>[173]</sup></a> and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, + and defende frome youre adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the + custom in the daies of youre noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of + Fraunce as of Englande. In example wherof, king Edwarde + .iij<sup>de</sup>. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the prince in + righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries, wherby + they were more apt in haunting of armes. <span class="sidenotel">Ser + Johan Fastolf.</span> And, [as myne autor seyd me,<a name="NtA174" + href="#Nt174"><sup>[174]</sup></a>] the chevalrous knight [fyrst<a + href="#Nt174"><sup>[174]</sup></a>] Henry duke of Lancastre, which is + named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym frome + princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon, + Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to + be doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of + armes and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here + honoure spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. + And after hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis + of gret birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of + armes and gentilnes<a name="NtA175" href="#Nt175"><sup>[175]</sup></a> to + them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is, many one that + ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis sonnes, + esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler + practik, straunge [faculteeȝ<a name="NtA176" + href="#Nt176"><sup>[176]</sup></a>] frome that fet, as to lerne the + practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn + gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis + halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and + shiris halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and + simple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who + can be a reuler and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the + worlde goithe now, among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe + despendid .xxx. or .xl. yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre + <!-- Page 78 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page78"></a>{78}</span><span class="sidenotel">Optativus + modus.</span> [antecessourys<a name="NtA177" + href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>] conquestis and werris. So wolde + Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to be as good men of armes, + chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that befallithe for hem where + worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir rathir then as they + have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a sessions or a shire + day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple, to theire + [enpoveryshyng<a name="NtA178" href="#Nt178"><sup>[178]</sup></a>,] and + to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified the more, but only they shulde + maynteyn your justices and your officers usyng the goode custom of youre + lawes. And than ye shulde have righte litille nede to have thoughte, + anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and wyn ayen youre rightfulle + enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from youre ennemies. And that + suche singuler practik shulde [not<a href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>] + be accustumed and occupied [undewly<a href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>] + withe suche men that be come of noble birthe, [but he be the yonger + brother, havyng not whereof to lyve honestly<a + href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>.] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had + suffred theire sonnes to mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, + using oppressing by colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered + twyes<a href="#Nt177"><sup>[177]</sup></a>] Cartage ayenst alle the + Affricans.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and +temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid +by lordis and noble men of birthe.</p> + + <p>Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the + custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of + demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe + he were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, + and to mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law + to youre peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide + officers and ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the + princes, lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie + tho that oughte defende yow and youre <!-- Page 79 --><span + class="pagenum"><a name="page79"></a>{79}</span>roiaume that halden + theire londis of you by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by + youre noble auncestries. And over this that they be lerned and introducid + in the drede of God, and not presumptuously take upon hem to offende + theire law, for the whiche, and in example to this purpose, it is wretin + in the .36. chapitre of the prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king + of Juda despraised the admonestementis, advertisementis, and the + doctrines of God, that Jeremie had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, + the whiche he made to be cast in the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, + but usid after his owne wilfulnesse and hedinesse and without counceile, + therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of the prophete that of hym shuld issew + ne come none heire to succeede ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie + and holde his roiaume, and overmore that he shulde visit hym by + punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym that had suffred and + caused to be so eville inducid. And so it <span + class="sidenotel">Exclamacio.</span> fille after the prophesie. O ye than + in the same wise puttithe away the delites of sensualitees of suche + inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome the children of + noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe that in thingis + [of noblesse<a name="NtA179" href="#Nt179"><sup>[179]</sup></a>] that + apparteynithe and belongithe to theym to lerne, as in excercising<a + name="NtA180" href="#Nt180"><sup>[180]</sup></a> of armes and to suche + occupacions of worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be + long delaied, but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then + doubte not but that God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every + necessite to relief us, despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, + but that he of his infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and + his grace oure good entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis + and dedis.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed.</p> + + <p>And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and + excesse of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as <!-- Page + 80 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page80"></a>{80}</span>the worthie + Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or + anguisshes by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, + and anothir maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. + And the same maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce + hathe used, escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, + and bobauncees, and the usaige of pellure and furres they have + expresselie put away. Whiche costues arraymentis and disgising of + clothing of so many divers facion used in this youre roiaume, + inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be one of the gret + inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and enforced gret + pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe broughte them to + gret indigence and povertee.</p> + +<p class="cenhead">How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume +because the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys +and prestis made to highe sovereins.</p> + + <p>Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,<a + name="NtA181" href="#Nt181"><sup>[181]</sup></a>] not paied holy theire + duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir marchaundise, as + by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the behofe of youre + predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises be delaied and + despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her deutees and + paiementis, and fayn to suffre to <span class="sidenotel">Nota + optime.</span> defalke and relese partie of her dutee to receyve the + othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and hinderaunce of youre + peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient, righte noble king, + withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let youre riche tresours + be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of gold and silver, + among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement + of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and nedie peple. + And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, livelode, and <!-- + Page 81 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page81"></a>{81}</span>goode in + the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be + set in money to the remedie and socoure of this gret importunyte and + necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from youre adversaries + before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre or<a name="NtA182" + href="#Nt182"><sup>[182]</sup></a>] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of + golde than without worship, and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in + a riche roiaume in tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore + roiaume where debate and strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, + every man than in his degree wolle doo the same. And to example of us + alle ye [soo<a href="#Nt182"><sup>[182]</sup></a>] puissaunt and mighetie + men of good counceile and stere,<a name="NtA183" + href="#Nt183"><sup>[183]</sup></a> every man helpe after his degree.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Nota bene.</div> +<p class="cenhead">How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his +owne hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, +to cherisshe and favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, +and use justice and peas.</p> + + <p>And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king + of Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his + testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip + that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his + diligence that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and + inespecialle to favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his + roiaume, and to kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may + encrese and lyve puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of + power and mighetie of goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre + adverse partie wol doubt and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre + noble mageste. And if the adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of + youre parsone, and the welfare of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and + burgeis and good comyns shalbe of power and of goode courage, and wille + withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to be yoven forto resist + them. And, <!-- Page 82 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page82"></a>{82}</span>therefore, favoure and forbere the pore + peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre hertis may bring + to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to this roiaume + shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late lost. And + who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym in dedis + of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste<a + name="NtA184" href="#Nt184"><sup>[184]</sup></a> and spirituelle, + temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode courage, and not + by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in tyme to come, but + of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is so expedient + and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man bring and put + forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the worship of God + let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be shewed, who + that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or set hym + silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret necessite. And + who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or tresoure, yet put his + good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and of noble renomme as + thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to be victorious, who + may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded withe simpler + people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and youre noble + progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before this? It is + welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne defendour but + it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder. Som say that + the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in stormye + seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art not + in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche + indigence and necessite.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 83 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page83"></a>{83}</span></p> + +<p class="cenhead">How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that +bothe mete and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, +yet tho that [were] left toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes +and othirs, that releved ayen the frauncheis and libertees of +Rome.</p> + + <p>And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan + that bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire + manhode, neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; + so that, what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, + than they made knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest + forto encrese withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies + of Rome, and namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not + usid of custom nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, + yet at that tyme whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought + right liberallie of theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were + right gretly thanked and praised, and after the victorie had welle + recompensid and contentid.</p> + +<div class="sidenotel">Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.</div> + <p>Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the + seconde decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme + of werris long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by + tasques, tailes, and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree + habandonned and yoven largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide + Romains had no more in substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it + fille soo that the countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie + for a gret armee and an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and + kepe the see as the lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many + gret chargis before that they might no more, but if the lordis senatours + and counceilours of Rome wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that + the comons of Rome complained and grugged in open market places <!-- Page + 84 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page84"></a>{84}</span>ayenst the + saide gret astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille + theire bodies and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne + taile, the saide governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they + wolde counceile togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, + and seiden in conclusion that, were<a name="NtA185" + href="#Nt185"><sup>[185]</sup></a> it righte or wrong, we senatours, + astatis, and governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve + example to the comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping + of the lande and see <span class="sidenotel">Lenius.</span> frome + ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide that, + forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in + preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they + here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow + woldist comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons + example, to morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret + part of the golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us + senatours and statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his + propre use but ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children + withalle; so that every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but + for a chapelle and a cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde + of coyned silver; and every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe + for every of hem an ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every + citesyn of havyour and degre to reserve only but .v<sup>mil</sup>. pens + of brasse money, and soo that alle othir golde, silver, and brasse money + coyned to be brought to the tresorers of the citee. And aftre than the + comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that the senatours and governours of + Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned and put out so habundantlie + and largelie of her golde and tresour for the comon wele, to the defense + and keping of the see withe shippis and maryneris, to the defense and + rebutting of her adversaries, that every of the comons of Rome, after her + power and havyoure, of gret courage brought frelie of gold, silver, and + othir coyne money to the <!-- Page 85 --><span class="pagenum"><a + name="page85"></a>{85}</span>tresorers and chaungers that were comytted + to receyve the money, the prese was so grete that they had no tyme to + write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto nombre and telle the + quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they broughte; and by this + accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid that the knightis and + men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to defende and kepe the + countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be maistris of the see; + and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre was purveied for + and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours counceilours + had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem wente + forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret + discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee, + and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship, + prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde + covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable + good and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure + adversaries, and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway + be lordis and maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this + tyme.</p> + + <p>Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the + yeere of Crist .M<sup>l</sup>iiij<sup>c</sup>lxxv., and of the noble + Reyne of kyng Edward the .iiij<sup>the</sup>. the .xv<sup>ne</sup>.</p> + +</blockquote> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><!-- Page 87 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page87"></a>{87}</span></p> + +<h2>G<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>N<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>R<span class="gsp"> </span>A<span class="gsp"> </span>L I<span class="gsp"> </span>N<span class="gsp"> </span>D<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>X.</h2> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Acre, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>Actovylle, Raulyn, <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>Africa, <a href="#page11">11</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>Agamemnon, <a href="#page20">20</a>, <a href="#page63">63</a></p> + <p>Agincourt, battle of, <a href="#page16">16</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Ajax, <a href="#page63">63</a>, <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>Alencon, duke of <a href="#page12">12</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">taken prisoner <a href="#page18">18</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his redemption <a href="#page19">19</a></p> + <p>Alexander, king, <a href="#page7">7</a></p> + <p>Anjou, the title of, <a href="#page23">23</a></p> + <p>Appius, <a href="#page60">60</a></p> + <p>Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, <a href="#pagelvi">lvi</a></p> + <p>Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>Armonac, earl of, <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page37">37</a></p> + <p>Arras, treaty of, <a href="#pagexlix">xlix</a></p> + <p>Arthur, king, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page9">9</a></p> + <p>—— of Breteyn, <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>Astrology depreciated, <a href="#pageviii">viii</a>, <a href="#page50">50</a></p> + <p>Authors quoted:—</p> + <p class="i2">de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, <a href="#page25">25</a>, <a href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>;</p> + <p class="i4">Preface <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#pagevi">vi</a>, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>, <a href="#pageix">ix</a></p> + <p class="i2">Austyn, of the City of God, <a href="#page57">57</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">—— of Free will, <a href="#page50">50</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, <a href="#page2">2</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Basset, Peter, <a href="#pageliii">liii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Boetius de Consolatione, <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page21">21</a>, <a href="#page50">50</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Cato, <a href="#page25">25</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a>, <a href="#page69">69</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Chartier, see Auriga</p> + <p class="i2">Cicero, of Divination, <a href="#page50">50</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">—— <i>see</i> Tullius;</p> + <p class="i2">Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, <a href="#page6">6</a> <i>bis</i>, <a href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page30">30</a>, <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page54">54</a> (her biography <i>ib.</i>);</p> + <p class="i2">de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, <a href="#page23">23</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Froissart, <a href="#page40">40</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Gildas, <a href="#page51">51</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Governance of Princes,liv;</p> + <p class="i2">Jeremye the prophet, <a href="#page79">79</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Jerome, saint, <a href="#page76">76</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Job, <a href="#page6">6</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a>, <a href="#page58">58</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Josephus, liber antiquitatum, <a href="#page51">51</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Kayus son, <a href="#pageii">ii</a>, <a href="#page1">1</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Livius (Titus, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page51">51</a>, <a href="#page53">53</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Machabeus, <a href="#page42">42</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Malexander, Walter, <a href="#page22">22</a>, <a href="#page26">26</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Nennius, <a href="#page62">62</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Novius Marcellus, <a href="#page57">57</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, <a href="#page51">51</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Ovid, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Paralipomenon, <a href="#page56">56</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), <a href="#page13">13</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Pliny the younger, <a href="#pageii">ii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">du Premier-Faict, Laurence, <a href="#pageli">li</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Ptolomy, Centilogie, <a href="#page51">51</a>;</p> + <p class="i2"><i>de Regimine Principum</i>, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Socrates, <a href="#page69">69</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Tree of Batailes, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Tullius, <a href="#page25">25</a>, <a href="#page57">57</a> <i>ter</i>, <a href="#page58">58</a> <i>bis</i>, <a href="#page59">59</a>, <a href="#page60">60</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a>, <a href="#page70">70</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (<i>de Arte Militari</i>), <a href="#page21">21</a>, <a href="#page29">29</a>, <a href="#page55">55</a>;</p> + <p class="i4">Preface, p. <a href="#pagevi">vi</a>.;</p> + <p class="i2">Wallensis, Commune loquium, <a href="#page57">57</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Worcestre, William of, <a href="#pagel">l</a>, <a href="#page1">1</a></p> + <p>Averaunces, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> +<!-- Page 88 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page88"></a>{88}</span> + <p>Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Basset, Peter, an historical writer, <a href="#pageliii">liii</a></p> + <p>Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>, <a href="#pagelx">lx</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + <p>Beauchamp, sir William, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Bedford, John duke of, <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page17">17</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">wins the battle of Vernelle <a href="#page18">18</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">and conquers the county of Maine <a href="#page19">19</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">other victories <a href="#page28">28</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">statutes of <a href="#page31">31</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">eulogy on <a href="#page44">44</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">defended Paris <a href="#page47">47</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his payment of wages <a href="#page72">72</a></p> + <p>Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#pagexxi">xxi</a></p> + <p>Bituitus, king, <a href="#page27">27</a></p> + <p>Boecius, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p><span class="sc">Boke of Noblesse</span>, its scope and intention, <a href="#pagei">i</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">probable date of its composition, <i>ib.</i>;</p> + <p class="i2">abstract of its contents, <a href="#pagei">i</a>-xvii;</p> + <p class="i2">the question of its authorship, <a href="#pagel">l</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">other books of the same character, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">the MS. described, <a href="#pagelv">lv</a></p> + <p>Bonnet, Honoré, <a href="#pageiv">iv</a></p> + <p>Bordeaux, <a href="#page42">42</a></p> + <p>Bougée, battle of, <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page44">44</a></p> + <p>Bourbon, the bastard of, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxxvii">xxxvii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>—— the cardinal of, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxxvii">xxxvii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxix">xxxix</a></p> + <p>Brennus, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Bretagne, Charles duke of, <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>—— Giles son of the duke of, <a href="#pageii">ii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>—— the duke of, protected by king Edward, <a href="#pagexl">xl</a>, <a href="#pagexli">xli</a></p> + <p>Bretailles, Louis de, <a href="#pagexlii">xlii</a></p> + <p>Bretigny, peace of, <a href="#page37">37</a>, <a href="#page40">40</a>, <a href="#page49">49</a></p> + <p>Buchan, earl of, <a href="#page17">17</a></p> + <p>Burgoyne, duke of, <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>—— marshal of, <a href="#page17">17</a></p> + <p>Burgundy, Charles duke of, <a href="#pagei">i</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his designation of <i>le Hardi</i>, <a href="#pagex">x</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, <a href="#pagexxviii">xxviii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">interviews with king Edward, <a href="#pagexxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#pagexxix">xxix</a>, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">character of, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">suspected by the English, <a href="#pagexxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#pagexlvi">xlvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his truce with France, <a href="#pagexlvii">xlvii</a></p> + <p>—— John duke of, his murder, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a></p> + <p>—— Margaret duchess of, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a></p> + <p>Caen, won by assault, <a href="#page12">12</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">rescue of, <a href="#page28">28</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">parliament at, <a href="#page31">31</a></p> + <p>Calais, siege of, <a href="#page13">13</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Camillus, <a href="#page53">53</a></p> + <p>Canute (Knowt), <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>Carew, the baron of, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Carthage, wars of the Romans with, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page61">61</a>, <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>Cato, <a href="#page61">61</a></p> + <p>Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, <a href="#pagelvi">lvi</a></p> + <p>Caxton, works of:—</p> + <p class="i2">Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, <a href="#pagevi">vi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Curial, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Tully on Old Age, <a href="#pageli">li</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, <a href="#pagexliii">xliii</a></p> + <p>Cerdic, <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>Champenois, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>Chandos, Sir John, <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page37">37</a>, <a href="#page46">46</a></p> + <p>Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">mentioned, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page37">37</a></p> + <p>Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy <a href="#pageii">ii</a>, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his secretary Alain Chartier <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">mentioned <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page25">25</a></p> + <p>Charles le bien amé, <a href="#page25">25</a></p> + <p>Charles le simple, <a href="#page39">39</a></p> + <p>Charles the sage, <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>Chartier; <i>see</i> Authors</p> + <p>Chester, Randolfe earl of, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Cheyne, sir John, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexliii">xliii</a></p> + <p>Childermas day, <a href="#pagexxxv">xxxv</a></p> + <p>Chirburgh, <a href="#page12">12</a></p> + <p>Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a></p> + <p>Christine, dame; <i>see</i> Passy <i>and</i> Pisan</p> + <p>Church, oppressed in Normandy, <a href="#pagexiii">xiii</a>, <a href="#page74">74</a></p> + <p>Citizens, their contributions to the war, <a href="#pagexxi">xxi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">their experience in the campaign, <a href="#pagexlv">xlv</a></p> + <p>Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their</p> + <p class="i2">pay, <a href="#pagexx">xx</a>, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a></p> + <p>Clarence, Thomas duke of, <a href="#page18">18</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">eulogy on, <a href="#page44">44</a></p> + <p>Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Cleret, Pierre, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a></p> + <p>Clergy oppressed in Normandy, <a href="#pagexiii">xiii</a>, <a href="#page74">74</a>;</p> +<!-- Page 89 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page89"></a>{89}</span> + <p>Clothing, cost and pomp in, <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + <p>Commines, Philippe de, the historian, <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">employed by king Louis, <a href="#pagexxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#pagexxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#pagexxxvi">xxxvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">dressed like his master, <a href="#pagexxxvii">xxxvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">characteras an historian, <a href="#pagexli">xli</a></p> + <p>Commons, or people, termed "bestial", <a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>Conquerors, duties of, <a href="#page21">21</a></p> + <p>Cornwall, language of, <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>Countour, a commissioner of taxes, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a></p> + <p>Courtenay, sir Hugh, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>—— sir Philip, <i>ib.</i></p> + <p>Cravant, battle of, <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page18">18</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page44">44</a></p> + <p>Cressy, battle of, <a href="#page12">12</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a></p> + <p>Cyprus, king of, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Damascus, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>David king of Scots, <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>Derby, earl of, <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>Dieppe, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>Dorset, Edmond earl of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>—— Thomas earl of, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Douglas, earl of, <a href="#page18">18</a></p> + <p>Dove, the omen of the, <a href="#pagexxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#pagexlii">xlii</a></p> + <p>Dress; <i>see</i> Clothing</p> + <p>Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", <a href="#pagevii">vii</a></p> + <p>Dudley, William, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a></p> + <p>Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>Dynham, John lord, <a href="#pagexxii">xxii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Education, military, <a href="#page76">76</a></p> + <p>Edmond Ironside, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Edward the First, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>Edward the Third, <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page12">12</a>, <a href="#page14">14</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">he made great alliances, <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>Edward prince of Wales, <a href="#page4">4</a>, <a href="#page13">13</a>, <a href="#page14">14</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">received homage as duke of Guienne, <a href="#page37">37</a>, <a href="#page43">43</a></p> + <p>Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, <a href="#pagei">i</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">prepares to invade France <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">salutes the generous widow <a href="#pagexxi">xxi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">lands at Calais <a href="#pagexxvi">xxvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">interviews with the duke of Burgundy <a href="#pagexxiv">xxiv</a>, <a href="#pagexxix">xxix</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">with king Louis <a href="#pagexxxvi">xxxvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">character of <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#pagexli">xli</a>, <a href="#pagexlv">xlv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his personal appearance <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">ruin of his political schemes and death <a href="#pagexlviii">xlviii</a></p> + <p>Elkyngton, John, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a></p> + <p>English, their character as soldiers <a href="#pagexxvi">xxvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Ennius, <a href="#page61">61</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a></p> + <p>Eu, earl of, <a href="#page12">12</a></p> + <p>Exeter, Thomas duke of <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">captain of Paris, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>, <a href="#pagexii">xii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Fabius, <a href="#page59">59</a>, <a href="#page60">60</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a></p> + <p>Fabricius, <a href="#page55">55</a>, <a href="#page60">60</a></p> + <p>Faliste, <a href="#page53">53</a></p> + <p>Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", <a href="#pagei">i</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">anecdotes and sayings of, <a href="#pagev">v</a>, <a href="#pagex">x</a>, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>, <a href="#pagexiv">xiv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his books of accompt, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, <i>ib.</i>;</p> + <p class="i2">his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", <a href="#pagel">l</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his services in France, <a href="#pageli">li</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">mentioned, <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page16">16</a>, <a href="#page19">19</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a> <i>ter</i>, <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page64">64</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + <p>Fauconberg, lord, <a href="#page28">28</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">taken prisoner, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>Felton, sir Thomas, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Ferranus king of Spain, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Fizar, battle, <a href="#page46">46</a></p> + <p>Florence, <a href="#page53">53</a></p> + <p>Formigny, the battle of, <a href="#pageviii">viii</a>, <a href="#page42">42</a></p> + <p>Fougeres, the capture of, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>France, oppression of the English subjects in, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">its sufferings from quartering soldiers, <a href="#pagexii">xii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">narrative of the invasion of in 1475, <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>-xliv;</p> + <p class="i2">difficulties of an English invasion of, <a href="#pagexxvii">xxvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">costly dress put away in, <a href="#page80">80</a></p> + <p>Franklin, character of, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a></p> + <p>Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Fulke earl of Anjou, <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page23">23</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Garnett, Richard, <a href="#pagexxi">xxi</a></p> + <p>Garter, the order of the, <a href="#page46">46</a>;</p> +<!-- Page 90 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page90"></a>{90}</span> + <p>Gascony, the title of, <a href="#page24">24</a></p> + <p>Geoffrey Plantagenet, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>—— Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, <a href="#pagexx">xx</a>, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">affects to lead the English chivalry, <a href="#pagexli">xli</a></p> + <p>—— Robert Clare, earl of, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Gourney, Mathew, <a href="#pagelix">lix</a>, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, <a href="#pagexx">xx</a></p> + <p>Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, <a href="#page34">34</a></p> + <p>Guisnes, castle of, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>the Hagge, <a href="#page12">12</a></p> + <p>Hannibal, <a href="#page50">50</a>, <a href="#page59">59</a>, <a href="#page67">67</a></p> + <p>Hardy man, definition of, <a href="#pagex">x</a></p> + <p>Harflete, siege of, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Harington, sir Richard, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Hastings, Hugh lord, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>—— sir Ralph, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>—— William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a></p> + <p>Hay, sir Gilbert, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a></p> + <p>Hector, <a href="#page20">20</a></p> + <p>Henry the First, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Henry the Second, <a href="#page24">24</a></p> + <p>Henry the Fifth, <a href="#page4">4</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">how he conquered Normandy and France, <a href="#page15">15</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his marriage, <a href="#page17">17</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">wins the battle of Agincourt, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">"that victorious prince", <a href="#page39">39</a>, <a href="#page41">41</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">praise of him and his brethren, <a href="#page43">43</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his historians, <a href="#pageliii">liii</a></p> + <p>Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, <a href="#page19">19</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">"the innocent prince", <a href="#page39">39</a></p> + <p>Hercules, <a href="#page21">21</a></p> + <p>Homeldon hill, battle of, <a href="#page18">18</a></p> + <p>Howard, lord, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#pagexxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#pagexxxvi">xxxvi</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">left as hostage with the French, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>, <a href="#pagexli">xli</a>, <a href="#pagexliii">xliii</a>, <a href="#pagexlvi">xlvi</a></p> + <p>Hubert bishop of Salisbury, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Huntingdon, John earl of, <a href="#page16">16</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Jerusalem, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Joachym king of Juda, <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + <p>John, king, <a href="#page33">33</a></p> + <p>John king of France taken prisoner and</p> + <p class="i2">brought to England, <a href="#page13">13</a>, <a href="#page14">14</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a>, <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>Judas Machabeus, <a href="#page42">42</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Kedecause, journey of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Kent, Edmond earl of, <a href="#page35">35</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a></p> + <p>Knollys, sir Robert, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Knowt (Canute), <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>Kyriell, sir Thomas <a href="#pageviii">viii</a>, <a href="#page42">42</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Lancaster, Henry duke of, <a href="#page43">43</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">"a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">choice of officers of, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>Lelius, <a href="#page61">61</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a></p> + <p>Lenius, <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>Library of sir John Paston, <a href="#pagelix">lix</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house of England, <a href="#pageii">ii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">men of war should resemble, <a href="#page4">4</a>, <a href="#page22">22</a>, <a href="#page46">46</a>, <a href="#page47">47</a>, <a href="#page48">48</a></p> + <p>L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>; <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + <p>Loans, <a href="#pagexvi">xvi</a>. <a href="#page80">80</a></p> + <p>Lombards, <a href="#page32">32</a></p> + <p>Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, <a href="#pagev">v</a>. <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page11">11</a>, <a href="#page42">42</a>, <a href="#page81">81</a></p> + <p>Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">character, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his reception of King Edward's defiance, <a href="#pagexxvii">xxvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">kept no herald, <a href="#pagexxx">xxx</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his "disguised apparel", <a href="#pagexxxvii">xxxvii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his timidity, <a href="#pagexliii">xliii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">anecdotes of <a href="#pagexli">xli</a> <i>et seq.</i></p> + <p>Lucius Brutus, <a href="#page71">71</a></p> + <p>Lucius Paulus, <a href="#page60">60</a>, <a href="#page67">67</a></p> + <p>Lucius Valerius, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Lumley, John lord, <a href="#pagelv">lv</a></p> + <p>Lysander, <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Maine, county of, the conquest of, <a href="#page19">19</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">the title of, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">revenues of <a href="#page68">68</a></p> +<!-- Page 91 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page91"></a>{91}</span> + <p>Manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>Mansel, an esquire, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>March, earl of, <a href="#page15">15</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Marcus Actilius, <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>Marcus Marcellus, <a href="#page67">67</a></p> + <p>Margaret of Austria, her matrimonial alliances, <a href="#pagexlviii">xlviii</a></p> + <p>Maude, the empress, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Montgomery, sir N., <a href="#page19">19</a></p> + <p>Morhier, sir Simon, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>Morton, doctor, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a></p> + <p>Montreuil (Motreaw), <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>Mountgomery, sir Thomas, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexlvi">xlvi</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Narbonne, the vicomte de, <a href="#pagexlvi">xlvi</a></p> + <p>Nazar, battle of, <a href="#page14">14</a></p> + <p>Nestor, <a href="#page63">63</a>, <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>Neuss, the siege of, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a></p> + <p>Neville, lord, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Noblesse, identical with Chivalry, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">and with Honour, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a>.;</p> + <p class="i2"><i>See</i> <span class="sc">Boke of Noblesse</span></p> + <p>Normandy, the title of, <a href="#page22">22</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">arms of, <a href="#page23">23</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">the wretched state of, <a href="#page72">72</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">the clergy oppressed, <a href="#page74">74</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">its re-conquest by the French, <a href="#pageii">ii</a>, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#pageviii">viii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Oldhall, sir William, <a href="#page19">19</a></p> + <p>Orleans; bastard of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>—— duke of, <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>—— siege of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Paris, <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page8">8</a>, <a href="#page19">19</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">siege of, <a href="#page47">47</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">rebellion in, <a href="#page68">68</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">bastille of St. Anthony, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a>, <a href="#pagelx">lx</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">in the hands of the English, <a href="#pagexi">xi</a></p> + <p>Parliament, the English, as described by Commines, <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a></p> + <p>Passy, dame Christine of, <a href="#pageiv">iv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">biographical note upon, <a href="#page54">54</a></p> + <p>Paston, sir John, his library, <a href="#pagelix">lix</a></p> + <p>Peace, the treaty of, in 1475, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a></p> + <p>Philip, king of France, <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>Philip Dieu-donné, <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page34">34</a>, <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>Philip of Valois, <a href="#page12">12</a></p> + <p>Picquigny, the royal interview at, <a href="#pagexxxvi">xxxvi</a></p> + <p>de Pisan, Christine, <a href="#pagevi">vi</a></p> + <p>Plantagenet, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Poitiers, battle of, <a href="#page13">13</a>, <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>Pompeus, <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>Pont l'Arche, the capture of <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>Popham, sir John, <a href="#page19">19</a></p> + <p>Poynings, lord, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Prophecies, the English always provided with, <a href="#pagexxxix">xxxix</a>, <a href="#page50">50</a></p> + <p>Publius Decius, <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>Pyrrhus, <a href="#page55">55</a>, <a href="#page60">60</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Radcliff, sir John, <a href="#page48">48</a></p> + <p>Rais, lord, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Rempston, sir Thomas, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Respublica, <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + <p>Richard emperor of Almaine, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>Richard the First, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Riviers, Anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of Burgundy, <a href="#pagexxv">xxv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his connections with royalty, <a href="#pagexxvi">xxvi</a>. <i>See</i> Scales</p> + <p>Robert, king of Jerusalem, <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>Rochedaryon, <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>Rollo, duke of Normandy, <a href="#page39">39</a></p> + <p>Romans, their wars with Carthage, <a href="#page26">26</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">the largess of, to make an army to Africa, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>Rome, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Rotherham, archbishop, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxviii">xxxviii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxix">xxxix</a></p> + <p>Rouen, <a href="#page5">5</a></p> + <p>Roveraye, battle of, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page44">44</a></p> + <p>Runcyvale, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>St. Cloud, battle of, <a href="#page8">8</a></p> + <p>St. Leger, sir Thomas, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxvi">xxxvi</a></p> + <p>St. Pol, Louis de Luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king Louis, and uncle to queen Elizabeth Wydville, <a href="#pagexxviii">xxviii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his temporising and treacherous conduct, <a href="#pagexxix">xxix</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">circumstances of his ruin, <a href="#pagexxxiv">xxxiv</a>, <a href="#pagexl">xl</a>, <a href="#pagexliv">xliv</a></p> + <p>Salisbury, Thomas earl of, <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page19">19</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> +<!-- Page 92 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page92"></a>{92}</span> + <p>Scales, lord, <a href="#page19">19</a>;</p> + <p class="i2"><i>see</i> Riviers</p> + <p>Sciences, the, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Scipio, <a href="#page61">61</a>, <a href="#page62">62</a></p> + <p>Scipio Africanus and Scipio Asianus, <a href="#page66">66</a></p> + <p>Scluse, battle of, <a href="#page12">12</a>, <a href="#page36">36</a></p> + <p>Senlys, <a href="#page47">47</a></p> + <p>Sensuality, evils of, <a href="#page22">22</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page52">52</a></p> + <p>Sessions, <a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>Shire-days, holding of, <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>Shrewsbury, <a href="#page18">18</a></p> + <p>Shrewsbury, earl of, <a href="#page28">28</a> <i>bis</i></p> + <p>Sicily, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>Smert, John, Garter king of arms, <a href="#pagexxvii">xxvii</a></p> + <p>Soldiers, on the just payment of, <a href="#page71">71</a></p> + <p>Somerset, Edmond duke of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>—— John duke of, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Stanley, lord, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#pagexxx">xxx</a>, <a href="#pagexxxi">xxxi</a></p> + <p>Suffolk, William earl of, <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>Surie (Syria), <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Tancarville, earl of, <a href="#page12">12</a></p> + <p>Thames, the flood of, <a href="#page82">82</a></p> + <p>Tours, <a href="#page5">5</a>, <a href="#page25">25</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">truce of, <a href="#pageii">ii</a></p> + <p>"Tree of Batailes," a popular work, <a href="#pageiii">iii</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">its author, editions, and manuscripts, <a href="#pageiv">iv</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">quoted, <a href="#pagevii">vii</a></p> + <p>Troy, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page20">20</a>, <a href="#page43">43</a>, <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>Truces with France, the history of, <a href="#page34">34</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">truce of Tours, <a href="#pageii">ii</a></p> + <p>Tryvet, sir John, <a href="#page15">15</a></p> + <p>Tunis, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>Tunstall, sir Richard, <a href="#pagexx">xx</a>, <a href="#pagexxiii">xxiii</a>, <a href="#pagexxxii">xxxii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Ulixes, <a href="#page21">21</a></p> + <p>d'Urfé, seigneur, <a href="#pagexxxiii">xxxiii</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Valerius Corvinus, <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>Vernelle, battle of, <a href="#page18">18</a>, <a href="#page19">19</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a> <i>bis</i>, <a href="#page44">44</a></p> + <p>Virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, <a href="#page7">7</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Wales, language of, <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>Warwick, Thomas earl of, <a href="#page37">37</a></p> + <p>William the Conqueror, <a href="#page2">2</a>, <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page22">22</a></p> + <p>Willoughby, Robert lord, <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a></p> + <p>Winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir John</p> + <p class="i2">Fastolfe), <a href="#pagelvii">lvii</a></p> + <p>Worcestre, William of, the secretary of sir John Fastolfe, <a href="#pagel">l</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">his supposed <i>Acta d'ni Joh. Fastolff</i>, <a href="#pagelii">lii</a></p> + <p>Wyer, Robert, <a href="#pageliv">liv</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>York, Richard duke of, <a href="#page41">41</a>.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><!-- Page 93 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page93"></a>{93}</span></p> + +<h2>G<span class="gsp"> </span>L<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>S<span class="gsp"> </span>A<span class="gsp"> </span>R<span class="gsp"> </span>I<span class="gsp"> </span>A<span class="gsp"> </span>L I<span class="gsp"> </span>N<span class="gsp"> </span>D<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>X.</h2> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="short" /> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>admonestementis <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + <p>afferaunt <a href="#page43">43</a></p> + <p>aiel <a href="#page35">35</a></p> + <p>amercie <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>approwementis <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>assailours <a href="#page9">9</a></p> + <p>astonyed <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + <p>atwix (betwixt) <a href="#page48">48</a></p> + <p>avaunt <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>aventure <a href="#page33">33</a></p> + <p>aveyn <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>baleese <a href="#page54">54</a></p> + <p>barnage (baronage) <a href="#page55">55</a></p> + <p>batellous <a href="#page63">63</a></p> + <p>be (by) <a href="#page9">9</a></p> + <p>beforce (by force) <a href="#page31">31</a></p> + <p>beforne <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>benecute <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>benevolence <a href="#pagexvii">xvii</a>, <a href="#pagexxi">xxi</a>, <a href="#pagexxii">xxii</a></p> + <p>bestialle <a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>bethout (without) <a href="#page7">7</a> <i>et passim</i></p> + <p>bethyn (within) <a href="#page3">3</a> <i>et passim</i></p> + <p>bobauncees <a href="#page80">80</a></p> + <p>bonchief <a href="#page21">21</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>chevalrie <a href="#page66">66</a>, <a href="#page76">76</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>clepid <a href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page40">40</a>, <a href="#page55">55</a></p> + <p>congie <a href="#page30">30</a></p> + <p>convenable <a href="#page74">74</a>, <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>costius, costues (costly) <a href="#page80">80</a></p> + <p>cote-armer <a href="#page18">18</a></p> + <p>cotes of armes <a href="#page20">20</a></p> + <p>countour <a href="#pagexv">xv</a></p> + <p>covyn <a href="#page54">54</a></p> + <p>croiserie <a href="#page10">10</a>, <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>custrell <a href="#pagexx">xx</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>defalke <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page72">72</a></p> + <p>defend (drive away) <a href="#page9">9</a></p> + <p>deliver (agile) <a href="#page76">76</a></p> + <p>deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>depart (part with) <a href="#page81">81</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a> side note</p> + <p>detrussed <a href="#page65">65</a>, <i>detroussé</i>, unbound</p> + <p>devoire <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page56">56</a></p> + <p>dissimiled (dissembled) <a href="#page30">30</a>,</p> + <p class="i2">dissimuled <a href="#page41">41</a></p> + <p>dissimulacion <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>dulled <a href="#page2">2</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>egallie (equally) <a href="#page21">21</a></p> + <p>embrace (to take part, or patronise) <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>empeshement <a href="#page35">35</a></p> + <p>enfamyned <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>entendement <a href="#page20">20</a></p> + <p>entreprennour <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>entreprinses <i>and</i> entreprises, <a href="#page6">6</a>, <a href="#page21">21</a>, <a href="#page29">29</a></p> + <p>ering <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>at erst <a href="#page6">6</a></p> + <p>escarmisshes <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>esy (little <i>or</i> scarcely) <a href="#page72">72</a>,</p> + <p class="i2">esilie (scarcely), <a href="#page73">73</a></p> + <p>ewred <a href="#page43">43</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>fauten <a href="#page60">60</a></p> + <p>feernesse (<i>for</i> feersnesse?) <a href="#page4">4</a>, <a href="#page20">20</a></p> + <p>fellir (more fell) <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>fille (fell) <a href="#page21">21</a>, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page73">73</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>finaunce <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page14">14</a>, <a href="#page19">19</a>, <a href="#page29">29</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>fole-hardiesse <a href="#page63">63</a>, <i>see</i> hardy</p> + <p>fraunchise <a href="#page81">81</a></p> +<!-- Page 94 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page94"></a>{94}</span> + <p>fructufulle <a href="#page56">56</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>grene age <a href="#page76">76</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>hardiesse <a href="#page29">29</a></p> + <p>hardy (or fool-hardy) man, <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>haunting arms <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page6">6</a>, <a href="#page22">22</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>havyour <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>hethynesse <a href="#page46">46</a></p> + <p>historier <a href="#page25">25</a>, <a href="#page43">43</a></p> + <p>hostied <a href="#page13">13</a></p> + <p>hubes <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>infortune <a href="#page42">42</a>, <a href="#page50">50</a></p> + <p>inure <a href="#page62">62</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>joieuest (most joyful) <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>jorney (military expedition) <a href="#page47">47</a></p> + <p>jupardie <a href="#page65">65</a>, <a href="#page70">70</a>, <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>labourage <a href="#page65">65</a>, <a href="#page69">69</a>, <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>lifelode <a href="#page32">32</a>, <a href="#page49">49</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a>, <a href="#page73">73</a>, <a href="#page80">80</a></p> + <p>lust (<i>verb</i>) <a href="#page82">82</a></p> + <p>lyes (leash) <a href="#page16">16</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>manassed <a href="#page73">73</a></p> + <p>manly man <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + <p>mantelle <a href="#page20">20</a></p> + <p>masty hound <a href="#page16">16</a></p> + <p>meintenaunce <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>menage <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + <p>messangiers <a href="#page45">45</a></p> + <p>moien <a href="#page85">85</a></p> + <p>mondeyn <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>mow (shall mow endure) <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + <p>muys <a href="#page50">50</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>namelie (especially) <a href="#page82">82</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>noblesse <a href="#pagexv">xv</a>. <a href="#pageliv">liv</a></p> + <p>nompower <a href="#page30">30</a></p> + <p>nouches <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>noy <a href="#page82">82</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>obeisaunce <i>and</i> obediaunce <a href="#page17">17</a>, <a href="#page30">30</a>, <a href="#page59">59</a></p> + <p>obeissauntes <a href="#page30">30</a>, <a href="#page47">47</a></p> + <p>onure, <a href="#page85">85</a></p> + <p>oost (host) <a href="#page27">27</a>, <a href="#page28">28</a>, <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page32">32</a>, <a href="#page64">64</a>, <a href="#page71">71</a></p> + <p>osteyng <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>ovyr hand <a href="#page65">65</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>paast, <a href="#page6">6</a></p> + <p>paissauntes (peasants) <a href="#page72">72</a>, <a href="#page73">73</a></p> + <p>patised <a href="#page73">73</a></p> + <p>payneymys <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>paynym <a href="#page75">75</a></p> + <p>peine hem (take pains) <a href="#page31">31</a></p> + <p>perveaunce <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>piller (thief) <a href="#page31">31</a>, <a href="#page72">72</a></p> + <p>plenerlie <a href="#page37">37</a></p> + <p>practik (singler) <a href="#page77">77</a>, <a href="#page78">78</a></p> + <p>practique of law <a href="#page77">77</a></p> + <p>print money, <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>puissaunt <a href="#page20">20</a>, <a href="#page23">23</a>, <a href="#page26">26</a>, <a href="#page41">41</a>, <a href="#page43">43</a>, <a href="#page46">46</a>, <a href="#page61">61</a></p> + <p>purveonds <a href="#page68">68</a></p> + <p>puttithe away (<i>plur.</i>) <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>quaiers (of books) <a href="#pagelix">lix</a>, <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>raise <a href="#page40">40</a>. Chaucer says of his Knight, In Lettowe had he <i>reysed</i> and in Russe.</p> + <p>ravyne <a href="#page72">72</a>, <a href="#page73">73</a></p> + <p>recordacion <a href="#page3">3</a></p> + <p>renomme <a href="#page32">32</a></p> + <p>revaled <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page9">9</a>, <a href="#page11">11</a>, <a href="#page74">74</a></p> + <p>rightwisnesse <a href="#page56">56</a></p> + <p>rothir or sterne <a href="#page58">58</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>servage <a href="#page71">71</a></p> + <p>sille (sell) <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>sleuth (sloth) <a href="#page6">6</a></p> + <p>soude <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page72">72</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">soulde <a href="#page29">29</a>, <a href="#page40">40</a></p> + <p>soudeours <a href="#page16">16</a>, <a href="#page68">68</a>, <a href="#page71">71</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">sowdieris <a href="#page30">30</a></p> + <p>soudeyng <a href="#page29">29</a>;</p> + <p class="i2">souding, <a href="#page83">83</a></p> + <p>souneth (threaten) <a href="#page48">48</a></p> + <p>synguler (personal) <a href="#page7">7</a>, <a href="#page29">29</a>, <a href="#page55">55</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> +<!-- Page 95 --><span class="pagenum"><a name="page95"></a>{95}</span> + <p>tailis <a href="#page73">73</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a>, <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>take in gree <a href="#page79">79</a></p> + <p>tasques <a href="#page73">73</a>, <a href="#page83">83</a>, <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>terrein <a href="#page69">69</a></p> + <p>tilieng (tilling) <a href="#page70">70</a></p> + <p>tofore (before) <a href="#page60">60</a></p> + <p>to morne (tomorrow) <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>trespasseinte <a href="#page11">11</a></p> + <p>trespassement <a href="#page41">41</a>, <a href="#page43">43</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>umbre <a href="#page3">3</a>, <a href="#page4">4</a>, <a href="#page25">25</a>, <a href="#page33">33</a>, <a href="#page41">41</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>viellars <a href="#page64">64</a></p> + <p>vileyned <a href="#page74">74</a></p> + <p>voulenté <a href="#page84">84</a></p> + <p>vyfnes <a href="#page4">4</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>wanhope <a href="#page74">74</a></p> + <p>well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" <a href="#page82">82</a></p> + <p>werreied (made war) <a href="#page10">10</a></p> + <p>wited (considered) <a href="#page55">55</a></p> + </div> + + <div class="stanza"> + <p>yen (eyen <i>or</i> eyes) <a href="#page66">66</a></p> + <p>yoven (given) <a href="#page81">81</a></p> + </div> + </div> + + <p><br style="clear:both" /></p> +<hr class="full" /> + +<h2>N<span class="gsp"> </span>O<span class="gsp"> </span>T<span class="gsp"> </span>E<span class="gsp"> </span>S</h2> + +<div class="note"> + <p><a name="Nt1" href="#NtA1">[1]</a> Giles brother to Francis I. duke of + Bretagne. Having differences with his brother respecting his apanage, he + was with the duke's consent arrested by king Charles VII.; and, perhaps + in consequence of the English taking his part, he was put to death in the + year 1450. His fate was commemorated in the "Histoire lamentable de + Gilles seigneur de Chateaubriand et de Chantocé, prince du sang de France + et de Bretagne, estranglé en prison par les ministres d'un favory." See + Daru's Histoire de Bretagne, 1826, vol. ii. pp. 287 et seq.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt2" href="#NtA2">[2]</a> Sir Simon Morhier is one of the + commissioners named for concluding a treaty with "our adversary of + France," dated 28 July 1438. (Rymer, x. 709.) Monstrelet relates that at + the battle of Rouvray, commonly called the battle of the Herrings, which + took place during the siege of Orleans in 1428, the only man of note + slain on the English side was one named Bresanteau, nephew to Simon + Morhier provost of Paris.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt3" href="#NtA3">[3]</a> I do not find the name of this + esquire in the memoirs of the Mansel family, privately printed in 1850, + by William W. Mansell, esq. There were Mansels in Bretagne as well as in + England.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt4" href="#NtA4">[4]</a> A description of the taking of Pont + de l'Arche will be found in the <i>Histoire du roy Charles VII.</i>, by + Alain Chartier. He states that from a hundred to six score Englishmen + were there either killed or taken prisoners: "Entre les autres y fut + prins le sire de Faucquembergue, qui d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." + This was William Neville, lord Fauconberg, a younger son of the first + earl of Westmerland, and uncle to the King-making earl of Warwick. + Dugdale describes his imprisonment on the authority of letters patent (30 + Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 24) whereby he was granted some compensation: "Being + sent ambassador into Normandy, to treat of peace and truce betwixt both + realms, he was most perfidiously seized upon by the French, and kept + prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he had in 30 Hen. VI. an + assignation of 4108<i>l.</i> 18<i>s.</i> 10Ľ<i>d.</i> then in arrears to + him for his pay whilst he was governor of Roxburgh, to be received out of + the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising + in the ports of Boston, Kingston upon Hull, and Ipswich." In 32 Hen. VI. + (1453-4) he was still prisoner in France. (Baronage of England, i. 308, + 309.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt5" href="#NtA5">[5]</a> Fougčres was a strongly fortified + town, and was considered one of the keys of Bretagne. It was taken by + surprise, in the night of the 23-24 of March 1448, by François de + Surienne, on the part of the English: an event which was followed by very + important results, for Charles VII. made it an excuse for resuming + hostilities in order to protect the duke of Bretagne as his vassal and + ally: the Constable of France Artur de Richemont, who was the duke's + uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew Giles,) + recovered the captured town; the duke invaded Lower Normandy, whilst the + king of France entered the upper province, and by a rapid series of + successes they within fifteen months drove the English out of the + country.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt6" href="#NtA6">[6]</a> Honoré Bonnet was prior of Salon in + Provence, as is shown by his own dedication of the book to Charles VI. + written during the sovereignty of Louis II. of Anjou in Provence, that + is, from 1384 to 1390. In some of the early editions of the book the + author's name was altered to Bonnor: its title is "Larbre des batailles. + Sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de plusieurs choses comme de + leglise. Et aussi des faictz de la guerre. Et aussi cōment on se + doyt gouuerner. Paris, 1493." folio. Also Paris, 1505, 4to. Among the + Royal collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum (20 C. VIII.) is a + magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto, has been + recently purchased (Addit. MS. 22,768.) Respecting others at Paris see + the work of M. Paulin Paris on "Les Manuscrits Français de la + Bibliothčque du Roi," vol. v. pp. 101, 307.</p> + + <p>On the fly-leaf of the Royal MS. is the following inscription in an + old hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the <a + href="#Nt151">note</a> at p. <a href="#page54">54</a> of the present + volume:</p> + +<p class="cenhead"><i>L'Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en Prouuence.</i></p> + + <p>Note y<sup>t</sup> in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine + of y<sup>e</sup> tree of Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she + was a notable Benefactour to Learned men and perchaunce to y<sup>e</sup> + autor of this Booke. And therefore diuers of them sette furthe their + Bookes under her name. See y<sup>e</sup> Booke of Noblesse in englishe + and Chrystines Life amongste y<sup>e</sup> autors de claris mulieribus as + I remēber.</p> + + <p>On the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former + owners of the volume, <i>Sum Humfridi LLoyd</i> and <i>Lumley</i>: and at + the end is inscribed <i>Iste liber constat Joh'i Gamston' Generoso</i>. + It seems not improbable that the entry above extracted was written by + Lord Lumley.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt7" href="#NtA7">[7]</a> At the end of the life of Saint + Louis by Geoffroi de Beaulieu, in the <i>Historiens de la</i> + <i>France</i>, tome xx. p. 26, (1840, folio,) will be found the + Instructions of king Louis to his Son, in their vernacular language. A + copy of them, headed "Ce sont les enseignemens que mons<sup>r</sup> + sainct Loys fist a son filz Charles roy de France," occurs in the MS. at + the College of Arms which contains many things about sir John Fastolfe. + (MS. Arundel XXVI. fol. ii v.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt8" href="#NtA8">[8]</a> Vegetius was a great authority with + the writers of the middle ages. Monstrelet commences the prologue to the + second volume of his chronicles by citing the book of "un trčsrenommé + philosophe nommé Végčce, qu'il feist de la vaillance et prudence de + chevalerie." The treatise of Vegetius de Re Militari had been translated + into French about the year 1284, by Jean de Meun, one of the authors of + the Roman de la Rose. In the fifteenth century it was one of the + principal sources of a book entitled "Lart de cheualerie selon Vegece; + lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au fait de leurs + guerres et batailles." This was printed at Paris by Anthoine Verard in + 1488; and it was, at the command of king Henry VII. translated by Caxton, + and printed by him at Westminster in the following year, as "The Fayttes + of Armes and of Chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,) + "Christian of Pise made and drew out of the book named Vegecius de Re + Militari, and out of the Arbre of Battles." Now, Christina de Pisan was a + poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise + on the art of war than the "dame Christine" of our present author had + with the Arbre des Batailles. Indeed it is probable that the two + misappropriations are connected in their origin. On the actual + productions of Christine de Pisan, which furnished other works to our + first English printer, see the description by M. Paulin Paris of "Les + Manuscrits Français de la Bibliothčque du Roi," vol. iv. 184, vol. v. + 148-185, vi. 359, 399: and an "Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de + Christine de Pisan, suivi d'une Notice Litteraire et de Pičces Inédites. + Par Raimond Thomassy, 1838." 8vo. pp. 200.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt9" href="#NtA9">[9]</a> Alain Chartier was a writer both in + prose and poetry. There are separate editions of several of his works: + and a collected volume of them was edited by Andrew du Chesne in 1617. An + English translation of his "Curial" was printed by Caxton without date. + See an account of various manuscripts of the works of Chartier given by + M. Paulin Paris in his vol. vi. pp. 385-387, vol. vii. pp. 251-254.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt10" href="#NtA10">[10]</a> The personages speaking in the + Quadrilogue are France, Le Peuple, Le Chevalier, and Le Clergie, to whose + conversation l'Acteur, or the Author, occasionally interposes some + remarks. Le Chevalier is also the Gendarmerie, and described as being + identical with the Estat de Noblesse—an identity which is thus + maintained at the beginning of the reign of Henry the Eighth:—"in + all the Chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all Dukes, Erles, + Barons, Knightes, Esquires, and other Gentlemen by office or + aucthoritie." I quote this from The Tree of Common Wealth, by Edmonde + Dudley, (written in 1509 or 1510,) printed for the Brotherhood of the + Rosy Cross, at Manchester, 1859, p. 18.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt11" href="#NtA11">[11]</a> "Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id + est compilam de libro suo." Sidenote in p. <a href="#page27">27</a>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt12" href="#NtA12">[12]</a> This battle, from which the + final loss of Normandy ensued, was fought at Formigny, between Charenton + and Bayeux, on the 15th of April 1450. Sir Thomas Kyriell, who was there + taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of Agincourt, and had for some + years been lieutenant of Calais. By a writ of privy seal dated the 12th + August 1451, Henry VI. granted the sum of 5000 crowns and lent another + 5000, out of the bonds due from the duke of Orleans, in order to provide + for the ransom of sir Thomas Kyriell. (Rymer, xi. 287.) Sir Thomas was + elected a Knight of the Garter at the close of the reign of Henry the + Sixth, Feb. 8, 1460-1, and beheaded by the victorious Yorkists on the + 18th of the same month.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt13" href="#NtA13">[13]</a> This passage was an abridgment + from one in <i>Le Quadrilogue Invectif</i> of Alain Chartier: which is as + follows: "Toutes anciennes escriptures sont plaines de mutations, + subversions, et changemens de Royaulmes et des Principaultez. Car comme + les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes parfaitz, et puis declinent ŕ + vieillesse et ŕ mort; ainsi ont les Seigneuries leur commencement, et + leur accroissement, et leur declin. Oů est Ninive la grant cité, qui + duroit trois journées de chemin? Qu'est devenue Babiloine, qui fut + edifiée de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer aux hommes, et maintenant + est habitée de serpens? Que dira l'en de Troye la riche et tres renommée? + Et de Ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes furent d'ivoire, et les + colonnes d'argent; et maintenant ŕ peine en reste le pié des fondemens, + que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des hommes? Thebes qui fut + fondée de Cadmus le fils de Agenor, et la plus peuplée de dessus la terre + pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en trouver tant de reliques de + son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de sa semence? Lacedemoine, + dont les loix vindrent ŕ diverse nations, desquelles encores nous usons, + ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder les loix de Licurgus le + doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit + extaincte et aneantie. Athenes fontaine de sapience, et source des + haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas en subversion, et les + ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? Carthage la batailleresse, + qui domptait les elephans ŕ batailler, et qui jadis fut tant redoubtée + aux Romains, oů a elle tourné sa grant glorie, sinon en la cendre du feu + oů elle fut arse et embrasée? Mais parlons de Romme, qui fut derreniere + en souveraine majesté, et excellente en vertu. Et notons bien la parolle + de Lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut. Car + les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. Par ceste maniere + chascune ŕ sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou + soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des Royaulmes. Ainsi + comme la Monarchie du monde et la dignité du Souverain Empire fut jadis + translatée des Assiriens aux Persans, des Persans aux Grecz, des Grecz + aux Rommains, et des Rommains es mains des François et des Germains."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt14" href="#NtA14">[14]</a> It was in this sense that the + duke of Burgundy was called Charles le Hardi, which was equivalent to the + modern <i>le Temeraire</i>, that is, not only Bold, but Rash. We find + that the author of <i>L'Arbre des Batailles</i> discusses in his third + book, chapter viii., the various causes from which "est ung chevalier + bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car premierement ung + chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire et l'honneur de + ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez et le couhars + dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur de perdre + honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil estoit + couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps porté + le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in ce + quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a + qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de + bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine + quil scet estre bien sage et bien fortuné. Aultre chevalier y a qui est + hardy par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre + chevalier y a qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne + scet que est vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus + avance. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner + richesses et non pour aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes + ces hardiesses na vertu si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte + congnoissance et de droit scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et + a justice et ferme voulenté d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue + et possible par la vertu de force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant ŕ + present."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt15" href="#NtA15">[15]</a> Jean de Villiers, seigneur de + l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel, having joined the party of the duke of + Burgundy, was by his influence made Maréchal of France in 1418. He was + arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris in 1420, and released by the duke + of Bedford in 1422, at the request of Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke + Charles he was highly favoured, made one of the first knights of the + order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of Paris when the duke of Bedford + left that city in 1430. He was killed during a popular commotion at + Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire Genealogique, 1723, + vii. 10.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt16" href="#NtA16">[16]</a> The account which Monstrelet + gives of this insurrection entirely corresponds with that of our author. + It is as follows:</p> + +<blockquote class="b1n"> + + <p>"En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour + certaines causes qui ŕ ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le + seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse + s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour le + rescourre ŕ ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais tantost + ledit duc d'Excestre ŕ tout six vingts combattans, dont il y avoit la + plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer les + dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par la + cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de par + le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit seigneur de + l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y demoura durant la + vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict mourir, ce n'eust esté + la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques de Monstrelet, vol. i. + chap. ccxxxviii.)</p> + +</blockquote> + + <p><a name="Nt17" href="#NtA17">[17]</a> It is very remarkable how + entirely these statements correspond with some passages of Commines, + (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes the conduct of tyrannical + princes, and the way in which France especially suffered from quartering + soldiers. "To the common people they leave little or nothing, though + their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do they take any care + to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who are constantly + quartered throughout the country without paying anything, and commit all + manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, not + contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, they + beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, + wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the + goodman's wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course + is to keep her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it + would be no difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by + paying them every two months at furthest, which would obviate the + pretence of want of pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no + inconvenience to the prince, because his money is raised punctually every + year. I say this in compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more + oppressed and harassed in quartering soldiers than any in all + Europe."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt18" href="#NtA18">[18]</a> This word, or "obeissauntis," + which was used in the same sense, may be taken as the original reading of + the erasure in p. <a href="#page73">73</a>, in the place of + "predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt19" href="#NtA19">[19]</a> Chaucer says of his + Franklin—</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>At sessions there was he lord and sire,</p> + <p>Full often time he was Knight of the shire,</p> + <p>A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>The countour—a term which has been involved in some doubt, was + probably a commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the + royal exchequer.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt20" href="#NtA20">[20]</a> <i>i.e.</i> take a factious or + unjust part.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt21" href="#NtA21">[21]</a> Sir Harris Nicolas, in his + memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll (ii. 347), has remarked "the + slighting manner in which the profession of the law is mentioned, in + comparison with that of arms," in the deposition of sir William Aton. + Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that he was come of + noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his parents was put + to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless used in his + halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of <i>Azure, a bend + or</i>. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley, though a + younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full suit of + armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both his + gentilitial and his professional merits:</p> + + <div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <p>Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri,</p> + <p class="i2">Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suć;</p> + <p>Legis erat patrić gnarus, compescere lites</p> + <p class="i2">Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <p>But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing + chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd + class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in + proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from + the Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest + families have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the + resort of young men of noble birth.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt22" href="#NtA22">[22]</a> The notices which the + chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first Benevolence will be found + in a subsequent page.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt23" href="#NtA23">[23]</a> Commines gives the following + somewhat satirical account of an English parliament. "The king was not + able to undertake such an affair without calling his parliament, which is + in the nature of our Three Estates, and, consisting for the most part of + sage and religious men, is very serviceable and a great strengthening to + the king. At the meeting of this parliament the king declares his + intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no money is raised in + England but upon some expedition into France or Scotland, and then they + supply him very liberally, especially against France. Yet the kings of + England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to + have any supplies granted,—to raise men, and pretend quarrels with + Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for about three + months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money + for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood very + well, and often practised it."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt24" href="#NtA24">[24]</a> At that time the parliament + first granted the number of 20,000 archers, which was afterwards reduced + to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt25" href="#NtA25">[25]</a> Rotuli Parl. vi. 4.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt26" href="#NtA26">[26]</a> Ibid. p. 6.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt27" href="#NtA27">[27]</a> Ibid. p. 39.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt28" href="#NtA28">[28]</a> The parliament re-assembled + accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and during that session, on the 18th + of July, the commons again granted to the king a quinsisme and a disme (a + fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum of 51,147<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i> + 7ľ<i>d.</i> in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers, who, + notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still maintained + in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes, the + commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a mighty + army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme + beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained + "that, if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John + Baptist the year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of + the forsaid xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the + wages of the same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. + Parl. vi. 111, 118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 + a further act was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted + (Ibid. p. 120); and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the + dissolution of the parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and + tenth, and three parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the + before-mentioned sum of 51,147<i>l.</i> 4<i>s.</i> 7ľ<i>d.</i> (Ibid. pp. + 149, 153.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt29" href="#NtA29">[29]</a> They are printed in Rymer's + Fœdera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt30" href="#NtA30">[30]</a> An account of the payment of + these wages for the first quarter, is preserved on the pell records of + the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in Rymer's Fœdera, vol. xi. + p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of Clarence, Norfolk, and + Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland, the lords Grey, Scrope, + Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and Cobham, and as + bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and sir John + Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of + Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's + household.</p> + + <p>The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these + payments: "Georgio duci Clarentić pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso + computato ut Duce ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum + Militum quilibet ad ij s. per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma + quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille + Sagittariis [2275li.</p> + + <p>Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d.</p> + + <p>The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but + extracted in Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly + to the same amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 + s. 4 d. per day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. + per day, 54 l. 12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at + Arms 12 d. per day, and 6 d. per day as a reward,—743 l. 18 s. 6 + d.; and to 950 Archers, to each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 + s.—Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d.</p> + + <p>Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens + of the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August + 1474) is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king + for one whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten + speres, himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently + abiled, armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, + for everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. + by the day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the + said archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th + November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to + attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six + archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being + xij d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," + and vj d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made + with Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was + retained for the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his + spere, with xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and + arraied," taking wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each + xij d. a day, and for the remainder each vj d. a day.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt31" href="#NtA31">[31]</a> Ibid. pp. 837, 838.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt32" href="#NtA32">[32]</a> Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt33" href="#NtA33">[33]</a> Rymer, xi. 848.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt34" href="#NtA34">[34]</a> Fœdera, vol. xii. p. 1. + Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea by previous appointments in + the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage, i. 515.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt35" href="#NtA35">[35]</a> Fabyan says that "upon the iiij + day of July (<i>an error for</i> June) he rode with a goodly company + thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt36" href="#NtA36">[36]</a> Printed in the Excerpta + Historica, 1831, p. 366.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt37" href="#NtA37">[37]</a> They are printed in Rymer, vol. + xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a constitutional form, for the prince + was then only four years of age.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt38" href="#NtA38">[38]</a> Hall states that "he hymself + with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned passed over betwene Dover and + Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army, horses, and ammunitions of war + having in their transport occupied twenty days.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt39" href="#NtA39">[39]</a> Monstrelet in his Chronicle + attempts to present a list of the principal English lords and knights + (the latter more than fifty in number), but every name is so disfigured + that they are almost past recognition: as the names he gives to the + nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of Sufflocq and Noirflocq, + the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan, Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, + and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury, which title did not then + exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Rivičre; the lords Stanlay, + Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey, Strangle, + Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord Fitzwaren + are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp. 844-848, + already noticed in the <a href="#Nt30">note</a> in p. <a + href="#pagexx">xx</a>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt40" href="#NtA40">[40]</a> These particulars are derived + from the diary kept by the <i>maistres d'hostel</i> of the Burgundian + court, which gives the following minute and curious account of the duke's + movements, including the positions, not elsewhere to be found, of the + English army during the months of July and August.</p> + + <p>"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit été presque + toujours a Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui + la deffraya.</p> + + <p>"Le 14. ce duc arriva ŕ Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le + deffraya, la duchesse etant pour lors ŕ Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de + Clarence et de Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines + avec ce roy, qui le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla ŕ Sainct + Omer, oů il trouva la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla ŕ + Fauquemberghe, prčs l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et + en partit le 24. aprčs déjeuner, et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en + la cité d'Arras; et ce jour il mangea du poisson, ŕ cause de la veille de + Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit d'Arras aprčs disner, et alla coucher ŕ + Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. aprčs disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy + d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce + jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner ŕ Gand, oů mademoiselle de Bourgoyne + étoit restée.</p> + + <p>"Le mardy premier Aoűt, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha + au village d'Aichen, prčs l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. + aprčs disner, et coucha ŕ Ancre. Il en partit le 3. aprčs disner, et + coucha a Curleu sur Somme, prčs ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par + l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucha ŕ Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. + qu'il en partit aprčs disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et + alla coucher ŕ Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha ŕ Valenciennes, d'oů + il partit le 18. aprčs disner, souppa ŕ Cambray, et alla coucher ŕ + Peronne. Il y disna le 20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme + camp, et alla coucher ŕ Cambray. Le 21. il disna ŕ Valenciennes, coucha ŕ + Mons. Le 22. il disna ŕ Nivelle, et coucha ŕ Namur, oů les ambassadeurs + de Naples, Arragon, Venise, et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aoűt, + entreveue du roy avec le roy d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces + princes convinrent d'une treve entre eux, et que le Dauphin épouseroit la + fille de ce roy d'Angleterre." (Mémoires de P. de Cominines, edited by + Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii. p. 216.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt41" href="#NtA41">[41]</a> Another version of this omen of + the dove will be found in the extracts from Commines hereafter.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt42" href="#NtA42">[42]</a> The fact of earl Rivers having + repaired to the duke of Burgundy <i>once</i>, at the end of April, is + confirmed by the chronicle formed from the journals of the duke's + <i>maistres d'hoste</i>: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le sire de Riviers, + ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en fut regalé." + (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbé Lenglet du Fresnoy, + 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The King's + ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls (doctor + Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. + 175.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt43" href="#NtA43">[43]</a> <i>i.e.</i> their horses + protected by armour.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt44" href="#NtA44">[44]</a> Hall, following this part of + Commines's narrative, on mentioning this English herald, adds, "whome + Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth Garter borne in Normandy, + for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no estraunger." The office of + Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert, who was appointed in 28 + Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the son-in-law of Bruges his + predecessor in the office: and there are large materials for his + biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the College of Arms, + but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's assertion, or + Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt45" href="#NtA45">[45]</a> The constable of France, Jacques + de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol. After temporising between Burgundy and + France at this crisis, he paid the penalty for his vacillation, the duke + surrendering him to Louis, by whom he was decapitated before the end of + the year (Dec. 19, 1475).</p> + + <p><a name="Nt46" href="#NtA46">[46]</a> Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, + the mother of the queen of England, was one of the constable's sisters. + The constable was also connected by marriage with king Louis, who called + him "brother" from their having married two sisters. The relationship of + all the principal actors in the transactions described in the text is + shown in the following table:—</p> + +<pre> +<span class="scac"> +Pierre Comte de St. Pol. Louis Duke of Savoy. Charles VII. King of France. Richard Duke of York. + === === === === + | | | | + +------+-------------+ +--+-----------+ +--+----+ +--+-------+ + | | | | | | | | +Jacqueline===Richard Louis Comte===Mary of Charlotte===Louis Katharine===Charles Duke===Margaret | +Duchess of | Earl de St. Pol, Savoy. of Savoy. XI. of of Burgundy. of York. | +Bedford. | Rivers. the Constable. France. | + | | + +-+-------------------------------------+ +------------------------------+ + | | | + Anthony Lord Scales, and Earl Rivers. Elizabeth Wydville.===King Edward the Fourth. +</span> +</pre> + <p><a name="Nt47" href="#NtA47">[47]</a> Afterwards the first duke of + Norfolk and earl of Derby of their respective families.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt48" href="#NtA48">[48]</a> The narrative is continued on + the authority of Commines.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt49" href="#NtA49">[49]</a> See the extracts from the + register of the Burgundian <i>maistres d'hostel</i> already given in p. + xxiii. The English camp is described as near Fauquemberghe on the 22d of + July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its position near Peronne is + believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river Somme, and it appears + to have remained there for a considerable time.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt50" href="#NtA50">[50]</a> The duke was at Peronne from the + 6th to 12th of August. See the <a href="#Nt40">note</a> on his movements + before, p. <a href="#pagexxiv">xxiv</a>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt51" href="#NtA51">[51]</a> The last was afterwards the + husband of the king's daughter the lady Anne of York, and ancestor of the + earls and dukes of Rutland.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt52" href="#NtA52">[52]</a> The prudent and conciliatory + conduct of Louis XI. towards the English at this crisis seems to have had + a precedent in that of his ancestor Charles V. "Le sage roy de France + Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait que grant honte estoit de + recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les Anglois ŕ tort tenoient, + comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par force, Il me semble + (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne doit point estre + acheté par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth chapter of the + second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie par Christine + de Pisan.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt53" href="#NtA53">[53]</a> St. Christ.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt54" href="#NtA54">[54]</a> It is printed in Rymer's + Collection, vol. xii. p. 14.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt55" href="#NtA55">[55]</a> Lord Hastings was previously a + pensioner of the duke of Burgundy. Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a + letter of the duke granting to William lord Hastings a yearly pension of + 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a + receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on the 12th July 1474; and another + receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated 12th April 1475. (Mémoires de + P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.) Commines, in his Sixth Book, + chapter ii. relates how he had himself been the agent who had secured + lord Hastings to the Burgundian interest, and how he subsequently + negociated with him on the part of king Louis. Hastings accepted the + French pension, being double the amount of the Burgundian, but on this + occasion, according to Commines, would give no written acknowledgment. In + an interview with the French emissary, Pierre Cleret, of which Commines + in his Book VI. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some length, he said + the money might be put in his sleeve. Cleret left it, without + acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt56" href="#NtA56">[56]</a> In the article of plate "his + bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave unto lorde Hastynges then lord + chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys, wherof halfe were gylt and + halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every cuppe or more." Fabyan's + Chronicle.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt57" href="#NtA57">[57]</a> This passionate interview must + have taken place on the 19th or 20th of August: see the <a + href="#Nt40">note</a> on the Duke's movements in p. <a + href="#pagexxiv">xxiv</a>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt58" href="#NtA58">[58]</a> We are continuing to follow the + account of Commines. But the truce, which was not yet concluded, was made + for seven years only; and the dukes of Burgundy and Britany were not + mentioned in the articles. The duke of Burgundy, shortly after, himself + made a truce with France for nine years. It was dated on the 13th of + September, only fifteen days after that of the English.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt59" href="#NtA59">[59]</a> Molinet says, "de quatrevingts ŕ + cent chariots de vin."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt60" href="#NtA60">[60]</a> The real Childermas day was on + the 28th of December; but sir John Fenn, the editor of the Paston + Letters, has suggested that the 28th of every month was regarded as a + Childermas day; for the 28th of June, 1461, being Childermas, and + consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for the coronation of + Edward the Fourth. From other authorities it appears that the day of the + week on which Childermas occurred was regarded as unfortunate throughout + the year.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt61" href="#NtA61">[61]</a> Molinet mentions three other + names, those of the admiral, the seigneur de Craon, and the mayor of + Amiens.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt62" href="#NtA62">[62]</a> According to our London + historian, Fabyan, Louis's attire was by no means becoming:</p> + + <p>"Of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge + Lowys ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge I myght make a longe + rehersayl: but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble + man, that was apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, + therfor I passe it over."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt63" href="#NtA63">[63]</a> Commines saw king Edward at the + Burgundian court in 1470. On that occasion he gives him this brief + character: "King Edward was not a man of any great management or + foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the most beautiful prince my + eyes ever beheld."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt64" href="#NtA64">[64]</a> The documents which bear date on + the day of the royal interview are these, as printed in the edition of + Commines by the Abbé Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, 4to. vol. iii:—</p> + + <p>1. The treaty of truce for seven years between Edward king of France + and England and lord of Ireland and his allies on the one part, and the + most illustrious prince Louis of France (not styled king) and his allies, + on the other. (In Latin.) Dated in a field near Amiens on the 29th August + 1475. The conservators of the truce on the part of the king of England + were the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the chancellor of England, the + keeper of the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain + or deputy of Calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of + France his brother Charles comte of Beaujeu and John bastard of Bourbon + admiral of France.</p> + + <p>2. Obligation of Louis king of the French to pay to Edward king of + England yearly, in London, during the life of either party, the sum of + 50,000 crowns. (In Latin.) Dated at Amiens on the 29th of August.</p> + + <p>3. A treaty of alliance between king Edward and Louis of France (in + Latin) stipulating, 1. that if either of them were driven from his + kingdom, he should be received in the states of the other, and assisted + to recover it. 2. to name commissioners of coinage, which should + circulate in their dominions respectively. 3. that prince Charles, son of + Louis, should marry Elizabeth daughter of the king of England, or, in + case of her decease, her sister Mary. Dated in the field near Amiens, on + the 29th of August.</p> + + <p>4. Another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for + the arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of England his + uncle the cardinal Thomas archbishop of Canterbury and his brother George + duke of Clarence, and on the part of Louis of France, Charles archbishop + of Lyons and John comte de Dunois.</p> + + <p>In April 1478 the three years were prolonged by another like term to + the 29th August 1481; the letters patent relative to which are printed + ibid. p. 536.</p> + + <p>On the 13th Feb. 1478-9 the truce was renewed for the lives of both + princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king + Louis obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the + 50,000 crowns during that term: the documents relating to this + negotiation are printed ibid. pp. 560—570.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt65" href="#NtA65">[65]</a> Molinet, in his account of the + conference, states that it lasted for an hour and a half, and that a + principal topic of discussion was the conduct of the constable, Louis + showing a letter, in which the constable had engaged to harass the + English army as soon as it was landed.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt66" href="#NtA66">[66]</a> This Gascon gentleman is a + person of some interest, from his name being mentioned by Caxton. He was + resident at the English court, as a servant of Anthony lord Scales (the + queen's brother) as early as the year 1466, when in a letter, dated at + London, on the 16th of June, he challenged sir Jehan de Chassa, a knight + in the retinue of the duke of Burgundy, to do battle with him in honour + of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately after the performance of + the intended combat in London between the lord Scales and the bastard of + Burgundy. His letter of challenge, in which he terms the king of England + his sovereign lord, is printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 216; + and that of sir Jehan de Chassa accepting it at p. 219, addressed, <i>A + treshonnouré escueire Louys de Brutallis</i>. His own signature is + <i>Loys de Brutalljs</i>. The encounter is thus noticed in the Annals of + William of Wyrcestre: "Et iij<sup>o</sup> die congressi sunt pedestres in + campo, in prćsencia regis, Lodowicus Bretailles cum + Burgundić; deditque Rex honorem ambobus, attamen Bretailles + habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by Olivier de la Marche: "On the + morrow Messire Jehan de Cassa and a Gascon squire named Louis de + Brettailles, servant of Mons. d'Escalles, did arms on foot: and they + accomplished these arms without hurting one another much. And on the + morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein Messire Jean de Chassa had + great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance." Lowys de + Bretaylles, as his name is printed by Caxton, was still attendant upon + the same nobleman, then earl Rivers, in 1473, when he went to the + pilgrimage of St. James in Galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after + sailing from Southampton, he lent to the earl the Book of <i>Les Dictes + Moraux des Philosophes</i>, written in French by Johan de Tronville, + which the earl translated, and caused it to be printed by Caxton, as + <i>The Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers</i>, in 1477.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt67" href="#NtA67">[67]</a> Fabyan's Chronicle.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt68" href="#NtA68">[68]</a> The former importance and power + of the constable are thus described by Commines: "Some persons may + perhaps hereafter ask, Whether the king alone was not able to have ruined + him? I answer, No; for his territories lay just between those of the king + and the duke of Burgundy: he had St. Quintin always, and another strong + town in Vermandois: he had Ham and Bohain, and other considerable places + not far from St. Quintin, which he might always garrison with what troops + (and of what country) he pleased. He had four hundred of the king's men + at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and made his own + musters,—by which means he feathered his nest very well, for he + never had his complement. He had likewise a salary of forty-five thousand + francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed into + Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all this, + he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest in + France, and a greater in Burgundy, on account of his kinsmen."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt69" href="#NtA69">[69]</a> None had actually been made with + Burgundy by the treaty of the 29th of August. Commines certainly wrote + under a misapprehension in that respect, as well as upon the number of + years of the truce with England.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt70" href="#NtA70">[70]</a> Besides the lady Margaret there + were two sons: Maximilian, afterwards the emperor Maximilian, and Philip. + There was a contract of marriage in 1479 between the latter and the lady + Anne of England, one of the daughters of Edward the Fourth. (Rymer, xii. + 110.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt71" href="#NtA71">[71]</a> Margaret herself was eventually + rejected by Charles VIII. who was nearly nine years her senior. When he + had the opportunity of marrying the heiress of Bretagne, and thereby + annexing that duchy to France, Margaret was sent back to her father in + 1493, and afterwards married in 1497 to John infante of Castile, and in + 1501 to Philibert duke of Savoy. She subsequently nearly yielded to the + suit of Charles Brandon lord Lisle, (afterwards the husband of Mary queen + dowager of France,) who was made duke of Suffolk by his royal master in + order to be more worthy of her acceptance; but at last she died childless + in 1530, after a widowhood of six and twenty years, and a long and + prosperous reign as regent of the Netherlands.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt72" href="#NtA72">[72]</a> Paston Letters, vol. i. p. + 172.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt73" href="#NtA73">[73]</a> "Whiche book was translated and + thystoryes openly declared by the ordinaunce and desyre of the noble + auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf, of the countee of Norfolk banerette, + lyvyng' the age of four score yere, excercisyng' the warrys in the Royame + of Fraunce and other countrees for the diffence and universal welfare of + bothe royames of Englond' and' Fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the + fayte of armes haunting, and in admynystryng Justice and polytique + governaunce under thre kynges, that is to wete, Henry the fourth, Henry + the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, And was governour of the duchye of Angeou + and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of many townys, castellys, and + fortressys in the said Royame of Fraunce, havyng' the charge and + saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and rewlynge thre honderd' + speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, And yeldyng' good' acompt of the + foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd' kynges and to + theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan regent of + Fraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of Excestre, Thomas duc of Clarence, + and other lyeutenauntes." This may be considered as a grateful tribute + from William of Worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died in or + about 1484), to the memory of his ancient master, sir John Fastolfe, who + had died in 1460. The biography of William of Worcestre was written by + the Rev. James Dallaway in the Retrospective Review, vol. xvi. p. 451; + and reprinted in 4to. 1823, in his volume entitled "William Wyrcestre + redivivus: Notices of Ancient Church Architecture, particularly in + Bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of + Worcestre's life is that given by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope in his History of + Castle Combe, 1852, 4to.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt74" href="#NtA74">[74]</a> He has recorded that in 1473 he + presented a copy of his translation to bishop Waynflete,—"but + received no reward!" His version was not made from the original, but from + the French of Laurentius de Primo Facto, or du Premier-Faict: an + industrious French translator, who flourished from 1380 to 1420.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt75" href="#NtA75">[75]</a> Bale, in his list of the works + of Worcestre, whom he notices under his <i>alias</i> of Botoner, mentions + <i>Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf</i>, lib. <span class="scac">I</span>, + (commencing) "Anno Christi 1421, et anno regni—"</p> + + <p>Oldys (in the Biographia Britannica, 1750, p. 1907) attributes to + Worcestre "a particular treatise, gratefully preserving the life and + deeds of his master, under the title of <i>Acta Domini Johannis + Fastolff</i>, which we hear is still in being, and has been promised the + publick;" but in the second edition of Oldys's life of Fastolfe + (Biographia Britannica, 1793, v. 706), we find merely this note + substituted: "This is mentioned in the Paston Letters, iv. p. 78." The + letter there printed is one addressed by John Davy to his master John + Paston esquire after sir John Fastolfe's death. It relates to inquiries + made of one "Bussard" for evidences relative to Fastolfe's estate; and it + thus concludes: "he seyth the last tyme that he wrot on to William + Wusseter it was beffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrote a Cronekyl of + Jerewsalem and the Jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in Fraunce, + that God on his sowle have mercy, and he seyth that this drew more than + xx whazerys (quires) off paper, and this wrytyng delyvered onto + Wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is feyth." It + appears, I think, very clearly that this passage was misunderstood by + Oldys, or his informant, and that the historian of the "journeys" and + valiant acts of sir John Fastolfe was not Worcestre, but the person + called Bussard. It is not impossible that the person whom John Davy meant + by that name was Peter Basset, who is noticed in the next page.</p> + + <p>Mr. Benjamin Williams, in the Preface to "Henrici Quinti Gesta," + (printed for the English Historical Society, 1850,) says of Worcestre + that "he wrote the <i>Acts of Sir John Fastolfe</i>, contained in the + volume from which this chronicle is extracted," <i>i.e.</i> the Arundel + MS. <span class="scac">XLVIII</span>. in the College of Arms; but that + statement appears to have been carelessly made, without ascertaining that + the volume contained any such "Acts." "Also (Mr. Williams adds) the + <i>Acts of John Duke of Bedford</i> (MS. Lambeth);" but those "Acts" + again are not an historical or biographical memoir, but a collection of + state papers and documents relating to the English occupation of France, + which will be found described in Archdeacon Todd's Catalogue of the + Lambeth Manuscripts as No. 506. Its contents are nearly identical with + those of a volume in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, MSS. No. + 41, as will be found on comparison with Sir Henry Ellis's Catalogue of + that collection, p. 17. The latter is the volume which Oldys, in his life + of sir John Fastolfe, in the Biographia Britannica 1750, has described at + p. 1907 as a "quarto book some time in the custody of the late Brian + Fairfax esquire, one of the Commissioners of the Customs," and of which + Oldys attributes the collection to the son of William of Worcestre, + because a dedicatory letter from that person to king Edward the Fourth is + prefixed to the volume.</p> + + <p>Another very valuable assemblage of papers of the like character, and + which may also be regarded as part of the papers of sir John Fastolfe, is + preserved in the College of Arms, MS. Arundel <span + class="scac">XLVIII.</span>, and is fully described by Mr. W. H. Black in + his Catalogue of that collection, 8vo. 1829. This is the volume from + which Hearne derived the Annals of William of Worcestre, and Mr. Benjamin + Williams one of his chronicles of the reign of Henry the Fifth.</p> + + <p>It is probable that the Lambeth MS. was formerly in the Royal Library, + for abstracts of some of its more important documents, in the autograph + of King Edward the Sixth, are preserved in the MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. + These have been printed in the Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth, + pp. 555-560.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt76" href="#NtA76">[76]</a> From the authority of Tanner and + Oldys, we gather that there was formerly a volume in the library of the + College of Arms, bearing the following title: "Liber de Actis Armorum et + Conquestus Regni Francić, ducatus Normannić, ducatus Alenconić, ducatus + Andegavić et Cenomannić, &c. Compilatus fuit ad nobilem virum + Johannem Fastolff, baronem de Cyllye guillem vel Cylly quotem, &c. + 1459, per Pet. Basset armig." (Tanner, Bibliotheca Britannica, 1748, p. + 79; Oldys, Biographia Britannica, 1750, iii. 1903, again, p. 1906; and + 2nd edit. 1793, v. 701.) Both Tanner and Oldys describe this book as + being in the Heralds' Office at London, but it is not now to be found + there; and is certainly not a part of the Arundel MS. <span + class="scac">XLVIII.</span> the contents of which curious and valuable + volume are minutely described in the Catalogue of the collection by Mr. + W. H. Black, F.S.A.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt77" href="#NtA77">[77]</a> Bale (Scriptores Brytannić, vii. + 80, Folio, 1557, p. 568,) describes Peter Basset as an esquire of noble + family, and an attendant upon Henry the Fifth in his bedchamber + throughout that monarch's career. Bale states that this faithful esquire + wrote the memoirs of his royal master, very fully, from his cradle to his + grave, in the English language; and we find that the work was known to + the chronicler Hall, who quotes Basset in regard to the disease of which + the king died. It is remarkable, however, that this work, like that + formerly in the College of Arms, mentioned in the preceding note (if it + were not the same), has now disappeared; and the name of Basset has been + unknown to Mr. Benjamin Williams and Mr. Charles Augustus Cole, the + editors of recent collections on the reign of Henry the Fifth for the + English Historical Society and the series of the present Master of the + Rolls, (1850 and 1858,) as also to Sir N. Harris Nicolas, the historian + of the Battle of Agincourt, and the Rev. J. Endell Tyler, the biographer + of King Henry of Monmouth (2 vols. 8vo. 1838).</p> + + <p><a name="Nt78" href="#NtA78">[78]</a> Its real author is supposed to + have been Ćgidius Romanus, or De Columna, who was bishop of Berri, and + died in 1316. See Les Manuscrits Francois de la Bibliothčque du Roi, par + M. Paulin Paris, 1836, i. 224. It was printed at Rome in 1482, and at + Venice in 1598: see Cave, Historia Literaria, vol. ii. p. 340. Thomas + Occleve, the contemporary of Chaucer, wrote a poem <i>De Regimine + Principum</i>, founded, to a certain extent, upon the work of Ćgidius, + but applied to the events of his own time, and specially directed to the + instruction of the prince of Wales, afterwards King Henry V. The + Roxburghe Club has recently committed the editorship of this work to Mr. + Thomas Wright, F.S.A.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt79" href="#NtA79">[79]</a> Preface to The Buke of the Order + of Knyghthede (Abbotsford Club, 1847,) p. xxiii.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt80" href="#NtA80">[80]</a> Ames's Typographical + Antiquities, by Dibdin, iii. 198. Moule (Bibliotheca Heraldica, 1822, p. + 12,) conjectures that this may have been the same with "A Treatise of + Nobility," by John Clerke, mentioned by Wood, in his Athenć Oxonienses, + as being also a translation from the French; this was printed in 12mo, + 1543. (Ath. Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 205.) In that case the name of + <i>Larke</i> is an error of Ames.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt81" href="#NtA81">[81]</a> Wyer also printed "The Boke of + Knowledge," a work on prognostics in physic, and on astronomy (Dibdin's + Ames, iii. 199, 200), and "The Book of Wysdome, spekyng of vyces and + vertues, 1532." (ibid. p. 175.)</p> + + <p><a name="Nt82" href="#NtA82">[82]</a> Typographical Antiquities, first + edition, iii. 1527.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt83" href="#NtA83">[83]</a> Mr. B. B. Woodward, F.S.A. the + author of a History of Hampshire now in progress, kindly undertook for me + to search the records of the city of Winchester in order to discover, if + possible, any information in elucidation of this document; but he found + them in so great confusion, that at present it is impossible to pursue + such an inquiry with any hope of success.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt84" href="#NtA84">[84]</a> <i>Here is written above the + line, in a later hand</i>, yn yo<sup>r</sup> most noble persone and</p> + + <p><a name="Nt85" href="#NtA85">[85]</a> <i>In MS.</i> whiche whan</p> + + <p><a name="Nt86" href="#NtA86">[86]</a> <i>MS.</i> of</p> + + <p><a name="Nt87" href="#NtA87">[87]</a> <i>These words are inserted by a + second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt88" href="#NtA88">[88]</a> <i>Inserted above the line by a + second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt89" href="#NtA89">[89]</a> <i>sc.</i> weight</p> + + <p><a name="Nt90" href="#NtA90">[90]</a> <i>MS.</i> infinitee</p> + + <p><a name="Nt91" href="#NtA91">[91]</a> <i>MS.</i> to</p> + + <p><a name="Nt92" href="#NtA92">[92]</a> <i>MS.</i> if it</p> + + <p><a name="Nt93" href="#NtA93">[93]</a> <i>MS.</i> defoule</p> + + <p><a name="Nt94" href="#NtA94">[94]</a> <i>MS.</i> be that</p> + + <p><a name="Nt95" href="#NtA95">[95]</a> <i>MS.</i> they</p> + + <p><a name="Nt96" href="#NtA96">[96]</a> <i>MS.</i> it is</p> + + <p><a name="Nt97" href="#NtA97">[97]</a> <i>The words</i> thowsands and + <i>are inserted above the line.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt98" href="#NtA98">[98]</a> <i>Added by second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt99" href="#NtA99">[99]</a> <i>Altered by second hand to</i> + youre</p> + + <p><a name="Nt100" href="#NtA100">[100]</a> <i>Inserted above the line by + a second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt101" href="#NtA101">[101]</a> <i>qu.</i>? yet</p> + + <p><a name="Nt102" href="#NtA102">[102]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt103" href="#NtA103">[103]</a> <i>Added by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt104" href="#NtA104">[104]</a> <i>This passage is inserted + by the second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt105" href="#NtA105">[105]</a> <i>Added by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt106" href="#NtA106">[106]</a> <i>The Hague.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt107" href="#NtA107">[107]</a> <i>So the MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt108" href="#NtA108">[108]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt109" href="#NtA109">[109]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt110" href="#NtA110">[110]</a> <i>MS.</i> cons.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt111" href="#NtA111">[111]</a> <i>Inserted by the second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt112" href="#NtA112">[112]</a> <i>The word</i> king <i>has + been erased, and altered to</i> prince.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt113" href="#NtA113">[113]</a> <i>The insertion occupying + the ensuing page is written by the second hand in the margin.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt114" href="#NtA114">[114]</a> <i>Inserted by the second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt115" href="#NtA115">[115]</a> overthrow <i>in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt116" href="#NtA116">[116]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt117" href="#NtA117">[117]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt118" href="#NtA118">[118]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt119" href="#NtA119">[119]</a> <i>Added in the margin by + second hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt120" href="#NtA120">[120]</a> <i>Added by second hand in + the margin.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt121" href="#NtA121">[121]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt122" href="#NtA122">[122]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt123" href="#NtA123">[123]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt124" href="#NtA124">[124]</a> <i>So in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt125" href="#NtA125">[125]</a> <i>Inserted by third + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt126" href="#NtA126">[126]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt127" href="#NtA127">[127]</a> <i>Inserted by the second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt128" href="#NtA128">[128]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt129" href="#NtA129">[129]</a> ? all.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt130" href="#NtA130">[130]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt131" href="#NtA131">[131]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt132" href="#NtA132">[132]</a> <i>The word</i> innocent + <i>is written by some Lancastrian over an erasure</i>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt133" href="#NtA133">[133]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt134" href="#NtA134">[134]</a> <i>Added by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt135" href="#NtA135">[135]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt136" href="#NtA136">[136]</a> <i>So in the MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt137" href="#NtA137">[137]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt138" href="#NtA138">[138]</a> <i>So in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt139" href="#NtA139">[139]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt140" href="#NtA140">[140]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt141" href="#NtA141">[141]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt142" href="#NtA142">[142]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt143" href="#NtA143">[143]</a> <i>So in the MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt144" href="#NtA144">[144]</a> <i>MS.</i> youre.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt145" href="#NtA145">[145]</a> <i>MS.</i> of.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt146" href="#NtA146">[146]</a> <i>MS.</i> they owre.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt147" href="#NtA147">[147]</a> of <i>in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt148" href="#NtA148">[148]</a> <i>Added by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt149" href="#NtA149">[149]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt150" href="#NtA150">[150]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt151" href="#NtA151">[151]</a> <i>In the margin is here + placed the following note respecting Dame Christina of Passy:—</i> + "Notandum est quod Cristina [fuit] domina prćclara natu et moribus, et + manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud Passye prope Parys; et ita + virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos studentes in + universitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros virtuosos, + utpote <i>Liber Arboris Bellorum</i>, et doctores racione eorum + exhibicionis attribuerunt nomen autoris Christinć, sed aliquando nomen + autoris clerici studentis imponitur in diversis libris; et vixit circa + annum Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno Christi 1400."</p> + + <p><a name="Nt152" href="#NtA152">[152]</a> <i>Inserted by second hand in + the margin.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt153" href="#NtA153">[153]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt154" href="#NtA154">[154]</a> <i>MS.</i> goodis.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt155" href="#NtA155">[155]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt156" href="#NtA156">[156]</a> <i>MS.</i> startees.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt157" href="#NtA157">[157]</a> <i>So in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt158" href="#NtA158">[158]</a> Sir John Fastolfe.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt159" href="#NtA159">[159]</a> <i>This word has been in the + MS. by error altered to</i> stode, <i>which belongs to the next + line</i>.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt160" href="#NtA160">[160]</a> <i>So. in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt161" href="#NtA161">[161]</a> <i>MS.</i> wounding.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt162" href="#NtA162">[162]</a> <i>This word is written on an + erasure.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt163" href="#NtA163">[163]</a> <i>So in the MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt164" href="#NtA164">[164]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt165" href="#NtA165">[165]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt166" href="#NtA166">[166]</a> <i>Written over an + erasure.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt167" href="#NtA167">[167]</a> <i>MS.</i> nede or of.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt168" href="#NtA168">[168]</a> <i>Written on an + erasure.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt169" href="#NtA169">[169]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt170" href="#NtA170">[170]</a> <i>So in the MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt171" href="#NtA171">[171]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt172" href="#NtA172">[172]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt173" href="#NtA173">[173]</a> <i>MS.</i> youre.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt174" href="#NtA174">[174]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt175" href="#NtA175">[175]</a> <i>MS.</i> Gentiles.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt176" href="#NtA176">[176]</a> <i>Written on an + erasure.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt177" href="#NtA177">[177]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt178" href="#NtA178">[178]</a> <i>Written on an + erasure.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt179" href="#NtA179">[179]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt180" href="#NtA180">[180]</a> <i>MS.</i> excersing.</p> + + <p><a name="Nt181" href="#NtA181">[181]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt182" href="#NtA182">[182]</a> <i>Inserted by second + hand.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt183" href="#NtA183">[183]</a> <i>So in MS. sc.</i> + stir?</p> + + <p><a name="Nt184" href="#NtA184">[184]</a> <i>So in MS.</i></p> + + <p><a name="Nt185" href="#NtA185">[185]</a> <i>MS.</i> where.</p> + +</div> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + +***** This file should be named 33953-h.htm or 33953-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/9/5/33953/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Boke of Noblesse + +Author: Unknown + +Editor: John Gough Nichols + +Release Date: October 1, 2010 [EBook #33953] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + + + + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they +are listed at the end of the text. + + * * * * * + + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE + +ADDRESSED TO KING EDWARD THE FOURTH + +ON HIS INVASION OF FRANCE + +IN 1475 + + * * * * * + +WITH AN INTRODUCTION + +BY JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A. + + * * * * * + +[Illustration] + +BURT FRANKLIN +NEW YORK + + * * * * * + + + Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin) + 235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017 + Reprinted: 1972 + Printed in the U.S.A. + + Burt Franklin: Research and Source Works Series + Selected Studies in History, Economics, & Social Science: + n.s. 17 (b) Medieval, Renaissance & Reformation Studies + + Reprinted from the original edition in the University of + Minnesota Library. + + Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data + + The Boke of noblesse. + + Reprint of the 1860 ed. printed for the Roxburghe Club. + + 1. Chivalry--History. 2. Hundred Years' War, 1339-1453. 3. Great + Britain--History--Edward IV, 1461-1483. I. Roxburghe Club, London. + CR4515.B64 1972 394'.7'09 73-80201 + ISBN 0-8337-2524-6 + + * * * * * + + + THE ROXBURGHE CLUB. + + MDCCCLX. + + THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G. + PRESIDENT. + + THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON. + THE DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G. + HIS EXCELLENCY MONSIEUR VAN DE WEYER. + MARQUIS OF LOTHIAN. + EARL OF CARNARVON. + EARL OF POWIS, V.P. + EARL CAWDOR. + EARL OF ELLESMERE. + LORD VERNON. + LORD DELAMERE. + LORD DUFFERIN. + LORD WENSLEYDALE. + RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS. + HON. ROBERT CURZON, JUN. + SIR STEPHEN RICHARD GLYNNE, BART. + SIR EDWARD HULSE, BART. + SIR JOHN BENN WALSH, BART. + SIR JOHN SIMEON, BART. + SIR JAMES SHAW WILLES. + NATHANIEL BLAND, ESQ. + BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. Treasurer. + REV WILLIAM EDWARD BUCKLEY. + PAUL BUTLER, ESQ. + FRANCIS HENRY DICKINSON, ESQ. + THOMAS GAISFORD, ESQ. + RALPH NEVILLE GRENVILLE, ESQ. + REV. EDWARD CRAVEN HAWTREY, D.D. + ROBERT STAYNER HOLFORD, ESQ. + ADRIAN JOHN HOPE, ESQ. + ALEX. JAMES BERESFORD HOPE, ESQ. + REV. JOHN STUART HIPPISLEY HORNER, M.A. + JOHN ARTHUR LLOYD, ESQ. + EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. + WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ. + SIMON WATSON TAYLOR, ESQ. + GEORGE TOMLINE, ESQ. + CHARLES TOWNELEY, ESQ. + + * * * * * + + +TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS + +OF + +THE ROXBURGHE CLUB + +THIS INTERESTING HISTORICAL TREATISE, + +WRITTEN IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE + +INVASION OF FRANCE BY KING EDWARD THE FOURTH IN 1475, + +IS DEDICATED AND PRESENTED + + BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT, + + DELAMERE. + +June 23, 1860. + + * * * * * + + +{i} + +INTRODUCTION. + + * * * * * + +The Book of Noblesse, which is now for the first time printed, was +addressed to King Edward the Fourth for a political purpose, on a great and +important occasion. He was in the midst of his second reign, living in high +prosperity. He had subdued his domestic enemies. His Lancastrian rivals +were no longer in existence, and the potent King-maker had fought his last +field. Edward was the father of two sons; and had no immediate reason to +dread either of his younger brothers, however unkind and treacherous we now +know them to have been. He was the undisputed King of England, and, like +his predecessors, the titular King of France. His brother-in-law the duke +of Burgundy, who had befriended him in his exile in 1470, was continually +urging, for his own ambitious views, that the English should renew their +ancient enterprises in France; and Edward, notwithstanding his natural +indolence, was at last prepared to carry his arms into that country. The +project was popular with all those who were burning for military fame, +indignant at the decay of the English name upon the continent, or desirous +to improve their fortunes by the acquisitions of conquest. The Book of +Noblesse was written to excite and inflame such sentiments and +expectations. + +Its unknown author was connected with those who had formerly profited by +the occupation of the English provinces in France, and particularly with +the celebrated sir John Fastolfe, knight of the Garter, whom the writer in +several places mentions as "myne autor." + +Sir John Fastolfe had survived the losses of his countrymen in France, and +died at an advanced age in the year 1460. It seems not at all improbable +that the substance of this book was written during his life-time, and that +it was merely revised and augmented on the eve of Edward the Fourth's +invasion of France. All the historical events which are mentioned in it +date at least some five-and-twenty years before that expedition. + +The author commences his composition by an acknowledgment, how necessary it +is in the beginning of every good work, to implore the grace of God: and +then {ii} introduces a definition of true nobility or Noblesse, in the +words of "Kayus' son," as he designates the younger Pliny. + +He next states that his work was suggested by the disgrace which the realm +had sustained from the grievous loss of the kingdom of France, the duchies +of Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, and the counties of Maine and Ponthieu; +which had been recovered by the French party, headed by Charles the +Seventh, in the course of fifteen months, and chiefly during the year 1450. +To inspire a just indignation of such a reverse, he recalls all the +ancestral glories of the English nation, from their first original in the +ancient blood of Troy, and through all the triumphs of the Saxons, Danes, +Normans, and Angevyns. Of the Romans in England he says nothing, though in +his subsequent pages he draws much from Roman history. + +The next chapter sets forth how every man of worship in arms should +resemble the lion in disposition, being eager, fierce, and courageous. In +illustration of this it may be remarked, that Froissart, when describing +the battle of Poictiers, says of the Black Prince, "The Prince of Wales, +who was _as courageous and cruel as a lion_, took great pleasure this day +in fighting and chasing his enemies." So our first Richard is still +popularly known by his martial epithet of Coeur de Lyon: and that the lion +was generally considered the fit emblem of knightly valour is testified by +its general adoption on the heraldic shields of the highest ranks of feudal +chivalry. The royal house of England displayed three lions, and the king of +beasts was supposed to be peculiarly symbolic of their race-- + + Your brother Kings and monarchs of the earth + Do all expect that you should rouse yourself + As did the former Lions of your Blood. + Shakspere's Henry V. Act I. scene 1. + +In the following chapter the author proceeds to describe "how the French +party began first to offend, and break the truce." This truce had been +concluded at Tours on the 28th of May 1444. The French are stated to have +transgressed it first by capturing certain English merchant-men on the sea; +and next by taking as prisoners various persons who bore allegiance to the +English king. Of such are enumerated sir Giles son of the duke of +Bretagne[1]; sir Simon Morhier, the {iii} provost of Paris, taken at +Dieppe[2]; one Mansel an esquire, taken on the road between Rouen and +Dieppe, in January 1448-9[3]; and the lord Fauconberg, taken at Pont de +l'Arche on the 15th May 1449.[4] The writer is careful to state that these +acts of aggression on the part of the French, or some of them, were +committed "before the taking of Fugiers," for it was by that action that +the English party had really brought themselves into difficulty.[5] + +There is next discussed (p. 6) "a question of great charge and weight, +whether it be lawful to make war upon Christian blood." This is determined +upon the authority of a book entitled The Tree of Batailes, a work which +had evidently already acquired considerable popularity whilst still +circulated in manuscript only, {iv} and which so far retained its +reputation when books began to be multiplied by the printing-press as to be +reproduced on several occasions. Our author frequently recurs to it, but +his references do not agree with the book as it now remains; and it is +remarkable that he attributes it, not to Honore Bonnet its real author,[6] +but to one dame Christine, whom he describes (see his note in p. 54) as an +inmate of the house of religious ladies at Passy near Paris. It would seem, +therefore, that he made use of a somewhat different book, though probably +founded on the celebrated work of Honore Bonnet. + +The fact of wars sometimes originating from motives of mere rivalry or +revenge prompts the writer or commentator (whose insertions I have +distinguished as proceeding from a "second hand,") to introduce some +remarks on the inveterate and mortal enmity that had prevailed between the +houses of Burgundy and Orleans, which led to so many acts of cruelty and +violence at the beginning of the fifteenth century. + +King Edward is next reminded "how saint Louis exhorted and counselled his +son to move no war against Christian people;" but, notwithstanding that +blessed king's counsel,[7] it is declared on the other hand that "it is +notarily and openly {v} known through all Christian realms that our adverse +party hath moved and excited war and battles both by land and sea against +this noble realm without any justice or title, and without ways of peace +showed; and consequently it might be without note of tiranny for the king +of England to defend (or drive away) those assailants upon his true title, +and to put himself in devoir to conquer his rightful inheritance." + +The writer then bursts forth into a passionate exhortation to the English +nation, to remember their ancient prowess, the annals of which he proceeds +to set forth in several subsequent chapters. He enumerates the examples of +king Arthur, of Brennus, Edmond Ironside, William the Conqueror, Henry the +First, his brother Robert elect king of Jerusalem, Fulke earl of Anjou, +Richard Coeur de Lyon, Philip Dieudonne of France, Edward the First, and +Richard earl of Cornwall and emperor of Almaine. He rehearses how Edward +the Third had the victory at the battle of Scluse, gat Caen by assault, won +the field at the great and dolorous battle of Cressy, captured David king +of Scots and Charles duke of Bretany, and took Calais by siege; how Edward +prince of Wales made John king of France prisoner at Poictiers; and how the +battle of Nazar was fought in Spain. + +In the following chapter it is related how king Henry the Fifth conquered +Normandy; under which head a particular account is given of the defence of +Harfleur against the power of France. Here it is that the name of sir John +Fastolfe is first introduced as an authority, in respect to a circumstance +of that siege, which is, that the watchmen availed themselves of the +assistance of mastiffs--"and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I +herd the seyd ser Johan Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache +had a masty hound at a lyes (_or_ leash), to barke and warne yff ony +adverse partye were commyng to the dykes or to aproche the towne for to +scale yt." + +The chapter concludes with a mention of the battle of Agincourt and the +marriage of king Henry to the French king's daughter. + +The following chapters (pp. 17 et seq.) contain how in the time of John +duke of Bedford, who was for thirteen years Regent of France, the victory +of Cravant was obtained by his lieutenant the earl of Salisbury; how the +duke in his own person won the battle of Verneuil in Perche; how that the +greater part of the county of Mayne, and the city of Mauns, with many other +castles, were brought {vi} into subjection; and how that Henry the Sixth, +by the might of great lords, was crowned King in Paris; after which the +writer bursts forth into another exhortation, or "courageous recomforting" +of the "valiauntnes of Englishemen." + +The author now flies off (p. 20) to more remote examples, to the noblesse +of that vaillant knight Hector of Troy, to the deeds in arms of Agamemnon +the puissaunt king of Greece, and to those of Ulysses and Hercules. + +He recites, from the book of Vegetius on Military Tactics,[8] how a +conqueror should especially practise three things,--the first, a scientific +prudence or caution: the second, exercitacion and usage in deeds of arms: +and the third, a diligent regard to the welfare of his people. + +He next argues how men of noblesse ought to leave sensualities and +delights. + +In the following chapters (p. 22 et seq.), he sets forth the King's title +to the duchy of Normandy, to the inheritance of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine, +and to the duchies of Gascoigne and Guienne. + +The "historier" proceedeth (p. 25) in his matter of exhortation, +strengthening his arguments by the heterogeneous authority of master Alanus +de Auriga, of "the clerke of eloquence Tullius," of Caton, the famous poet +Ovid, and Walter Malexander. The work of the first of these authors, Alain +Chartier, seems to have been at once the source from which many of our +author's materials were derived, and also to have furnished the key-note +upon which he endeavoured to pitch his {vii} appeals to the patriotism and +prowess of his countrymen. Alain Chartier[9] had been secretary to king +Charles the Seventh, and wrote his Quadrilogue[10] in the year 1422, in +defence of the native party in France, and in opposition to the English +usurpation. Our author imitates his rhapsodical eloquence, and borrows some +of his verbal artillery and munitions of war, whilst he turns them against +the party of their original deviser. + +In the subsequent pages several anecdotes are derived from Alain +Chartier[11]; and further advice is drawn from the Arbre des Batailles (pp. +27, 30), and from the treatise of Vegetius (p. 29). + +It is related (p. 33) how king John lost the duchy of Normandy for lack of +finaunce to wage his soldiers; and next follows (p. 34) a long and +important chapter recounting the various truces made between the kings of +England and France, and showing how frequently they had been broken by the +French party, to the decay of the English power, except when revived by the +victories of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth. This part of the +discussion is concluded with a representation (p. 41) of the lamentable +condition of the French subjects of the English crown, when put out of +their lands and tenements. "Heh allas! (thei did crie,) and woo be the tyme +(they saide) that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe +partie or theire allies in any trewes-keping, considering so many-folde +tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled +trewes!" + +Yet, notwithstanding all these discouragements, a confident trust is +expressed that the inheritance of France will at length be brought to its +true and right estate. + +The writer then proposes (p. 41) a question to be resolved by divines, How +be {viii} it that at some times God suffereth the party that hath a true +title and right to be overcome, yet for all that a man should not be +discouraged from pursuing his right. He mentions the last unfortunate +overthrow sustained at Formigny[12] in 1450, and the consequent loss of +Guienne and Bordeaux. + +After which follows (p. 43) "another exhortation of the historier," +addressed to the "highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englonde and of +France, and alle y^e other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and +nobles of divers astates olde or yong." + +A brief recommendation ensues of the deeds in arms of that mightiful prince +of renommee Henry the Fifth and the three full mighty and noble princes his +brethren; where, in the commendation of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the +second hand has inserted a note of his "bokys yovyng, as yt ys seyd to the +value of M^l marks, of the vij sciences, of dyvinite, as of law spirituall +and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford." + +Allusion is made (p. 46) to the order of the Garter, "founded (as yt ys +seyd) in token of worship that he being in bataile, what fortune fille, +shulde not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende;" of +which fellowship sir John Chandos, seneschal of Poictou, had been a right +noble exemplar. The historical reminiscences of the author then again lead +him on to the disastrous period during which the continental possessions of +England had been lost, "within the space of one year and fourteen (fifteen) +weeks, that is to wete, from the xv. day of May in the year 1449 unto the +xv. day of August in the year 1450, that every castle, fortress, and town +defensable of the said duchies were delivered up by force or composition to +the adverse party." + +After a break (p. 50), in consequence of the loss of a leaf of the +Manuscript, we find ourselves in the midst of a discussion of the merits of +astrology. The author addresses himself to combat the prevalent confidence +in prophecies and in the influence of the stars: "which judgments (he +avers) be not necessarily true;" but merely contingent or likely, and, he +adds, "as likely not to be as to be." For if, he puts the case, "a +constellation or a prophecy signified that such a year or within {ix} such +a time there should fall war, pestilence, or dearth of vitaile to a country +or region, or privation of a country, it is said but dispositively, and not +of necessity or certainty; for then it should follow that the prophecies, +constellations, and influence of the stars were masters over God's power, +and that would soune to a heresy, or else to a great error." After this +pious determination upon a question that at that period presented great +difficulties, the author adds, that he believed God to have bestowed that +sovereignty upon man's soul, that, having a clean soul, he might even turn +the judgment of constellations or prophecies to the contrary disposition: +to which effect he quotes the bold assertion of the famous astrologian +Ptolemy, + +_Quod homo sapiens dominatur astris._ + +With these sentiments, rising superior to the general prejudices of the +age, our author proceeds confidently to censure the moral causes of the +recent calamities, which in his judgment had ensued "for lak of prudence +and politique governaunce in dew time provided," and from "havyng no +consideracion to the comon wele, but rather to magnifie and enriche one +silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffering +extorcions over the pore peple." On this subject he subsequently speaks +still more plainly. + +This leads him to reflect upon the fate of many realms and countries that +had been ruined by sin and misgovernance: as the old Bretons were, when +driven out of England by the Saxons into Cornwall and Wales. "And where (he +exclaims[13]) is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the +gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy and +Thebes, ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of +connyng and of wisdom?" Carthage, "the victorioux cite of gret renomme," +had been burnt to ashes by the Romans. Rome {x} herself had for the greater +part been overthrown; and Jerusalem had shared the like fate. + +In the succeeding portions of his work the compiler takes much of his +matter from Roman history: which he derives from the decades of Titus +Livius, either directly, or through the medium of the "Tree of Batailes." +Tullius and Cato are also repeatedly cited. + +It is unnecessary to notice here all the historical anecdotes thus +introduced, as they will at once be seen on turning over the pages; but +attention should be directed to one of the most remarkable passages in the +book, in which the writer quotes the sentiments of "myne autor," sir John +Fastolfe:-- + +"I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, when he had yong knyghtys and nobles +at his solasse (_i.e._ tuition), how that there be twey maner condicions of +manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys a hardye man; but he +sayd the manlye man ys more to be comended, more then the hardy man; for +the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth +hym yn the felde to be hadde couragiouse, and wyth grete aventur he +scapyth, voidith the felde allone, but he levyth his felyshyp detrussed (or +disordered). And the manly man, hys policie ys that (if) he avaunce hym and +hys felyshyp at skirmish or sodeyn racountre, he wulle so discretely +avaunce hym that he wulle entend [_i.e._ be sure] to hafe the over-hand of +hys adversarye, and safe hymself and hys felyshyp." + +It was thus that the experienced captain sir John Fastolfe distinguished +between the rashly daring and those who bravely embarked on some feasible +and well conceived exploit. It is evident that the term "hardy" was then +sometimes understood in the sense we now call fool-hardy.[14] The author +himself uses the word "fool-hardiesse" in p. 63. + +{xi} + +At p. 68 will be found another anecdote of sir John Fastolfe. It shows that +the writer had access to those books of accompt which sir John had kept +when a captain in France. "I fynde (he says) by his bookes of hys purveonds +how yn every castell, forteresse, and cyte or towne, he wolde hafe grete +providence of vitaille, of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stok physsh +and saltfysh owt of England commyng by shyppes." It was because of his good +management in this respect that the regent and lords of the council +intrusted so many castles to his custody that he yearly had under his +command three hundred spears (or mounted men-at-arms) with their +attendants. Also in like manner he purveyed yearly for his soldiers a +livery of red and white; and equipments sufficient for any naked man that +was able to do the king and regent service. The good result of this +provision was manifested on a memorable occasion, when the duke of Exeter +was captain of the city of Paris, and Fastolfe captain of the bastille of +St. Anthoine. It happened, in consequence of the arrest of the lord de +Lisle Adam,[15] a favourite with the commons of the city, that they +suddenly took arms, and rebelled against the duke of Exeter, who found it +necessary to repair to the bastille for his defence. {xii} At his coming +the first question he asked of Fastolfe was how far he was furnished with +corn, with wheat, beans, peasen, and aveyn for horse-meat, and with other +vitail. Fastolfe replied, With sufficient for a half-year or more: which +gave the prince great "comfort," or re-assurance. So he made ready his +ordnance, and discharged the great guns amongst the rebels, with mighty +shot of arrows: by which means, and because the French king and queen, who +were in the city, also held against the rebels, the burgesses were in a +short time constrained to submit to the mercy of the duke of Exeter.[16] + +At p. 69 occurs a curious chapter in the praise of agriculture, or +"labourage of the londe" as it is there termed, illustrated by a +description of the gardens and herbers of king Cyrus. + +But the most important portion of the whole work, in an historical point of +view, is the chapter commencing at p. 71, intended to inforce the wisdom +and necessity of making just pay to soldiers, for eschewing of great +inconveniences that may otherwise insue. It is here admitted that in this +respect there had been more neglect in the English possessions in France +than was elsewhere known[17]: {xiii} that in consequence the people had +suffered great oppression from the soldiers taking their vitail without +payment, and that such abuses had continued unchecked for ten or twelve +years previously to the country being lost. Our author advises that the +chieftains and captains should be duly paid their wages, either monthly, as +had been usual during the time of the regent Bedford, or quarterly, and +that without any reward of courtesy, bribe, defalcation, or abridgment, or +any undue assignation; and that such payments be made content without +delay, or long and great pursuit. It appears from the writer's statements, +that the royal officers, deputies, and commissioners had not only been +guilty of the practices thus denounced, but that those officers themselves +had been needlessly numerous, living as they did upon bribery and +extortion, and neglecting the exercise of arms necessary for the defence +and protection of the territory. Oftentimes they had wasted of the +subjects'[18] livelode more than was necessary, and oftentimes had suffered +them to be menaced and beaten, and mischieved their beasts with their +weapons, so that they were nigh out of their wits for sorrow, and thus +enforced "for duresse" to forsake the title and laws of their English +sovereign. Moreover, they had been so often grievously surcharged with +paying of tasques, tails (or tolls), subsidies, and impositions, besides +their rents paid either to the crown or their landlords, and many of them +dwelling upon the marches having also patised (or compounded?) to the +adverse party in order to dwell in rest, that these innumerable charges and +divers torments had effected their uttermost undoing. The author cannot +quit these reflections without this passionate appeal to the Almighty: "Oh +God! which art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein and just, how +maist thou long suffre this (misery) regnyng without the stroke of +vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of +that Dukedom?" + +The next chapter (p. 74) appears to intimate that the writer personally +sympathised in the degradation of the clergy. "Moreover, (he exclaims,) in +way of gret pitee, and in the worship of God, suffre ye not the prelates of +the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, +priours, denes, archedenes, and their ministrours, to be oppressid, +revaled, ne vileyned, as in your predecessour's {xiv} daies they have been +accepted in fulle litelle reverence or obedience;" having as he alleges +been privily coerced to give to the rulers, governors, and masters of the +marches and countries great fees, wages, and rewards, for permission to +live at rest upon their livelodes. And oftentimes they were visited by +strangers of great estate, both spiritual and temporal, and particularly by +those intrusted with the administration of the laws, besides other needless +people that wasted and surcharged them, an exaction beyond the intent of +their foundation, which was merely to maintain their appointed numbers, +praying for their founders, and to feed the poor and needy in case of +necessity. + +The following chapter (p. 76) is a remarkable one in respect to ancient +chivalric usages. It sets forth "How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, +for the defense of her londe, shulde exercise hem in armes lernyng." It is +urged that "the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle +tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, +esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, while they ben of grene age, +(should be) drawen forthe, norisshed, and excercised in disciplines, +doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to renne with +speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to +wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, +and wele brethed;" ... "and not to be unkonnyng, abashed, ne astonied for +to take entrepresis, to answer or deliver a gentilman that desires in +worship to doo armes in liestis, (either) to the utteraunce or to certein +pointis, or in a quarelle rightful to fight," or in time of war to defend +their sovereign and his realm. Such was the ancient custom of the kings +both of France and of England: as especially of king Edward the Third, and +of Henry duke of Lancaster. That chivalrous knight, who was accounted "a +chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," had (as the writer was told by +sir John Fastolfe) sent to him from princes and lords of strange regions, +as out of Spain, Aragon, Portugal, Navarre, and France, their children, +young knights, "to be doctrined, lerned, and brought up in his noble court, +in scole of armes, and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship." + +This useful custom had been maintained by other noble princes and lords of +great birth; but now of late days, (continues our author,) the greater pity +is! many that be descended of noble blood and born to arms, as the sons of +knights and esquires and of other gentle blood, set themselves to "singuler +practik" and to "straunge facultees," as to learn "the practique of law or +custom of lands, or of civil matier," and so waste greatly their time in +such needless business, as to undertake the holding of manorial courts, to +keep and bear out a proud {xv} countenance at the holding of sessions and +shire-motes,[19] and "there to embrace[20] and rule among youre pore and +symple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest." And it +is added, that whoever could put himself forward as a ruler in such +matters, was, "as the worlde goithe now," more esteemed among all estates +than he who had expended thirty or forty years of his life in great +jeopardies in the conquests and wars of his sovereign. The author pursues +the argument at greater length, as the reader will find, and expresses his +decided opinion that the high-born personages in question should rather +learn to be good men of arms, chieftains, or captains in the field, than to +be a captain or ruler at a sessions or shire-day; leaving such matters to +the king's justices and officers,[21] and that "suche singuler practik +shulde not be accustumed and occupied undewly with suche men that be come +of noble birthe,"--except (it is added on second thoughts) he be the +younger brother, having not whereof to live honestly. + +The following chapter (p. 78) discusses "How officers of the law shulde be +{xvi} chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and +they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe." There is nothing +however in this chapter so remarkable as in that which has preceded. + +The author next shows (p. 79) "How over gret cost and pomp in clothing +shulde be eschewed;" in which respect he asserts that in France "alle +costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige +of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away:" whilst in England +the like "costues arraymentis and disguising of clothing, of so many divers +facion," had caused impoverishing of the land, and excited great pride, +envy, and wrath amongst the people. + +Whether this was truly a national grievance may be doubted. It is, however, +more probable that the "pore comyns" of England had really suffered, as set +forth in the succeeding chapter (p. 80), "gret hurt and inconvenientis +because the creditours have not been duelie paid of here lonys and prestis +made to high sovereins." This, it is stated, had been oftentimes the case +in the reign of Henry the Sixth. They had advanced loans, "prests of +vitails and other merchandise," of which the payment was so long delayed +that great part of their property was previously expended, and they were +sometimes fain to defalke and release part of their dues, in order to +recover the rest. As an alternative for this inconvenience the writer +recommends a course that would scarcely have proved more efficacious. "Let +your riche tresours (he advises the king) be spradde and put abrode, both +juellis (and) vesselle of golde and silver, among youre true subgettis, and +inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the +relief of your indigent and nedie peple, and inespecialle to tho that have +lost theire londis, livelode, and goode in the werres, so that the saide +tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and +socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre +roiaume from your adversaries." + +In another chapter (p. 81), having recommended the king, "after the blessed +counceile of Saint Louis," to cherish and favour the good cities and towns, +the author pursues the former argument of raising supplies, urgently +exhorting all classes to strain their utmost for that object. "Youre saide +citesins and burgeis and good comyns if they be tendred shalbe of power and +of good courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to +be yoven for to resist the adversaries." Those who had not able bodies nor +usage in arms, were yet to come forth with a good courage, spiritual men as +well as temporal, and, as true Englishmen should do, "every man put forthe +of his goodes after that his power is." + +With this strain the Epistle terminates, its last chapter (p. 83) being an +illustration of the same argument from the _Punica bella_ of Titus Livius, +consisting of {xvii} "A noble history of the largesse of Romaynys, how +amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite, to make an +armee yn to the contree of Auffrique." + +These final passages of the book, which so urgently recommend a voluntary +contribution in aid of the intended war, were certainly written in the year +1475, with which date the whole composition concludes: for it is recorded +by the historians of the day that it was on this occasion that king Edward +the Fourth, after he had already raised all the supplies he could obtain by +the ordinary methods of taxation, adopted the new device of a contribution +nominally voluntary and its amount optional, and therefore termed a +Benevolence,[22] but which eventually, when repeated, was regarded with +peculiar repugnance and discontent. + + + +After this review of the contents of the Work, we will proceed to notice +the circumstances of the occasion for which it was professedly composed. + +The English invasion of France in the year 1475 originated in the events of +1470 and 1471. The temporary deposition of Edward the Fourth from his +throne had been abetted by the aid which the King-making earl of Warwick +derived from that forger of all mischief Louis the Eleventh of France. At +that time Edward took refuge with his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, +a man as ambitious of aggrandisement as king Louis, but whose disposition +instigated him to pursue it by the more ordinary path of martial +enterprise. His enmity to the king of France was bitter and inveterate; and +it doubtless formed the topic of much of his discourse with the exiled +English monarch. Edward, on his part, vowed an ample revenge when the +forces of England should be again at his command: and the result was a +mutual understanding between these princes to prosecute their common +quarrel at the earliest opportunity. + +Having this object in view, Edward summoned a parliament[23] in the autumn +{xviii} of 1472, in order to obtain the requisite supplies; and on the last +day of November an act was passed whereby the commons granted to the king a +force of 13,000 archers (the like number which had been granted to his +predecessor in the 31st year of his reign[24]), assigning as their motives +for so doing, that "for the wele and suerte of this your reame inward, and +the defence of the same outeward, to assiste youre roiall astate, ye +verraily entendyng, in youre princely and knightly corage, with all +diligence to youre highnes possible, all your bodely ease leyde apart, to +resiste the seid confedered malice of youre and oure seide ennemyes, in +setting outeward a myghty armee, able by the helpe of God to resiste the +seid ennemyes." The archers were to abide in the king's service by the +space of a year, each receiving the pay of six pence a day; and the commons +granted for their support a disme, or tenth part of the income from lands, +tenements, and possessions of every temporal person, not being a lord of +parliament: but, if the said army held not before the feast of Saint +Michael in 1473, the grant was to be void, and the money repaid. [25] + +The lords spiritual and temporal made a similar grant, on the consideration +"that the kyng oure soverayn lord is disposed by the grace of God in his +owne persone to passe forth of this his seid reame with an armee roiall, +for the saufegarde of the same reame, and the subduyng of the auncien +ennemyes of hym and of his seid reame."[26] In the next session, on the 8th +April 1473, the commons granted to the king a fifteenth and a tenth, +because, among other causes, "that ye verraily entend, as we understond, to +aredye youre self, by all measnes to you possible, in youre moost noble +persone to goo, departe, and passe with an arme roiall to the parties +outward, to subdue by the myght of God youre and oure auncien enemyes, to +the weele of you and prosperite of this youre reame."[27] + +Notwithstanding these earnest intentions and costly preparations, the +season of 1473 wore away without any embarkation for France; and, at the +close of the session on the 1st of February 1473-4, the chancellor, by the +king's command, informed the commons that the parliament was prorogued to +the 9th of May following,[28] "because in the matter of foreign war the +king was not certainly {xix} informed of the disposition of his brother of +Burgundy, and on that account he had lately sent his ambassadors to his +said brother." + +The treaty with Burgundy was concluded in July 1474. The principal +documents[29] respecting it bear date on the 25th of that month, on which +day they were ratified both by king Edward and duke Charles. The former +undertook to land in Normandy, or in other parts of France, with more than +ten thousand men, before the 1st of July following (_i.e._ 1475); and the +latter agreed to support the king's part in person and with his forces, in +order to accomplish the recovery of the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine, +and the kingdom and crown of France, from Louis, then unjustly occupying +them. The king engaged not to treat with Louis, without the consent of the +duke of Burgundy; and the duke in like manner covenanted not to treat with +him without the consent of king Edward. Henceforth Louis was to be deemed +and proclaimed their common enemy. + +By further articles, dated on the next following day, the contracting +parties agreed that, when either of them waged war, they should have +liberty to demand from the other aid to the amount of six thousand armed +men; which were to be paid at the expense of the party requiring them, +unless the war were in his own defence, in which case he was to pay only +three fifths, and the other party two fifths of the soldiers' wages. By a +further treaty, also dated on the 26th July 1474, king Edward ceded to the +duke of Burgundy the duchy of Barr, the counties of Champagne, Nevers, +Rethelle, Eu, and Guise, the barony of Douzi, the cities of Tournay and +Lingon, with their dependencies, the castle and town of Picquigny, all the +towns and lordships on either side the Somme before pledged to him, and +further all the lands and lordships then possessed by Louis de {xx} +Luxemburgh count of St. Paul: retaining no feudal sovereignty over the +same, but conceding that the duke and his successors should in future be +esteemed as the sovereign princes thereof. It was further agreed that +Edward should be crowned and anointed king of France at Rheims, +notwithstanding that the county of Champagne was ceded to the duke of +Burgundy. + +From this time the whole military population of England made constant and +earnest preparation for hostilities. They were retained by indenture to +serve the king for a whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of +France, each receiving the wages assigned to their respective ranks. These +were,--to a Duke xiij s. iiij d. by the day, to an Earl vj s. viij d., to a +Baron or Banneret iiij s., to a Knight ij s., to a Man at Arms xij d. by +the day and vj d. more as of reward, and to an Archer vj d. by the day.[30] + +{xxi} + +In December proclamations were made throughout England for all bowyers and +fletchers to pursue their labours with the utmost haste and diligence, the +latter to make only "shefe arrowes;" and purveyors were sent into several +circuits to superintend the delivery of their supplies.[31] Other +commissions were issued for impressing into the king's service carpenters, +wheelers, cartwrights, masons, smiths, plumbers, and other artificers; and +also for taking all ships of the burden of sixteen tons and upwards, for +the transport of the army.[32] + +For all these expenses the large sums already voted by the lords and +commons in parliament, together with those granted by the clergy in their +convocation, were not sufficient. It was then that recourse was had to the +collections called Benevolences, to which allusion has been already made, +from their being so strongly advocated by the author of The Boke of +Noblesse. The process by which they were first brought into operation is +thus described by Fabyan the London chronicler: + +"He sent for the mayer of London and his brethren the aldermen, and them +severally examined and exorted to ayde and assyst hym towarde the sayd +great journaye; of whiche the maier (Robert Drope, draper,) for his parte +granted xxxli. and the aldermen some xx marke, and the leest xli. And that +done he sent for all the thryfty commoners within the sayd cytie, and theym +exortyd in lyke maner, whiche for the more partye granted to hym the wages +of halfe a man for a yere, the whiche amounted to iiijli. xjs. iijd. And +after that he rode about the more part of the lande, and used the people in +suche fayre maner, that he reysed therby notable summes of money, the +whiche way of the levyinge of this money was after named a Benevolence." + +"But here (adds the chronicler Hall on this subject) I wil not let passe a +prety conceyt that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not +onely note the humilitie of a kyng, but more the fantasie of a woman. Kyng +Edward had called before hym a wydow, muche aboundynge in substance, and no +lesse grown in yeres, of whome he merely demaunded what she gladly woulde +geve him towarde his greate charges. By my treuth, (quod she,) for thy +lovely countenance thou shalt have even xxl. The kyng, lokyng scarce for +the halfe of that summe, {xxii} thanked her, and lovingly kyst her. Whether +the flavor of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she estemed the +kysse of a kynge so precious a juell, she swore incontinently that he +should have xxl. more, which she with the same will payed that she offered +it. + +"The kynge, willing to shew that this benefite was to hym much acceptable, +and not worthy to be put in oblivion, called this graunt of money a +Benevolence, notwithstanding that many with grudge and malevolence gave +great summes toward that new-founde Benevolence. But the using of such +gentill fashions toward them, wyth frendly prayer of their assistance in +his necessitie, so tempted theim, that they could not otherwise do, but +frankely and frely yelde and geve hym a reasonable reward." + +In the spring of 1475 the season for the campaign had at length arrived; +and on the 1st of May proclamation was made that all "the lordes and +capitaignes" who were retained for the army should muster at Portsdown in +the county of Southampton on the 26th of the same month.[33] John lord +Dynham, by letters patent dated the 15th of April, was appointed to conduct +the army across the sea.[34] + +The transport of the army to Calais occupied the greater part of the month +of June. The king, having left London on the 4th of that month,[35] +proceeded towards the coast through the county of Kent. On the 6th and 10th +he was at Canterbury, and on the 20th at Sandwich, where on that day he +made his will,[36] and executed the instruments by which he constituted his +son Edward prince of Wales to be Custos and Lieutenant of the kingdom +during his absence.[37] There was still some further delay, and the king +appears not to have crossed the channel until the 4th of July,[38] just one +month after his quitting London. + +The king was accompanied in this expedition by his two brothers, the dukes +of Clarence and Gloucester, by the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, the +marquess of {xxiii} Dorset, the earls of Northumberland, Rivers, and +Pembroke, the earl of Ormond, the earl of Douglas, and lord Boyd, the +barons Grey of Ruthyn, Scrope, Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, +Howard, Lisle, and probably others[39]; together with a long train of +knights, among whom were sir Thomas Mountgomery and sir Ralph Hastings +bannerets and knights for the king's body, sir John Astley a banneret, sir +John Parre a knight for the body, sir William Parre, and sir Richard +Tunstall. + +When the king had landed at Calais his sister the duchess of Burgundy came +thither to welcome him, on the 6th of July. She was followed by the duke +her husband on the 14th; at which time the duchess was at St. Omer's with +her brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester. On the 18th the +sovereigns of England and Burgundy went together to the castle of Guisnes, +where the duke was entertained at king Edward's expense, as he had been at +Calais.[40] + +{xxiv} + +Meanwhile, (relates Molinet,) "the army spread itself through the +neighbouring countries, numbering about twenty-two thousand men in the +king's pay, of which the archers were badly mounted, and little used to go +on horseback. The English were then inflated with high expectations, and +thought that France might well tremble before them. They brought a new +engine of artillery in the form of a carriage, which required, to put it in +action, more than fifty horses, and it was calculated to make at every +stroke breaches both deep and wide. Many of the English, who were natives +of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, brought with them the deeds of +purchase, and registrations duly sealed, of the inheritances and rents that +they used to possess in those duchies before their expulsion, looking +forward to recover their title and enjoyment thereof. + +"The king (continues the same chronicler) drew his army towards +Fauquenbergh, where he raised the richest tent ever seen; then he moved on +Rousseauville, and stayed for two nights in the place where king Henry, the +father of his predecessor, had obtained a glorious victory over the French, +in the year 1415--_i.e._ at Agincourt; from thence he marched to Blangy, +and from Blangy towards Peronne. Supplies came to his army from the +countries and lordships of the duke of Burgundy. The English repeatedly +passed and repassed the river Somme; and the duke of Burgundy, in person +departing from Valenciennes, (where he had been honourably received, and +where many pageants had been exhibited and performed before him in +compliment to the king of England and himself,) came to view the army of +the English, whom he caused to march and countermarch at his orders, to +show his desire to lead them. The duke and king Edward, who then kept the +field, held a conference for the space of three hours. A dove was observed +to remain on the king's tent for a whole day and a half[41]: and after its +departure there {xxv} followed a terrible thunder-storm, which did great +damage to the army, by the hail stones which fell, as large as walnuts. +From that day forward the English were in trouble enough, and began to +murmur, saying that the king had kept badly the promises that had been made +to them. The time passed away without anything being accomplished. The duke +of Burgundy parted from them, and went to Lorraine, where he had left part +of his forces, to conquer the duchy and county of Vaudemont." + +Our own historians have not discoursed at any length of the campaign made +in France on this occasion. It has not offered to them the attractions of a +Creci, a Poictiers, or an Agincourt; nor even presented any minor +achievement that might have inspired their eloquence or stimulated their +researches. Its laurels in fact withered under the wily diplomacy of Louis +the Eleventh; and, besides the chapter of Molinet from which the preceding +passages have been taken, it is in the pages of that monarch's vivid +biographer, Philippe de Commines, that we are most fully informed of its +transactions. Its results were entirely in correspondence with the personal +characteristics of the three sovereigns concerned. The obstinate self-will +of Charles the Rash, the luxurious indolence of king Edward, and the timid +but crafty time-serving of Louis the Eleventh, all contributed to work out +their natural effects. + +When the English began to land in France, the duke of Burgundy, already +engaged in warfare with the German princes, was besieging the town of +Neuss, upon the Rhine; and, until he could effect his object there, he +would not be persuaded to leave the spot, although other projects of far +greater political importance were now at stake. Commines states that "the +lord Scales (meaning Anthony then earl Rivers, the king's brother-in-law,) +was sent twice, with several other ambassadors, to the duke[42]; but the +duke was perverse, as if God Almighty had infatuated his senses and +understanding; for all his life long he had been labouring to get the +English over to invade France, and now, when they were ready, and all +things prepared to receive them both in Bretagne and elsewhere, he +obstinately persisted in an enterprise in which it was impossible for him +to succeed." + +{xxvi} + +There was an apostolic legate at that time with the emperor, and the king +of Denmark was quartered in the same neighbourhood, and they both +endeavoured to negociate a peace, by which means the duke of Burgundy +might, if he would, have had honourable terms, and thus have been free to +join the king of England, but he would not accept their overtures. To the +English he excused himself as plausibly as he could, telling them that his +honour was engaged, and it would be a lessening to his reputation to raise +the siege of Neuss, with other like excuses. "The Englishmen (adds the +historian) were not the same who had flourished in his father's days, and +had conducted themselves with so much valour and skill in the old wars with +France; but these were all raw soldiers, utterly unacquainted with French +affairs; so that the duke acted very unwisely, if he had any design to make +a future use of them, for in that case he ought to have led them on, as it +were step by step, at least during the first campaign." + +The earliest bad consequence that resulted to the duke of Burgundy from his +lingering at the seige of Neuss, was the loss of the three towns of +Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, which were taken by the king of France, +shortly after the termination of his truce with Burgundy, which expired on +the 1st of May 1475. Still the duke would not quit the siege of Neuss +before the 13th of June. + +In the meanwhile, king Edward landed at Calais. His army is described by +Commines as "the most numerous, the best mounted, and the best equipped, +that ever any king of England had invaded France withal. He was attended by +all the lords of England, with few exceptions. He had 1500 men of arms, +richly accoutred after the French fashion, well mounted, and most of them +barded,[43] and every one of them had several persons on horseback in his +retinue. The archers were 15,000, all on horseback; besides a great number +of footmen, and others to pitch the tents and pavilions, take care of the +artillery, and inclose the camp; and there was not one varlet in the whole +army. There was besides a body of 3000 men who were to be landed in +Bretagne." + +After these particulars, Commines repeats his censures of the duke of +Burgundy's infatuated conduct, in throwing away that advantage of English +aid, which he had been labouring all his life to procure. He ought (it is +remarked) to have known that it was necessary for him to have made at least +one campaign with the English, in order to have instructed them in the +method of the French wars; for, though no nation is more raw or +undisciplined than the English on their first coming over, yet a little +time makes them excellent soldiers, equally brave and skilful. But the +duke's conduct was just the reverse; and, among other {xxvii} disadvantages +which ensued, the season was almost lost, and his own army so worn out and +diminished, that he was ashamed they should be seen, for he had lost before +Neuss 4000 of his soldiers, the very flower of his army. + +The English were, however, assisted in the transport of their horses by the +duke of Burgundy providing them five hundred flat-bottomed vessels of +Holland and Zeeland; yet, notwithstanding that large number, and all the +vessels king Edward could procure from his own ports, the passage of his +forces occupied more than three weeks: "from whence one may observe +(remarks Commines) with what amazing difficulty the kings of England +transport their armies into France; and, if the king of France had +understood maritime affairs as well as he did those of the land, king +Edward would never have crossed over, at least that year; but king Louis +had no skill in naval matters, and those to whom he committed his authority +knew less of them than himself; yet one of our men-of-war, belonging to Eu, +took two or three of their transports. + +"Before the king of England embarked from Dover, he sent one of his +heralds, named Garter, who was a native of Normandy,[44] to the king of +France, with a letter of defiance, written in such an elegant style, and in +such polite language, that I can scarcely believe any Englishman indited +it. The contents were, that our king should surrender France to the king of +England, as his right and inheritance, to the end that he might restore the +church, the nobility, and the people to their ancient liberty, and relieve +them from the great oppression and burthens they groaned under; and, if +king Louis refused, it was declared that all the ensuing miseries and +calamities would lie at his door, according to the forms usual upon such +occasions. + +"The king of France read the letter to himself, and then, withdrawing into +another room, commanded the herald to be called in; to whom he said,--I am +very sensible that your master has not made this invasion of his own +seeking, but at the importunity of the duke of Burgundy and the commons of +England. He then remarked that the season was visibly far spent, and that +the duke of Burgundy {xxviii} had returned from Neuss in so weak and +miserable a condition, that he would not be in a capacity to assist the +invaders; that, as to the constable,[45] he was satisfied he held +intelligence with the king of England, who had married his niece,[46] but +there was no confidence to be reposed in him, for he would deceive king +Edward, as he had often deceived himself; and, after enumerating the +favours which he had conferred upon him, Louis added, 'His plan is to live +in eternal dissimulation, to traffic with everybody, and to make his +advantage of all.' Besides these, the king used several other arguments to +induce the herald to persuade his master to an accommodation with him, +giving him 300 crowns with his own hand, and promising him 1000 more upon +the conclusion of the peace; and afterwards, in public, his majesty ordered +him to be rewarded with a fine piece of crimson velvet, thirty ells in +length. + +"The herald replied, that, according to his capacity, he would contribute +all that lay in his power towards a peace, and he believed his master would +be glad to entertain the proposal; but nothing could be done until he was +landed in France, and then, if king Louis pleased, he might send a herald +to desire a passport for his ambassadors, if he had a mind to send any to +king Edward; but withal Garter desired the king to address letters to the +lords Howard or Stanley,[47] and also to himself, that he might introduce +the French herald. + +"There was a host of people attending outside during the king's private +discourse with the herald, all of them impatient to hear what the king +would say, and to see how his majesty looked when he came forth. When he +had done, (continues Commines,) he called me, and charged me to entertain +the herald till he {xxix} ordered him an escort, that I might keep him from +talking privately with anybody; he commanded me likewise to give him a +piece of crimson velvet of thirty ells, which I did. After which the king +addressed himself to the rest of the company, giving them an account of the +letters of defiance; and, having called seven or eight of them apart, he +ordered the letters to be read aloud, showing himself very cheerful and +valiant, without the least sign of fear in the world; for indeed he was +much revived by what he had learned from the herald." + +When the duke of Burgundy first came to wait on the king of England at +Calais, he was attended only by a small retinue,[48] having dismissed his +army into the countries of Barrois and Lorraine to plunder and refresh +themselves (the duke of Lorraine having declared himself his enemy). The +English had expected him to have joined them at their landing with at least +2500 men at arms, well provided, and a considerable body of horse and foot; +and that he should have opened the campaign in France three months before +their descent, when they might have found king Louis already harassed with +the war and in great distress. + +King Edward (by the stages already described from Molinet,) marched to +Peronne, a town belonging to the duke of Burgundy. The English, however, +except in small companies, were not received within its gates, but they +formed their encampment in the adjacent fields.[49] At this place a +messenger arrived from the constable of France, bringing letters both for +the duke and the king.[50] To the former he made strong professions of +friendship and service, declaring that he would assist him and his allies, +and particularly the king of England, against all persons and princes +whatever. In his letter to king Edward he referred his good-meaning to the +duke of Burgundy's testimony. The duke communicated also to the king the +contents of his own letter from the constable, somewhat exaggerating them, +and assuring Edward that the constable would receive him into the town of +St. Quentin, and all the other towns under his control; and king Edward +really believed it, because he had married the constable's niece, and he +thought him so terribly afraid of the king of France, that he would not +venture to break his promise to the duke and himself. Nor was the duke of +Burgundy less credulous than king Edward. {xxx} But neither the +perplexities of the constable, nor his dread of the king of France, had as +yet carried him so far; his design was only to wheedle and amuse them +(according to his custom), and suggest to them such plausible reasons as +might prevail with them not to force him to declare himself openly. + +"The king of England and his nobility (remarks Commines,) were not so well +skilled in artifice and subtlety as the lords of France, but went more +bluntly and ingenuously about their business; so that they were not so +sharp at discovering the intrigues and deceptions common on this side of +the water. The English that have never travelled are naturally headstrong, +as the people generally are in all cold countries." + +Commines next relates how the English, when they attempted to occupy the +town of St. Quentin, were driven off with the loss of some killed and +others taken prisoners; and how on the following morning the duke of +Burgundy took his leave of king Edward, in order to return to his forces in +Barrois, pretending he would do great feats for the English; but the +English, being naturally of a jealous temper, novices on this side of the +water, and astonished at this kind of proceeding, began to entertain an ill +opinion of their ally, and were not satisfied he had any army at all; +besides, the duke of Burgundy could not reconcile them to the constable's +manner of receiving them, though he endeavoured to persuade them all was +well, and that what was done would turn to their advantage; but all the +duke of Burgundy's arguments did not pacify them, and, being disheartened +at the approach of winter, they seemed by their expressions to be more +inclinable to peace than war. + +Meanwhile, king Louis was thinking upon the suggestions which had been made +to him by Garter king of arms; and a message he received from the lords +Howard and Stanley by a dismissed prisoner determined him to put them in +action. With the assistance of Commines, he tutored a clever servant to act +as a herald, equipping him for the occasion in a coat of arms formed from +the banner of a trumpeter,--for king Louis was not so stately nor so vain +as to maintain a herald in his train as other princes did. + +The man was sent off to the English camp, where, on his arrival, he was +immediately conducted to the tent of king Edward. Being asked his business, +he said he was come with a message from the king of France to the king of +England, and had orders to address himself to the lords Howard and Stanley. +He was taken into a tent to dinner, and very gently entertained. When king +Edward had dined, he sent for the herald, who then said that his errand was +to acquaint his majesty that the king of France had long desired to be at +amity with him, that {xxxi} both their kingdoms might be at ease, and enjoy +the blessings of peace; that, since his accession to the crown of France, +he had never made war or attempted anything against king Edward or his +kingdom; and, as for having formerly entertained the earl of Warwick, he +had done that more from opposition to the duke of Burgundy than from any +quarrel with the king of England. He next proceeded to represent that the +duke of Burgundy had invited king Edward over, only in order to make his +own terms the better with France; and, if others had joined with him, it +was to secure themselves against their former offences, or to advance their +private objects; which when they had once compassed, they would not regard +the interests of the king of England, provided they had attained their own +ends. He represented likewise the lateness of the season, that winter was +approaching, that his master was sensible of the great charges king Edward +had been at, and that he knew that in England there were many, both of the +nobility and merchants, who were desirous of a war on this side of the +water; yet, if the king should be inclined to a treaty, his master would +not refuse to come to such terms as should be agreeable both to himself and +to his subjects; and if the king of England had a mind to be more +particularly informed of these matters, on his giving a passport for 100 +horse, his master would send ambassadors to him with full instructions: or, +if king Edward should prefer to depute certain commissioners, king Louis +would gladly consent to that arrangement, and send them a passport to hold +a conference in some village between the two armies. + +The king of England and part of his nobility were extremely pleased with +these proposals; a passport was given to the herald according to his +request, and, having been rewarded with four nobles in money, he was +attended by a herald from the king of England to obtain the king of +France's passport in the same form as the other; which being given, the +next morning the commissioners met in a village near Amiens. On the part of +the king of France, there were the Bastard of Bourbon admiral of France, +the lord of St. Pierre, and the bishop of Evreux. On the king of England's +side, there were the lord Howard, doctor Morton then master of the rolls +and afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, William Dudley dean of the king's +chapel, and Thomas Selynger.[51] Many overtures passed between these +negociators. The English at first demanded, according to their custom, the +crown of France; and then gradually fell to Normandy and Guienne. The +French commissioners replied as became them; so that the demands were well +urged on the one side, and well refused on the other: yet, from the very +first day {xxxii} of the treaty there was great prospect of an +accommodation, for both parties seemed very inclinable to hearken to +reasonable proposals. + +King Louis was exceedingly pleased when matters had taken this favourable +turn, and he employed all his arts to bring the negociation to a peaceful +termination. He sent every hour to entertain and wheedle the treacherous +constable, and prevent him from doing any harm. He resolved to raise +without delay the money required to buy off the invaders,[52] declaring +that he would do any thing in the world to get the king of England out of +France, except putting any towns into his possession, for, rather than do +that, which had been suggested by the constable, he would hazard all. + +The conclusion of the terms of the treaty was made on the 13th of August, +king Edward being then "in his felde beside a village called Seyntre,[53] +within Vermondose, a litell from Peronne," attended by his brothers the +dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the +bishop of Lincoln his chancellor, the marquess of Dorset, the earls of +Northumberland, Riviers, and Pembroke, the lords Grey de Ruthyn, Scrope, +Grey of Codnor, Stanley, Hastings, Ferrers, Howard, the earl Douglas, lord +Lisle, the master of the Rolls, the dean of the king's chapel, the deans of +Wells and Westminster, sir Thomas Mountgomery, sir Thomas Borough, sir +William Parre, sir Richard Tunstall, Thomas Selynger, and John Elkyngton +treasurer of the king's wars; most of whom signed the public +declaration[54] of the king's determination, which is stated to have been +founded on these three considerations,--"the povertie of his armyes, the +nygh approachyng of wynter, and small assistance of his allies." + +It was at the same time agreed, that the two kings should have an +interview, and swear mutually to the performance of certain articles; after +which the king of England should return to his own country, upon the +receipt of 72,000 crowns (as stated by Commines, but the amount finally +settled was 75,000), leaving the lord Howard and sir John Cheyne as +hostages until his arrival in England. In addition, pensions amounting to +16,000 crowns were promised to the privy councillors {xxxiii} of the king +of England, viz. to the lord Hastings[55] 2000 crowns a-year, to the +chancellor (Rotherham) 2000, and the remainder to the lord Howard, the +master of the horse (Cheyne), Thomas St. Leger, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and +several others, besides a great deal of ready money and plate[56] that was +distributed among the rest of the king of England's retinue. + +Louis contrived to carry his corruption through every grade of his +adversaries. He purchased from one of the English secretaries for sixty +silver marks two letters which had been addressed by the seigneur d'Urfe, +who was then in the duke of Bretagne's service, (and afterwards master of +the horse of France,) one directed to the king of England, and the other to +the lord Hastings, lord chamberlain of England. They were shown to +Commines, who noticed in them this, among other expressions, That the duke +of Bretagne would do more by his intelligence in a month, than the king of +England and the duke of Burgundy both, with all the force they could make. + +The duke of Burgundy, who was then at Luxembourg, having intimation of +these negociations, came in great haste to the king of England, attended +only with sixteen horse.[57] King Edward was much surprised at his +unexpected arrival, and inquired what it was that had brought him, for he +saw by his countenance that he was angry. The duke told him that he came to +talk with him. The king of England asked whether it should be in public or +private? Then the duke demanded whether he had made a peace? The king +replied, that he had made a truce for nine years, in which the duke of +Bretagne and himself were {xxxiv} comprehended,[58] and his desire was that +they should accept of that comprehension. The duke fell into a violent +passion, and in English, a language that he spoke very well, began to +recount the glorious achievements of Edward's predecessors on the throne of +England, who had formerly invaded France, and how they had spared no pains, +nor refused any danger, that might render them famous, and gain them +immortal honour and renown abroad. Then he inveighed against the truce, and +told the king he had not invited the English over into France out of any +necessity he had of their assistance, but only to put them in a way of +recovering their own right and inheritance; and, to convince them he could +subsist without their alliance, he was resolved not to make use of the +truce until the king had been three months in England. Having unburthened +himself in this manner, the duke took his leave, and returned to +Luxembourg. The king of England and his council were extremely irritated by +his language, but others who were adverse to the peace highly extolled it. + +But, however dissatisfied the duke was with the truce, the constable of +France had cause to be still more so: for, having deceived all parties, he +could expect nothing but inevitable ruin. He made one more attempt to +ingratiate himself with king Edward, by offering him the towns of Eu and +St. Valery for winter quarters, and a loan of 50,000 crowns; but king Louis +immediately received intimation of this, and at once ordered the two towns +to be burned. King Edward returned to the constable this answer, "That the +truce was already concluded, and could not be altered; but, had the +constable performed his former promise (as to the town of St. Quentin), the +truce would never have been made." This answer stung the constable to the +very soul, and made him desperate on all sides. + +In order to bring the treaty to a conclusion, king Edward advanced within +half a league of Amiens; and the king of France, being upon one of the +gates of the city, (where he had arrived on the 22d of August,) viewed from +a distance the English army marching up. "Speaking impartially, (continues +Commines,) the troops seemed but raw and unused to action in the field; for +they were in very ill order, and observed no manner of discipline. Our king +sent the king of England 300 cartloads[59] of the best wines in France as a +present, and I think the {xxxv} carts made as great a show as the whole +English army. Upon the strength of the truce, numbers of the English came +into the town, where they behaved themselves very imprudently, and without +the least regard to their prince's honour; for they entered the streets all +armed, and in great companies, so that if the king of France could have +dispensed with his oath, never was there so favourable an opportunity of +cutting off a considerable number of them; but his majesty's design was +only to entertain them nobly, and to settle a firm and lasting peace, that +might endure during his reign. The king had ordered two long tables to be +placed on either side the street, at the entrance of the town gate, which +were covered with a variety of good dishes of all sorts of viands most +likely to relish their wine, of which there was great plenty, and of the +richest that France could produce, with a troop of servants to wait on +them; but not a drop of water was drank. At each of the tables the king had +placed five or six boon companions, persons of rank and condition, to +entertain those who had a mind to take a hearty glass, amongst whom were +the lord of Craon, the lord of Briquebec, the lord of Bressure, the lord of +Villiers, and several others. As the English came up to the gate, they saw +what was prepared, and there were persons appointed on purpose to take +their horses by the bridles and lead them to the tables, where every man +was treated handsomely, as he came in his turn, to their very great +satisfaction. When they had once entered the town, wherever they went, or +whatever they called for, nothing was to be paid; there were nine or ten +taverns liberally furnished with all that they wanted, the French king +bearing all the costs of that entertainment, which lasted three or four +days." + +On Childermas day (the 28th of August[60]) the license of the English +visitors had grown to such a height, that it was. estimated that there were +at least 9000 of them in the town. The councillors of Louis were alarmed, +and although on that day the superstitious monarch never spoke upon +business, nor allowed any one else to address him thereon, but took it as +an ill omen, Commines was induced to disturb his devotions, in order to +inform him of the state of affairs. The king commanded him immediately to +get on horseback, and endeavour to speak with some of the English captains +of note, to persuade them to order their troops to retire, and if he met +any of the French captains to send them to him, for he {xxxvi} would be at +the gate as soon as Commines. Commines met three or four English commanders +of his acquaintance, and spoke to them according to the king's directions; +but for one man that they directed to leave the town, there were twenty +that came in. In company with the lord of Gie (afterwards marechal of +France) Commines went into a tavern, where, though it was not yet one +o'clock, there had already been a hundred and eleven reckonings that +morning. The house was filled with company; some were singing, others were +asleep, and all were drunk; upon observing which circumstance, Commines +concluded there was no danger, and sent to inform the king of it; who came +immediately to the gate, well attended, having commanded 200 or 300 men at +arms to be harnessed privately in their captains' houses, some of whom he +posted at the gate by which the English entered. The king then ordered his +dinner to be brought to the porter's lodgings at the gate, where he dined, +and did several English captains the honour of admitting them to dinner +with him. The king of England had been informed of this disorder, and was +much ashamed of it, and sent to the king of France to desire him to admit +no more of his soldiers into the town. The king of France sent him word +back he would not do that, but if the king of England pleased to send a +party of his own guards thither, the gate should be delivered up to their +charge, and they then might let in or shut out whomever they pleased, which +was done accordingly. + +In order to bring the whole affair to a conclusion, consultation was now +taken for the place that might be most convenient for the proposed +interview between the two kings, and commissioners were appointed to survey +it,--the lord du Bouchage and Commines on the French part, and the lord +Howard, Thomas St. Leger, and a herald on the English. Upon taking view of +the river, they agreed upon Picquigny, where the Somme is neither wide nor +fordable. On the one side, by which king Louis would approach, was a fine +open country; and on the other side it was the same, only when king Edward +came to the river, he was obliged to traverse a causeway about two +bow-shots in length, with marshes on both sides, "which might (remarks +Commines) have produced very dangerous consequences to the English, if our +intentions had not been honourable. And certainly, as I have said before, +the English do not manage their treaties and capitulations with so much +cunning and policy as the French do, let people say what they will, but +proceed more openly, and with greater straightforwardness; yet a man must +be careful, and take heed not to affront them, for it is dangerous meddling +with them." + +When the place of meeting was settled, the next business was to build a +bridge, {xxxvii} which was done by French carpenters. The bridge was large +and strong, and in the midst was contrived a massive wooden lattice, such +as lions' cages were made with, every aperture between the bars being no +wider than to admit a man's arm; at the top were merely boards to keep off +the rain, and the area was large enough to contain ten or twelve men on a +side, the bars running full out to either side of the bridge, to hinder any +person from passing either to the one side or the other. For passage across +the river there was provided only one small boat, rowed by two men. + +The incident in French history which suggested these extraordinary +precautions had occurred fifty-six years before; when, at a similar meeting +upon a bridge at Montereau fault Yonne, John duke of Burgundy and his +attendants were treacherously slaughtered in the presence of Charles the +Seventh (then Dauphin), in revenge for the murder of Louis duke of Orleans. +In the barricade of that fatal bridge there was a wicket, which the duke +himself incautiously opened; a circumstance which the timid Louis well +remembered, and he now repeated the story to Commines, and expressly +commanded that there should be no such doorway. + +When the bridge at Picquigny was ready, the interview between the two kings +took place on the 29th of August 1475. The description which Commines gives +of it is highly graphic and interesting: "The king of France came first, +attended by about 800 men of arms. On the king of England's side, his whole +army was drawn up in battle array; and, though we could not ascertain their +total force, yet we saw such a vast number both of horse and foot, that the +body of troops which was with us seemed very inconsiderable in comparison +with them; but indeed the fourth part of our army was not there. It was +arranged that twelve men of a side were to attend each of the kings at the +interview, and they were already chosen from among their greatest and most +trusty courtiers. We had with us four of the king of England's retinue to +view what was done among us, and they had as many of ours, on their side, +to have an eye over their actions. As I said before, our king came first to +the barriers, attended by twelve persons, among whom were John duke of +Bourbon and the cardinal his brother.[61] It was the king's pleasure +(according to his old and frequent custom) that I should be dressed like +him that day.[62]" + +{xxxviii} + +"The king of England advanced along the causeway very nobly attended, with +the air and presence of a king." Commines recognised in his train his +brother the duke of Clarence, the earl of Northumberland, his chamberlain +the lord Hastings, his chancellor, and other peers of the realm; "among +whom there were not above three or four dressed in cloth of gold like +himself. The king wore a black velvet cap upon his head, and on it a large +fleur-de-lis made of precious stones--[probably as a compliment to the +French king]. He was a prince of a noble and majestic presence, but a +little inclining to corpulence. I had seen him before when the earl of +Warwick drove him out of his kingdom, in 1470[63]; then I thought him much +handsomer, and, to the best of my remembrance, my eyes had never beheld a +more handsome person. When he came within a little distance of the barrier +he pulled off his cap, and bowed himself within half a foot of the ground; +and the king of France, who was then leaning against the barrier, received +him with abundance of reverence and respect. They embraced through the +apertures of the barriers, and, the king of England making him another low +bow, the king of France saluted him thus, 'Cousin, you are heartily +welcome! There is no person living I was so desirous of seeing; and God be +thanked that this interview is upon so good an occasion.' King Edward +returned the compliment in very good French[64]." + +{xxxix} + +"Then the chancellor of England (who was a prelate, and bishop of Lincoln) +began his speech with a prophecy (with which the English are always +provided), that at Picquigny a memorable peace was to be concluded between +the English and French. After he had finished his harangue, the instrument +was produced containing the articles which the king of France had sent to +the king of England. The chancellor demanded of the king, whether he had +dictated the said articles? and whether he agreed to them? The king +replied, Yes; and when king Edward's letters were produced on our side, he +made the like answer. The missal being then brought and opened, both the +kings laid one of their hands upon the book, and the other upon the holy +true cross, and both of them swore religiously to observe the contents of +the truce. + +"This solemnity performed, king Louis (who had always words at command) +told king Edward in a jocular way that he should be glad to see him at +Paris, and that if he would come and divert himself with the ladies, he +would assign the cardinal of Bourbon for his confessor, who he knew would +willingly absolve him if he should commit any peccadillo in the way of love +and gallantry. King Edward was extremely pleased with his raillery, and +made him many good repartees, for he was aware that the cardinal was a gay +man with the ladies, and a boon companion. + +"After some further discourse to this purpose, the French king, to shew his +authority, commanded those who attended him to withdraw, for he had a mind +to have a little private discourse with the king of England. They obeyed; +and those who were with king Edward, seeing the French retire, did the +same, without waiting to be commanded. After the two kings had conversed +together alone for some time, our master (continues Commines) called me to +him, and asked the king {xl} of England whether he knew me. King Edward +said that he did, naming the places where he had seen me, and told the king +that I had formerly endeavoured to serve him at Calais, when I was in the +duke of Burgundy's service. The king of France demanded, If the duke of +Burgundy refused to be comprehended in the treaty--as might be suspected +from his obstinate answer--what the king of England would have him do? The +king of England replied, he would offer it to him a second time, and, if he +then refused it, he would not concern himself any further, but leave it +entirely to themselves. By degrees king Louis came to mention the duke of +Bretagne, who was really the person he aimed at in the question, and made +the same demand as to him. The king of England desired that he would not +attempt anything against the duke of Bretagne, for in his distress he had +never found so true and faithful a friend. Louis then pressed him no +further, but, recalling the company, took his leave of king Edward[65] in +the politest and most flattering terms imaginable, and saluted all his +attendants with especial courtesy; whereupon both monarchs at the same time +retired from the barrier, and, mounting on horseback, the king of France +returned to Amiens, and the king of England to his army. King Edward was +supplied from the French household with whatever he required, to the very +torches and candles." + +By the treaty thus concluded king Edward engaged to return to England with +his army so soon as king Louis had paid him the sum of 75,000 crowns. A +truce for seven years was concluded between the two sovereigns; and they +mutually undertook to assist each other in case either prince should be +attacked by his enemies or by his rebellious subjects; and, to make this +alliance still closer, Charles the son of Louis was to wed the princess +Elizabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter, so soon as they were both of +marriageable age. + +By the fourth and last article, the king of France engaged to pay annually +to the king of England, in two instalments, the sum of 50,000 crowns. + +Commines states that the duke of Gloucester, king Edward's younger brother, +and some other Englishmen of high rank, being averse to the treaty, were +not present at the interview; though (he adds) they afterwards recollected +themselves, and the duke of Gloucester waited upon king Louis at Amiens, +where he was splendidly entertained, and received noble presents both of +plate and of fine horses. + +{xli} + +The chronicler Jean de Molinet also mentions the duke of Gloucester's +disapproval of the peace, although, as we have seen, he had signed the +preliminary articles of agreement on the 13th of August. It is by no means +inconsistent with the aspiring character of Richard duke of Gloucester--who +at this period was not twenty-three years of age--that he should have +affected to place himself at the head of the more martial and chivalrous +party of the English nobility, and that Commines had good information of +his policy in that respect. + +The same delightful historian, who, not content with barren facts, +confidentially introduces his readers into the secret motives and +reflections of the actors in his story, supplies some remarkable +particulars of the sentiments of his master king Louis on the result of +this memorable interview, which form as it were the finishing touches of +his picture. + +Whilst Louis was riding back to Amiens, he expressed his misgivings upon +two incidents in what had passed. One was that the king of England had so +readily caught at the idea of visiting Paris. "He is (said Louis,) a +handsome prince, a great admirer of the ladies, and who knows but that he +might find one of them at Paris, who would say so many pretty things to +him, as to make him desirous to come again? His ancestors have been too +often in Paris and Normandy already; and I do not care for his company so +near, though on the other side of the water I shall be ready to esteem him +as my friend and brother." Louis was also displeased to find the English +king so resolute in relation to the duke of Bretagne, upon whom he would +fain have made war; and to that purpose he made him further overtures by +the lord de Bouchage and the lord de St. Pierre; but when Edward found +himself pressed, he gave them this short but honourable answer, that if any +one invaded the duke of Bretagne's dominions he would cross the sea again +in his defence. Upon which the French king importuned him no more. + +When Louis was arrived at Amiens, and was ready to go to supper, three or +four of the English lords, who had attended upon the king of England at the +interview, came to sup with his majesty; and one of them, the lord Howard, +told the king in his ear that, if he desired it, he would readily find a +way to bring the king his master to him to Amiens, and perhaps to Paris +too, to be merry with him. Though this proposition was not in the least +agreeable to Louis, yet he dissembled the matter pretty well, and began +washing his hands, without giving a direct answer; but he whispered to +Commines, and said that what he had dreaded was really coming to pass. +After supper the subject was renewed, but the king then put it off with the +greatest quietness and tact {xlii} imaginable, alleging that his expedition +against the duke of Burgundy would require his departure immediately. + +Thus, (as our pleasant friend remarks,) though these affairs were of the +highest moment, and required the gravest caution to manage them discreetly, +yet they were not unattended by some agreeable incidents that deserve to be +related to posterity. Nor ought any man to wonder, considering the great +mischiefs which the English had brought upon the kingdom of France, and the +freshness of their date, that the king should incur so much trouble and +expense to send them home in an amicable manner, and endeavour to make them +his friends for the future, or at least divert them from being his enemies. + +The next day the English came into Amiens in great numbers, and some of +them reported that the Holy Ghost had made the peace, producing some +prophecy in support of the assertion: but their greatest proof was that +during the interview a white dove came and sat upon the king of England's +tent, and could not be frightened away by any noise they could make. The +less superstitious, however, explained the incident more rationally; a +shower having fallen, and the sun afterwards shining out very warm, when +the pigeon, finding that tent higher than the others, came thither to dry +herself. This was the explanation given to Commines by a Gascon gentleman +named Louis de Bretailles,[66] who was in the king of England's service. +This gentleman was one of those who saw further than others into the state +of affairs, and, being an old acquaintance of Commines, he privately +{xliii} expressed his opinion that the French were making sport of the king +of England. During the conversation, Commines asked him how many battles +king Edward had fought. He answered nine, and that he had been in every one +of them in person. Commines then asked how many he had lost. Bretailles +replied, Never but one; and that was this, in which the French had +outwitted him now; for in his opinion the ignominy of king Edward's +returning so soon after such vast preparations, would be a greater disgrace +and stain to his reputation than all the honour he had achieved in his nine +previous victories. Commines repeated this smart answer to his master, who +replied, He is a shrewd fellow, I warrant him, and we must have a care of +his tongue. The next day Louis sent for him, had him to dinner at his own +table, and made him very advantageous proposals, if he would quit his +master's service, and live in France; but, finding he was not to be +prevailed upon, he presented him with a thousand crowns, and promised he +would do great matters for his brothers in France. Upon his going away, +Commines whispered him in his ear, and desired him to employ his good +offices to continue and propagate that love and good understanding which +was so happily begun between the two kings. + +Though Louis could scarcely conceal his delight and self-gratulation at the +success of his policy, yet his timidity was continually revived when he +imagined that he had dropped any expressions that might reach the ears of +the English, and make them suspect that he had overreached and deluded +them. On the morning following the interview, being alone in his closet +with only three or four of his attendants, he began to droll and jest upon +the wines and presents which he had sent into the English camp, but, +turning suddenly round, he became aware of the presence of a Gascon +merchant who lived in England, and was come to solicit license to export a +certain quantity of Bordeaux wines without paying the duties. Louis was +startled at seeing him, and wondered how he had gained admission. The king +asked him of what town in Guienne he was, whether he was a merchant, and +whether married in England. The man replied yes, he had a wife in England, +but what estate he had there was but small. Before he went away, the king +appointed one to go with him to Bordeaux, and Commines had also some talk +with him, by his majesty's express command. Louis conferred on him a +considerable post of employment in his native town, granted him exemption +from duty {xliv} for his wines, and gave him a thousand francs to bring his +wife over from England, but he was to send his brother for her, and not go +personally to fetch her; and all these penalties the king imposed upon +himself for having indulged in too great freedom of speech. + +As soon as king Edward had received his money, and delivered the lord +Howard and sir John Cheyne as hostages until he was landed in England, he +retired towards Calais by long and hasty marches, for he was suspicious of +the duke of Burgundy's anger, and the vengeance of the peasants; and, +indeed, if any of his soldiers straggled, some of them were sure to be +knocked on the head. + +"Uppon the xxviijth daye of Septembre folowynge he was with great tryumphe +receyved of the mayor and cytezeyns of London at Blakheth, and with all +honoure by theym conveyed thorugh the cytie unto Westmynster, the mayer and +aldermen beynge clade in scarlet, and the commoners to the nombre of v C. +in murrey."[67] + +The treacherous constable of France again turning round, in order if +possible to recover his lost favour with his own sovereign,[68] sent a +messenger to Louis, offering to persuade the duke of Burgundy to join his +forces with the king's, and destroy the king of England and his whole army +on their return. But this last shift of the baffled traitor only +contributed to confirm his ruin. King Edward communicated to Louis +(probably before this offer) two letters which the constable had addressed +to him, and related all the proposals he had from time to time made; so +that his three-fold treasons were revealed to all the princes with whose +rival interests he had endeavoured to play his own game, and they were all +alike provoked to join in his destruction. + +Louis contemplated his punishment with the bitterest animosity. When he +received the overture above stated, there were only in his presence the +lord {xlv} Howard the English hostage, the lord de Coutay, who was newly +returned from an embassy to the duke of Burgundy, the lord du Lude, and +Commines, which two had been employed to receive the constable's messenger. +The king, calling for one of his secretaries, dictated a letter to the +constable, acquainting him with what had been transacted the day before in +relation to the truce; and adding that at that instant he had weighty +affairs upon his hands, and wanted such a head as his to finish them. Then +turning to the English nobleman and to the lord de Coutay, he said, "I do +not mean his body. I would have his head with me, and his body where it +is." After the letter had been read, Louis delivered it to Rapine the +constable's messenger, who was mightily pleased with it, and took it as a +great compliment in the king to write that he wanted such a head as his +master's, for he did not perceive the ambiguity and sting of the +expression. + +We are now arrived at the closing reflections of Commines upon the course +which events had taken in France at this memorable crisis. "At the +beginning of our affairs with the English, you may remember that the king +of England had no great inclination to make his descent; and as soon as he +came to Dover, and before his embarkation there, he entered into a sort of +treaty with us. But that which prevailed with him to transport his army to +Calais was first the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, and the natural +animosity of the English against the French, which has existed in all ages; +and next to reserve to himself a great part of the money which had been +liberally granted him for that expedition; for, as you have already heard, +the kings of England live upon their own demesne revenue, and can raise no +taxes but under the pretence of invading France. Besides, the king had +another stratagem by which to content his subjects; for he had brought with +him ten or twelve citizens of London, and other towns in England, all fat +and jolly, the leaders of the English commons, of great power in their +countries, such as had promoted the wars and had been very serviceable in +raising that powerful army. The king ordered very fine tents to be made for +them, in which they lay; but, that not being the kind of living they had +been used to, they soon began to grow weary of the campaign, for they +expected they should come to an engagement within three days of their +landing, and the king multiplied their fears and exaggerated the dangers of +the war, on purpose that they might be better satisfied with a peace, and +aid him to quiet the murmurs of the people upon his return to England; for, +since king Arthur's days, never king of England invaded France with so +great a number of the nobility and such a formidable army. But, as you have +heard, he returned immediately into England upon the conclusion of the +peace, and then reserved for his own private use the {xlvi} greater part of +the money that had been raised to pay the army; so that, in reality, he +accomplished most of the designs he had in view. King Edward was not of a +complexion or turn of mind to endure much hardship and labour, and such any +king of England must encounter who designs to make any considerable +conquest in France. Besides, our king was in a tolerable posture of +defence, though he was not so well prepared in all respects as he ought to +have been, by reason of the variety and multitude of his enemies. Another +great object with the king of England was the arrangement of a marriage +between our present king Charles the Eighth and his daughter; and this +alliance, causing him to wink at several things, was a material advantage +to our master's affairs. + +"King Louis himself was very desirous to obtain a general peace. The vast +numbers of the English had put him into great alarm; he had seen enough of +their exploits in his time in his kingdom, and he had no wish to witness +any more of them." + +When Louis went to meet the duke of Burgundy's plenipotentiaries at a +bridge half-way between Avesnes and Vervins, he took the English hostages +with him, and they were present when he gave audience to the Burgundians. +"One of them then told Commines that, if they had seen many such men of the +duke of Burgundy's before, perhaps the peace had not been concluded so +soon. The vicomte of Narbonne, (afterwards comte of Foix,) overhearing him, +replied, 'Could you be so weak as to believe that the duke of Burgundy had +not great numbers of such soldiers? he had only sent them into quarters of +refreshment; but you were in such haste to be at home again, that six +hundred pipes of wine and a pension from our king sent you presently back +into England.' The Englishman was irritated, and answered with much warmth, +'I plainly see, as everybody said, that you have done nothing but cheat us. +But do you call the money your king has given us a pension? It is a +tribute; and, by Saint George! you may prate so much as will bring us back +again to prove it.' I interrupted their altercation, and turned it into a +jest; but the Englishman would not understand it so, and I informed the +king of it, and his majesty was much offended with the vicomte of +Narbonne." + +King Edward, being highly disgusted with the duke of Burgundy's rejection +of his truce, and his subsequent offer to make a distinct peace with the +king of France, despatched a great favourite of his, named sir Thomas +Mountgomery, to king Louis at Vervins, and he arrived whilst the +negociation was proceeding with the duke of Burgundy's envoys. Sir Thomas +desired, on the behalf of the king his master, that the king of France +would not consent to any other truce with the {xlvii} duke than what was +already made.[69] He also pressed Louis not to deliver St. Quentin into the +duke's hands; and, as further encouragement, Edward offered to repass the +seas in the following spring with a powerful army to assist him, provided +his majesty would continue in war against the duke of Burgundy, and +compensate him for the prejudice he should sustain in his duties upon wool +at Calais, which would be worth little or nothing in war time, though at +other times they were valued at 50,000 crowns. He proposed likewise that +the king of France should pay one-half of his army, and he would pay the +other himself. Louis returned Edward abundance of thanks, and made sir +Thomas a present of plate: but as to the continuation of the war, he begged +to be excused, for the truce with Burgundy was already concluded, and upon +the same terms as those which had been already agreed to between them; only +the duke of Burgundy had pressed urgently to have a separate truce for +himself; which circumstance Louis excused as well as he could, in order to +satisfy the English ambassador, who with this answer returned home, +accompanied by the hostages. "The king (adds Commines) felt extremely +surprised at king Edward's offers, which were delivered before me only, and +he conceived it would be very dangerous to bring the king of England into +France again, for between those two nations, when brought into contact, any +trifling accident might raise some new quarrel, and the English might +easily make friends again with the duke of Burgundy." These considerations +greatly forwarded the conclusion of the king of France's treaty with the +Burgundians. + +In fact, the duke of Burgundy at last overreached his brother-in-law king +Edward, for he concluded a truce with France for nine years, whilst that of +England with France was for seven years only. The duke's ambassadors +requested king Louis that this truce might not be proclaimed immediately by +sound of trumpet, as the usual custom was, for they were anxious to save +the duke's oath to king Edward (when he swore in his passion that he would +not accept of the benefit of the truce until the king had been in England +three months), lest Edward should think their master had spoken otherwise +than he designed. + +As for Edward himself, whatever selfish satisfaction he may have derived +from the result of the campaign,--such as Commines has already +suggested--it must have weakened his popularity both with his nobles and +with his people, whilst it terminated the former cordiality that had +existed with his brother of Burgundy. The king of England had now become +the pensioner of France, the great {xlviii} absorbing power of that age, +which was soon to swallow up England's nearest and best allies, the duchies +of Burgundy and Britany. + +The French pension of 50,000 crowns was, as Commines relates, punctually +paid every half-year in the Tower of London; and by a treaty made in Feb. +1478-9 it was renewed for the lives of Edward and Louis, and extended for a +hundred years after the death of both princes: which seemed to give it more +directly the character of a tribute, a term that Commines says the English +applied to it, but which the French indignantly repelled. However, after +little more than four years longer, it had answered its purpose, and its +payment ceased. The English voluptuary then found himself entirely +outwitted by the wily Frenchman. After the duke of Burgundy's death (in +1477) and that of his only daughter the wife of the archduke Maximilian (in +1482) his grand-daughter Margaret of Austria was suddenly betrothed to the +Dauphin, in the place of the lady Elizabeth of England. Louis caught at +this alliance in order to detach the counties of Burgundy and Artois from +the territory of the Netherlands, and annex them to the crown of France; +and the turbulent citizens of Ghent, in whose keeping the children[70] of +their late sovereign lady were, were ready to make this concession, without +the concurrence of the children's father, in order to reduce the power of +their princes. This infant bride was then only three years and a half old; +and had consequently made her appearance on the stage of life subsequently +to the Dauphin's former contract with the English princess.[71] + +Commines describes at some length the mortification experienced by king +Edward when he heard of this alliance,--"finding himself deluded in the +hopes he had entertained of marrying his daughter to the Dauphin, of which +marriage both himself and his queen were more ambitious than of any other +in the world, and never would give credit to any man, whether subject or +foreigner, that endeavoured to persuade them that our king's intentions +were not sincere and honourable. For the parliament (or council) of England +had remonstrated to king Edward several times, when our king was in +Picardy, that after he had conquered {xlix} that province he would +certainly fall upon Calais and Guines, which are not far off. The +ambassadors from the duke and duchess of Austria, as also those from the +duke of Bretagne, who were continually in England at that time, represented +the same thing to him; but to no purpose, for he would believe nothing of +it, and he suffered greatly for his incredulity. Yet I am entirely of +opinion that his conduct proceeded not so much from ignorance as avarice; +for he was afraid to lose his pension of fifty thousand crowns, which our +master paid him very punctually, and besides he was unwilling to leave his +ease and pleasures, to which he was extremely devoted." + +The enervated temper of Edward's latter years is faithfully depicted in the +opening lines of one of the best-known works of our great Dramatic Poet: + + Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths, + Our bruised arms hung up for monuments; + Our stern alarums chang'd to merry meetings, + Our dreadful marches to delightful measures. + Grim-visaged War hath smooth'd his wrinkled front, + And now, instead of mounting barbed steeds, + To fright the souls of fearful adversaries, + He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber, + To the lascivious pleasing of a lute. + _Shakspeare's Richard the Third, act i. sc. 1._ + +In another place Commines attributes the death of Edward the Fourth to the +vexation he conceived at the great reverse in his political prospects, +which disclosed itself on his loss of the French alliance. This conclusion +is probably imaginary, though Edward's death certainly occurred whilst the +Dauphin's new betrothal was in progress. The treaty of Arras, by which the +arrangement was made, was signed on the 23d Dec. 1482, and the lady +Margaret was delivered to the French, and met the Dauphin at Amboise, on +the 22d of June following. King Edward died on the intervening 9th of +April, a victim, as is generally thought, to his long course of intemperate +living. It is obvious, however, that the failure of the French alliance +must have been a very serious loss to Edward's family, who were left +defenceless on his death, although he had previously contracted his +daughters to the heirs of France, Scotland, Spain, and Burgundy. + +Altogether, the ruin of the house of York, if we may credit Commines, was +the eventual result of the fatal compromise made in the campaign of 1475, +and of {l} the enervating and corrupting influences exercised by the French +pensions which were then accepted by king Edward and his ministers. +Thenceforward, any hope of recovering the English provinces of France was +indefinitely deferred; the very echoes of those martial glories which had +once made the English name so dreadful in that country were allowed to die +away; the dreams of conquest were dissipated; and the hands of Englishmen +again turned to internecine contests, which resulted in the total +destruction of the royal house of Plantagenet, and the ruin of a large +proportion of the ancient nobility. + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE, after the total failure of those more generous +sentiments and aspirations which it was intended to propagate, at once +became, what it is now, a mere mirror of by-gone days; and, considering +these circumstances, we cannot be surprised that it was never again +transcribed, nor found its way to the press. + +It is with regret that I relinquish to some future more fortunate inquirer +the discovery of the author of this composition. The manuscript from which +it is printed is certainly not his autograph original; for its great +inaccuracy occasionally renders the meaning almost unintelligible. And yet +the corrections and insertions, which I have indicated as coming _a secunda +manu_, would seem to belong to the author. + +I have already, in the first page of this Introduction, intimated the +possibility of the work having been composed in the lifetime of sir John +Fastolfe, and merely re-edited, if we may use the term, upon occasion of +the projected invasion of France in 1475. There are three circumstances +which decidedly connect the book with some dependent of sir John +Fastolfe:-- + +1. That the writer quotes sir John as "mine autour," or informant, in pp. +16 and 64, as well as tells other anecdotes which were probably received +from his relation. + +2. His having access to sir John's papers or books of account (p. 68); and + +3. There being still preserved in the volume, bound up with its fly-leaves, +the two letters, probably both addressed to Fastolfe, and one of them +certainly so, which are printed hereafter, as an Appendix to these remarks. + +Sir John Fastolfe is not commemorated as having been a patron of +literature. In the inventory of his property which is printed in the +twentieth volume of the Archaeologia, no books occur except a few missals, +&c. belonging to his chapel. Though William of Worcestre, now famous for +his historical collections, (which have been edited by Hearne, Nasmith, and +Dallaway,) was Fastolfe's secretary, he was kept in a subordinate position, +and valued for his merely clerical, {li} not his literary, services. Sir +John Fastolfe's passion was the acquisition of property; whilst William of +Worcestre, on his part, followed (as far as he could) the bent of his own +taste, and not that of his master; being (as his comrade Henry Windsore +declared) as glad to obtain a good book of French or of Poetry as his +master Fastolfe was to purchase a fair manor.[72] + +The translation of Cicero de Senectute, which was printed by Caxton in +1481, is indeed in the preface stated to have been translated by the +ordinance and desire of the noble ancient knight sir John Fastolfe;[73] +and, though Worcestre's name is not mentioned by Caxton, we may conclude +that it was the same translation which from Worcestre's own memoranda we +know was made by him.[74] Still, it was but a very slight deference to +literature, if the ancient knight approved of his secretary's translating +"Tully on Old Age," and did not make any further contribution towards its +publication. + +But on the particular subject of the loss of the English provinces in +France, and the causes thereof, there can be no question that sir John +Fastolfe, the "baron {lii} of Sillie le Guillem," once governor of Anjou +and Maine, and lord of Piron and Beaumont, took the deepest interest; +considering that he had spent his best days in their acquisition, +administration, and defence, and that he was one of the principal sufferers +by their loss. He may, therefore, well have promoted the composition of the +work now before us. + +William of Worcestre has the reputation of having written a memoir[75] of +the exploits of sir John Fastolfe; but this is not traceable beyond the +bare assertion of Bale, and a more recent misapprehension of the meaning of +one of the Paston letters. + +{liii} + +Another person whose name has occurred as having been employed in a +literary capacity for sir John Fastolfe[76] is Peter Basset[77]; who is +commemorated with some parade by Bale as an historical writer, but whose +writings, though quoted by Hall the chronicler, have either disappeared or +are no longer to be identified. + +I have, however, mentioned the names of William of Worcestre and Peter +Basset only from the circumstance of their being connected with that of sir +John {liv} Fastolfe; and not from there being any other presumptive proof +that either of them wrote "The Boke of Noblesse." We have no known +production of Basset with which to compare it; and as to Worcestre his +"Collectanea" and private Memoranda can scarcely assist us in determining +what his style might have been had he attempted any such work as the +present. + +Altogether, The Boke of Noblesse is more of a compilation than an original +essay. It has apparently largely borrowed from the French; and I have +already shown that it was partly derived from former works, though I cannot +undertake to say to what extent that was the case. In its general character +our book resembles one which was popular in the middle ages, as the +_Secretum Secretorum_, falsely attributed to Aristotle,[78] and which was +also known under the title _De Regimine Principum_. The popularity of this +work was so great that MS. copies occur in most of our public libraries, +and not less than nine English translations and six French translations are +known.[79] A Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay, entitled "_The Buke +of the Governaunce of Princis_," is contained in a MS. at Abbotsford, +accompanying a version of _The Tree of Batailes_, already noticed in pp. +iii. vi. + +Another work of the same class is that of which Caxton published (about the +year 1484) a translation entitled _The booke of the ordre of Chevalrye or +Knyghthode_, and of which the Scots translation by sir Gilbert de Hay was +printed for the Abbotsford Club by Beriah Botfield, esq. in 1847. + +To his translations of the treatises of Cicero on Old Age and Friendship, +which Caxton printed in 1481, he also appended two "declaracyons," or +orations, supposed to be spoken by two noble Roman knights before the +senate, in order "to know wherein Noblesse restith," or, as otherwise +expressed in the title-page, "shewing wherin Honoure should reste." These +imaginary orations were the work of an Italian, who styled himself, in +Latin, Banatusius Magnomontanus. + +After a time, the term Noblesse, which we here find synonymous with Honour, +and (in p. xv. _ante_) with Chivalry, in the sense of a class or order of +society, {lv} became obsolete as an English word. In the former sense, at +least, it was changed into our English "Nobleness;" and about the year 1530 +we find published a "Book of Noblenes," printed by Robert Wyer, without +date.[80] This work had been translated from Latin into French, and "now +into English by John Larke." I have not seen it, but I imagine it was a far +smaller and slighter composition than the present.[81] + +Ames[82] mentioned our "Boke of Noblesse" as a printed work, on the +authority of Tanner's MSS., but this was evidently a misapprehension. + +It only now remains that I should describe the Manuscript, which is +preserved in the Royal Collection at the British Museum, and marked 18 B. +XXII. + +It is written in a paper book, which is formed of four quires of paper, +each consisting of six sheets, and is of the size of a modern quarto +volume. The quires are marked in the lower margin with the signatures of +the scribe: the first quire consisting of six sheets, placed within one +another, and marked j. ij. iij. iiij. v. vj.; the second also of six +sheets, marked .a.i. .a.ij. .a.iij. .a.iiij. .a.v. and .a.vj.; the third, +b.1. .b.3. .b.4. .b.5. .b.6.; the fourth .c.1. c.2. c.3. c.4. c.5. c.6. +Thus it is seen that the sheet containing the leaf b.2. and the attached +leaf (b.11. as it might be called) is lost: and this loss occasions the +defects which will be found in the present volume at p. 50 and p. 68. + +In front of the volume are bound three leaves of vellum, on the last of +which is fastened a slip of the like material, inscribed, apparently + + Edwarde w [iiij?] + wych ys + bold + +On the back of the same leaf is the name of + + _Symond'_ + _Samson._ + +At the foot of the first paper leaf is the autograph name of + + _Lumley._ + +_i. e._ John lord Lumley, the son-in-law of the last Earl of Arundel, into +whose {lvi} possession the volume probably came by purchase in the reign of +Elizabeth or James the First. + +On the leaf .c.2. is the autograph name of _Robert Savylle_. + +On the last leaf are many scribblings, and attempts in drawing grotesque +heads and figures, apparently done about the time of queen Mary. Among them +occurs again the name of + + _Symeon Sampson p._ + +Also those of _Richarde Dyconson_ and _Edward Jones of Clemente in the Jor +of_ ---- and these sentences, + + John Twychener ys booke he that stellys thys booke + he shall be hangid a pon a hooke and that wylle macke + ys necke to brake & that wyll macke ys neck awrye + + A nyes wiffe & a backe dore makythe } + outon tymys a Ryche man pore. } + + In the name of the father of the Sonne and the holey Gost. So be itt. + Jhesus nazerinus Rex iudior[=u] fillij dei miserere mei. + Jhesus.) God save the king o^r souu'ain lorde. + Jhesus Nazarinus. God save king p. & mary. + O gloryous Jesu o mekest Jesu o moost sweteste Jesu have m'cye on us. + +Quite at the bottom of the page is the name of + + _Edward Banyster._ + + * * * * * + + +LETTERS ADDRESSED TO SIR JOHN FASTOLFE. + +(Royal MS. 18 B. XXII. f. 44.) + +From JOHN APPULTON, captain of Pontdonne and the Haye de Puis. + +Mon treshonnoure et Redoubte Sr., toute humble Recommendacion primier mise, +plaise vous savoir que Jay entendu que piecha vous aviez quittie et +transporte afin de heritaige a Degory Gamel vostre terre et seignourie de +Piron pour le prix de deux mille francs lesquelx il devoit paier a chinq +annees enssuit du dit transport, cest assavoir pour la premir ann six cens +francs, et le demourant es autres quatres anns ensuit, a chacun par egalle +porcion; de la quelle chose J'entens que le dit Degory na pas acompli ces +termes ne ses {lvii} paiemens, car il nest pas tousjours prest de paier, et +est de tel gouvernement que p..... que navez eu que peu de chose de vostre +ditte s'rie dempuis quil en a eu le gouvernement. Et pour ce, mon +treshonnoure et Redoubte, Janvois grant desir davoir icelle terre afin de +heritaige si c'estoit vostre plaisir et volente. Car elle est pres de mes +et bien a mon aise. Sy vous prie et requier tant humblement comme Je puis +et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, qu'il vous pla[ira] que J'aie +icelle terre et seigneurie de Piron par les prix et condicions dessus +descleres et que l'aviez accordee au dit Degory en cas que [sera] vostre +plaisir de vous en des faire, et que Je la puisse avoir aussi tost que ung +autre, et J'en seay a tousjours mais tenu ... car vous estes le seigneur +qui vive en monde a qui Je suis plus tenu et a qui Jay greigno' service, et +que elle me soit confe[rme?] par le Roy nostre seigneur tellement que Je ny +puisse avoir empeschement. Et je vous promet que Je vous paieray loyalment +es termes qui seront assignes sans aucune faulte, et se faulte y avez per +moy que le marchie ne fust nul, et sur paine de perdre s ... que Jen avoie +paie. Et sy est ce grant chose pour le present de deux mille Francs +attendans la guerre qui est a present ou ... a l'occasion de la prinse et +perte de la place de Grantville. Car se remede ny est mis de brief tout le +bailliage de Costentin est en voie destre destruit, et estre comme le pais +de Caulx, que Dieu ne vueille. Car se seroit grant dommaige et grant pitie. +Et pour ceste cause Jenvoie Jehan Dotton devers vous, qui est vostre +serviteur, porteur de ces presentes, auquel Jay donne pouvoir et puissance +den composer et appointier avecque vous ainsi quil vous plaira, et que +regarderez quil sera bon a faire, tout aussi comme se Je y estoie present, +et lequel vous parlera plus a plain de lestate et gouvernement de vostre +ditte seigneurie de Piron et comme elle a este gouvernee. Et pour ce que +autrefois Je vous avoie rescript de vostre terre et seigneurie de Beaumont, +que Jeusse volentiers eue se ceust este vostre plaisir et volente, pour ce +que ma terre d'Asineres est parmys la vostre et joingnent ensemble, Et en +cas que se ne seroit vostre plaisir que Jeusse vostre ditte seigneurie de +Piron, jentend' encores volentiers a icelle de Beaumont, et quil vous +pleust la mettre a prix de raison, car Je ne scay pas bien que elle peult +valloir, mes vous le savez bien, car vous en avez fait fe presn(?) et en +avez eu la desclaracion, non obstant que les terres depar de cha sy sen +vont en tres grant diminucion pour la cause dessus dict. Sy vous plaise de +vostre grace a y avoir sur le tout advis, et den faire tant que Jen puisse +estre tous jours vostre petit et humble serviteur, et comme Jay tousjours +este et seray tant que je vivray. Et se il vous plaist faire quelque +appointe des choses dessus dictes, quil vous plaise a le faire vous mesmes, +et que ne menvoiez a Raouen ne ailleurs, car les chemins sont trop +dangereux, et ne voudroie pas aler a Rouen voulentiers pour gaignier deux +cens frans. Mon treshonnoure et redoubte seigneur, Je me recommande a vous +tant humblement comme Je puis et comme vostre petit et humble serviteur, et +se il est chose que faire puisse pour vous, mandez le moy et Je +l'acompliray de tout mon cuer et volentiers, en priant le Saint Esprit +qu'il soit garde de vous et vous donne bonne vie et longue et +acomplisse(ment) de vous nobles desirs. Escript a la Haie du Puis, le +derrain jour de May. {lviii} + +Mon treshonnoure et redoubte seigneur, Je vous recommande ma fille qui est +demour' veufue, et quil vous plaist qelle soit (en) vostre bonne grace et +service, et la conseiller et conforter en tous ses afaires. + + Letout vostre humble serviteur Jhon 'Appulton, cap(itaine) + du Pont donne et de la Haie du Puis. + + (_Directed on the back_,) + + A mon treshonnoure et tresredoubte sire + Messire Jehan Fastouf, chevalier, + seigneur de Piron et de Beaumont + en Normendie. + + + +From the BAILIFFS of WINCHESTER.[83] + +Right Worshipfulle Sire,--We recommande ws unto you, latyng you wete of +howre taryng that we brynge nat hoppe (up) howre money for howre ferme ys +for be cawse that we wholde receyve of howre dewte of the Cete, and of the +awnage sum of xiij. li.; the wheche money we cannat receyve in to the time +that we have a wrette to the mayre and to ws Ballys, for the Cete scholde +have of the awnage as Easter terme xx. marcs, for that the Cete grant(ed) +us to howre eryste ferme, and here a pon we tryst; and now the fermeris of +the awnage sey it pleynli that the Cete schale nat have a peny in to +Mighelmas terme but zyffe so be that ye sende us a wrytt that we mowe +brynge the fermers in to the Cheker, and ther to pay ws thys xx. marcs, for +we lacke no money but that, for the fermers makit hyrr a skowsce apon the +refuson that was thys tyme thre zere, for they fere laste they schold pay +agen, and there for they sey it they whole nat pay us no peni but in the +Cheker, also howre Mayre takyt no hede of ws, nother howe whe schal be +servyd of the mony, theirefore we pray you sende a wrett down to the Mayre +and to ws for to brynge ho(ppe, _i.e._ up) howre ferme for the halfe zere, +for dowt hyt nat ze schale be as wel payd of ws as zevr (ever) ye w(ere) of +zeny men, for in trowyf we pay of howre money more than xiiij. li. No more, +but God kepe you. I-wretyn at Wynchester the viij. day of May. + + By the baillifes of Wynchester. + + (To this letter no address is preserved.) + + * * * * * + + +{lix} + +ADDITIONAL NOTES. + +Page liv. _De Regimine Principum._--Sir John Paston (temp. Edw. IV.) had a +copy of this work, which formed part of a volume which he thus described in +the catalogue of his library:-- + +"M^d. my _Boke of Knyghthode_ and the maner off makyng off knyghts, off +justs, off tornaments, ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by soldiers and +chalenges, statutes off weere, and _de Regimine Principum_." (Paston +Letters, vol. iii p. 302.) + +It is more fully described by William Ebesham, the scribe who had written +the book, in his bill of accompt, which is also preserved in the same +volume, p. 14:-- + + "Item as to _the Grete Booke_. + + "First for wrytyng of the _Coronacion_ and other _tretys of Knyghthode_ + in that quaire, which conteyneth a xiij. levis and more, ij^d. a lefe + ij^s. ij^d. + + "Item for the _Tretys of Werre_ in iiij. books, which conteyneth lx. + levis, after ij^d. a leaff x^s. + + "Item for _Othea pistill_, which conteyneth xliij. levis vij^s. ij^d. + + "Item for the _Chalenges_ and the _Acts of Armes_, which is xxviij^{ti}. + lefs iiij^s. viij^d. + + "Item for _de Regimine Principum_, which conteyneth xlv^{ti}. leves, + after a peny a leef, which is right wele worth iij^s. ix^d. + + "Item for rubriesheyng of all the booke iij^s. iiij^d. + +The "Treatise of Knighthood" here mentioned, may probably have resembled +_The Booke of the Ordre of Chyvalrye or Knyghthode_ printed by Caxton (see +p. liv.); and the "Treatise of War" may have been a version of _The Boke of +Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye_, which Caxton also published from the +_Arbre de Batailes_, &c. as before noticed in p. vi. + +The "Othea pistill" was certainly the same book which passes under the name +of Christine de Pisan, and which was printed at Paris by Philippe +Pigouchet, in 4to, under the title of "_Les cent Histoires de troye._ +Lepistre de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux Hector +de troye, auec cent hystoires." In every page of this book there is a +_Texte_ in French verse, and a _Glose_ in prose, which agrees exactly with +sir John Paston's description in his catalogue (where it appears as +distinct from Ebesham's "Great Book,") in this entry,--"Item, a _Book de +Othea_, text and glose, in quayers." + + + +Page 15. _Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset._ This personage, whose name +has been inserted by the second hand, was a very distinguished warrior in +the French wars, and has been supposed to have been the model of the Knight +in Chaucer's Canterbury {lx} Pilgrims. His epitaph at Stoke upon Hampden in +Somersetshire, which has been preserved by Leland, describes him as "le +noble et vaillant chivaler Maheu de Gurney, iadys seneschal de Landes et +capitain du chastel Daques por nostre seignor le Roy en la duche de Guyene, +qui en sa vie fu a la batail de Beaumarin, et ala apres a la siege +Dalgezire sur les Sarazines, et auxi a les batailles de Lescluse, de +Cressy, de Yngenesse, de Peyteres, de Nazara, Dozrey, et a plusiurs autres +batailles et asseges, en les quex il gaina noblement graund los et honour +per lespece de xxxxiiij et xvj ans, et morust le xxvj jour de Septembre, +l'an nostre Seignor Jesu Christ Mccccvj, que de salme Dieux eit mercy. +Amen." (See Records of the House of Gournay, by Daniel Gurney, esq. F.S.A. +p. 681.) + + + +Page 68. _Sir John Fastolfe's victualling of the Bastille._ This anecdote +is illustrated by the following passage of one of sir John's books of +accompt:-- + + "Item, in like wise is owing to the said Fastolfe for the keeping and + victualling of the Bastile of St. Anthony in Paris, as it appeareth by + writing sufficient, and by the creditors of sir John Tyrel knight, late + treasurer of the King's house, remaining in the exchequer of Westminster + of record, the sum of xlij li. + + (Paston Letters, iii. 269.) + + * * * * * + + +{1} + +THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE. + +[MS. REG. 18 B. XXII.] + + * * * * * + + The Boke of Noblesse, compiled to the most hyghe and myghety prince + Kynge Edward the iiij^{the} for the avauncyng and preferryng the comyn + publique of the Royaumes of England and of Fraunce. + +First, in the worship of the holy Trinite, bring to mynde to calle, in the +begynnyng of every good work, for grace. And sithe this litille epistle is +wrote and entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in +perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right convenient is soo +to bee. And as it is specified by auctorite of the noble cenatoure of Rome +Kayus son, in these termes foloweng: "Hoc igitur summum est nobilitatis +genus, posse majorum suorum egregia facta dicere, posse eorum beneficiis +petere honores publicos, posse gloriam rei publicae hereditario quodam jure +vendicare, posse insuper sese eorum partes vocare, et clarissimas in suis +vultibus ymagines ostendere. Quos enim appellat vulgus nisi quod +nobilissimi parentes genuere." + +De remedio casus Reipublicae. + +[Sidenote: Anglorum nacio originem sumpsit ex nacione Trojanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota j^{o}. quod lingua Britonum adhuc usitatur in Wallia et +Cornibea, que lingua vocabatur corrupta Greca.] + +Here folowethe the evident Examples and the Resons of comfort for a +reformacion to be had uppon the piteous complaintes and dolorous +lamentacions made for the right grete outragious and most {2} grevous losse +of the Royaume of Fraunce, Duchee[gh] of Normandie, of Gascoyne, and Guyen, +and also the noble Counte of Mayne and the Erledom of Pontife. And for +relevyng and geting ayen the said Reaume, dukedoms, [and earldoms,] undre +correccion of amendement ben shewed the exortacions and mocions, be +auctorite, example of actis in armes, bothe by experience and otherwise +purposid, meoved and declarid, to corage and comfort the hertis of [the] +Englisshe nacion, havyng theire first originalle of the nacion of the noble +auncient bloode of Troy more than M^l. yere before the birthe of Crist; in +token and profe wherof the auncient langage of the Brutes bloode at this +day remayneth[84] bothe in the Princedome of Walis and in the auncient +provynce and Dukedom of Cornewale, whiche was at tho daies called corrupt +Greke. + +[Sidenote: ij^{o}. lingua Saxonum alias lingua Germanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Dux Cerdicius applicuit in Britania tempore Regis Arthuri, et +sic per favorem regis inhabitavit, et . . ex natione Grecorum.] + +And next after the mighty Saxons' bloode, otherwise called a provynce in +Germayne, that the vaileaunt Duke Cerdicius arrived in this reaume, with +whom[85] Arthur, king of the Breton bloode, made mighty werre, and suffred +hym to inhabit here. And the Saxons, as it is writen in Berthilmew in his +booke of Propreteis, also were decendid of the nacion of Grekis. + +[Sidenote: iij^{o}. Lingua Danorum ex nacione Grecorum. Rex Danorum Knott +conquestum fecit.] + +And next after came the feers manly Danysh nacion, also of Grekis bene +descendid, that the gret justicer king Knowt this land subdued and the +Saxons' bloode. + +And sithen the noble Normannes, also of the Danys nacion, descendid be +William Conquerour, of whome ye ben lyniallie descendid, subdued this +lande. + +And, last of alle, the victorius bloode of Angevyns, by mariage of that +puissaunt Erle Geffry Plantagenet, the son and heire of Fouke king of +Jherusalem, be mariage of Dame Maude, Emperes, soule doughter and heire to +the king of grete renoune, Henry the first of Inglond, and into this day +lineally descendid in most prowes. + +And whiche said Englisshe nacion ben sore astonyed and dulled {3} for the +repairing and wynnyng ayen, uppon a new conquest to be hadde for youre +verray right and true title in the inheritaunce of the saide Reaume of +Fraunce and the Duche of Normandie. Of whiche Duchie, we have in the yere +of oure Lorde M^l.iiij^cl., lost, as bethyn the space of xv monithes be put +out wrongfullie, tho roughe subtile wirkingis conspired and wroughte be the +Frenshe partie undre the umbre and coloure of trewis late taken betwyxt +youre antecessoure king Harry the sext then named king, and youre grete +adversarie of Fraunce Charles the vij^{the}. + +And where as the saide piteous complaintes [and] dolorous lamentacions of +youre verray true obeisaunt subjectis for lesing of the said countreis may +not be tendrid ne herde, [they] many daies have had but litille comfort, +nether the anguisshes, troubles, and divisions here late before in this +reaume be cyvyle batailes to be had, may not prevaile them to the repairing +and wynnyng of any soche manere outrageous losses to this Reaume, whiche +hathe thoroughe sodein and variable chaunces of unstedfast fortune so be +revaled and overthrow; the tyme of relief and comfort wolde not be +despendid ne occupied so: namely with theym whiche that have necessite of +relief and socoure of a grettir avauntage and a more profitable remedie for +theire avauncement to a new conquest: or by a good tretie of a finalle +peace for the recovere of the same: but to folow the counceile of the noble +cenatoure of Rome Boicius in the second prose of his first booke of +consolacion seieng _Sed medicine_ (inquid) _tempus est_, _quam querele_. + +Therfor, alle ye lovyng liege men, bothe youre noble alliaunces and +frendis, levithe suche idille lamentacions, put away thoughte and gret +pensifnes of suche lamentable passions and besinesse, and put ye hem to +foryetefulnesse. And doo not away the recordacion of actis and dedis in +armes of so many famous and victorious Kingis, Princes, Dukis, Erles, +Barounes, and noble Knightis, as of fulle many other worshipfulle men +haunting armes, whiche as verray trew martirs and blissid souls have taken +theire last ende by werre; {4} some woundid and taken prisonneres in so +just a title and conquest uppon youre enheritaunce in Fraunce and +Normandie, Gasquyn and Guyen; and also by the famous King and mighty Prince +king Edward the thrid, first heriter to the said Royaume of Fraunce, and by +Prince Edwarde his eldist son, and alle his noble bretherin, [who] pursued +his title and righte be force of armes, as was of late tyme sithe the yere +of Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. done, and made a new conquest in conquering bothe +the saide Reaume of Fraunce and Duche of Normaundie by the Prince of +blissid memorie king Harry the v^{the}. Also be the eide of tho thre noble +prynces his bretherne and be other of his puissant Dukes and lordis, being +lieutenaunt[gh] for the werre in that parties, as it is notorily knowen +thoroughe alle Cristen nacyons, to the gret renomme and[86] worship of this +Reaume. + +How every good man of [worshyp yn[87]] armes shulde in the werre be +resembled to the condicion of a lion. + +And therfor, in conclusion, every man in hym silf let the passions of +dolours be turned and empressid into vyfnes of here spiritis, of egre +courages, of manlinesse and feersnesse, after the condicion of the lion +resembled in condicions unto; for as ire, egrenesse, and feersnesse is +holden for a vertu in the lion, so in like manere the said condicions is +taken for a vertue and renomme of worship to alle tho that haunten armes: +that so usithe to be egre, feers uppon his advers partie, and not to be +lamentable and sorroufulle after a wrong shewed unto theym. And thus withe +coragious hertis putting forthe theire prowes in dedis of armes, so that +alle worshipfulle men, whiche oughte to be stedfast and holde togider, may +be of one intencion, wille, and comon assent to vapour, sprede out, +according to the flour delice, and avaunce hem forthe be feernesse of +strenght and power to the verray effect and dede ayenst the untrew +reproches of oure auncien adversaries halding uppon the Frenshe partie, +whiche of late tyme by unjust dissimilacions, undre the umbre {5} and +coloure of trewis and abstinence of werre late hadde and sacred at the cite +of Tairs the .xxviij. day of Maij, the yere of Crist of +M^l.iiij^cxliiij^{to}. have by intrusion of soche subtile dissimilacion +wonne uppon us bethyn v yeres next foloweng withyn the tyme of [the +last[88]] trieux the said Reaume and duchees, so that in the meane tyme and +sethe contynued forthe the saide trewes from yere to yere, to this land +grete charge and cost, till they had conspired and wrought theire +avauntage, as it approvethe dailie of experience. And under this they bring +assailours uppon this lande and begynneris of the trewis breking. + +How the Frenshe partie began firste to offende and brake the Trewis. + +[Sidenote: Tempore Regis H. vj^{th}.] + +First by taking of youre shippis and marchaundises upon the see, keping men +of noble birthe undre youre predecessoure obedience and divers other true +lieges men prisoneris under arest, as that noble and trew knight ser Gilis +the Duke is son of Bretaine, whiche for his grete trouthe and love he hadde +to this youre Royaume warde, ayenst all manhode ungoodely entretid, died in +prison. And also before the taking of Fugiers ser Simon Morhier knight, the +provost of Paris, a lorde also of youre partie and chief of the Kingis +counceile, take prisoner by Deepe and paieng a grete raunson or he was +deliverid. And sone after one Mauncelle a squier, comyng fro Rone, with +.xx. parsones in his company, to Deepe, pesibly in the monythe of Januarij +next before the taking of Fugiers, were in Deepe taken prisoneris +wrongfullie undre the umbre of trewis. And sithen the lord Faucomberge take +prisoner by subtile undew meanys of a cautel taken under safconduct of +youre adversarie at Pountelarge the xv day of Maij, the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^cxlix. And also the said forteresse of Pountlarge take the said +day be right undew meanys taken uppon the said lorde Faucomberge contrarie +to the said trewis, {6} forging here colourable matieris in so detestable +unjust quarellis. For reformacion of whiche gret injuries conspired, +shewed, and doone, alle ye put to youre handis to this paast and matier. +Comythe therfor and approchen bothe kyn, affinitees, frendis, subgectis, +allies, and alle wellewilleris. Now at erst the irnesse be brennyng hote in +the fire thoroughe goode courage, the worke is overmoche kindelid and +begonne, thoroughe oure dulnesse and sleuthe slommering many day, for be +the sheding of the bloode of good cristen people as hathe be done in youre +predecessours conquest that now is lost: is said be the wordis of Job: +Criethe and bewailethe in the feelde, frendis and kyn, take heede pitously +to your bloode. + +A question of grete charge and wighte,[89] meoved first to be determyned, +whethir for to make werre uppon Cristen bloode is laufulle. + +[Sidenote: 1: p^{a}] + +[Sidenote: 2: ij^{da}] + +[Sidenote: 3: iij^{d}] + +But first ther wolde be meoved a question, whiche dame Cristyn makithe +mencion of in the seconde chapitre of the Tree of Batailles: whethir that +werres and batailes meintenyng and using ben laufulle according to justice +or no. And the oppinion of many one wolde undrestond that haunting of armes +and werre making is not lefull, ne just thing, for asmoche in haunting and +using of werre be many infinite[90] damages and extorsions done, as +mourdre, slaugheter, bloode-sheding, depopulacion of contrees, castelles, +citees, and townes brennyng, and many suche infinite damages. Wherfor it +shulde seme that[91] meintenyng of werre is a cursid deede: not dew to be +meyntened. As to this question it[92] may be answerd that entrepruises and +werris taken and founded uppon a just cause and a trew title is suffred of +God, for dame Cristen seiethe and moevithe, in the first booke of the Arbre +of Bataile, how it is for to have in consideracion why that princes shuld +maynteyne werre and use bataile; and the saide dame Cristin saiethe v. +causes principalle: thre of them {7} bene of righte: and the other tweyne +of vallente. The first cause is to susteyne right and justice; the second +is to withestande alle soche mysdoers the whiche wolde do foule[93] greif +and oppresse the peple of the contre that the kyng or prince is gouvernoure +of; the thrid is for to recuver landes, seignories and goodes [that] be +other unrightfully ravisshed, taken away be force, or usurped, whiche +shulde apperteine to the kyng and prince of the same seignorie, or ellis to +whome his subgettys shuld apparteine [and] be meinteined under. And the +other tweyne be but of violence, as for to be venged for dammage or griefe +done by another; the othir to conquere straunge countrees bethout[94] any +title of righte, as king Alexandre conquerid uppon the Romayne: whiche +tweine last causes, though[95] the conquest or victorie by violence or by +roialle power sownethe worshipfulle in dede of armes, yet ther ought no +cristen prince use them. And yet in the first thre causes, before a prince +to take an entreprise, it most be done be a just cause, and havyng righte +gret deliberacion, by the conduyt and counceile of the most sage approuved +men of a reaume or countre that the prince is of: and so for to use it in a +just quarelle as[96] the righte execution of justice requirithe, whiche is +one of the principalle iiij. cardinall virtues. And if that using of armes +and haunting of werre be doone rather for magnificence, pride, and +wilfulnesse, to destroie Roiaumes and countreis by roialle gret power, as +whan tho that wolde avenge have noo title, but sey _Vive le plus fort_, +[that] is to sey, Let the grettest maistrie have the feelde,-- + + [In this place the following insertion is made by a second hand in the + margin:] + +Lyke as when the duc off Burgoyn by cyvyle bataylle by maisterdom expelled +the duc of Orlyance partie and hys frendis owt of Parys cytee the yere of +Christ M^l.iiij^cxij, and slow many thowsands and[97] hondredes bethout +title of justice, but to revenge a synguler querel betwen both prynces for +the dethe of the duc off Orlyans, {8} slayn yn the vigille of Seynt Clement +by Raulyn Actovyle of Normandie, yn the yeer of Crist M^l.iiij^cvij^o. And +the bataylle of Seynt-clow besyde Parys, by the duc of Burgoyn with help of +capteyns of England owt of England, waged by the seyd duc, was myghtly +foughten and had the fielde ayenste theyr adverse partye. Albeyt the duc of +Orlyance waged another armee sone aftyr owt of England to relyeve the +ovyrthrow he had at Seyntclowe. And the dyvysyon betwene the duc of +Orlyance and the duc of Burgoyn dured yn Fraunce continuelly by .xj. +yeerday, as to the yeere of Crist M^liiij^cxviij, yn wyche yeere Phelip duc +of Burgoyn, a greet frende to the land, was pyteousely slayn at Motreaw, +and the cyte of Parys ayen taken by the Burgonons; lord Lyseladam +pryncipalle capteyn and the erle of Armonak conestable sleyn by the comyns +the seyd yere. (_End of the insertion._) + +in soche undew enterprises theire can be thought no grettir tiranny, +extorcion, ne cruelte [by dyvysyons[98]]. + +How seint Lowes exorted and counceiled his sonne to moeve no werre ayenst +Cristen peple. + +[Sidenote: Seynt Lowys. 1270.] + +And the blissid king of Fraunce seint Lowes exhortid and comaunded in his +testament writen of his owne hand, that he made the tyme of his passing of +this worlde the year of Crist M^l.cclxx to his sonne Philip that reigned +after hym, that he shulde kepe hym welle, to meove no werre ayenst no +christen man, but if he had grevously done ayenst him. And if he seke waies +of peace, of grace and mercie, thou oughtest pardon hym, and take soche +amendis of hym as God may be pleasid. But as for this blessid kingis +counceile, it is notorily and openly knowen thoroughe alle Cristen Royaumes +that oure[99] adverse party hathe meoved [and] excited werre and batailes +bothe by lond and see ayenst this noble Royaume bethout any justice [or] +title, and bethout waies of pease shewed; and as forto {9} defende them +assailours uppon youre true title may be bethout note of tiranye, to put +yow in youre devoire to conquere youre rightfulle enheritaunce, without +that a bettir moyene be had. + +A exortacion of a courageous disposicion for a reformation of a wrong done. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +O then, ye worshipfulle men of the Englisshe nacion, which bene descendid +of the noble Brutis bloode of Troy, suffre ye not than youre highe auncien +couragis to be revalid ne desceived by youre said adversaries of Fraunce at +this tyme, neither in tyme to come; ne in this maner to be rebuked and put +abak, to youre uttermost deshonoure and reproche in the sighte of straunge +nacions, without that it may be in goodely hast remedied [as youre +hyghnesse now entendyth,[100]] whiche ye have be conquerours of, as ye[101] +to be yolden and overcomen, in deffaute of goode and hasty remedie, +thoroughe lak of provision of men of armes, tresour, and finaunce of +suffisaunt nombre of goodes, in season and tyme convenable to wage and +reliefe them. For were ye not sometyme tho that thoroughe youre gret +[prowesse,[102]] corages, feersnes, manlinesse, and of strenght overleid +and put in subgeccion the gret myghte and power of the feers and puissaunt +figheters of alle straunge nacions that presumed to set ayenst this lande? + +How many worthi kinges of this lande have made gret conquestis in ferre +contrees in the Holy Lande, and also for the defence and right of this +lande, and for the duche of Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Arthur.] + +[Sidenote: Brenus.] + +[Sidenote: Edmondus Ironside.] + +[Sidenote: Willelmus Conquestor.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus primus fundator plurimorum castrorum.] + +[Sidenote: Robertus frater Henrici primi, electus Rex de Jherusalem, sed +renuit.] + +[Sidenote: Fulco comes de Angeu, Rex Jerusalem.] + +[Sidenote: 1131.] + +[Sidenote: De Ricardo Rege primo in terra sancta.] + +[Sidenote: Archiepiscopus Cant', Robertus Clare comes Glouc', comes +Cestr'.] + +[Sidenote: Philippus Rex Francie, vocatus Deo datus, in terra sancta.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex primus.] + +[Sidenote: Sanctus Lodowicus rex Francorum obiit in viagio antequam +pervenit ad terram sanctam.] + +[Sidenote: Ricardus Imperator Alemannie et comes Cornewayle.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus primus rex.] + +And for an example and witnes of King Arthur, whiche discomfit and sleine +was undre his banere the Emperoure of Rome in bataile, and conquerid the +gret part of the regions be west of Rome. And many othre conquestis hathe +be made before the daies of the said {10} Arthur be many worthi kinges of +this roiaume, as Brenus, king Belynus' brother, a puissaunt chosen duke, +that was before the Incarnacion, wanne and conquerid to Rome, except the +capitoile of Rome. And sithen of other victorious kinges and princes, as +Edmonde Irensede had many gret batailes [and] desconfited the Danes to safe +Englond. And what victorious dedis William Conqueroure did gret actis in +bataile uppon the Frenshe partie [many conquestys [103]]. And also his son +[kyng[103]] Harry after hym defendid Normandie, bilded and fortified many a +strong castelle in his londe, to defende his dukedom ayenst the Frenshe +partie. And how victoriouslie his brother Roberd did armes uppon the +conquest of the holy londe, that for his gret prowesse there was elect to +be king of Jherusalem, and refusid it for a singuler covetice to be duke of +Normandie, returned home, and never had grace of victorie after. And to +bring to mynde how the noble worriour Fouke erle of Angew, father to +Geffrey Plantagenet youre noble auncetour, left his erledom to his sonne, +and made werre upon the Sarasynes in the holy land, and for his noble dedis +was made king of Jherusalem, anno Christi M^l.cxxxi. As how king Richarde +the first, clepid Cuer de lion, whiche in a croiserie went in to the holy +londe, and Baldewyne archebisshop of Caunterburie, Hubert bisshop of +Salisburie, Randolfe the erle of Chestre, Robert Clare erle of Gloucestre, +and werreied uppon the hethen paynemys in the company of king Philip +Dieu-donne of Fraunce, whiche king Richard conquerid and wanne by roiall +power uppon the Sarrasyns in the yere of Crist M^l.c.iiij^{xx}vij^o. and +toke the King of Cipres and many other gret prisonneris. Also put the londe +of Surie in subjeccion, the isle of Cipres, and the gret cite of Damask +wanne be assaut, slow the king of Spayne clepid Ferranus. And the said king +Richard kept and defendid frome his adversarie Philip Dieu-donne king of +Fraunce, be mighty werre made to hym, the duchees of Normandie, Gascoigne, +Gyen, the countee[gh] of Anjou and Mayne, Tourayne, {11} Pontyve, Auverne, +and Champaigne, of alle whiche he was king, duke, erle, and lorde as his +enheritaunce, and as his predecessours before hym did. Also in like wise +king Edward first after the Conquest, being Prince, in about the yere of +Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx, put hym in gret laboure and aventure amonges the +Sarrasins in the countye of Aufrik, was at the conquest of the gret cite of +the roiaume of Thunes. [Yn whiche cuntree that tyme and yeere seynt Lowys +kyng of Fraunce dyed, and the croyserye grete revaled by hys trespasseinte, +had not the seyd prince Edward ys armee be redye there to performe that +holy voyage to Jerusalem, as he dyd wyth many noble lordes off +England.[104]] Also fulle noblie ententid about the defence and saufegarde +of the gret cite of Acres in the londe of Sirie, that had be lost and +yolden to the Sarrazins had not [hys armee and[104]] his power bee, and by +an hole yere osteyng and abiding there in tyme of gret pestilence and +mortalite reigning there, and by whiche his peple were gretly wastid, where +he was be treason of a untrew messaunger Sarrasin wounded hym in his +chambre almost to dethe, that the souldone of Babiloyne had waged hym to +doo it, becaus of sharpe and cruelle werre the seide Edwarde made uppon the +Sarrasines, of gret fere and doubte he had of the said prince Edward and of +his power; whiche processe ye may more groundly see in the actis of the +said prince Edwarde is laboure. And his father king Harry thrid decesid +while his son was in the holy londe warring uppon the Sarasines. And how +worshipfullie Richard emperoure of Almaine and brother to the said king +Henry did gret actis of armes in the holy londe uppon the Sarasynes and in +the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.xl. And overmore the said king Edwarde first +kept under subjeccion bothe Irelond, Walis, and Scotlond, whiche were +rebellis and wilde peple of condicion. And also protectid and defendid the +duchees of Gascoigne and Guyen, his rightefull enheritaunce. + +{12} + +How King Edward [the] thrid had the victorie at the bataile of Scluse, and +gate Cane by assaute, and havyng the victorie at the batelle of Cressye +[and wanne Calix by sege.[105]] + +[Sidenote: T. Regis E. iij^{cii} et ejus filiorum.] + +[Sidenote: Comes de Ew captus. Comes Tankervyle captus.] + +[Sidenote: Cressye.] + +[Sidenote: Comes Derbye.] + +And sithen, over that, how that the most noble famous knighte of renomme, +king Edwarde the thrid, the whiche, with his roialle power, the yere of +Christ M^l.ccc.xl. wanne [the day of seynt John baptiste[105]] the gret +bataile uppon the see at Scluse ayenst Philip de Valoys callyng hym the +Frenshe King and his power, and alle his gret navye of shippis destroied, +to the nombre of .xxv.M^l. men and CCxxx^{ti}. shippis and barges. And also +after that, in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xlvj. the said king Philip +purposid to have entred into Englond and had waged a gret noumbre of Genues +shippis and other navyes. And the said king Edward thrid thought rather to +werre withe hym in that countre rather: tooke his vyage to Cane withe +xij^c. shippis, passed into Normandie by the Hagge,[106] wynnyng the +contrees of Constantine [from Chyrburgh[105]] tylle he came to Cane, and by +grete assautes entred and gate the towne, and fought withe the capitaine +and burgeises fro midday till night; where the erle of Eu, connestable of +Fraunce, the erle of Tancarville, and others knightes and squiers were take +prisoneris: but the castelle and donjoune held still, where the bisshop of +Baieux and othre kept hem; and than the king departid thens, for he wolde +not lese his peple [by segyng yt.[105]] And after that the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.xlvj descomfit the said king Philip and wanne the feelde uppon +hym at the dolorous and gret bataile of Cressy in Picardie the .xxvj. day +of August the said yere, where the king of Beame was slayne the son of +Henry the Emperoure, and alle the gret part of the noble bloode of Fraunce +of dukes, erlis, and barons, as the erle of Alaunson king of Fraunce is +brother, the duke of Lorraine, the erle of Bloys, the erle of Flaundres, +the erle of Harecourt, the erle of Sancerre, the erle of Fennes, to the +nombre of .l. knightis sleyne, as well as to othre gret {13} nombre of his +liege peple, as in the .39. chapitre of the Actis of the said King Philip +more plainly is historied. And also the full noble erle of Darby, havyng +rule under the said king Edwarde in the duchie of Guyen, hostied the said +tyme and yere, and put in subjeccion fro the towne of saint Johan +Evangelist unto the citee of Peyters, whiche he wanne also, be the said +erle of Derbye is entreprises. + +How David King of Scottis was take prisoner. + +[Sidenote: David Rex Scotorum captus est apud Doraham.] + +And in the said king Edward tyme David king of Scottis was take prisoner, +as I have undrestond, at the bataile beside Deram upon the marchis of +Scotlond. + +[Sidenote: Karolus dux Britanniae captus est per E. iij^{m}.] + +[Sidenote: Calicia capta est eodem tempore per Edwardum iij^{m}.] + +[Sidenote: Calicia reddita est in manus Regis Edwardi iij.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps cepit Johannem vocantem se Regem Franciae +a^{o}, d'ni M^{o}ccc^{o}lvj^{o}.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus Rex Angliae iij^{us} retribuit xx.M^{l}.li. Edwardo +principi filio suo.] + +[Sidenote: Karolus filius Regis Johannis Fraunciae ac nominando se pro duce +Normandiae captus est.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus princeps navim ascendit cum Johanne nominando se pro +rege Franciae et applicuerunt prope Dover iiij^{o}. die Maij, a^{o} d'ni +M^{l}. &c.] + +[Sidenote: De redempcione Johannis dicentis [se] Regem Franciae.] + +[Sidenote: De bello de Nazar.] + +[Sidenote: Chandos.] + +[Sidenote: Beauchamp comes.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Hastyngys.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Nevyle.] + +[Sidenote: D'n's Rays.] + +[Sidenote: Rad's Hastyngys ch'l'r.] + +[Sidenote: Tho's Felton.] + +[Sidenote: Robertus Knolles.] + +[Sidenote: Courteneyes. Tryvett.] + +[Sidenote: Matheu Gournay.] + +[Sidenote: Et quam plures alii milites hic nimis diu ad inscribendum.] + +[Sidenote: Bertl's Clekyn, locum tenens adversae partis, captus est +prisonarius.] + +And also the said king kept Bretaine in gret subjeccion, had the victorie +uppon Charles de Bloys duke of Breteine, and leid a siege in Breteine to a +strong forteresse clepid Roche daryon, and kept be his true subjectis. +After many assautes and grete escarmisshes and a bataile manly foughten, +the said duke was take, and havyng .vij. woundes was presentid to the said +king Edward. And he also wanne Calix after, by a long and puissaunt sieges +keping[107] by see and be londe; and they enfamyned couthe have no socoure +of king Philip, and so for faute of vitaile yeldid Calix up to king Edwarde +the .iiij. day of August in the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij. And also put +Normandie gret part of it in subgeccion. And therto in his daies his eldist +sonne Edward prince of Walis the .xix. day of Septembre the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lvj had a gret discomfiture afore the cite of Peyters uppon John +calling hym King of Fraunce, where the said king was taken prisoner, and in +whiche bataile was slaine the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Athenes, the +lord Clermont, ser Geffrey Channy that bare the baner of the oriflamble, +and also take withe king Johan ser Philip duc [le hardye[108]] of Bourgoine +his yongist sonne, and for whois raunson and othres certaine lordes {14} +king Edwarde rewarded the Prince xx.M^l.li. sterlinges. Also taken that day +ser Jaques de Bourbon erle of Pontieu [and] Charles his brother erle of +Longville, the kingis cosins germains, ser John Meloun erle of Tancarvile, +ser William Meleum archebisshop of Sens, the erle Dampmartyn, the erle +Vendosme, the erle Vaudemont, the erle Salebruce, the erle Nanson, ser +Arnolde of Doneham mareshalle of Fraunce, and many other knightis and +gentiles to the nombre of M^l.vij^c. prisonneris, of whiche were taken and +sleine .lij. knightis banerettis. And the kingis eldist sonne Charlis +calling hym duc of Normandie, the duc of Orliauns the kingis brother, the +duc of Anjou, the erle of Peiters that after was clepid [Johan[109]] the +duc of Berrie, the erle of Flaundris, withe a few other lordis, withdrewe +hem and escapid from the seide bataile. And sone after, the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lvij. the .xvj. day of Aprill the said prince Edward with king +Johan tooke the see at Burdeux to Englond, and londed the .iiij. day of +Maij and came to London the .xxiiij. day of Maij, the said king Edwarde his +father meeting withe king Johan in the feelde, doing hym gret honoure and +reverence. And after in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvij the month of Maij +the said king Johan was put to finaunce and raunson of thre millions of +scutis of golde, that two of them be worth .j. noble, of whiche was paied +sex hondred thousand scutis be the said king Johan comyng to Calix, and in +certein yeris after was obliged under gret seurtees, as it is declared in +the articulis of the pease finalle made betwene both kingis, to be paied +400,000 till the said thre hondred M^l crones[110] were fullie paied, +whiche as it is said was not parfourmed. And, after that, the said prince +Edwarde and Harry that noble duke of Lancastre had the bataile of Nazar in +Spaine withe king Peter ayenst the bastarde Henry callinge hym King of +Spain, haveng lxiij M^l. fighting men in his host, and hym descomfit, +voided the feelde, and many a noble knighte of Englonde and of Gascoigne +and Guyen withe many othre worshipfulle gentiles quite hem righte manlie, +and amongis {15} many goode men of chevalrie ser John Chandos avaunced hym +chief in that bataile [havyng the avauntgard[111]], for he had in his +retenu M^l.ij^c penons armed and x.M^l. horsmen; and ser William Beauchampe +the erle of Warwik is sonne, lorde Hue Hastinges, lord Nevyle, lorde Rais a +Breton lorde of Aubterre, withe many Gascoignes there also: ser Raufe +Hastingis, ser Thomas Felton, ser Roberd Knolles, withe many other notable +of the chevalrie of Inglonde, passed the streit high monteyns of Pirone by +Runcyvale in the contre of Pampilon, going from the cite of Burdeux into +Spaine, and ser Hughe Courtney, ser Philip Courtnay, ser John Tryvet, +[Matheu Gournay de comitatu Somerset[111]]. And there was take ser +Barthilmew Clekyn the Frenshe kingis lieutenaunt for the werre prisoner, +also the Mareshalle of Fraunce, the Besque, with many othre notable lordis. +Whiche bataile of Nazar was in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxvj. the thrid +day of Aprille. + +How King Henry the v. conquerid [Normandy and Fraunce[111]]. + +[Sidenote: De Henrico quinto.] + +[Sidenote: Nota quomodo Rex Henricus V^{te}. obtinuit Harefleet.] + +[Sidenote: De extrema defensione ville Harflue contra potestatem Franciae et +de fame ibidem.] + +[Sidenote: Nota, qualiter per civitates et mare obtinuit.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum supermare et le[gh] carrikes.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de bello apud Agincourt.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus Rex duxit in uxorem filiam Regis Fraunciae.] + +And sithe now late the noble prince[112] Henry the v^{te}. how in his +daies, withyn the space of .vij. yere and .xv. daies, thoroughe sieges +lieng, [[113] wan the towne of Harflete bethyn .xl. days, made Thomas +Beauford then erle Dorset hys oncle capteyn of yt. And the seyd erle made +ser John Fastolfe chevaler his lieutenaunt wyth M^l.v^c soudeours, and the +baron of Carew, wyth .xxxiij. knyghtys, contynuelly defended the seyd toune +ayenst the myghty power of Fraunce by the space of one yere and half aftyr +the seyd prince Herry. v^{te}. departed from Hareflue. And the seyd towne +was beseged by the Frenshe partye by lond and also by see, wyth a grete +navye of carekys, galeyes, and shyppis off Spayne, tille that yn the meene +tyme Johan duc of Bedfor(d), the erle of Marche your moste noble +antecessour, accompanyed wyth many other nobles, wyth a puissaunt armee of +shypps, fought wyth the carrekys and shypps lyeng at Seyn hede before +Hareflue, were {16} taken and many one sleyn and drowned; and so vyttailled +Harflue yn grete famyn, that a wreched cowys hede was solde for vj s. viij +d. sterling, and the tong for xl d., and dyed of Englysh soudeours mo then +v^c. yn defaut of sustenaunce. And the second voyage after wythynne the +tyme before seyd Johan erle of Hontyndon was made cheif admyralle of a new +armee to rescue Harflue, beseged of the new wyth a grete navy of shyppys +and carekys of the Frenshe partye, [which] were foughten wyth and ovyrcom +throw myghty fyghtyng; and of the new vitailled Hareflue, the seyd erle +Dorset then beyng yn England at the Emperour comyng hedre, called +Sygemondus. I briefly title thys incident to th'entent not to be foryete +how suche tweyn myghety batailles were foughten uppon the see bethyn one +yere and half, and how the seyd toune of Hareflue was deffended and kept +ayenst the puyssaunt power of Fraunce beseged as yt were by the seyd tyme; +and as for wache and ward yn the wynter nyghtys I herd the seyd ser Johan +Fastolfe sey that every man kepyng the scout wache had a masty hound at a +lyes, to berke and warne yff ony adverse partye were commyng to the dykes +or to aproche the towne for to scale yt. And the seyd prince Herry +v^{the},[114]] albeit that it consumed gretlie his peple, and also by +batailes yeveng, conquerid [the towne of Harflete[114]], and wanne bothe +the saide Duchie of Normandie first and after the Roiaume of Fraunce, +conquerid and broughte in subjeccion and wanne be his gret manhode, withe +the noble power of his lordis and helpe of his comonys, and so overleid the +myghtie roialle power of Fraunce be the seide sieges lieng, first in his +first viage at Harflete, and in the second viage he made manly besegid +Cane, the cite of Rone, Falleise, Argenten, Maunt, Vernonsurseyne, Melun, +Meulx, Enbrie, and at many other castellis, forteressis, citeis, and townes +to long to rehers. Also had gret batailes on the see ayenst many grete +carekkis and gret shippes that beseiged Hareflue after it was Englisshe. +And had a gret discomfiture at the bataile of Agincourt in the yere of +Crist M^l.iiij^cxv. {17} at his first viage, where many dukes, erlis, +lordis, and knightis were slaine and take prisoneris that bene in +remembraunce at this day of men yet livyng. And after allied hym to the +Frenshe king Charlis .vj.^{te} is doughter, because of whiche alliaunce +gret part of the roiaume of Fraunce were yolden unto hym his obeisaunce. +And now also in the said noble conquest hathe be kepte undre the obediaunce +of Englisshe nacion from the begynnyng of the said late conquest by .xxxv. +yeris be continued and kept by roialle power, as first be the noble and +famous prince Johan duke of Bedforde, regent and governoure of the roiaume +of Fraunce by .xiij. yeris, with the eide and power of the noble lordis of +this lande, bothe youre said royaume of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie was +kept and the ennemies kept ferre of in gret subjeccion. + +[Sidenote: Joh'es dux Bedforde.] + +How that in Johan duke of Bedforde tyme be his lieutenaunt erle of +Salisburie had the victorie at the batelle of Cravant. + +[Sidenote: Bellum de Cravant.] + +[Sidenote: Thomas Montagu comes Sarum.] + +[Sidenote: Will's Pole comes Suff'.] + +[Sidenote: Dominus Willughby.] + +[Sidenote: Vindicatio mortis ducis Clarenciae.] + +[Sidenote: Secunda vice punicio mortis ducis Clarenciae.] + +In profe wherof how and in the first yere of the reigne of king Harry the +sixt, at whiche tyme his seide uncle toke uppon hym the charge and the name +of Regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, that had the victorie at the bateile +of Cravant, where as at that tyme Thomas Montagu the noble erle of +Salisburie, the erle of Suffolke, the marchalle of Bourgoine, the lord +Willoughebie, withe a gret power of Phelip the duke of Bourgoine is host, +holding the partie of the said Johan regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, +withe the eide and help of the trew subgettis of this lande, had the +overhande of the ennemies assembled to the nombre of .ix. M^l. Frenshemen +and Scottis at the said bataile of Cravant in the duchie of Bourgoine, +where there were slayne of the ennemies to the nombre of .iiij. M^l., +beside .ij. M^l. prisonneris take, of whiche gret part of them were +Scottis, the erle Bougham being chief capitein over them;[115] which late +before were the cause of the male-infortuned journey at Bougee, where the +famous {18} and victorious knight Thomas duc of Claraunce, youre nere +cousyn, for the right of Fraunce, withe a smale company of his side, withe +the Scottis to a grete nombre there assembled among hem in the feelde, was +slayn, withe many a noble lorde, baron, knightis, squyers of Englond, that +never so gret an overthrow of lordes and noble bloode was seene in no +mannys daies as it was then. Aboute the nombre of .ij^c. l. cote-armes +slaine and take prisoneris as yt was seyd, be the saide Scottis holding +withe youre adverse party of Fraunce, whiche God of his infinite goodenes +sone after at the saide batelle [of] Cravant, and after at the bateile of +Vernell, was sent a chastisement upon the saide Scottis for theire +cruelltie vengeable and mortelle dethe of the said victorious prince, duke +of Claraunce, and of other of his noble lordis and knightis. + +How Johan duke of Bedforde had yn his owne parsone the batelle of Vernelle. + +[Sidenote: 1423.] + +[Sidenote: Batelle of Cravant.] + +[Sidenote: Batelle of Vernoyle.] + +[Sidenote: 1424.] + +Also in the said daies, sone after the saide batelle of Cravant, in the +yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.xxiij., the .iij. yere of King Harry the sext, the +.xvij. day of August, the said Johan duke of Bedford had a gret +discomfiture and the victorie upon your adversaries of Fraunce and of +Scottis at the batelle of Vernelle in Perche, where as Johan cleping hym +duc of Alaunson, lieutenaunt for the Frenshe partie, was take prisoner that +day, and the said erle Bougham of Scotlonde, marchalle of Fraunce, whiche +was cause of that noble prince Thomas duke of Claraunce dethe, was in the +said bataile overthrow and sleyne, and the erle Douglas made duc of +Tourayne, aswelle as his sonne and heire that was in the feelde at +Shrewisburie ayenst king Henry the .iiij^{the}, and another tyme being +ayenst the said Johan duc of Bedford at Homeldonhille in Scotlond, was also +slaine at the said batelle, withe many other grete lordis of the Frenshe +partie slayne and taken prisoneris at the said bataile. {19} + +How that the grettir part of the counte of Mayne, the cite of Mauns, withe +many other castellis, were yolden. + +[Sidenote: Mayn.] + +[Sidenote: Redempcio Joh'is dicentis [se] ducem de Allunson pro .clx. +M^{l}. salux bene solutis ultra alia onera suarum expensarum.] + +And, overmore, not long after, youre auncien enheritaunce in the counte of +Mayne, the cite of Maunce, conquerid and brought be the said regent duc of +Bedforde, withe the power of his lordis and helpers, in subgeccion, [by the +erle of Salysbery, lord Scalys, ser John Fastalf, ser John Popham, ser N. +Mongomery, ser Wylliam Oldhalle, chevalers, and many othyr noble men of +worshyppe.[116]] And whiche counte of Mayne was accustomed sithen to be in +value yerely to the eide and helpe of the werres of Fraunce, and to the +releve of the kyng ys subgettis obeisauntes lyvyng uppon the werre for the +furtheraunce of that conquest, .x. M^l. li. sterlinges. Also the said +regent of Fraunce, with the power of youre noble bloode and lordes, wanne +the feeld at the forseid grete bataile of Vernelle in Perche ayenst the +power of the Frenshe adverse party of Fraunce, being assembled to the +nombre of .xl. M^l. fighters of the Frenshe partie; and there Johan cleping +hymsilf duke of Alaunson, lieutenaunt to Charles the .vij. calling hym +Frenshe king, taken prisonner, withe many other lordis, barons, and +knightes, and noble men of worship, whiche paied to the said regent duc of +Bedforde for his raunson and finaunce allone .clx. M. salux, beside his +other grete costis and charges, whiche was a gret relief and socoure to the +eide of the conquest, whiche bataile was in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.xxiiij., the seyd .iij^d. yere of the reigne of king Henry sext. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene pro titulo Regis Henrici sexti.] + +How that Henry the sext was crouned king be the might of grete lordes. + +[Sidenote: Coronatio Regis Henrici sexti.] + +[Sidenote: De magna fama regni Angliae tempore regis Hen. vi^{th}] + +And he also, for a gret act of remembraunce to be had in writing, was +crouned king of Fraunce in the noble citee of Paris, in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.xxix., the .ix. yere of his reigne, withe right gret solennyte +amongis the lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and be the gret mighte and +power, as well in goodes and richesse, of his graunt {20} oncle Henry +cardinalle of Englande, byshop of Wynchester, and by the gret mighte and +power of his uncle Johan regent of the roiaum of Fraunce, duc of Bedforde, +being present at that tyme to their grettist charge and cost to resist +theire gret adversarie of Fraunce calling hym Dolphin. For sethen the +roiaume of Englonde first began to be inhabite withe peple was never so +worshipfulle an act of entreprise done in suche a case, the renoume of +which coronacion spradde thoroughe alle cristen kingis roiaumes. + +[Sidenote: A courageous recomfortyng.] + +[Sidenote: Exortacio militaris.] + +O then ye most noble and cristen prince, for notwithestanding gret +conquestis and batailes had in the said roiaume be the famous knight king +Edwarde the thrid, he never atteyned to that souvraine honoure but by +valiauntnes of Englishe men, whiche have in prowes avaunced hem, and +governed so nobly as is before briefly historied and specified, be youre +saide noble, puissaunt, and vailaunt progenitours in divers regions, and +inespecialle in Fraunce and Normandie, and in the duchie of Gascoigne and +Guyen, that this sodenly wern put oute of by usurpacion ayenst alle trouthe +and knyghthode. Now therfore, in repairing this undew intrusion uppon yow, +mantelle, fortifie, and make yow strong ayenst the power of youre said +adversaries of Fraunce. For now it is tyme to clothe you in armoure of +defense ayenst youre ennemies, withe the cotes of armes of youre auncien +feernesse, haveng in remembraunce the victorious conquestis of youre noble +predecessours, the whiche clothing many histories, cronicles, and writinges +witnessithe moo than myn simple entendement can not suffice to reherse in +this brief epistle. + +Of the noblesse of Ectour and other mighty kinges of Grece. + +[Sidenote: Nota de exemplis aliorum nobilium.] + +[Sidenote: Hector.] + +[Sidenote: Agamemnon.] + +[Sidenote: Ulixes.] + +[Sidenote: Hercules.] + +[Sidenote: 1. j.] + +[Sidenote: 2. ij.] + +[Sidenote: 3. iij.] + +And also let be brought to mynde to folow the steppis in conceitis of noble +courage of the mighty dedis in armes of the vaillaunt knight Hector of +Troy, whiche bene enacted in the siege of Troy for a perpetuelle +remembraunce of chevalrie [that your noblesse ys decended of[117]]. Also of +the dedis in armes of Agamemnon the {21} puissaunt king of Greece, that +thoroughe cruell and egre werre ayenst the Trojens bethin .x. yere day +conquerid the gret cite of Troie. In like wise of the famous knight Ulixes, +that alle his daies dispendid in marciall causis. And of the .xij. +puissaunt entreprinses and aventurous dedis that Hercules, as it is figured +and made mencion in the vij^{the} metre of the .v. booke of Boecius, toke +uppon hym, putting himself frome voluptuouse delites and lustis, being +subget to grete laboure, wynnyng renomme and worship; whiche .xij. +entreprinses of Hercules, albeit it be thought [but a poesye[118]] +impossible to any mortalle man to doo or take uppon hym, as for to bereffe +the skyn of the rampant lion, wrestlid withe Antheus and Poliphemus, the +gret giauntes, and hym overthrew, he slow the serpent clepit Ydra, made +tame the proude beestis clepid Centaurus, that be of halfe man and halfe +best, and many soche wonderfulle entreprises as is wreten that Hercules +did, whiche is writen in figure of a poesy for to courage and comfort alle +othre noble men of birthe to be victorious in entreprinses of armes. And +how, in conclusion, that there is no power, puissaunce, ne strenght, who so +lust manly [wyth prudens[118]] put forthe hymsilf may resist and +withestande ayenst such gret entreprises. + +How a conquerour shulde use in especialle thre thinges. + +[Sidenote: A conqueroure shuld use iij thinges.] + +[Sidenote: j.] + +[Sidenote: ij.] + +And, as Vegecius in his booke of Chevalrie counceilithe that a conquerour +shulde use thre thinges in especialle whiche the Romains used, and alle +that tyme they had the victorie of here ennemies, that is to wete, The +first was science, that is forto undrestonde prudence, to seene before the +remedies of bonchief, or the contrarie; The second was exercitacion and +usage in dedis of armes, that they might be apte and redie to bataille whan +necessite fille; the thrid was naturalle love that a prince shulde have to +his peple, as doing his trew diligence to doo that may be to the comon wele +of his peple, whiche is to be undrestonde in the executing of justice +egallie. And for to kepe them in tranquillite and pece within hemsilfe. + +{22} + +[Sidenote: Menne of noblenesse shuld lefe sensualites and delites.] + +How men of noblesse ought lefe sensualitees and delites. + +Let it no lenger be suffred to abide rote, no forto use the pouder and +semblaunce of sensualite and idille delites, for Water Malexander seiethe, +that voluptuous delitis led be sensualite be contrarie to the exercising +and haunting of armes. Wherfor, like and after the example of the boore +whiche knowethe not his power, but foryetithe his strenghte tille he be +chafed and see his owne bloode, in like wise put forthe youre silf, +avaunsing youre corageous hertis to werre, and late youre strenght be +revyved and waked ayen, furious, egre, and rampanyng as liouns ayenst alle +tho nacions that soo without title of right wolde put you frome youre said +rightfulle enheritaunce. And where is a more holier, parfiter, or a juster +thing than in youre adversary is offence and wrong-doing to make hym werre +in youre rightfull title, where as none other moenys of pease can be hadde. +And therfore considering be this brief declaracion that youre right and +title in alle this royaumes and contrees is so opyn-- + +[Sidenote: Mentio brevis de titulo ducatus Normandiae.] + +Here is briefly made mencion of the first title of Normandie, and how frely +it holdithe. + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo ducatus Normanniae.] + +[Sidenote: Richardus dux Normandiae cepit in bello Lodovicum regem Franciae, +qui resingnavit totum titulum Ricardo de ducatu predicto.] + +[Sidenote: ccccc.^{th}xxx.v^{te}.] + +[Sidenote: Arma ducatus illius.] + +For as youre first auncien right and title in youre duchie of Normandie, it +is knowen thoroughe alle cristen landes, and also of highe recorde by many +credible bookis of olde cronicles and histories, that William Conqueroure +descendid frome duc Rollo, after cristned and called Roberd, that came out +of Dennemarke aboute the yere of Crist .ix^c.xij., was righte duke of +Normandie by yeft of Charlys the symple, king of Fraunce, [who] maried his +doughter to Rollo and gave hym the saide ducdome. And after Richarde due of +Normandie, in the yere of Crist .ix^c.xlv. in plaine batelle before the +cite of Rone toke Lowes king of Fraunce prisoner, and the said Lowes +relesid the seide dukedom to the said Richarde and to alle his successours +to holde frely in souvereinte and resort of none creature but of God, as in +act therof is made mencion that was sene and rad uppon this writing. {23} +And after the said William Conquerour being king of Englond, of whome ye +and youre noble progenitours bene descendid and entitled this .v^c.xxxv. +yere, and beere in armes by the saide duchie of Normandie in a feelde of +gulis .ij. libardis of golde. + +[Sidenote: Nota de tempore quo Rex Angliae intitulatus ducatui de Angew et +comitatui Mayne.] + +How long the king is entitled to the righte enheritaunce of Angew and +Mayne. + +[Sidenote: Matildis filia et heres Henrici primi copulata fuit imperatori, +et quo mortuo copulata fuit Galfrido Plantagenet, et ex ea Henricus .ij. +natus est.] + +[Sidenote: 1127.] + +[Sidenote: Angew. Nota, pro titulo ducat' Andegav'.] + +And that as for youre next enheritaunce that fille to youre seide +progenitoures and to you in the duchie of Anjou and countee of Mayne and +Tourayne, it is also notorily knowen among alle cristen princes and be +parfit writing how that dame Maude, whiche was doughter and soule heire to +that puissaunt king Henry the first, that after she weddid was to the +emperoure of Almayne; after his decese the saide Maude emperesse was maried +the yere of Crist .M^l.cxxvij. to Geffry Plantagenest son to Fouke king of +Jherusalem, that was erle of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, by whome the +saide Maude had issue that most famous king in renome Henry the seconde, +whiche be right of his moder Maude was right king and enheritoure of +Englonde, also duke of Normandie seisid. And be right of his foresaide +father Geffrey Plantagenet was bethout any clayme or interupcion right +enheritour and seisid of the said countee of Anjou, Mayne, Toreyne +continued this .iij^c.xlvij. yer. [And the noble actys of the seyd erles of +Angew wyth her lynealle dessentys ben wryten yn the cronicles called _Ymago +historiarum_ that maister Raffe de Diceto dene of Poulys yn seynt Thomas +Canterbery days wrote notablye. And therfore the armys of the noble erlys +that for her prowesse were chosen king of Jerusalem wold be worshypped, +because yowr hyghnes ys descended of the eyr masle, that ys to wete of +Geffry Plantagenest erle of Angew, and the countee of Mayne by maryage was +unyoned to the erledom of Angew to longe to wryte.[119]] + +{24} + +[Sidenote: Gyen.] + +Here is made mencion of the title of Gascoigne and Guien, and how long agoo +passed possessid. + +[Sidenote: Nota, pro titulo Vasconiae.] + +[Sidenote: M^{l}.cxxxvij.] + +[Sidenote: Alienora et Aliciae filiae et heredes Will'mi ducis Guion.] + +[Sidenote: Nota, divortio facta inter regem Franciae et Alienoram.] + +[Sidenote: Henricus ij^{d'} Angliae rex superduxit Alienoram filiam et +heredem Willielmi ducis de Guien circa M.cxlvj^{ad}] + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo Henrici ij.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, Karolus vij rex Fraunciae primo intrusionem fecit in +ducatum Normanniae, Gascon, Guion, etc. circa annum M^{l}iiij^clj.] + +And than for to be put in remembraunce of youre auncien enheritaunce, +verray right and title in youre duchies of Gascoigne and Guien, withe the +countrees, baronnyees and seignouries therto belonging. It is in like +fourme knowen of highe recorde, enacted in divers cronicles, as amongis +many other historialle bookis of auctorite, that aboute the yere of Crist +.M^l.cxxxvij. William the duke of Guien died bethout heire masle, uppon his +voiage he made to seint James, havyng .ij. doughters and heires, called +Alienore, the second Alice, and king Lowes of Fraunce in his yong age, by +the agrement of Lowys le gros his father, spoused the said Alienor, to +whome the said duchie was hole enheriter. And after the said king Lowes +came to yeris of discretion, the archebisshoppis of Sens, of Rayns, of +Rone, and of Burdeux, withe others barouns, made relacion to the said king +Lowes that the saide Alienor was so neere of his blode that he might not +laufullie be the chirche kepe her to wiffe, so be theire counceile they +bothe were departed laufully, and the said king Lowes maried after that +Constance the king of Spayne doughter. And the said Alienor the duches of +Gascoigne and Guien went to Burdeux. Than came the forsaid king Harry the +seconde of Englande, that was the Erle of Anjou is sonne and heire, and +wedded the said Alienor about the yere of Crist M^l.cxlvj. by whome he was +duke of Gascoigne and Guien, and his heires after hym, of whom ye bene +descended and come right downe. And the said king Henry the seconde bare in +armes frome that day forthe the saide libarde of golde withe the other two +libardis of the same that is borne for Duke of Normandie. So in conclusion +he was, be right of his moder dame Maude, the empresse, king of Englonde +and duke of Normandie, and, be right of his father Geffry Plantagenest, +erle of Anjou and of Mayne and Torayne; be right of his wiffe dame Alienor, +duke of Guien; of whiche duchie of Gascoigne and Guien your noble {25} +progenitours have continually be possessid and seased of, this +.iij^c.xxviij. yere complete, tille that by intrusion of youre said +adversarie Charlis the vij^{the}. of Fraunce have disscasid yow in or about +the monithe of June the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.lj., as he hathe late done +of youre enheritaunce of Fraunce and Normandie and of the counte of Mayne, +thoroughe umbre of the said fenied colour of trewes, ayenst alle honoure +and trouthe of knighthode. + +How the historier procedithe in his matier of exhortacion. + +[Sidenote: Nota bonum concilium.] + +[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga dicit.] + +And for to think to alle cristen nacions for to fight in bataile if the cas +require it soo, that youre said enheritaunce can not be recuverid by none +other due meane of pease, bothe for youre defens for the recuverey of youre +roiaume of Fraunce, duchie of Normandie, and sithen sone after the duchie +of Gascoigne, that alle cristen princes opynly may know it is youre verray +true enheritaunce, and for salvacion of youre enheritaunce by undew menys +lost; for that yt ys wryten by [maister Aleyn Chareter, _id est_ de Auriga, +in hys boke of Quadrilogue, secretaire to Charlys le bien amee, the yere of +Crist .1422. yn thys termys: "Ayenst Herry the .v^{th}., named kyng," yn +provokyng the adverse partye to werre ayenst the seyd king Herry. How[120]] +the famous clerke of eloquence Tullius seithe in his booke of retherique +that, like as a man recevethe his lyving in a region or in a countree, so +is he of naturall reason bounde to defende it; and law of nature, as welle +as law imperiall whiche is auctorised by popis and emperours, wol +condescend and agre to the same. Also Caton affirmithe withe the said +Tullie. Therfor late not this gret and importune losses now by infortune +and of over grete favoure and trust put to youre adversaries, fallen ayenst +this lande undre the umbre and coloure of trewes and abstinence of werre +late hadde and taken at Towris atwixen Charlis the .vij^{th}. youre +adversaire of Fraunce and your predecessour {26} Harry the sext, and now +uppon the exercise and usaige of bataile and left by so little a tyme, +forto discomfort or fere to a new recovere. Not so: God defende that! for +the famous poet Ovide seiethe that who so levithe the pursute and foloweing +of good fortune for one mysaventure, it shalle never come to hym. And +namely the said Water Malexander agreithe hym to the same saieng, and +affermyng that good courages of hertis be not mynissed, broken, ne lessid +for disusage and levyng armes for a litille season, nether for sodeyn +recountres and hasty comyng on, be force of whiche one mysadventure may +folow. + +[Sidenote: Nota quod pro defectu excercicii armorum mala sequentur +exercitui Romanorum.] + +How for the defaute of exercise of armes the gret nombre of Romains were +scomfited by men of Cartage. + +[Sidenote: Syr Alanus de Auriga.] + +[Sidenote: Notand' est.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de cede Romanorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota de annulis inventis super digitos Romanorum occisorum.] + +A, mercifulle God! what was the losses of the Romayns, whiche in defaute +and by negligence lost by a litille tyme left the exercise of armes was +fulle gret ayenst the doughty men of Cartage, whan alle the puissaunce of +the Romains were assembled in bataile, where that were so many noble men +and coragious peple, the whiche were innumerable, assembled and joyned in +bataile, that men say was betwene Camos and Hanibal prince of Cartage, the +whiche discomfit before duke Camos in Puylle be suche power that the ringis +of golde take frome the fingers of ded bodies of the said Romains, whiche +were men of price and renomme, and Titus Livius seiethe in his booke of +Romayne batailes were extendid and mesurid to the quantite of mesure of +.xij. quarters or more, whiche Hanibal brought withe hym to his countre of +Cartage in signe of victorie. + +[Sidenote: Nota de experiencia armorum ex parte Romanorum.] + +How after the seide gret descomfiture that a few nombre of Romans expert in +werre (_unfinished_) + +But the worthy Romains, for alle that, left not the hope and trust of +recovering on another day, whan God lust, onnere and fortune, theyme so +exercised daily armes, [and] after accustumyng hem ayene {27} to werre, +were by experience lerned and enhardid, that, as by the exorting and +comforting of one of theire princes, he assembled another time in bataile +ayenst the litille residue that were left of the said Romayns, and by +subtile craft of wise policie and good conduyt in actis of werre they fille +and tooke uppon theym and charged theym so moche that by unware of theire +purveiaunce met withe the said Haniballe at certen streightes and narow +places fille into the handis of Romains, to the gret discomfiture and +destruccion of Haniballe his gret oost of Cartage. + +[Sidenote: Exercitium armorum excedit divicias.] + +How men of armes welle lerned and excercised is of a grettir tresoure then +any precious stones or riche tresour. + +Dame Cristen saiethe in the first booke of the Tree of Batailes that there +is none erthely thing more forto be allowed than a countre or region whiche +be furnisshed and stored withe good men of armes well lerned and exercited; +for golde, silver, ne precious stones surmountethe not ne conquerithe not +ennemies, nother in time of pease wardithe the peple to be in rest, the +whiche thing a puissaunt man in armes dothe. + +How a few nombre of the Romains that were expert and connyng in the werre +descomfited .c.iiij^{xx}.M^l. of Frenshemen that the prince of hem tolde +and set right litille by. + +[Sidenote: Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo.] + +[Sidenote: In multitudine gencium non consistit victoria, ut infra. Nota +bene.] + +[Sidenote: Averaunces. D'n's Talbot. D'n's Fauconberge. Harflete.] + +[Sidenote: J. dux Som', Ed's Dors'. Cane.] + +[Sidenote: Fastolf. Harynton.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene et applica.] + +Also ye may consider by example of king Bituitus of the countre of Gaule +clepid Fraunce, the whiche went ayenst the Romains withe an hondred and +fourescore thousande men of armes; and he saw so few a companie of the +Romains comyng that he despraised hem, and seid of gret pride that there +were not inoughe of the Romains for to fede the doggis of his oost: +neverthelesse, that few company were so welle excersised and lerned in +armes that there were ynoughe whiche overcome and destroied the said king +of Gaule and alle his gret {28} oost; whiche storie may be verified in +every bataile or journay atwix youre adversarie of Fraunce and youre +predecessoures entreprises this .xxxv. yeres that continued in possession +frome king [named[121]] Henry the .v. is conquest till it was lost: for at +the bataile of Agincourt descomfited by seid king Henry the .v.^{th} [wyth +a few nomber.[121]] And at the bataile of the see ayenst the carrakes +descomfited by Johan duke of Bedforde and the erle of the Marche being +principalle cheveteins also in that bataile [wyth a few nombre yn +comparison of the grete Frensh navye.[121]] Also at the journay of +Kedecause descomfited be Thomas Beauforde erle Dorset after was duke of +Eccestre; [the erle of Armonak conestable of Fraunce beyng aboute x.M^l +fyghtyng men ayenst aboute .ix^c. accompanyed wyth the erle Dorset.[121]] +Also at the bataile of Cravaunt descomfited by [Johan duc of Bedford as by +hys lieutenaunt[121]] Thomas Montague the erle of Salisbury and Roberd +[lord[121]] Willugheby chiefeteynes. And at the bataile of Vernelle fought +and descomfited by Johan regent duke of Bedforde, the said erle of +Salisbury and the erle of Suffolke, [lord Wyllughby, lord Pownynnys, ser +John Fastolf, and many other noble men yn armys.[121]] Also at the bataylle +of Roveraye foughte [ayenst the bastard of Burbon, the bastard of +Orlyance,[121]] be ser Johan Fastolfe, ser Thomas Rempstone, chiefteins, +upon the vitailing the siege of Orliaunce. Also at the rescue of the cite +[of] Averaunces fought by Edmonde duke of Somerset and the erle of +Shrewisburie and lorde Fauconberge chiefeteins. And at the second wynnyng +of Hareflete fought [beseged[121]] by Johan duke of Somerset, by Edmund +erle of Dorset, and the erle of Shrewisbury, at the rescue of Cane fought +by ser Johan Fastolfe and ser Richarde Harington, and his felouship, +[ayenst .xxx.M^l. men.[121]] And so in many other [sodeyn jorneys and[121]] +sharpe recountres sodenly met and foughten, to long to write here. And also +for the gret part at any maner bataile, journey, enterprise, [seges,[121]] +and rescuse of places, it hathe bene alway seen that the power of Fraunce +have be in nombre of peple assembled ayenst youre power {29} by double so +many, or by the thrid part, yet youre right and title have bene so goode +and fortunat, and men so well lernid and exercised in armes, that withe few +peple have descomfited the gret multitude of your adverse partie. + +How Vegesse in his Booke of Chevalrie also gretly recomendithe exercise in +men of armes. + +[Sidenote: Vegescius de re militari.] + +O then, seith Vegecius in his Booke of Chevalrie, therbe none that knowethe +the gret merveilles and straunge aventures of armes and knighthode, the +whiche be comprehendid and nombred in dedis of armes, to tho that be +exercised in suche labouris of armes, that withe wise conduyt prudently can +aventure and hardely take uppon theym such sodein entreprinses on hande. + +[Sidenote: Animacio.] + +[Sidenote: Concideracio.] + +O then, ye noble Englisshe chevalrie, late it no mervaile be to yow, in +lessing youre courage ne abating of your hardiesse, they that ye renew +youre coragious hertis to take armes and entreprinses, seeing so many good +examples before yow of so many victorius dedis in armes done by youre noble +progenitoures, and that it hathe be a thing to moche left discorage you +not; for, thoughe that ye were in renomme accepted alleway withe the most +worthi as in dede of armes, but now at this time ye ben take and accepted +in suche marcialle causes that concernithe werre on the left hande, as +withe the simplest of price and of reputacion. And it is to suppose that it +is rather in defaute of exercising of armes left this .xxiiij. yere day +that the londes were lost, thoroughe the said coloure of trewes, and for +lak of good provisions bothe of artillery and ordenaunce for the werre and +soudeyng to be made in dew season, and for singuler covetice reignyng among +some peple endowed with worldly goodes, that can not depart but easily +withe finaunce [wagyng[122]] and soulde theim in tyme of nede, then for +defaut of good corage and manhode, whiche is to deme werre never feerser ne +corageouser to dedis of armes, so they may be cherished and avaunced +therafter, as ben at this day. + +{30} + +How dame Cristen counceilithe to make true paimentis to sowdieris. + +[Sidenote: Hic nota optime pro solucione soldariorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nota concilium.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.] + +For ye shalle rede in the first part of the Arbre of Batailes, where dame +Cristen exhortithe and counceilithe that every chieftein and capiteyne of +men of armes ought to have goode paimentis and sewre for assignacion of +paiment for his sowdieris for so long tyme that he trustithe to endure and +be souded in that voiage and armes; for to that singlerly before thing alle +chieveteyns shulde have regarde, by as moche as it is the principalle and +chief cause of the good spede and conduit of here entreprise, and the +undoing and mischief of it [the contrarye[123]], if the paimentis be not +duely made to the soudeours; for late it be put in certein that no +cheveteyn can not have ne kepe long tyme good men of armes eville paied or +long delaied, but discoragethe them as sone as paiment failethe, and +takethe theire congie and licence of theire prince, if they can have +licence, orellis they departethe bethout licence. And also of overmoche +trust and avauntage gyven to your adversaries be this dissimiled trewes as +otherwise. And also when that the cheveteins take more kepe to good than to +worship [and] using justice. And as welle as in defaute of largesse to +youre obeissauntes, not rewarding ne cherisshing youre obeissauntes +subgettis yolden and sworne stedfastly abiding under your obeissaunce, but +suffring them to be oppressid and charged unduely in divers wises, as well +by over gret taskis and tailis rered uppon them, and therto they finding +bothe horsmete and mannysmete to youre soudeours riding be the contre +without contenting or agreing hem, becaus of nompower of youre said men ben +not paide of here wages and soude, by lak of simple payment [caused the +rather the ducdom of Normandy to be lost.[123]] + +[Sidenote: Nota peroptimum concilium istud.] + +[Sidenote: Inquiratur pro libro illo, bonum est.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene, ne forte.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Dux Bedfordiae.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Exhortacio.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Exhortacio ad observandum ordinacionem principis in bello.] + +[Sidenote: Verba m'ri Alani de Auriga.] + +And the same dame Cristen in the .xiiij. chapiter seiethe that a noble good +cheveteyn, whiche wolbe a leder of a felowship in werre, he must use +justice to Goddis pleasure; and that he may stand in the grace and favoure +of the worlde, and of his retenu and {31} of other peple undre hym, that +the said chieftein must pay his men of soude so justly and truly, bethout +any defalking [or] abbregging of here wagis, that they have no nede to lyve +by pillage, extorcion, and rapyn uppon the countreis of here frendis that +be yolden undre obeisaunce of here prince. And be this way the ost may +never faut, for then the ost shalbe furnished of alle costis coostis[124] +commyng withe vitailes inoughe; so that it be provided that marchauntes and +vitailers may surely passe and come, and that a payne resonable be made, +that uppon forfeiting that payne no man take vitaile beforce without +payment made in hande, as the proclamacions made by Henry the .v^{the}., +that victorious prince, in his host. [And also the statutes made by Johan +regent of Fraunce, duc of Bedford, by a parlement at Cane, yn the .ij^{de}. +yeere of [blessed[125]] Henry .vj^{te}., named kyng, uppon the conduyt of +the werre, that I delyvered to your hyghenes enseled, the day before your +departyng out of London, that remayned yn the kepyng of ser Johan Fastolfe +for grate autoritee, a. iij.[126]] And that no damage or offence be done to +the marchauntes. It is fulle gret jupardie and perille to an oost where as +covetise of pillage and rappyne reignithe among men of armes more than +theire entencion is to kepe and meinteine the right of theire prince's +partie. And the worship of chevalrie and knighthode ys that they shulde +peine hem to wynne. And suche as ben of that inordynat condicion of +covetise and rappyne oughte rather be clepid pilleris, robberis, +extorcioneris, than men of armes chevalerous. In example the said dame +Cristen puttithe that the men of armes of the countre of Gaule, whiche now +is Fraunce, that had in a tyme a discomfiture and the overhande uppon the +Romains, being assembled withe a grete oost embatailed upon the river of +Rosne in Burgoyne; and the men of Gaule had wonne gret praies and good, as +horse harneis, vesselle of golde and of silver gret plente; but as to the +worldly goodes they set no count ne prise of it, but cast it into the +river. And in semblable wise it was saide of Johan duke of Bedforde, then +regent, that the day he had the victorie at the {32} bataile of Vernaile, +he exhorted, making an oration to his peple, that they attende not to +covetise, for no sight of juelx and riches of cheynes of golde or nouches +[or] ringis cast before hem or left in the feelde, to take them up, whiche +might be the losse of the feeld, tille God had shewed his power and +fortune; but onely to worship and to doo that that they come for. And so be +the jugement of God had the victorie withe gret worship and riches, be the +raunsonyng of prisoneris, and be rewardis of the said regent in londis and +goodis to every man for theire welle doing that day, rewarded in lifelode +of londes and tenementis yoven in the counte of Mayne to the yerely valeu +of .x.M^l. marcs yerely, whiche was .lx.M^l.li. Turneis, as it is of record +to shew; the whiche was don aftyr the Romayns' condicion, seeing that thei +set so litille by goodis dispising but onely by worship, the whiche the +saide Romains were gretly astonied and dred her power, for thei saw it +never done before. And wolde Jhesus for his highe grace that every prince, +chieftein, or captein wolde be of so noble condicions as is before made +mencion of! I have be credibly enfourmed by tho as were present in bateile +withe the fulle noble and victorius prince of renomme king Henry the +.v^{te}. youre cousin and antecessour, used the saide counceile among his +ostes. And also at the bateile of Agincourt be the exortacion of that +forseyd noble prince Henry the .v^{the}. counceiled to set not be no +tresure, praies, ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver, aswelle of +tho that were his there lost, ne of the juelx that he wonne, but only to +his right and to wonne worship. And that also fulle noble prince youre +cousin Johan duke of Bedforde, another victorius prince, folowed his +steppis tho daies that he was regent of the roiaume of Fraunce, and whan +his chariottes of his tresoure and vesselle at the bataile of Vernelle in +Perche was bereved frome hym by Lombardis and other sowdieris holding youre +adverse partie, he comaunded the oost embatailed not forto breke ne remeve +[theyr aray[127]] for wynnyng or kepyng worldly goodis, but only to wynne +worship in the right of Englonde that day, whiche he hadde the victorie to +his grettist renomme. + +{33} But yet it most be suffred paciently the fortune that is gevyn to +youre ennemies at this tyme, and late the case be taken for a new lerning, +and to the sharping of goode corages, to the refourmyng and amendement of +theire wittis. For the saide Ovide the lawreat poet saiethe that it +happithe often times that mysaventures lernithe tho that bene conquerid to +be wise. And so at other times in actis and dedis of armes that for lak of +providence or mysfortune were overthrow, enforcethe hem to be conquerours +[another seson.[128]] Here is yet noone so gret inconvenient of aventure ne +mysfortune falle at this tyme, but that it hathe be seene fallen er now [yn +kyng Johan dayes and in kyng Edward iij^d day, as yn hys gret age put owt +of Normandye and off many castells and townes yn Gyen by kyng Charlys the +.v^{te}.[128]] + +[Sidenote: Defectus pecuniae ad solvendum soldarios fuit causa una +prodicionis ducatus Normanniae.] + +How the duchie of Normandie for lak of a sufficient arme waged in due time, +that king Johan [of England[128]] had not sufficiently wherof to wage [his +peple,[128]] he lost the duchie of Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Infinita mala ex sensualitate corporis.] + +[Sidenote: .1203.] + +For a like mysfortune and overthrow fille unto us for defaute of providence +and helpe in dew tyme, and sensualite of lustis of the bodie idely +mispendid, and for lak of finaunce and goode[gh] to soude and wage goode +mennys bodies over into Normandie and other contrees, ande thoroughe the +umbre of trewes, the hole privacion of your duchie of Normandie, and of +Angew, Mayne, and Torayne, and a gret part of Gascoigne and Guyen, was in +king Johan daies by king Philip dieudonne of Fraunce, the yere of Crist +.M^l.ij^c.iij^o. in the monithe of Maij began. + +{34} + +[Sidenote: Treugae pluries infractae.] + +How many divers times trewes that were taken betwene king Richarde the +first, king Johan, and king Edward the thrid at the finalle peas generalle +betwene tho kinges and the Frenshe kinges, were afterwarde be the Frenshe +partie first broken. + +[Sidenote: Nota fallacias Francorum in rupcione treugarum; vide et attende +bene.] + +[Sidenote: Treuga pessima a^{o} Xp'i 1259.] + +[Sidenote: De infinitis dampnis ex ilia treuga sine pace.] + +[Sidenote: De pluribus treugis sine effectu durationis.] + +[Sidenote: Edward ij^{d}.] + +[Sidenote: Nota pro titulo regis.] + +[Sidenote: Effectus maritagii Isabellae reginae heredis regni Franciae.] + +[Sidenote: Edwardus ij^{us} duxit Isabellam filiam et heredem Karoli regis +Franciae a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] + +And thus undre the coloure of trewes at divers times taken atwixt youre +noble progenitoures king Henry the seconde, and also divers treties taken +betwene the said king Johan and king Philip, and also sondry tymes trewes +taken betwene king Richarde the first and the Frenshe king Philip +dieudonne. And notwithestanding so oft tymes trewes and alliaunces taken +and made betwene the forsaide kinges of Englonde and of Fraunce, alle waye +whan the Frenshe partie coude have and fynde any avauntage or coloure to +breke here trewes they did make new werre ayenst this lande. Also there was +another trewes made at Paris the monithe of Octobre the yere of Crist +M^l.cclix. betwene king Henry the thrid and Lowes king of Fraunce, the +whiche king Lowes haveng grete conscience that he heelde bethout title of +right the duchie of Normandie, the counte of Angew, Mayne, and Toureyne, +out of the handis of the kinges of Englonde, therfore toke a trewis withe +king Henry the thridde; and the saide king Lowes graunted and confirmed to +the saide king Henry and to his heires for ever all the right that he hadd +or myght have in the duchie of Gascoigne, withe thre eveschies clepid +diocesis and citees in the saide duchie, that is to witt, Limogensis, +Caourcensis, and Pieregourt. Also at[129] Agenois and Peito. And a peas to +be made atwix bothe kinges undre the condicion that the saide king Henry +thrid shuld relese unto king Lowes alle his right in Normandie and in the +countre of Anjou, of Mayne, and Toreyne, your verray auncient enheritaunce +tailed, whiche albeit if the said king Henry thrid had alone made any suche +relese it was of none strenght ne effect, for it was never graunted be the +auctorite of the parlement of thre astatis of his roiaume. For it is to be +undrestande that be no law imperialle ne by no dew reason can be founded +{35} that a prince may not gyve away his duchees or countees ne his +demaynes that is his propre enheritaunces to a straunge parsone, of what +astate or degre he is, bethout the agrement and consenting of a parlement +of his lordis spirituelle and temporelle, and of his comyns assembled, and +a sufficient nombre of every of hem, as it hathe bene accustumed; so in +conclusion the relese of king Henry thrid to king Lowes was and is voide. +And if any relese of king Lowes to the said king Henry in the said duchie +of Gascoine had be made it standithe of fulle litille effect, becaus it was +the said king Henry propre enheritaunce by his aiel king Henry the second +that weddid dame Alienor duchesse and heriter of Guien, as is before +expressid. And so the said king Lowes relese was a confirmacion of the said +duchie of Guien into king Henry thrid is possession and a disclayme frome +the kinges of Fraunce for ever. Also ther was another trux and pease made +the yere of Crist M^l.cclxxix., at Amyens, betwen king Edwarde first and +king Philip of Fraunce, that the said king Edwarde shulde holde peasibly +all the saide landes in Gascoigne. Another trewes and peas made at Paris +the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxxxvj. betwene the said king Edwarde first and +king Philip of Fraunce for the saide duchie of Guien. Another trews made at +Paris, the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.iij^o., the monithe of Maij, betwene +king Edwarde first and king Philip of Fraunce, that marchauntes and alle +maner men might passe to bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce bethout +empeshement, and heelde not long. Another trux made in the yere of Crist +M^l.cc.xiij., in a towne clept in Latyn Pissaicus, betwene king Edwarde +second and king Phelip king of Fraunce for the said duchie of Guien. And in +the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxiiij. king Charles of Fraunce and of Navarre +seased certein townes and forteresses in Guien for defaut of homage of the +king Edwarde second for the said duchie of Guien, whiche townes and +forteresses after was delivered ayen to the king Edwarde by the moyen of +Edmonde erle of Kent, his lieftenaunt. Also another pease made in the yere +of Crist M^l.iij^c.xxv. betwene king Edwarde second and king Charles de +Valoys of Fraunce, be reason and meane that {36} the saide king Edwarde +weddid dam Isabel king Charles of Fraunce daughter, [soule[130]] enheriter +of Fraunce; and at that tyme king Edward made Edmond his brother erle of +Kent his lieftenaunt for the duchie of Guyen, whiche fulle nobly governed +and kept that contre. + +[Sidenote: a^{o}. X^{l}. M^{l}.ccc.xxv^{t}i.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum Scluse.] + +Also in semblable wise in the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xl. the .xiij. yere +of king Edwarde the thrid, after the saide king had wonne the gret bataile +of Scluse ayenst Philip de Valois his adversarie, and besieged Tourenay in +Picardie, whan the saide Philip de Valois and the [kyngis[130]] Frenshe +lordis were gretly rebuked and put abak, they desired a trux of king +Edwarde frome the monithe of Septembre tille the feest of saint John next +sueng, to the gret damage of the king Edwarde conquest. And the Bretons +making under that colour mortalle werre to this land, but they were kept in +subgeccion, and a gret bataile of descomfiture ayenst them had by the erle +of Northampton, then the kingis lieutenaunt in that parties. + +Also the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.xliij^o., the .xix. day of Januarii, +another gret trux for the yere take withe Philip de Valois calling hym +king, youre saide adversarie, and his allies, and the saide trux broken be +the seide Philip bethin thre yeris after, comaunding the Bretons to make +werre ayenst youre progenitours. + +[Sidenote: Obcidio Cane.] + +[Sidenote: Bellum Cressye.] + +And the noble king Edwarde the thrid, seeing that, in the monithe of Julie, +the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xlvij^o., the .xx. yere of his reigne, disposed +hym ayen to werre ayen withe the saide Philip, and wanne upon hym the +strong towne of Cane, [and had[130]] the sore fought bataile of Cressy, the +castelle of Calix by a harde siege bethin few daies after leide and +(_unfinished_.) + +[Sidenote: De pace finali quamvis non sortiebatur diu effectum.] + +[Sidenote: .1363.] + +[Sidenote: Chaundos chevalier.] + +[Sidenote: De magnificencia Joh'is Chundos.] + +[Sidenote: Princeps Edwardus.] + +[Sidenote: De pluribus comitatibus in Vasconia sub obediencia regis +Angliae.] + +[Sidenote: 1364.] + +How notwithestonding a finalle peas was made solempnely be the fulle assent +of king Johan of Fraunce prisoner, as it is the chief auctorite, and +comprehendid in many articles most sufficiauntly grounded by auctorite of +the Pope, confermed that, for alle that it helde not passe .vij. or .viij. +yere after. And so contynued by .xiij. {37} yeris fro the saide tyme mortal +werre continued tille a final generalle peas was made after by agrement of +king Johan of Fraunce that was take betwene the said noble king Edwarde the +thrid and the saide king Johan the monithe of Maij the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lx., at Bretigny, the Pope assentyng, and be mediacion of +cardinales, archebishoppis, bisshoppis, abbotis, dukes, erles, barons, and +lordis, and by the assent of bothe parties of Englande as of Fraunce, and +confermed by the saide Pope and the sacramentis of both cristen kinges, +made bothe by hemselfe and by here commissaries in suche solempne wise that +alle cristen princes wolde have thought it shulde stande ferme and have +bene stable for ever, ande whiche finalle peas dured not scant .viij^{the}. +yere after, but that it was broke fraudulentlie be feyned causes and +colourable quarellis of the Frenshe partie, as of the erle of Armenak and +other lordis of Guien. And after king Charles the .v^{the}, of Fraunce, son +to king Johan, under colour of the seide trux and fynal peas made be his +father, put king Edwarde the thrid and his sonnes and other his +lieutenauntes out of alle his conquest, aswelle of alle the londis that +king Edwarde conquerid in Fraunce, Normandie, Burgoyne, and Flaundres, and +out of many other countee[gh], baronies, and lordshippes, and of a gret +part of the duchie of Guien, whiche countee[gh] and lordshippes in +Gascoigne and Guien were given utterly and plenerlie to doo none homage, ne +sovereinte to holde but of the saide noble king Edwarde, and of alle his +enheriteris, never to resort ayen in homage ne feute to youre adversaries +of Fraunce, as it is expresly enacted and recorded in the registres of alle +the homagieris of Guien and Gascoigne, that was made by the erle of +Armenak, the lorde de la Brette, vicecountes, barons, chevalers, and +escuiers, and alle other nobles of the saide duchies, made to the saide +king Edwarde and to prince Edwarde the duke of Guien the kingis +lieutenaunt; that is to wete, in the cathedralle chirche of saint Andrieu +chirche at Burdeux, the .xix. day of Juilly, the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lxiij., present there ser Thomas Beauchampe erle of Warewik, that +aventurous and most fortunat knighte in his daies, and ser John Chaundos of +Herfordshire {38} vicount de Saint Saveoure [in Normandye,[131]] whiche had +bene in many batailes, and had the governaunce of M^l. speris, and was +comissarie for king Edwarde, withe a fulle grete ost of multitude of peple +well defensid in Guien. And so, after that prince Edwarde had received alle +the homages aboute Bourdeux, Bordelois, and Bassedois, within the +seneschalcie of Gascoigne, than he and the said comissaries went to alle +the countees foloweng and received theire homages and feutees bothe in the +name of King Edwarde .iij^d., and than in like fourme did homage to the +prince as Duc of Guien. And was no differens betwene the bothe homages +doing to the King and to the Duc of Guien, except that homager at his othe +making to the saide duke he reserved the sovereinte and the ressort dew to +his highe soverein seigneur king Edwarde. [So he] toke the homages of alle +the vassallis and subgettis in the seneschalcie of Agenois, after in the +seneschalcie of Landis, after in the counte of Bigorre, then in the +seneschalcie of Pierregort, in the seneschalcie of Caoursyn and Roergev' +and Lymosyn, also in the counte of Engwillom, also in the seneschalcie of +Xantonge, than in the counte of Poitou and Poytiers. By whiche it may be +considerid be the said countees and countrees before specified, it was of a +wide space and many a thousand peple that were at that tyme and yet ought +be under youre obeisaunce. And the saide prince Edwarde and the kinges +commissaries made here journeis by .viij. monithes day as tille the +.iiij^{the}. day of Aprille the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lxiiij., or thei +coude receive alle the saide homagiers; whiche now in the yere of Crist +M^l.iiij^c.li., after that hole Normaundie was lost, and also Gascoigne and +Guien yoven up in defaute of socoure [of an armee made[131]] in season, +many of youre saide trew liege peple be overcome by youre adversaries of +Fraunce, and many a thousand peple of nobles and others coherted and be +force ayenst theire hertis wille and entent to become homagiers to youre +saide adversarie by the hole privacion of the saide duchie of Guien, as of +Normandie, whiche withe the helpe of almightie God and {39} saint George, +chief defendoure and protectoure of these youre londis, withe the comfort +of youre true subgectis, shalnot abide long in theire possession ne +governaunce. + +[Sidenote: De pace finali.] + +[Sidenote: .1420.] + +[Sidenote: Pro titulo regis nota.] + +And now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king Charlis +the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at Trois in +Champayne, the .xxj. day of Maij the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xx., and +registred in the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and +debates betwene the roiaume of Englande and the roiaume of Fraunce shulde +for ever cease; and the saide finalle peas heelde not fullie .ij. yeris, +but brake sone after the decese of that victorioux prince king Harry the +.v^{the}., upon his mariage withe quene Katerin. + +[Sidenote: De infractione treugarum nota hoc.] + +And now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at Towris betwene Henry +the sext, the innocent[132] prince, and Charlis the .vij^{the}., youre +adversarie of Fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. yere of his reigne, solempnely +sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the Frenshe partie. + +[Sidenote: De continuacione hereditatis ducatus Normandiae. Rollo dux +vocatus Robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno Daciae vocati +Byercoteferre.] + +[Sidenote: Nota causam &c.] + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +And none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, notwithstanding +any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre adversarie and be his +dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide Frenshe partie, but alway brake the +saide trewes whan they coude take any avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe +openly, and may be a mirroure for ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust +any trewes taking by youre saide adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be +it the duke of Breteyne, the duke of Orliens, or any suche other his +complisses: for where as youre noble progenitours were seased and possessid +of the said duchie of Normandie sithe that duke Rollo of the nacion of +Denmarke, the yere of Crist .ix^cxij. conquerid it upon Charlis le Simple, +to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide duchie, and so +hathe continued from heire to heire .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere, but after as it +may be cast it was .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of +Fraunce is hande tille it was lost in king Johan is daies of Englande. And +than for suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under {40} [the +umbre of trewes and for puttyng down Arthur of Breteyn,[133]] it was lost +and yoven up to the seide king Phelip dieudonne in the yere of Crist +M^l.cc.iij., about the first [and second[133]] yere of the seide king +Johan. And frome the saide first yere of king Johan the possession of the +saide duchie of Normandie discontynued .C.xxxvj. yere, that was to the yere +of Crist M^l.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed by +youre noble progenitoure king Edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris leide +segis and had batailes withe Philip de Valois and Johan of Fraunce, +occupieris of that kingdom. + +How king Edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret astatis +or he began to make werre in Fraunce. + +[Sidenote: Nota de auxilio regis Edwardi.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderand'.] + +[Sidenote: In cronicis Frodsard.] + +[Sidenote: Pax finalis sperata fuit.] + +[Sidenote: .1360.] + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: Consideracio.] + +And therto king Edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to socour and +reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first withe Lowes +emperoure of Allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande sak wolle for +perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to helpe king +Edward the thrid in his conquest; and after allied hym to the erle of +Heynew and to the erle of Flaundres, and also withe the duke of Bretein; +the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe to his conquest in +Fraunce and Normandie, for he wanne at the first raise that he made over +the see M^l.M^l.v^c. townes and castellis, and soforthe reigned and +continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the Frenshe king and his +allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his enheritaunces, like as who +so lust rede the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster[133]] Froddesarde +more plainly may perceyve. And so alle his daies contynued tille unto the +tyme that be dissimulacion of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his +prisoner king Johan of Fraunce, made at Bretigny the yere of Crist +M^l.iij^c.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes Charles le Sage his +sonne, after the decese of king Johan, did put king Edwarde thrid out of +alle his said conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, and partie of Guyen. And +sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes {41} hathe be done by +that victorioux prince Henry the .v^{the}., he being parsonelly bothe at +many sieges, leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second +yere of his reigne [exclusyfe[134]] into the day of his trespassement the +space of .vij. yere. Whiche labouris parcellis of them briefly bene +specified before. And there youre obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple +be put owt of their londis and tenementis yoven to hem by youre +predecessoures, as wel as be that highe and mighty prince Richarde duke of +Yorke youre father, being at two voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in +Fraunce, for service done unto hem in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen +to theire undoing. Heh allas! thei did crie, and woo be the tyme they +saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or +theire allie[gh] in any trewes keping, considering so many folde tymes we +have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is +late before specified. And yet not for alle these inconvenientis that have +falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre umbre of suche dissimuled +trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe they holde theym never so +proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and crafty in suche deceitis +conspiring, they by Goddis might shalbe overcome and brought to the right +astate that it oughte be, where as the title and clayme of thenheritaunce +of Fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence have be shewed by us in +executing the saide right, as it is verefied briefly by examples here +before. + +[Sidenote: Divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.] + +How be it that at som tymes that God suffrithe the partie that hathe a true +title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man shulde not be +discouraged alway to sew his right. + +[Sidenote: .1450.] + +[Sidenote: Infortunium bellum apud Fermenye ultima vice.] + +[Sidenote: Gyen.] + +[Sidenote: Burdeux.] + +[Sidenote: De sancto Lodovico rege Fraunciae.] + +And albeit that at som tymes God suffrethe the partie that hathe right and +a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly parsecuted, +and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some tyme to be +overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in {42} bataile be divine +providence whan hym lust to be Juge, thoughe the peple be never so goode, +ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for no suche +adversite and as have fallen the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.l., be the last +overthrow of a notable arme at Fremyny, where ser Thomas Kirielle knight, +lieftenaunt in that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the +nombre about .ix^c.,[135]] a grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde +not obbey at the day of that journay at that sodeyne recountre to her +chieftein, and taried lengir in his voiage after he was londed or he came +to any strong holde was present.[136] Also another gret armee and voiage +fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this yere of Crist M^l.cccclj., +whiche were at last redy to goo to Gyen, the armee taried upon the see +coostis in Englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire payment was redie. +And the cite of Burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. Yet God +defende that thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged. +Late us take example in according to this. It is wretin in the booke of +Machabeus, in the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull Judas Machabeus, +seeyng Goddis peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of +theym, seide to his knightis, A, a, It is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe +and rather to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and +troubles of oure infortune. And fro thens forthe by the wille of God, good +corage and comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the +victorie in alle theire batailes. Also another example by seint Lowes king +of Fraunce, whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into +the holy land in [about[135]] the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx., and +suffrethe gret adversiteis among the Sarresyns, he and his knightis +overthrow and take prisoneris to the Soudan of Babilon, and the king put to +gret raunsom paide, his peple died up by gret mortalite of pestilence, +suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, yet God at the last releved hym, and +[he] came into Fraunce withe gret worship. + +{43} + +[Sidenote: Animacio.] + +An nother exhortacion of the historier. + +O ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englande and of Fraunce, and +alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers +astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a lineage, as +of the noble Trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised and may appere +by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted and registred, +that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour or deformite of +the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe alle regions +cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and governaunce the +habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir landes after the +quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as a mirrour noted +and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to thentent that the +excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the more vigorously +endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of youre highe +predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this tyme of what +worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in difference of +other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and excellence of +youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in straunge regions +as among the Sarrazyns in the region of Sirie and Turkie, as in the said +neere regions of Fraunce, Spayne, Lumbardie, Spruce, and other countrees. +And therfor ye shulde yeve laude and praisingis alway to God, for, sithe +the trespassement of prince Edwarde and good Henry duc of Lancaster that +was, [ther wer but few like to hem in armys.[137]] + +Here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn[138] worship of +Henry the .v^{the}. and his bretheryn Thomas, Johan, and Humfrey, .iiij. +noble princes. + +Where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so corageous +in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of {44} youre +noble lynage Henry .v^{te}. and his said thre full mighty and noble princes +his brethern, and next .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here +daies were as the pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last +conquest, and of the[139]] possession of youre rightfulle enheritaunce, +bothe of youre roiaumes of Fraunce as of justice keping, tranquillite and +pease in youre roiaume of Englonde, also of the duchies of Normandie, +Gascoigne, Guyen, and of the counte of Mayne. + +[Sidenote: Dux Clarence.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum est.] + +For as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how Thomas the duc of +Clarence in his yong age, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.iij., lieutenaunt of +alle Irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure of youre duchees +of Gascoyne and Guien, defending the true subgettis frome theire +adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple and subgettis +under youre lawes. And after [the seyd duc,[139]] in company of the +victorioux prince Henry the .v^{te}., labourid in armes upon that noble +conquest in Fraunce and the duchie of Normandie, there being lieutenaunt +for that marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the +duchie of Anjou at Bowgee most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting +withe a few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not +abiding theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of +Crist M^l.cccc.xxj. among the Frenshemen and Scottis was slayne; whiche not +long after God thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of Scottis to be +overthrow bothe at the batailes of Cravant, also at the bataile of +Vernelle, and [also[139]] at the bataile of Rouverey. + +[Sidenote: J. dux Bedfordie regens regni Frauncie.] + +[Sidenote: Conquestus comitatus de Mayn.] + +[Sidenote: .1435.] + +Also youre second cousyn Johan duc of Bedforde, that in his grene age was +lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the Scottis, keping them in +subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. After that made +admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and victorie +ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. Beyng also a certayn +tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede upon youre +said conquest into Fraunce and {45} Normandie, therof being regent and +gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince Henry the sext over alle the +subgeitis of Fraunce and Normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the counte +of Mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in gret +tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and there +made his faire ende at Rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xxxv., the .xiiij. day of Septembre. + +[Sidenote: Dux Glouc'.] + +[Sidenote: Comes de Marche. Comes Suff'.] + +[Sidenote: Calix.] + +[Sidenote: .1436.] + +[Sidenote: .1447.] + +And how the thrid brother Humfrey duc of Gloucestre, withe a notabille +power, was upon youre conquest in Normandie withe his said brother, and at +the bataile of Agyncourt was sore woundid, and after he wanne [with help of +the noble erle of Marche and the erle of Suffolk acompanyed,[140]] brought +in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base +Normandie, the castelle of Chierbourgh, the cite of Bayeux, Costances, +withe all the close of Costantyne and Averances, Seynt Lowe, Carenten, and +Valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. And +over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of +Englond, in the tyme of the said Henry the sext of grene age, keping gret +justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. And after whan +youre nobille castelle and towne of Calix was beseigid in the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, he puissauntly rescued it. +And many other souvereyne and princely condicions he used in this youre +roiaume of Englonde, as in [bokys yovyng as yt ys seyd to the value of M^l. +marks of all the .vij. sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and +cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford, and[140]] cherisshing the noble +clergie of youre said roiaume. And also havyng gret charge and cost aboute +the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done to alle straungiers, were +they ambassatours, messangiers, and other noblesse that sought worship of +armes, that of divers regions visited this lande, for whiche favoure and +bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes done to theym, the renome of his noble +astate and name sprad thoroughe alle cristyn roiaumes {46} and in +hethynesse. And after he had by many wyntris lyved in worship, he making +his ende at the towne of Bury, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv. +day of Februarie. + +And over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the foreseid +.iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of youre noble +bloode, as cosins germayns and other allie[gh] of youre nere kyn, as dukis, +erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the last conquest of Fraunce +and Normandie. + +[Sidenote: Nota de ordine militum de la Gartere.] + +For what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of saint George was +ordeigned. + +[Sidenote: Non sunt oblivio tradend'.] + +[Sidenote: Nobilitas Johannis Chaundos de comitatu Herefordie, senescalli +de Peytou.] + +[Sidenote: Senlys] + +[Sidenote: .1431.] + +[Sidenote: Parys.] + +And also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and worshipfulle +ordre of the Garter, founded by the right noble prince king Edward thrid, +and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the Garter, in the castelle of +Wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. And [as yt ys seyd[141]] in token +of worship that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the +feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende. Whiche for gret prowesse +and here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in +werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to God and ought be put in +memorialle, that in what distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben +yn for the righte title in the crowne of Fraunce they alway avaunsid hem +forthe withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire +felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. He allas! sethe +that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or +dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the +full noble knight, a felow of the Garter, ser Johan Chaundos, as a lion +fighting in the feelde [at the bataylle of Fizar, yn Spayn, wyth prince +Edward[141]] of the lion condicion, and defendid youre roiaume of Fraunce +frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire prince's right and theire +subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of Fraunce and Normandie, Angew, and +Mayne, and the noble duchie of Gascoigne and Gyen, {47} and maynteyned +theire honoure and astate, to the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief +of youre treu subgettis of this lande. And thereto they have ben of the +condicions of lyons fighting withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly +sett to withestande youre ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said +adverse partie have voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire +felouship at suche tyme as they sought to abide. In example, of the fulle +noble jorney late had in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxj., at Senlys, where +youre lieutenaunt and youre power being present, and Charlis the +.vij^{the}, youre gret adversarie of Fraunce withe alle his power to the +nombre of .l^{ti}.M^l. fighters on his side, and embatilled by thre daies +in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of Senlis, +youre saide kynnesman Johan duc of Bedford being then lieutenaunt, and +present in the feeld before hym thre daies. And also sone after the saide +worshipfull journey of Senlis, your saide adversarie of Fraunce, after that +made his entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of Paris, with alle his +roialle power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide +cosyn duke of Bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed +hym (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen +withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in +youre saide cite of Paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and +sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. And +youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging +theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, so +grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent. + +And as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt +lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned theire +bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, or to be +taking prisoneris, and yet God hathe served hem soo, that thoroughe His +grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have had the +overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee and the +feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie contrarie have +ben nombred double or treble {48} moo than youris, as is before expressid. +And at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly besegid, ser John Radclif +knight, withe his felouship, had gret worship. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: Nota. 1449, 1450.] + +[Sidenote: Tempus ultimi conquestus.] + +[Sidenote: De pace finali apud Bretygnye.] + +[Sidenote: .1371.] + +O ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the +coroune of Fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for +the worship of his bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce, ye forto susteyne +righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret aventure, as was +often tymes of the worshipfulle Romayns. And therfore of you may be saide +that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn unto the jupardie +and perille of dethe. So wolde Jhesus that in the brief seson of the +sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly disseising and +putting oute of Fraunce, Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, withe the duchies of +Gasquien and Guyen, whiche is done bethin the space of .j. yere and .xiiij. +wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of Maij in the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of August the yere of Crist +M^l.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and towne defensable of the +said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or composicion to the adverse +partye.[142]] And if they had be alway furnished and stuffed withe suche +suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages +duely kept and be paied, that they myght couraged and enforced hem to have +bene kept stille the possession,[143] and they so being of the lyonns kynde +as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and stedfast as they were +before this tyme in that parties of Normandie, conquering, keping, and +defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. yeris complete and .vij. +daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the thrid yere of king Henry +the .v^{the}., and not the whele of fortune turned ayenst this lande as it +hathe. Notwithestanding king Edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest +of Fraunce and Normandie passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre +certayne condicions upon apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and +king Johan of Fraunce was {49} graunted that the saide king Johan shulde be +seased and possessid ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for +certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief halde +in Guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the saide +finalle trety of pease made at Bretygny; yet for alle the othes, +sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety of +pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take theire +avauntage, about the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.lxxj. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio alia.] + +[Sidenote: De amicicia per maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.] + +He allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions and +miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure[144] lyvelode there +unrecompensid, as in oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or +say? Shalle we in this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long +thus? Nay, nay, God defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and +tiranye shuld be left unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not +repared! For one good moyen, undre correccion, may be this, and if youre +lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allie[gh] of straunge regions +and countrees, as the Romayns did whan they werrid in Auffrik ayenst the +Cartages, and of late daies king Edwarde the thrid gafe example and sithe +king Harry the .v^{te}. in oure daies, and also his noble brothir Johan +duke of Bedford after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to +oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages of +gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the +regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and +honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or[145] sending +at suche tymes as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that +be halden worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in +divers contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause +and necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho +yowre[146] people true subgettis of Fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it +is, but oure saide allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might +to the {50} reformacion of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes +wrought ayenst us. In example of this matier, it bathe bene specified +herebefore, and how it hathe be rad among the Romayne stories that, whan +Haniballe, prince of Cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst Camos, +governour of the Romayne ooste, that the men of Cartage gaderid of the +fingers of the ded Romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. So it shewed +that the power of Rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. Than, whan this +tidingis come to Cartage, one Hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if +it so were that for alle so gret a discomfiture is + +[At this place a leaf of the MS., or more, has been lost.] + + + +[Sidenote: Tullius Cicero.] + +[Sidenote: Boecius.] + +[Sidenote: Constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores hominum +altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere naturalia +concernencia.] + +[Sidenote: Contra fiduciam adhibendam in prophesiis. Nota conclusionem. +Nisi fuerit sanctissimis viris.] + +[Sidenote: Josephus. Orosius. Titus Livius.] + +[Sidenote: Gyldas.] + +[Sidenote: Deexpulsione Britonum in Walliam et Cornewaylle propter peccata. +Destruccio regnorum.] + +[Sidenote: Nynyve. Babylon. Troye. Thebes. Athenes.] + +[Sidenote: Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Jerusalem.] + +[Sidenote: Picti gentes.] + +[Sidenote: Saxones.] + +[Sidenote: Danii. Normanni. Andegavenses.] + +[Sidenote: Galfridus Plantagenest.] + +[Sidenote: Lucius Valerius.] + +[Sidenote: Boicius.] + +[Sidenote: De republica custodienda.] + +[Sidenote: De justicia.] + +whiche may noie be, for Cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of +Divinacion, and the famous doctour seint Austyn in the book of Fre wille, +and also Boecius in his booke of Consolacion, or[147] Comforte ayenst +mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only trust that the +thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the whiche comethe +to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure offenses not keping the +lawes of God, that oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be +casuelte of fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and +constellacions of sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie +true, for and if it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of +no necessite, that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. And if a +constellacion or prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a +tyme there shulde falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a +contree or region, or privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie +and not of necessite or certente, for than it shulde folow that the +prophesies, constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over +Goddis power, and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure. +And if suche {51} prophesies and influence of the seide constellacions +might be trew, yet God hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that he, +havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that jugement of +constellacion or prophesies signified. As it is verified by the famous +astrologien Ptolome in his booke called Centilogie, the capitalle, seieng +_quod homo sapiens dominatur astris_, that a man is sovereyn abofe suche +domes of constellacions. And therfor ye oughte not deme ne conceyve the +gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle to us by prophesie or by +influence of constellacion of sterris, but only for synne and wrecchidnes, +and for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew tyme provided, and +havyng no consideracion to the comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and +enriche oure silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and +suffring extorcions over the pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the +jugementis and suffraunce of God, and of his divine providence, the whiche +by divers and of his secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe +suffred this mysfortune among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume +of Fraunce and contreis ther to falle upon us. And who so wolle considre +welle the histories of olde croniclers, as of Josephas, libro Antiquitatum, +Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, Titus Livius of the Romayne battelis, and such +othirs, how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to +another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and +mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. And as it is made +mencion in the olde historien called Gildas that for pride, covetice, and +flesshely lustis used amongis the olde Breton bloode lordis of this +roiaume, God suffred the Saxons of Duche ys tung, a straunge nacion, to +dryve them out of this land in Angle in Cornewale and Walis. And where is +Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure, +inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy [and] Thebes, .ij. +grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of +wisdam? and Cartage, the victorioux cite of gret renomme, most doubtable, +by the Romayns was brent to asshes. {52} And also Rome, so gloriously +magnified thoroughe alle the world, overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle +as was Jerusalem. And to take an example of the many overthrowes and +conquestis of this lande by straunge nacions sithen the Breton bloode first +inhabited, as withe peple callid Pictics, commyng out of ferre northe +partie of the worlde. Then after the Saxones drove out the olde Breton +bloode. Than after the Danys peple conquerid the Saxons, and than the +Normans conquerid the Danys. And sone after the Angevyns of highe Fraunce, +full noble knightis of renomme, Geffrey erle Plantagenet erle of Angew +maried withe dame Maud, doughter of the duke of Normandie and king of +Englande, Harry the second, whych doughter, called dame Maude emperesse, +and so haldyn stille the Normandie bloode and the Angevyns into this tyme. +And Job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or risithe on the erthe +without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite fallithe not to us, but +only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that reignithe on us; as pride, +envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of the bodie now a daies hathe +most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we not havyng consideracion to +the generalle profit and universalle wele of a comynalte. And to bring to +mynde how the worshipfulle senatours Romayns did gife us many examples, as +Lucius Valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of Rome Boecius, [of the +grete lofe[148]] had alway to the cite of Rome. For the saide Lucius +Valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of the said cite, to +kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending the cite and +contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret povertee, but by +the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis they buried hym in +the most solempne wise according to his worship. And the said juge Boecius +loved rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of Rome in that +susteyned and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. But +suffred hym to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of Rome, and to be +in exile rathir {53} than he wolde offende justice. Notwithestanding the +saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and tendring +the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in worshipfulle +remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and laude. Also it +is to be noted that was one of the gret causis that the princes Romayns +were so gret conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in +subjeccion, but only using of trouthe and justice keping in here +conquestis. + +[Sidenote: De justicia Camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.] + +A fulle noble historie how that Camillus the duke of Rome wolde use justice +in his conquest. + +[Sidenote: Quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per +traditionem.] + +[Sidenote: Titus Livius decade primo.] + +[Sidenote: Florens cytee.] + +[Sidenote: Camillus.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum.] + +[Sidenote: Proposicio ad Romanos gentes.] + +In example I rede in the Romayns stories of Titus Livius in the booke of +the first decade that a prince Romayn clepid Camillus, whiche did so many +victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of Rome, +that he was called the second Romulus whiche founded first Rome, besieged a +gret cite of Falistes, whiche is nowe as it is saide called Florence, to +have hem undre the governaunce of the Romayne lawes. And as he had leyne +long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes it fortuned that +a maister of sciencis of Falliste called now Florence, the whiche had all +the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and worshipfulle men of the +saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous sciencis, thought to wynne a +gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince Camillus, and by the umbre of +treson ayenst justice that the said maistre wolde wirke to cause the +senatours of Faliste [the rather[149]] to deliver up the cite to the +prince, the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his +clerkis to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe +withe sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and +power of Camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had +brought to hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of +Falliste, {54} whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn in servage, the +faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any more werre making. +Than saide that just prince Camillus that it was not the Romayns condicions +to werre and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew +not what werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the Falistes be defrauded +of here contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew +alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of +armes to take the cite. And there the saide prince comaunded the +scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid +withe baleese and sharpe roddis withe his owne clerkis into the cite ayen; +than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng consideracion of the +gret justice and manhod that he used in his conquest, sent to Camillus +ambassatours withe the keies of the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, O +ye fathir and prince of justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of +justice and of victorioux dedis reignithe among you Romaynes by using of +justice, and that for asmoche they perceyved that princes Romayns used +feithe and justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to +be subgettis to Rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve +undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the[150]] citee, to +the gret renomme of the saide prince and to alle the Romayns gretly to be +magnified. + +Historie of dame Cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of peple +shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble cenatoure called +Fabricius. + +[Sidenote: Res publica.] + +And also as dame Cristyn[151] in the .xv. chapitre of the first partie of +hir seid booke of Tree of Batailes leiethe a noble example that {55} among +alle vertues that shulde long to a prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a +governoure of a contre, citee, or towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe +how it is necessarie that he shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret +trouthe, as by example it is write of the noble and trew senatoure +Fabricius, leder of the Roman oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe, +vailliaunce, and manhod, and wise governaunce, king Pirrus his adversarie +offred to gyve hym the .iiij^{the}. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure +and goodis, so that the saide Fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his +partie and become his felow in armes. To whiche Pirrus the said Fabrisius +answerd, that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise +tresoure and richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by +possibilite and alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and +wonne bye armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. In +whiche matier verifieng, saiethe Vigecius in his booke of Chevalrie, to a +chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the +charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and entreprises +of a prince is office is principally comytted hym for the governaunce of +comon publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie, +castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the comon +profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. And if by +the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall consideracion and +cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, or citee that he +hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every particuler charge +and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his charge; and any thing +myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut of oversight of remedie +of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, thoroughe whiche might grow +to an universall damage, than it is to be wited his defaute. {56} And +therefore in conclusion of this, late it take example to folow the noble +and fructufulle examples of the noble cenatours. And we ought so to kepe us +frome the offending and grevyng of oure sovereyne Maker not to usurpe +ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle +and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us, +suffring us this grevouslie for oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and +punished as we bee, but lyve and endure in suche clene life, observyng his +.x. preceptis, that he have no cause to shew on us the rod of his +chastising as he dothe. + +[Sidenote: Deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.] + +Another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of God, for in doubte that ellis God +wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his rodde. + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +O mightifulle God, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche is +not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, seeyng so +many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe reigned, for +whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of moche more chastising and +grettir punishement of God, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is +wretyn in the booke of Paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym +of Israelle, God of his rightwisnesse suffred the Phillistyns that were +they never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and +destroiers of the lande of Judee and of Goddis peple, and the rathir that +the saide Israelites had a law gyven hem by Moises and kept it not. + +[Sidenote: De republica augmentanda.] + +How every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym in his devoire +to the avaunsing of the comon profite. + +[Sidenote: Tullius in nova rethorica.] + +And it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made mencion in +this Epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld principallie +put hym in devoire and laboure for the {57} avaunsment of the comon profit +of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the famous +clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of Rome Tullius in his +booke De Officiis [de Republica, that Novius Marcellus makyth mencion of yn +dyvers chapiters,[152]] and in other bookis of his De Amicicia, Paradoxis, +and Tusculanis questionibus, that Res publica welle attendid and observed, +it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of alle maner peple. And first +to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. termys Res publica, as seint +Austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. chapitre of the Cite of God, +and the saide Tullius the famous rethoricien accordithe withe the same, +saieng in Latyn termes: "Res publica est res populi, res patriae, res +communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum commune et utilitatem +populi vel patriae vel civitatis augere, conservare, protegere, salva +justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." And it is forto +lerne and considre to what vertues Respublica strecchithe, as I rede in a +tretie that Wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote in his book clepid Commune +loquium, C^o. 3^o. p^e partis, seithe quod, "Respublica ordinatur hiis +virtutibus, scilicet, legum rectitudine, justiciae soliditate, equitatis +concordia, unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri +dirigente, morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." As +for the first partie it is verified by Tullie in his Rethorik the first +booke: "Omnes leges ad commodum reipublicae judicis referre oportet, et lex +nichil aliud est quam recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta, +prohibens contraria." And it is right expedient that alle tho that be +justices, governours, or rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon +profit, must doo it by prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved +men; for a governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the +Romayns, havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that +bene called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis, +marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers, +esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, {58} baillifis, provostis, maires, and +suche othirs officers. And Tullius in the first booke of Offices seiethe: +"Parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi." + +How auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect for a +counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, than yong men. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +[Sidenote: Examplum amplum.] + +[Sidenote: Experiencia, &c.] + +[Sidenote: Job.] + +Tullius in his book De Senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene growen +in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the avaunsing and +governyng a comon profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices, +than othirs that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of +bodie. For an example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be +yonge of mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute +the ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe +as the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. Yet the eldist man that is halde +wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship, +and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, behofefulle +to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche dothe more +profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho yong lusty men +that rennen, halithe, or clymethe. Wherfor it may be concluded that the +auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours +of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire +wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by +mighty power of her hand. And it is saide by Job, .12^o. that Roboam, +whiche forsooke the counceile of olde men, and drew after the counceile of +yong men, lost the kingdom [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche +example is right necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise +governoure is hert. And so wolde the mightifulle God that every governoure +wolde have a verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise +and goode counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples {59} of +the noble senatours of Rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit, +setting aside singular availe. So tho famous region and citeis aboute undre +theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in +gret worship and prosperite, as I shalle in example put here in +remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among +othir ys + +[Sidenote: De preferramento rei publice.] + +How Fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, but only +laboured for the comon profit of Rome. + +[Sidenote: Fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.] + +[Sidenote: Quomodo Romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste pro +conservacione rei publice.] + +Tullius de Senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince +Romayne clepid Fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe Hanibal +prince of Cartage, to kepe the conquest of Romayne contreis, and to see +theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of alle +maner peple; whiche Fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but onlie +gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon profit of +Rome; for whiche cause the saide Fabius after his dethe was put in gret +renomme and more magnified among the Romayns than he was in his liffe tyme. +And the saide Fabius, after the right and usage was in tho daies, did gret +diligence to lerne and know by augures and divinacions of briddis and by +other causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes +prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, [and] +oilis shulde falle to the contre of Romayns, to his grettist comfort for +the avauncement of the comon wele. And he delited gretly to rede actis and +dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter remembraunce and +experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir than before his +daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce except the worthy +Scipion's. And it were fulle necessarie that princes and lordis shuld know +by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and yeris of prosperite or +adversite falling to the region that he is of, to th'entent he might make +his provision thereafter; but more pite is few {60} profound clerkis in +this lande ben parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her +principales in scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they +taken upon them the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions +of the heire and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of +suche judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the +bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid. + +How Lucius Paulus Fabricius and Curius Cornicanus, cenatours, in her grete +age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the comon wele. + +Also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble consulle +of Rome Lucius Paulus, whiche the wise Caton is sonne maried the doughter +of the saide Lucius Paule. Also the senatours clepid Fabricius and Curiois +Cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide Fabius in her grete age did +none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by theire auctorite +counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee to the comon profit +of the saide cite of Rome. + +How Appius the highe preest of the tempill of Mynerfe, albeit he was +blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the Romains to make werre withe king +Pirrus then to be com subjet to her auncient ennemy king Pirrus. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +[Sidenote: Ennius poeta.] + +In like wise the [hyghe[153]] preest of the tempille of Mynerve of Rome +clepid Appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king +Pirrus, king of Epirotes, werrid so ayenst Rome that he had [febled +and[153]] werried them so sore and wan upon hem so gret contreis, that the +Romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made pease and alliaunces withe +hym to her uttermost dishonoure, {61} but the said Appius purposid tofore +the noble senatoures Romayn and required hem to doo after the counceile of +Ennius the wise consul, that the Romains shulde take good hert to hem, and +not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to theire auncient +adversarie Pirrus; and that they shulde take new entreprinses upon Pirrus +and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide senatours were revived in +theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions of Appius, and had the +victorie of Pirrus. + +[Sidenote: De Officiis Catonis.] + +This chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite Caton was +called and auctorised for his gret manhode and wisdom, and how he in his +age couraged the yong knightis to goo to feelde to venquisshe Cartage or he +died. + +Also the noble senatoure of Rome Caton, that was so manlie, prudent, and of +holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of a knight +in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of tribune as a +chief juge among the Romayns, another season was a legat as an ambassatoure +into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien age, that he +might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of Rome to sit stille and avise +the weies and meenys how the Romayns might alway be puissaunt to resist +ayenst Cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died to see the saide cite +destroied. And the said Caton, in presence of yong Scipio and Lelius, .ij. +noblest yong knightis of Rome that visited Cato to here of his wise conduit +and counceile, he being then of full gret age, tendred so ferventlie the +well of comon profit of Rome, that he required and besought the immortalle +godis[154] of licence that he might not die till he might know Cartage +destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid of the servage and +miserie of the noble Romayns whiche were prisoneris withe Quintus Fabius in +Cartage xxxiij yere passed. + +{62} + +[Sidenote: Doctor militum in armis.] + +Of a semblable noble condition of Quintus Fabius according to Caton. + +And Quintus Fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left the +usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, just +withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age alway +gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit of the +citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf and of +the wise senatoure. + +The diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate. + +[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.] + +And whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men +assembled togither. + +How Caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by men of +yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode wastefullie. + +[Sidenote: Ita Officia danda juvenibus.] + +And Caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde finde +that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, were +destroied and brought to desert, as well Rome as othirs, and it was not +revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. And +the saide Cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, Scipion +and Lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong counceilours had +wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid patrimonie, and the +comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. And Nennius the poet +made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made counceilours for the +{63} comon profit of the towne, also suche that were of Scipion and Lilius +counceile, were but new [not expert[155]] drawen maistris, ignoraunt +advocat[gh] and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in the law ne in +policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse and be the +proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of Lelius and +Scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to governaunce. +And he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must doo by +counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile causes as in +conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for the defence of +the comon publique. + +[Sidenote: Agamenon.] + +Of the answere and reson of Agamenon duke and leder of the Greekis hoost +ayenst the Troiens. + +For Agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the Grekis +batailes ayenst the noble Troiens, + +[Sidenote: Nestor.] + +Of the wisdom of king Nestor a Troian. + +[Sidenote: De conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.] + +when he herde of king Nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of +counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age, + +[Sidenote: Ayax.] + +Of the recomendacion of the prowesse of Ayax a knight of Grece. + +and in like wise one Ayax a knight of Grece was halden the best fighter +amonge the Grekis ayenst the Trojens; in so moche that the Grekis desired +of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous knightis as +Ayax is to fighte withe the Grekis ayenst the Troyens, + +{64} + +How duke Agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid men, that he +required the immortelle goddis to have suche .vj. olde kingis as Nestor is, +doubted not to wynne Troie in short tyme. + +but that noble duke Agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise viellars +as was Nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that Troie shulde +be take and destroied. + +[Sidenote: Publius Decius.] + +How that most noble centoure Publius Decius, so hardie an entreprennoure in +the bataile, whan the Romains were almost overthrow, he avaunsid hym silfe +so ferre in the bataile, to die to th'entent to make the Romains more gret, +and felle for his dethe in fighting tille they had the victory. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene diversitatem militum.] + +[Sidenote: Publius Decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.] + +In semblable wise Tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin Romayne +Publius Decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne among +the Romayne ostes, he saw how the Romayne oost was almost bete downe to +grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in jubardie +frely to die, forto make the Romains more egir and fellir in that bataile +to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. He tooke his hors withe +the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, and at the last +was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to grounde deede. The +Romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous hertis how knyghtly he +avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered dethe for here sake, tooke +courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem foughten so vigorouslie +ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the victorie. + +[Here is added in the margin the following anecdote:] + +Hyt ys to remembre that I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, whan he had +yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that {65} there be twey maner +condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys an +hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more then +the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode +avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and wyth +grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth hys +felyshyp destrussed. And the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he avaunce +hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille so +discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of hys +adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. And therfore the aventure of +Publius Decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys willefulle deth, +nother hys son. + +How the son of the said Publius died in the same case. + +And the sonne of the said Publius, that was foure tyme electe and and chose +consul among the Romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, for the +helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the Romains, that he died in bataile in +like wise. + + Here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in + perpetuite of Marcus Actilius, a chief duke of the Romayne hostes, of + his gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees[156] + of cornes, wines, [and] oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being + prisoner in Cartage amongis his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put + to raunson, suffred wilfullie for to die in prison, because he was so + gretly aged and wered in bataile, then to the Romains to pay so + infenite a somme for his finaunce and raunson. + +[Sidenote: Autor rei publicae.] + +Hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray trew +lover of the comon wele of the Romains, Marcus Actilius, that first yave +hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and {66} pastures, to +furnisshe and store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile; +after, for his gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and +conestable of the Romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited +theire adversaries of Cartage. And he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in +bataile, was take prisoner into Cartage, being of gret age than. And for +deliveraunce of whiche Actilius the governours of Cartage desired hym that +he shulde laboure and sende to Rome forto deliver out of prison a gret +nombre of yong men of werre of Cartage that were prisoneris in Rome, and he +shulde goo frank and quite. And the saide Actilius denyed and refused it +utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the werrours +of Cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon wele and +proffit of Rome; and becaus that noble Actilius wolde not condescende to +deliver the prisoneris of Cartage, they turmentid hym in prison in the most +cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid here, it wolde make an +harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. The voluntarie dethe of +whiche Marcus Actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, and comon profit of +Rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, and to be put +perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship. + +How the noble duke Scipion Affrican put hym in so gret aventure in his gret +age ayens the Cartages, that he died upon,[157] rathir than to life in +servage. + +[Sidenote: Scypio Affricanus.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio Asyanus.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio Affricanus.] + +Also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble and +glorious champions two bretherin Scipion Africanus and Scipion Asian, +whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers entreprises +of armees and batailes ayenst the Affricains, for the saufegarde and +defense of the comon wele of theire contre. And the saide Scipion Affrican +wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and +distresse among his adversaries in Cartage. + +{67} + +How Scipion Asian, a noble conqueroure for the Romayns, yet in his age he +was envyed, accused to king Antiochus, [and] died pitouslie in prison for +his rewarde. + +And notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by Scipion +Asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of Asie, and enriched gretlie the +tresoure of Rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious peple accused +falsely to king Antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the tresoure of Rome, +and was condempned to prison, where he endid his daies. + +[Sidenote: Lucius Paulus.] + +How Lucius Paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde not doo by +counceile, he was slayne in bataile. + +[Sidenote: Quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.] + +Also Lucius Paulus, a noble consul Romayne, that spared not hym silfe to +die in bataile in Puylle withe .ccc. noble Romains that were assemblid +unwitting the saide Lucius Paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the +saide .iij^c. nobles Romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he seeng anothir +consul Romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe his felouship, +the saide Lucius Paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his adversaries withe +the residew of the Romains that [were] lefte, and there died withe them, to +th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the saide entreprise was +not lost in his defaute. + +[Sidenote: Marcus Marcellus.] + +[Sidenote: Haniballe.] + +How Marcus Marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of Rome, bethout avise, +went hastilie to bataile ayenst Haniballe of Cartage, and he being so sorie +for the dethe of so manlie a duke did hym to be buried in the most +worshipfulle wise. + +Also it is [to be] remembrid of Marcus Marcellus, a consulle Romayne that +set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret {68} deliberacion or +advisement, desired to fight ayenst Haniballe prince of Cartage, assemblid +withe a gret power ayenst the Romains, whiche were feerse + +[Here again a leaf of the Manuscript is lost.] + +[Sidenote: Res publica.] + +of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of his +grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that whan +ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife moist, +colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the saide +countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid before +shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or derthe +fallen [by] suche straunge menys. And aswelle the terme of Res publica, +whiche is in Englisshe tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be +referred to the provision and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a +householde as to the conduit and wise governaunce of a village, towne, +citee, countree, or region. + +[The following addition is here made in the margin.] + +Hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of Parys felle in abcence of +Herry .v^{te}. kyng beyng in England wyth hys queene. And bethoute noote of +vaynglory, yff I do wryte of myne autor[158] I fynde by hys bokes of hys +purveours how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde +hafe grete providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of +stokphyshe and saltfyshe owt of England commyng by shyppes. And that +policie was one of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the +lordes of the kyng ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to +kepe that he ledd yerly .iij^c. sperys and the bowes. And also yn semblable +wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys +soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to do +the kyng and the sayd regent service. And yt fille yn the .viij^{te}. yere +of Herry the .v^{the}., named kyng, when he was capteyn of the Bastyle of +Seynt Antonye of Parys, and Thomas Beauford, dux of Excestyr, {69} beyng +then capteyn of the cytee, hyt fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord +Lyseladam, who[159] was yn so grete favour of the cyte that alle the comyns +of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of +Exetyr and ayenst hys armee and felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth +hys felyshype were coherced to take the Bastyle for her deffence. And at +hys commyng the chieff questyon he demaunded of the seyd Fastolf how welle +he was stored of greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for +horsmete, and of othyr vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt. +And hyt comforted gretly the prince. Then the duc made redy the ordenaunce +wyth shot of grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye, +that they kept her loggeyns. And the Frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn +the cytee, helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer +constreyned to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace. + +[Sidenote: De magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda, +specialiter Cyro regi.] + +Caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe erthe +tiliers. + +[Sidenote: Socrates.] + +[Sidenote: De quodam Lysander ph'o.] + +[Sidenote: De Ciro rege Persarum.] + +[Sidenote: Tullius.] + +And as Caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a prince +to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all tho that +bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of verray +necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be plenteous, riche, and +well at ease. And the philosophur Socrates writithe that Cirus king of +Perse was excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies +[of] whiche Cirus one Lisander, of the cite of Lacedemone in Grece, a man +halden of gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the +saide king Cirus, being in the cite of Sardes, and presented hym withe +clothis of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of +Lacedemonois; the whiche king Cirus received the saide Li[gh]ander full +worshiplie in his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and +pleasure that the said {70} king Cirus had to doo hym worship and pleasure +and chier, he broughte the saide Lisander to see his gardins and herbers, +whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce sett and +planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so welle +aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many straunge +and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of flouris and +herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and plesaunt sighte that +ever the saide citesyn Lisander had see beforne. And the saide Cirus saide +unto Lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be compassed, +rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his owne hande. +And the saide Lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse of his +parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious stones, he +saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt withe his +vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide Cirus emploied and +intentife[160] besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage +of his londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of +beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the naturelle richesse of +worldlie joie. Also Tullius writithe that Valerius Corvinus, an auncien +citesyn Romayne, did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and +make it riche withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele +of the cite of Rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in Rome +shulde be alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of +corne shulde be alway hadde. + +[Sidenote: De re publica.] + +How the noble cenatours of Rome avaunced here parsones in gret perille and +jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon welfare of the Romains. + +[Sidenote: Lucius Brutus.] + +[Sidenote: Lucius Romanus.] + +[Sidenote: Non est laudendum secundum legem Christianorum.] + +And the saide famous clerk Tullius, in the .5. disc' of the saide booke, +puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous {71} dukis, +princes, and cenatours of Romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only +putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire +adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and +welfare of Rome. Among whiche, one of the saide Romains was Lucius Brutus, +that whan Arnus, a leder of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the Romains +to have discomfit hem and put hem in servage out of her fraunchise, the +saide noble Lucius, being then governoure of the ooste of Romains, thought +rathir to die upon the said Arnus, so that he mighte subdew hym, rathir +than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. He mounted upon his hors, +and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a mightie courage renne feerslie +upon the saide Arnus being in the myddille of his oost, and fortuned by +chaunce that bothe of hem wounded[161] othir to dethe. And whan it was +undrestonde in the hooste that the saide Arnus, capitalle adversarie to +Romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their feelde, whiche had +not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the wilfulle dethe of the +saide Lucius Brutus. + +How a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke[162], chieveteyne, +lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie just paiment +to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis might falle. + +[Sidenote: Autor. Notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad +execucionem justicii.] + +[Sidenote: Notandum est de ordinaria solucione Joh'is ducis Bedfordie.] + +[Sidenote: Concidera.] + +[Sidenote: Nota multiplicacionem officiariorum.] + +And overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace and +providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in way of +justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to youre +liege people, the whiche by Goddis law, and by law of reason and nature, is +the contrarie of it righte dampnable,[163] and which grevous offence, as it +is voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that +oughte be[164]] youre obeisaunce in Fraunce and Normandie than in othir +straunge regions: and to {72} every welle advised man it is easy to +undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid, +and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide adverse +partie; that is to say, that shalle be men of soude and of armes, as well +tho that [shalle be[165]] undre youre lieutenauntis as the chiefteins and +capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, [lyke as Johan +regent of Fraunce payd,[165]] or by quarter, bethout any rewarde [of +curtesyie of colour[166]] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or abreggement, or +undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, aswelle in this +londe as in Normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be empoverisshed in +straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the saide contreis. +And that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie or nede of[167] +long and grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle +require it. And that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or +commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde, +or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have cause +to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking theire +vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in defaut of due +payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day contynued, or the +saide londes were lost, uncorrectid ne punisshid, [as] turned to the gret +undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, and one othir of gret causis that they +have turned their hertis frome us, breking theire allegeaunce by manere of +cohercion for suche rapyn, oppressions, and extorcions. And also the +officers than being nedithe not to have so many lieutenauntis or undre +officers as they have hadde, whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide +peple by undew charges to enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have +be but esy vaileable to the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence +of exersising of armes for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of +necessite. For it was never seen that any countre, cite, or towne did +encrece welle wherover many nedeles officers and governours that onlie +wolde have a renomme, and {73} undre that colour be a extorcioner, piller, +or briboure, was reignyng and ruling over theym. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +[Sidenote: De lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in Frauncia.] + +[Sidenote: Alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in Normannia commorancium.] + +[Sidenote: Deploracio miseriae.] + +O mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele +advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche +oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche +officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, laborers, +paissauntes of the saide duchie of Normandie, it is verailie to deme that +certe[gh] ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde not have suffred +suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid long or the said +intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in tho daies in youre +possession. For often tymes suche as have pretendid theym officers wastid +of youre [predecessour[168]] is livelode more than nedithe, and often tymes +suffred them to be manassed [and] beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe +theire wepyns, that they were nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so +enforced for duresse to forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie +relevyd and socoured. And therto they have ben so often surcharged +grevouslie withe paieng of tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions +beside theire rentis, paieng to the somme righte importable sommes, paide +to your predecessours for youre demains, and to theire landlordis that +halden of you, and many of theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre +adverse partie also to dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and +divers tormentis have ben done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. He +allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre +obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew Englisshe men +done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the bettir +born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that suche +tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? O God! whiche art most +mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long suffre +this regnyng without the {74} stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng +upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom? + +[Sidenote: Nota tria.] + +[Sidenote: Prima.] + +[Sidenote: .ij^{a}.] + +[Sidenote: .iij. causa.] + +[Sidenote: Conciderandum est super omnia.] + +Late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow herof. +There may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of gret +hurtis. One is the ire of God and his rod of vengeaunce fallen now upon us +by his dyvyne punisshement [of God,[169]] aswelle in suffring oure saide +adversaries to have the overhande upon us, as in destroieng of oure lordis +by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons[169]] in this lande the saide yere and +season, the yere of Crist .M^liiij^cl. that youre [grete[169]] adversarie +made his intrusion in the saide Normandy, for pite of his peple so +oppressid, hiring theire clamours and cries and theire curses. The second +is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of hastie +socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be turned awaie +frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, seeing theym +thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to kepe, defende, +and maynteyn them. The .iij^{de}. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money, +and lak of provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre +saide obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre +adverse partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die +for famyn and povertee. + +[Sidenote: Ecclesia honoranda.] + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +[Sidenote: Hospitalitas in ecclesia est preferranda.] + +[Sidenote: Lamentacio.] + +[Sidenote: Cogita.] + +An exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship and +meynteyne the Chirche, and defende hem from oppression. + +And moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of God suffre ye not +the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, +abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, to be +oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre predecessour +daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or {75} obedience, for how that +men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by experience +knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion to lyve in +more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out to rulers, +gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that they dwellin +upon or have her lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. And +the peple that were welle set[170] and often tymes they ben visited withe +straungiers of gret astatis, as welle spirituelle as temporelle, and +namelie withe tho that have the lawes to mynistre and to kepe, and withe +other nedeles peple that waste and surcharge theym, for they were founded +to that entent but to kepe theire nombre of fundacion, praieng for theire +foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee for to[171]] feede the pore and the +nedie in case of necessite. A mercifulle Jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in +her cronicles that Pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte +amongis the Romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was +alonlie that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places, +as chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in Salamon is Temple, the +whiche the saide Salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or +temple of the erthe to serve and praise God. And in example of late daies +yn king Johan of Fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee before +he was take at the bataile of Peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted hym silfe +to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of Salisbury. And after he +was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they[171]] had gret +repentaunce of. And therfor, fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of +renomme, let a covenable and a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven +to us for provision and reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be +purveied for by so dew meenes that it may be to God is pleasaunce. And that +we may withedraw and leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men +wolde so inordinatlie rule and oppresse the Chirche. So that now this begon +mischiefe and stroke of pestilence in youre {76} predecessour daies be not +set as a jugement in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or +determyned for oure wele and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng, +so to be take for oure savacion. What saiethe saint Jeroyme amongis his +dolorous lamentacions upon the prophesie of Jooelle? If we have not, +(seithe he,) know God in welthe and prosperite, then, at the leest, let us +know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise there we have erred and fauted by +over gret haboundaunce of suche chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of +suche oppression, covetice, inespecialle pride and envy, &c. Let us +withedraw us from hem withe goode corage, and to that ende that we be not +chastised ne punisshed by the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of +none suche affliccions as we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies +by youre saide adversaries. + +[Sidenote: Quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patriae est preferrandum +quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.] + +How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, +shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng. + +[Sidenote: Introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.] + +[Sidenote: Ser Johan Fastolf.] + +[Sidenote: Optativus modus.] + +And also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe garde +of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece +of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe, +and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of +alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien +knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of +grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines, +doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe +speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to +wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, +and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to +have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of +experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what +region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[172]] abashed, ne astonied, +{77} forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire +in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein +pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite +you[173] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre +adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the custom in the daies of youre +noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of Fraunce as of Englande. In example +wherof, king Edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the +prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries, +wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. And, [as myne autor seyd +me,[174]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[174]] Henry duke of Lancastre, which +is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym +frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon, +Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be +doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and +for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here honoure +spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. And after +hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret +birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and +gentilnes[175] to them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is, +many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis +sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler +practik, straunge [facultee[gh][176]] frome that fet, as to lerne the +practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn +gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis +halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris +halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns +of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who can be a reuler +and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now, +among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl. +yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre {78} [antecessourys[177]] +conquestis and werris. So wolde Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to +be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that +befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir +rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a +sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple, +to theire [enpoveryshyng[178],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified +the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers +usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. And than ye shulde have righte +litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and +wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from +youre ennemies. And that suche singuler practik shulde [not[177]] be +accustumed and occupied [undewly[177]] withe suche men that be come of +noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve +honestly[177].] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had suffred theire sonnes to +mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by +colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[177]] Cartage +ayenst alle the Affricans. + +How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, +vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of +birthe. + +[Sidenote: Exclamacio.] + +Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the +custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of +demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he +were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to +mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre +peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide officers and +ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes, +lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that +oughte defende yow and youre {79} roiaume that halden theire londis of you +by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries. +And over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of God, and +not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and +in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the .36. chapitre of the +prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king of Juda despraised the +admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of God, that Jeremie +had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in +the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse +and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of +the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede +ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore +that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym +that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. And so it fille after +the prophesie. O ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of +sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome +the children of noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe +that in thingis [of noblesse[179]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to +theym to lerne, as in excercising[180] of armes and to suche occupacions of +worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied, +but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that +God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us, +despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his +infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good +entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis. + +How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed. + +And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse +of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as {80} the worthie +Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes +by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir +maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. And the same +maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce hathe used, +escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, +and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. Whiche +costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used +in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be +one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and +enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe +broughte them to gret indigence and povertee. + +How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because +the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to +highe sovereins. + +[Sidenote: Nota optime.] + +Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[181]] not paied +holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir +marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the +behofe of youre predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises +be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her +deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of +her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and +hinderaunce of youre peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient, +righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let +youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of +gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe +and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and +nedie peple. And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, +livelode, and {81} goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be +put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this +gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from +youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre +or[182]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship, +and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in +tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and +strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree +wolle doo the same. And to example of us alle ye [soo[182]] puissaunt and +mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[183] every man helpe after his +degree. + +[Sidenote: Nota bene.] + +How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne +hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and +favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, and use justice and peas. + +And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king of +Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his +testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip +that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence +that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to +favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his roiaume, and to +kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve +puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of +goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt +and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. And if the +adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare +of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe +of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes +largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. And, {82} therefore, favoure +and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre +hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to +this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late +lost. And who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym +in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[184] +and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode +courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in +tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is +so expedient and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man +bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the +worship of God let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be +shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or +set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret +necessite. And who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or +tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and +of noble renomme as thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to +be victorious, who may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded +withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and +youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before +this? It is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne +defendour but it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder. +Som say that the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in +stormye seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art +not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche +indigence and necessite. + +{83} + +How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete +and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left +toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the +frauncheis and libertees of Rome. + +And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that +bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode, +neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that, +what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made +knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese +withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies of Rome, and +namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom +nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme +whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of +theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked +and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid. + +[Sidenote: Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how +amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an +armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.] + +[Sidenote: Lenius.] + +Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the seconde +decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme of werris +long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by tasques, tailes, +and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven +largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide Romains had no more in +substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it fille soo that the +countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and +an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the +lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many gret chargis before that +they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of Rome +wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that the comons of Rome +complained and grugged in open market places {84} ayenst the saide gret +astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies +and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide +governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile +togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in +conclusion that, were[185] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and +governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the +comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping of the lande and +see frome ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide +that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in +preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they +here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist +comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to +morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the +golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and +statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but +ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that +every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a +cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and +every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an +ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and +degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle +othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers +of the citee. And aftre than the comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that +the senatours and governours of Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned +and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the +comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and +maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of +the comons of Rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought +frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the {85} tresorers and +chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete +that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto +nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they +broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid +that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to +defende and kepe the countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be +maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre +was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours +counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem +wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret +discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee, +and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship, +prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde +covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good +and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries, +and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and +maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme. + +Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the yeere +of Crist .M^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble Reyne of kyng Edward the +.iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}. + + * * * * * + + +{87} + +GENERAL INDEX. + + * * * * * + + Acre, 11 + Actovylle, Raulyn, 8 + Africa, 11, 83 + Agamemnon, 20, 63 + Agincourt, battle of, 16, 28, 32, 45 + Ajax, 63, 64 + Alencon, duke of 12; + taken prisoner 18; + his redemption 19 + Alexander, king, 7 + Anjou, the title of, 23 + Appius, 60 + Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, lvi + Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, 77 + Armonac, earl of, 8, 28, 37 + Arras, treaty of, xlix + Arthur, king, 2, 9 + ---- of Breteyn, 40 + Astrology depreciated, viii, 50 + Authors quoted:-- + de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, 25, 27, 33; + Preface iii, vi, vii, ix + Austyn, of the City of God, 57; + ---- of Free will, 50; + Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, 2; + Basset, Peter, liii; + Boetius de Consolatione, 3, 21, 50, 52; + Cato, 25, 62, 69; + Chartier, see Auriga + Cicero, of Divination, 50; + ---- _see_ Tullius; + Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, 6 _bis_, 27, 30, 31, 54 (her biography + _ib._); + de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, 23; + Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, vii; + Froissart, 40; + Gildas, 51; + Governance of Princes,liv; + Jeremye the prophet, 79; + Jerome, saint, 76; + Job, 6, 52, 58; + Josephus, liber antiquitatum, 51; + Kayus son, ii, 1; + Livius (Titus, 26, 51, 53, 83; + Machabeus, 42; + Malexander, Walter, 22, 26; + Nennius, 62; + Novius Marcellus, 57; + Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, 51; + Ovid, 26, 33; + Paralipomenon, 56; + Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), 13; + Pliny the younger, ii; + du Premier-Faict, Laurence, li; + Ptolomy, Centilogie, 51; + _de Regimine Principum_, liv; + Socrates, 69; + Tree of Batailes, iii, liv; + Tullius, 25, 57 _ter_, 58 _bis_, 59, 60, 62, 70; + Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (_de Arte Militari_), 21, 29, 55; + Preface, p. vi.; + Wallensis, Commune loquium, 57; + Worcestre, William of, l, 1 + Averaunces, 28 + {88} + Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 10 + Basset, Peter, an historical writer, liii + Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, 68 + Beauchamp, sir William, 15 + Bedford, John duke of, 15, 17; + wins the battle of Vernelle 18; + and conquers the county of Maine 19; + other victories 28; + statutes of 31; + eulogy on 44; + defended Paris 47; + his payment of wages 72 + Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi + Bituitus, king, 27 + Boecius, 52 + BOKE OF NOBLESSE, its scope and intention, i; + probable date of its composition, _ib._; + abstract of its contents, i-xvii; + the question of its authorship, l; + other books of the same character, liv; + the MS. described, lv + Bonnet, Honore, iv + Bordeaux, 42 + Bougee, battle of, 17, 44 + Bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 28 + ---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix + Brennus, 10 + Bretagne, Charles duke of, 13 + ---- Giles son of the duke of, ii, 5 + ---- the duke of, protected by king Edward, xl, xli + Bretailles, Louis de, xlii + Bretigny, peace of, 37, 40, 49 + Buchan, earl of, 17 + Burgoyne, duke of, 7, 8 + ---- marshal of, 17 + Burgundy, Charles duke of, i; + his designation of _le Hardi_, x; + brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, xxviii; + interviews with king Edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii; + character of, xxv; + suspected by the English, xxx, xlvi; + his truce with France, xlvii + ---- John duke of, his murder, xxxviii + ---- Margaret duchess of, xxiii + Caen, won by assault, 12, 36; + rescue of, 28; + parliament at, 31 + Calais, siege of, 13, 36, 45 + Camillus, 53 + Canute (Knowt), 2 + Carew, the baron of, 15 + Carthage, wars of the Romans with, 26, 61, 65 + Cato, 61 + Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, lvi + Caxton, works of:-- + Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, liv; + Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, vi; + Curial, vii; + Tully on Old Age, li; + Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, xliii + Cerdic, 2 + Champenois, 83 + Chandos, Sir John, 15, 37, 46 + Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, xxxii; + mentioned, 33, 37 + Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy ii, iii; + his secretary Alain Chartier vii; + mentioned 3, 25 + Charles le bien ame, 25 + Charles le simple, 39 + Charles the sage, 40 + Chartier; _see_ Authors + Chester, Randolfe earl of, 10 + Cheyne, sir John, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii + Childermas day, xxxv + Chirburgh, 12 + Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, xv + Christine, dame; _see_ Passy _and_ Pisan + Church, oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74 + Citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi; + their experience in the campaign, xlv + Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their + pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii + Clarence, Thomas duke of, 18; + eulogy on, 44 + Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, 15 + Cleret, Pierre, xxxiii + Clergy oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74; + {89} + Clothing, cost and pomp in, 79 + Commines, Philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv; + employed by king Louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; + dressed like his master, xxxvii; + characteras an historian, xli + Commons, or people, termed "bestial", 77, 78 + Conquerors, duties of, 21 + Cornwall, language of, 2 + Countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv + Courtenay, sir Hugh, 15 + ---- sir Philip, _ib._ + Cravant, battle of, 17, 18, 28, 44 + Cressy, battle of, 12, 36 + Cyprus, king of, 10 + Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, 69 + + Damascus, 10 + David king of Scots, 13 + Derby, earl of, 13 + Dieppe, 5 + Dorset, Edmond earl of, 28 + ---- Thomas earl of, 15 + Douglas, earl of, 18 + Dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii + Dress; _see_ Clothing + Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", vii + Dudley, William, xxxi, xxxii + Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), 13 + Dynham, John lord, xxii + + Education, military, 76 + Edmond Ironside, 10 + Edward the First, 11 + Edward the Third, 3, 12, 14, 33, 77; + he made great alliances, 40 + Edward prince of Wales, 4, 13, 14; + received homage as duke of Guienne, 37, 43 + Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, i; + prepares to invade France xvii; + salutes the generous widow xxi; + lands at Calais xxvi; + interviews with the duke of Burgundy xxiv, xxix; + with king Louis xxxvi; + character of xxv, xli, xlv; + his personal appearance xxxviii; + ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii + Elkyngton, John, xxxii + English, their character as soldiers xxvi; + beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, 28 + Ennius, 61, 62 + Eu, earl of, 12 + Exeter, Thomas duke of 28, 68; + captain of Paris, xi, xii + + Fabius, 59, 60, 62 + Fabricius, 55, 60 + Faliste, 53 + Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", i; + anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv; + his books of accompt, xi; + captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, _ib._; + his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", l; + his services in France, li; + mentioned, 15, 16, 19, 28 _ter_, 31, 64, 68 + Fauconberg, lord, 28; + taken prisoner, iii, 5 + Felton, sir Thomas, 15 + Ferranus king of Spain, 10 + Fizar, battle, 46 + Florence, 53 + Formigny, the battle of, viii, 42 + Fougeres, the capture of, iii, 5 + France, oppression of the English subjects in, vii; + its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii; + narrative of the invasion of in 1475, xvii-xliv; + difficulties of an English invasion of, xxvii; + costly dress put away in, 80 + Franklin, character of, xv + Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, 28 + Fulke earl of Anjou, 10, 23 + + Garnett, Richard, xxi + Garter, the order of the, 46; + {90} + Gascony, the title of, 24 + Geoffrey Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52 + Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, 45 + ---- Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii; + affects to lead the English chivalry, xli + ---- Robert Clare, earl of, 10 + Gourney, Mathew, lix, 15 + Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx + Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, 34 + Guisnes, castle of, xxiii + + the Hagge, 12 + Hannibal, 50, 59, 67 + Hardy man, definition of, x + Harflete, siege of, 15 + Harington, sir Richard, 28 + Hastings, Hugh lord, 15 + ---- sir Ralph, 15 + ---- William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France, + xxxiii, xxxviii + Hay, sir Gilbert, liv + Hector, 20 + Henry the First, 10 + Henry the Second, 24 + Henry the Fifth, 4; + how he conquered Normandy and France, 15; + his marriage, 17; + wins the battle of Agincourt, 28, 32; + "that victorious prince", 39, 41; + praise of him and his brethren, 43; + his historians, liii + Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, 19; + "the innocent prince", 39 + Hercules, 21 + Homeldon hill, battle of, 18 + Howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi; + left as hostage with the French, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi + Hubert bishop of Salisbury, 10 + Huntingdon, John earl of, 16 + + Jerusalem, 52 + Joachym king of Juda, 79 + John, king, 33 + John king of France taken prisoner and + brought to England, 13, 14, 36, 75 + Judas Machabeus, 42 + + Kedecause, journey of, 28 + Kent, Edmond earl of, 35, 36 + Knollys, sir Robert, 15 + Knowt (Canute), 2 + Kyriell, sir Thomas viii, 42 + + Lancaster, Henry duke of, 43; + "a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," 77 + Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, 77; + choice of officers of, 78 + Lelius, 61, 62 + Lenius, 84 + Library of sir John Paston, lix; + of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 45 + Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house + of England, ii; + men of war should resemble, 4, 22, 46, 47, 48 + L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; 8, 68 + Loans, xvi. 80 + Lombards, 32 + Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, v. 8, 11, 42, 81 + Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, xvii; + character, xxv; + his reception of King Edward's defiance, xxvii; + kept no herald, xxx; + his "disguised apparel", xxxvii; + his timidity, xliii; + anecdotes of xli _et seq._ + Lucius Brutus, 71 + Lucius Paulus, 60, 67 + Lucius Valerius, 52 + Lumley, John lord, lv + Lysander, 69 + + Maine, county of, the conquest of, 19, 45; + the title of, 23, 32; + revenues of 68 + {91} + Manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, 65 + Mansel, an esquire, iii, 5 + March, earl of, 15, 28, 45 + Marcus Actilius, 65 + Marcus Marcellus, 67 + Margaret of Austria, her matrimonial alliances, xlviii + Maude, the empress, 23, 52 + Montgomery, sir N., 19 + Morhier, sir Simon, iii, 5 + Morton, doctor, xxv, xxxi, xxxii + Montreuil (Motreaw), 8 + Mountgomery, sir Thomas, xxiii, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvi + + Narbonne, the vicomte de, xlvi + Nazar, battle of, 14 + Nestor, 63, 64 + Neuss, the siege of, xxv + Neville, lord, 15 + Noblesse, identical with Chivalry, xv; + and with Honour, liv.; + _See_ BOKE OF NOBLESSE + Normandy, the title of, 22; + arms of, 23; + the wretched state of, 72; + the clergy oppressed, 74; + its re-conquest by the French, ii, iii, viii + + Oldhall, sir William, 19 + Orleans; bastard of, 28 + ---- duke of, 7, 8 + ---- siege of, 28 + + Paris, 7, 8, 19; + siege of, 47; + rebellion in, 68; + bastille of St. Anthony, xi, lx, 68; + in the hands of the English, xi + Parliament, the English, as described by Commines, xvii + Passy, dame Christine of, iv; + biographical note upon, 54 + Paston, sir John, his library, lix + Peace, the treaty of, in 1475, xxxviii + Philip, king of France, 8 + Philip Dieu-donne, 10, 33, 34, 40 + Philip of Valois, 12 + Picquigny, the royal interview at, xxxvi + de Pisan, Christine, vi + Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52 + Poitiers, battle of, 13, 75 + Pompeus, 75 + Pont l'Arche, the capture of iii, 5 + Popham, sir John, 19 + Poynings, lord, 28 + Prophecies, the English always provided with, xxxix, 50 + Publius Decius, 64 + Pyrrhus, 55, 60 + + Radcliff, sir John, 48 + Rais, lord, 15 + Rempston, sir Thomas, 28 + Respublica, 68 + Richard emperor of Almaine, 11 + Richard the First, 10 + Riviers, Anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of Burgundy, xxv; + his connections with royalty, xxvi. _See_ Scales + Robert, king of Jerusalem, 10 + Rochedaryon, 13 + Rollo, duke of Normandy, 39 + Romans, their wars with Carthage, 26; + the largess of, to make an army to Africa, 83 + Rome, 52 + Rotherham, archbishop, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix + Rouen, 5 + Roveraye, battle of, 28, 44 + Runcyvale, 15 + + St. Cloud, battle of, 8 + St. Leger, sir Thomas, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi + St. Pol, Louis de Luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king Louis, and + uncle to queen Elizabeth Wydville, xxviii; + his temporising and treacherous conduct, xxix; + circumstances of his ruin, xxxiv, xl, xliv + Salisbury, Thomas earl of, 17, 19, 28 + {92} + Scales, lord, 19; + _see_ Riviers + Sciences, the, vii, 45 + Scipio, 61, 62 + Scipio Africanus and Scipio Asianus, 66 + Scluse, battle of, 12, 36 + Senlys, 47 + Sensuality, evils of, 22, 33, 52 + Sessions, 77, 78 + Shire-days, holding of, xv, 77, 78 + Shrewsbury, 18 + Shrewsbury, earl of, 28 _bis_ + Sicily, 83 + Smert, John, Garter king of arms, xxvii + Soldiers, on the just payment of, 71 + Somerset, Edmond duke of, 28 + ---- John duke of, 28 + Stanley, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi + Suffolk, William earl of, 17, 28, 45 + Surie (Syria), 10, 11 + + Tancarville, earl of, 12 + Thames, the flood of, 82 + Tours, 5, 25; + truce of, ii + "Tree of Batailes," a popular work, iii; + its author, editions, and manuscripts, iv; + quoted, vii + Troy, 2, 20, 43, 64 + Truces with France, the history of, 34; + truce of Tours, ii + Tryvet, sir John, 15 + Tunis, 11 + Tunstall, sir Richard, xx, xxiii, xxxii + + Ulixes, 21 + d'Urfe, seigneur, xxxiii + + Valerius Corvinus, 70 + Vernelle, battle of, 18, 19, 28, 32 _bis_, 44 + Virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, 7 + + Wales, language of, 2 + Warwick, Thomas earl of, 37 + William the Conqueror, 2, 10, 22 + Willoughby, Robert lord, 17, 28 + Winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir John + Fastolfe), lvii + Worcestre, William of, the secretary of sir John Fastolfe, l; + his supposed _Acta d'ni Joh. Fastolff_, lii + Wyer, Robert, liv + + York, Richard duke of, 41. + + * * * * * + + +{93} + +GLOSSARIAL INDEX. + + * * * * * + + admonestementis 79 + afferaunt 43 + aiel 35 + amercie 78 + approwementis 65 + assailours 9 + astonyed 2 + atwix (betwixt) 48 + avaunt 75 + aventure 33 + aveyn 69 + + baleese 54 + barnage (baronage) 55 + batellous 63 + be (by) 9 + beforce (by force) 31 + beforne 70 + benecute 70 + benevolence xvii, xxi, xxii + bestialle 77, 78 + bethout (without) 7 _et passim_ + bethyn (within) 3 _et passim_ + bobauncees 80 + bonchief 21 + + chevalrie 66, 76, 83 + clepid 27, 31, 40, 55 + congie 30 + convenable 74, 75 + costius, costues (costly) 80 + cote-armer 18 + cotes of armes 20 + countour xv + covyn 54 + croiserie 10, 11 + custrell xx + + defalke 31, 72 + defend (drive away) 9 + deliver (agile) 76 + deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) 77 + depart (part with) 81, 83 side note + detrussed 65, _detrousse_, unbound + devoire 9, 56 + dissimiled (dissembled) 30, + dissimuled 41 + dissimulacion 40 + dulled 2 + + egallie (equally) 21 + embrace (to take part, or patronise) xv, 77 + empeshement 35 + enfamyned 13 + entendement 20 + entreprennour 64 + entreprinses _and_ entreprises, 6, 21, 29 + ering 70 + at erst 6 + escarmisshes 13 + esy (little _or_ scarcely) 72, + esilie (scarcely), 73 + ewred 43 + + fauten 60 + feernesse (_for_ feersnesse?) 4, 20 + fellir (more fell) 64 + fille (fell) 21, 23, 27, 73, 83 + finaunce 9, 14, 19, 29, 33, 65 + fole-hardiesse 63, _see_ hardy + fraunchise 81 + {94} + fructufulle 56 + + grene age 76 + + hardiesse 29 + hardy (or fool-hardy) man, 65 + haunting arms 3, 6, 22, 77 + havyour 84 + herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) 70 + hethynesse 46 + historier 25, 43 + hostied 13 + hubes 68 + + infortune 42, 50 + inure 62 + + joieuest (most joyful) 70 + jorney (military expedition) 47 + jupardie 65, 70, 77 + + labourage 65, 69, 70 + lifelode 32, 49, 32, 73, 80 + lust (_verb_) 82 + lyes (leash) 16 + + manassed 73 + manly man 65 + mantelle 20 + masty hound 16 + meintenaunce 78 + menage 69 + messangiers 45 + moien 85 + mondeyn 70 + mow (shall mow endure) 69 + muys 50 + + namelie (especially) 82, 83 + noblesse xv. liv + nompower 30 + nouches 84 + noy 82 + + obeisaunce _and_ obediaunce 17, 30, 59 + obeissauntes 30, 47 + onure, 85 + oost (host) 27, 28, 31, 32, 64, 71 + osteyng 11 + ovyr hand 65 + + paast, 6 + paissauntes (peasants) 72, 73 + patised 73 + payneymys 10 + paynym 75 + peine hem (take pains) 31 + perveaunce 40 + piller (thief) 31, 72 + plenerlie 37 + practik (singler) 77, 78 + practique of law 77 + print money, 84 + puissaunt 20, 23, 26, 41, 43, 46, 61 + purveonds 68 + puttithe away (_plur._) 79 + + quaiers (of books) lix, 79 + + raise 40. Chaucer says of his Knight, In Lettowe had he _reysed_ and in + Russe. + ravyne 72, 73 + recordacion 3 + renomme 32 + revaled 3, 9, 11, 74 + rightwisnesse 56 + rothir or sterne 58 + + servage 71 + sille (sell) 84 + sleuth (sloth) 6 + soude 33, 72; + soulde 29, 40 + soudeours 16, 68, 71; + sowdieris 30 + soudeyng 29; + souding, 83 + souneth (threaten) 48 + synguler (personal) 7, 29, 55 + + {95} + tailis 73, 83, 84 + take in gree 79 + tasques 73, 83, 84 + terrein 69 + tilieng (tilling) 70 + tofore (before) 60 + to morne (tomorrow) 84 + trespasseinte 11 + trespassement 41, 43 + + umbre 3, 4, 25, 33, 41 + + viellars 64 + vileyned 74 + voulente 84 + vyfnes 4 + + wanhope 74 + well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" 82 + werreied (made war) 10 + wited (considered) 55 + + yen (eyen _or_ eyes) 66 + yoven (given) 81 + + * * * * * + + +NOTES + +[1] Giles brother to Francis I. duke of Bretagne. Having differences with +his brother respecting his apanage, he was with the duke's consent arrested +by king Charles VII.; and, perhaps in consequence of the English taking his +part, he was put to death in the year 1450. His fate was commemorated in +the "Histoire lamentable de Gilles seigneur de Chateaubriand et de +Chantoce, prince du sang de France et de Bretagne, estrangle en prison par +les ministres d'un favory." See Daru's Histoire de Bretagne, 1826, vol. ii. +pp. 287 et seq. + +[2] Sir Simon Morhier is one of the commissioners named for concluding a +treaty with "our adversary of France," dated 28 July 1438. (Rymer, x. 709.) +Monstrelet relates that at the battle of Rouvray, commonly called the +battle of the Herrings, which took place during the siege of Orleans in +1428, the only man of note slain on the English side was one named +Bresanteau, nephew to Simon Morhier provost of Paris. + +[3] I do not find the name of this esquire in the memoirs of the Mansel +family, privately printed in 1850, by William W. Mansell, esq. There were +Mansels in Bretagne as well as in England. + +[4] A description of the taking of Pont de l'Arche will be found in the +_Histoire du roy Charles VII._, by Alain Chartier. He states that from a +hundred to six score Englishmen were there either killed or taken +prisoners: "Entre les autres y fut prins le sire de Faucquembergue, qui +d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." This was William Neville, lord +Fauconberg, a younger son of the first earl of Westmerland, and uncle to +the King-making earl of Warwick. Dugdale describes his imprisonment on the +authority of letters patent (30 Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 24) whereby he was +granted some compensation: "Being sent ambassador into Normandy, to treat +of peace and truce betwixt both realms, he was most perfidiously seized +upon by the French, and kept prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he +had in 30 Hen. VI. an assignation of 4108l. 18s. 101/4d. then in arrears to +him for his pay whilst he was governor of Roxburgh, to be received out of +the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising in +the ports of Boston, Kingston upon Hull, and Ipswich." In 32 Hen. VI. +(1453-4) he was still prisoner in France. (Baronage of England, i. 308, +309.) + +[5] Fougeres was a strongly fortified town, and was considered one of the +keys of Bretagne. It was taken by surprise, in the night of the 23-24 of +March 1448, by Francois de Surienne, on the part of the English: an event +which was followed by very important results, for Charles VII. made it an +excuse for resuming hostilities in order to protect the duke of Bretagne as +his vassal and ally: the Constable of France Artur de Richemont, who was +the duke's uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew +Giles,) recovered the captured town; the duke invaded Lower Normandy, +whilst the king of France entered the upper province, and by a rapid series +of successes they within fifteen months drove the English out of the +country. + +[6] Honore Bonnet was prior of Salon in Provence, as is shown by his own +dedication of the book to Charles VI. written during the sovereignty of +Louis II. of Anjou in Provence, that is, from 1384 to 1390. In some of the +early editions of the book the author's name was altered to Bonnor: its +title is "Larbre des batailles. Sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de +plusieurs choses comme de leglise. Et aussi des faictz de la guerre. Et +aussi c[=o]ment on se doyt gouuerner. Paris, 1493." folio. Also Paris, +1505, 4to. Among the Royal collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum +(20 C. VIII.) is a magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto, +has been recently purchased (Addit. MS. 22,768.) Respecting others at Paris +see the work of M. Paulin Paris on "Les Manuscrits Francais de la +Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. v. pp. 101, 307. + +On the fly-leaf of the Royal MS. is the following inscription in an old +hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the note at p. 54 of the +present volume: + +_L'Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en +Prouuence._ + +Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y^e tree of +Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a notable Benefactour +to Learned men and perchaunce to y^e autor of this Booke. And therefore +diuers of them sette furthe their Bookes under her name. See y^e Booke of +Noblesse in englishe and Chrystines Life amongste y^e autors de claris +mulieribus as I rem[=e]ber. + +On the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former +owners of the volume, _Sum Humfridi LLoyd_ and _Lumley_: and at the end is +inscribed _Iste liber constat Joh'i Gamston' Generoso_. It seems not +improbable that the entry above extracted was written by Lord Lumley. + +[7] At the end of the life of Saint Louis by Geoffroi de Beaulieu, in the +_Historiens de la_ _France_, tome xx. p. 26, (1840, folio,) will be found +the Instructions of king Louis to his Son, in their vernacular language. A +copy of them, headed "Ce sont les enseignemens que mons^r sainct Loys fist +a son filz Charles roy de France," occurs in the MS. at the College of Arms +which contains many things about sir John Fastolfe. (MS. Arundel XXVI. fol. +ii v.) + +[8] Vegetius was a great authority with the writers of the middle ages. +Monstrelet commences the prologue to the second volume of his chronicles by +citing the book of "un tresrenomme philosophe nomme Vegece, qu'il feist de +la vaillance et prudence de chevalerie." The treatise of Vegetius de Re +Militari had been translated into French about the year 1284, by Jean de +Meun, one of the authors of the Roman de la Rose. In the fifteenth century +it was one of the principal sources of a book entitled "Lart de cheualerie +selon Vegece; lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au +fait de leurs guerres et batailles." This was printed at Paris by Anthoine +Verard in 1488; and it was, at the command of king Henry VII. translated by +Caxton, and printed by him at Westminster in the following year, as "The +Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,) +"Christian of Pise made and drew out of the book named Vegecius de Re +Militari, and out of the Arbre of Battles." Now, Christina de Pisan was a +poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise on +the art of war than the "dame Christine" of our present author had with the +Arbre des Batailles. Indeed it is probable that the two misappropriations +are connected in their origin. On the actual productions of Christine de +Pisan, which furnished other works to our first English printer, see the +description by M. Paulin Paris of "Les Manuscrits Francais de la +Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. iv. 184, vol. v. 148-185, vi. 359, 399: and an +"Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de Pisan, suivi d'une Notice +Litteraire et de Pieces Inedites. Par Raimond Thomassy, 1838." 8vo. pp. +200. + +[9] Alain Chartier was a writer both in prose and poetry. There are +separate editions of several of his works: and a collected volume of them +was edited by Andrew du Chesne in 1617. An English translation of his +"Curial" was printed by Caxton without date. See an account of various +manuscripts of the works of Chartier given by M. Paulin Paris in his vol. +vi. pp. 385-387, vol. vii. pp. 251-254. + +[10] The personages speaking in the Quadrilogue are France, Le Peuple, Le +Chevalier, and Le Clergie, to whose conversation l'Acteur, or the Author, +occasionally interposes some remarks. Le Chevalier is also the Gendarmerie, +and described as being identical with the Estat de Noblesse--an identity +which is thus maintained at the beginning of the reign of Henry the +Eighth:--"in all the Chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all +Dukes, Erles, Barons, Knightes, Esquires, and other Gentlemen by office or +aucthoritie." I quote this from The Tree of Common Wealth, by Edmonde +Dudley, (written in 1509 or 1510,) printed for the Brotherhood of the Rosy +Cross, at Manchester, 1859, p. 18. + +[11] "Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo." Sidenote in +p. 27. + +[12] This battle, from which the final loss of Normandy ensued, was fought +at Formigny, between Charenton and Bayeux, on the 15th of April 1450. Sir +Thomas Kyriell, who was there taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of +Agincourt, and had for some years been lieutenant of Calais. By a writ of +privy seal dated the 12th August 1451, Henry VI. granted the sum of 5000 +crowns and lent another 5000, out of the bonds due from the duke of +Orleans, in order to provide for the ransom of sir Thomas Kyriell. (Rymer, +xi. 287.) Sir Thomas was elected a Knight of the Garter at the close of the +reign of Henry the Sixth, Feb. 8, 1460-1, and beheaded by the victorious +Yorkists on the 18th of the same month. + +[13] This passage was an abridgment from one in _Le Quadrilogue Invectif_ +of Alain Chartier: which is as follows: "Toutes anciennes escriptures sont +plaines de mutations, subversions, et changemens de Royaulmes et des +Principaultez. Car comme les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes +parfaitz, et puis declinent a vieillesse et a mort; ainsi ont les +Seigneuries leur commencement, et leur accroissement, et leur declin. Ou +est Ninive la grant cite, qui duroit trois journees de chemin? Qu'est +devenue Babiloine, qui fut edifiee de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer +aux hommes, et maintenant est habitee de serpens? Que dira l'en de Troye la +riche et tres renommee? Et de Ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes +furent d'ivoire, et les colonnes d'argent; et maintenant a peine en reste +le pie des fondemens, que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des +hommes? Thebes qui fut fondee de Cadmus le fils de Agenor, et la plus +peuplee de dessus la terre pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en +trouver tant de reliques de son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de +sa semence? Lacedemoine, dont les loix vindrent a diverse nations, +desquelles encores nous usons, ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder +les loix de Licurgus le doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa +perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit extaincte et aneantie. Athenes fontaine +de sapience, et source des haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas +en subversion, et les ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? Carthage +la batailleresse, qui domptait les elephans a batailler, et qui jadis fut +tant redoubtee aux Romains, ou a elle tourne sa grant glorie, sinon en la +cendre du feu ou elle fut arse et embrasee? Mais parlons de Romme, qui fut +derreniere en souveraine majeste, et excellente en vertu. Et notons bien la +parolle de Lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut. +Car les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. Par ceste +maniere chascune a sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou +soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des Royaulmes. Ainsi +comme la Monarchie du monde et la dignite du Souverain Empire fut jadis +translatee des Assiriens aux Persans, des Persans aux Grecz, des Grecz aux +Rommains, et des Rommains es mains des Francois et des Germains." + +[14] It was in this sense that the duke of Burgundy was called Charles le +Hardi, which was equivalent to the modern _le Temeraire_, that is, not only +Bold, but Rash. We find that the author of _L'Arbre des Batailles_ +discusses in his third book, chapter viii., the various causes from which +"est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car +premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire +et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez +et le couhars dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur +de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil +estoit couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps +porte le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in +ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a +qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de +bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil +scet estre bien sage et bien fortune. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy +par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre chevalier y a +qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est +vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. Aultre +chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour +aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu +si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit +scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulente +d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de +force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant a present." + +[15] Jean de Villiers, seigneur de l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel, +having joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, was by his influence made +Marechal of France in 1418. He was arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris +in 1420, and released by the duke of Bedford in 1422, at the request of +Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke Charles he was highly favoured, made one +of the first knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of +Paris when the duke of Bedford left that city in 1430. He was killed during +a popular commotion at Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire +Genealogique, 1723, vii. 10. + +[16] The account which Monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely +corresponds with that of our author. It is as follows: + + "En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour + certaines causes qui a ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le + seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse + s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour + le rescourre a ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais + tantost ledit duc d'Excestre a tout six vingts combattans, dont il y + avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer + les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par + la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de + par le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit + seigneur de l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y + demoura durant la vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict + mourir, ce n'eust este la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques + de Monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.) + +[17] It is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with +some passages of Commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes +the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which France especially +suffered from quartering soldiers. "To the common people they leave little +or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do +they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who +are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything, +and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, +not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, +they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, +wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's +wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep +her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it would be no +difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them +every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of +pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the +prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. I say this in +compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed +in quartering soldiers than any in all Europe." + +[18] This word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be +taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. 73, in the place of +"predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse. + +[19] Chaucer says of his Franklin-- + + At sessions there was he lord and sire, + Full often time he was Knight of the shire, + A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour. + +The countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a +commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal +exchequer. + +[20] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part. + +[21] Sir Harris Nicolas, in his memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll +(ii. 347), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of +the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition +of sir William Aton. Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that +he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his +parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless +used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of +_Azure, a bend or_. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley, +though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full +suit of armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both +his gentilitial and his professional merits: + + Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri, + Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suae; + Legis erat patriae gnarus, compescere lites + Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis. + +But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing +chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd +class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in +proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from the +Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families +have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of +young men of noble birth. + +[22] The notices which the chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first +Benevolence will be found in a subsequent page. + +[23] Commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an English +parliament. "The king was not able to undertake such an affair without +calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, +consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable +and a great strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament +the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no +money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or +Scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against +France. Yet the kings of England have this artifice when they want money, +and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend +quarrels with Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for +about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of +the money for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood +very well, and often practised it." + +[24] At that time the parliament first granted the number of 20,000 +archers, which was afterwards reduced to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231. + +[25] Rotuli Parl. vi. 4. + +[26] Ibid. p. 6. + +[27] Ibid. p. 39. + +[28] The parliament re-assembled accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and +during that session, on the 18th of July, the commons again granted to the +king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum +of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers, +who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still +maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes, +the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a +mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme +beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that, +if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John Baptist the +year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid +xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the +same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. Parl. vi. 111, +118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 a further act +was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (Ibid. p. 120); +and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the dissolution of the +parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three +parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of +51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. (Ibid. pp. 149, 153.) + +[29] They are printed in Rymer's Foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq. + +[30] An account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is +preserved on the pell records of the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in +Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi. p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of +Clarence, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland, +the lords Grey, Scrope, Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and +Cobham, and as bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and +sir John Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of +Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's +household. + +The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these payments: +"Georgio duci Clarentiae pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut Duce +ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum Militum quilibet ad ij s. +per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj +d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille Sagittariis [2275li. + +Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d. + +The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but extracted in +Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly to the same +amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 s. 4 d. per +day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. per day, 54 l. +12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at Arms 12 d. per day, +and 6 d. per day as a reward,--743 l. 18 s. 6 d.; and to 950 Archers, to +each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 s.--Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d. + +Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens of +the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August 1474) +is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king for one +whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten speres, +himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled, +armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for +everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the +day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said +archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th +November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to +attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six +archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij +d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj +d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made with +Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for +the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with +xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking +wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and +for the remainder each vj d. a day. + +[31] Ibid. pp. 837, 838. + +[32] Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843. + +[33] Rymer, xi. 848. + +[34] Foedera, vol. xii. p. 1. Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea +by previous appointments in the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage, +i. 515. + +[35] Fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of July (_an error for_ June) he +rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde." + +[36] Printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 366. + +[37] They are printed in Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a +constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age. + +[38] Hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned +passed over betwene Dover and Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army, +horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty +days. + +[39] Monstrelet in his Chronicle attempts to present a list of the +principal English lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number), +but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as +the names he gives to the nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of +Sufflocq and Noirflocq, the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan, +Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury, +which title did not then exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Riviere; the +lords Stanlay, Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey, +Strangle, Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord +Fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp. +844-848, already noticed in the note in p. xx. + +[40] These particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres +d'hostel_ of the Burgundian court, which gives the following minute and +curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not +elsewhere to be found, of the English army during the months of July and +August. + +"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit ete presque toujours a +Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya. + +"Le 14. ce duc arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le deffraya, +la duchesse etant pour lors a Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de Clarence et de +Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines avec ce roy, qui +le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla a Sainct Omer, ou il trouva +la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla a Fauquemberghe, pres l'ost du +roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et en partit le 24. apres dejeuner, +et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cite d'Arras; et ce jour il +mangea du poisson, a cause de la veille de Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit +d'Arras apres disner, et alla coucher a Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. apres +disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de +Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner a +Gand, ou mademoiselle de Bourgoyne etoit restee. + +"Le mardy premier Aout, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha au +village d'Aichen, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. apres +disner, et coucha a Ancre. Il en partit le 3. apres disner, et coucha a +Curleu sur Somme, pres ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par l'ost du roy +d'Angleterre, et coucha a Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. qu'il en +partit apres disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et alla coucher a +Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha a Valenciennes, d'ou il partit le 18. +apres disner, souppa a Cambray, et alla coucher a Peronne. Il y disna le +20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher a +Cambray. Le 21. il disna a Valenciennes, coucha a Mons. Le 22. il disna a +Nivelle, et coucha a Namur, ou les ambassadeurs de Naples, Arragon, Venise, +et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aout, entreveue du roy avec le roy +d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre +eux, et que le Dauphin epouseroit la fille de ce roy d'Angleterre." +(Memoires de P. de Cominines, edited by Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii. +p. 216.) + +[41] Another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts +from Commines hereafter. + +[42] The fact of earl Rivers having repaired to the duke of Burgundy +_once_, at the end of April, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the +journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le +sire de Riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en +fut regale." (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbe Lenglet du +Fresnoy, 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The +King's ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls +(doctor Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii. +p. 175.) + +[43] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour. + +[44] Hall, following this part of Commines's narrative, on mentioning this +English herald, adds, "whome Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth +Garter borne in Normandy, for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no +estraunger." The office of Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert, +who was appointed in 28 Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the +son-in-law of Bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large +materials for his biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the +College of Arms, but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's +assertion, or Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy. + +[45] The constable of France, Jacques de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol. +After temporising between Burgundy and France at this crisis, he paid the +penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to Louis, by whom he +was decapitated before the end of the year (Dec. 19, 1475). + +[46] Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, the mother of the queen of England, was +one of the constable's sisters. The constable was also connected by +marriage with king Louis, who called him "brother" from their having +married two sisters. The relationship of all the principal actors in the +transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:-- + + Pierre Louis Charles VII. Richard + Comte de St. Pol Duke of Savoy. King of France. Duke of York. + = = = = + | | | | + +-----+ +-----+-----+ +-----+-+ +-----+ + | | | | | | | | + | Louis Comte=Mary of Charlotte=Louis Katharine=Charles=Margaret | + | de St. Pol, Savoy. of Savoy. XI. of Duke of of York.| + | the Constable. France. Burgundy. | + | | + Jacqueline = Richard | + Duchess of | Earl | + Bedford. | Rivers. | + +-+------------------------------------+ +-------+ + | | | + Anthony Lord Scales, Elizabeth Wydville.=King Edward + and Earl Rivers. the Fourth. + +[47] Afterwards the first duke of Norfolk and earl of Derby of their +respective families. + +[48] The narrative is continued on the authority of Commines. + +[49] See the extracts from the register of the Burgundian _maistres +d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. The English camp is described as near +Fauquemberghe on the 22d of July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its +position near Peronne is believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river +Somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time. + +[50] The duke was at Peronne from the 6th to 12th of August. See the note +on his movements before, p. xxiv. + +[51] The last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady +Anne of York, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of Rutland. + +[52] The prudent and conciliatory conduct of Louis XI. towards the English +at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor +Charles V. "Le sage roy de France Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait +que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les +Anglois a tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par +force, Il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne +doit point estre achete par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth +chapter of the second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie +par Christine de Pisan.) + +[53] St. Christ. + +[54] It is printed in Rymer's Collection, vol. xii. p. 14. + +[55] Lord Hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of Burgundy. +Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to William +lord Hastings a yearly pension of 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the +castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on +the 12th July 1474; and another receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated +12th April 1475. (Memoires de P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.) +Commines, in his Sixth Book, chapter ii. relates how he had himself been +the agent who had secured lord Hastings to the Burgundian interest, and how +he subsequently negociated with him on the part of king Louis. Hastings +accepted the French pension, being double the amount of the Burgundian, but +on this occasion, according to Commines, would give no written +acknowledgment. In an interview with the French emissary, Pierre Cleret, of +which Commines in his Book VI. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some +length, he said the money might be put in his sleeve. Cleret left it, +without acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master. + +[56] In the article of plate "his bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave +unto lorde Hastynges then lord chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys, +wherof halfe were gylt and halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every +cuppe or more." Fabyan's Chronicle. + +[57] This passionate interview must have taken place on the 19th or 20th of +August: see the note on the Duke's movements in p. xxiv. + +[58] We are continuing to follow the account of Commines. But the truce, +which was not yet concluded, was made for seven years only; and the dukes +of Burgundy and Britany were not mentioned in the articles. The duke of +Burgundy, shortly after, himself made a truce with France for nine years. +It was dated on the 13th of September, only fifteen days after that of the +English. + +[59] Molinet says, "de quatrevingts a cent chariots de vin." + +[60] The real Childermas day was on the 28th of December; but sir John +Fenn, the editor of the Paston Letters, has suggested that the 28th of +every month was regarded as a Childermas day; for the 28th of June, 1461, +being Childermas, and consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for +the coronation of Edward the Fourth. From other authorities it appears that +the day of the week on which Childermas occurred was regarded as +unfortunate throughout the year. + +[61] Molinet mentions three other names, those of the admiral, the seigneur +de Craon, and the mayor of Amiens. + +[62] According to our London historian, Fabyan, Louis's attire was by no +means becoming: + +"Of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge Lowys +ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge I myght make a longe rehersayl: +but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble man, that was +apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, therfor I passe it +over." + +[63] Commines saw king Edward at the Burgundian court in 1470. On that +occasion he gives him this brief character: "King Edward was not a man of +any great management or foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the +most beautiful prince my eyes ever beheld." + +[64] The documents which bear date on the day of the royal interview are +these, as printed in the edition of Commines by the Abbe Lenglet du +Fresnoy, 1747, 4to. vol. iii:-- + +1. The treaty of truce for seven years between Edward king of France and +England and lord of Ireland and his allies on the one part, and the most +illustrious prince Louis of France (not styled king) and his allies, on the +other. (In Latin.) Dated in a field near Amiens on the 29th August 1475. +The conservators of the truce on the part of the king of England were the +dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the chancellor of England, the keeper of +the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain or deputy +of Calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of France his +brother Charles comte of Beaujeu and John bastard of Bourbon admiral of +France. + +2. Obligation of Louis king of the French to pay to Edward king of England +yearly, in London, during the life of either party, the sum of 50,000 +crowns. (In Latin.) Dated at Amiens on the 29th of August. + +3. A treaty of alliance between king Edward and Louis of France (in Latin) +stipulating, 1. that if either of them were driven from his kingdom, he +should be received in the states of the other, and assisted to recover it. +2. to name commissioners of coinage, which should circulate in their +dominions respectively. 3. that prince Charles, son of Louis, should marry +Elizabeth daughter of the king of England, or, in case of her decease, her +sister Mary. Dated in the field near Amiens, on the 29th of August. + +4. Another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for the +arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of England his uncle +the cardinal Thomas archbishop of Canterbury and his brother George duke of +Clarence, and on the part of Louis of France, Charles archbishop of Lyons +and John comte de Dunois. + +In April 1478 the three years were prolonged by another like term to the +29th August 1481; the letters patent relative to which are printed ibid. p. +536. + +On the 13th Feb. 1478-9 the truce was renewed for the lives of both +princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king Louis +obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the 50,000 +crowns during that term: the documents relating to this negotiation are +printed ibid. pp. 560--570. + +[65] Molinet, in his account of the conference, states that it lasted for +an hour and a half, and that a principal topic of discussion was the +conduct of the constable, Louis showing a letter, in which the constable +had engaged to harass the English army as soon as it was landed. + +[66] This Gascon gentleman is a person of some interest, from his name +being mentioned by Caxton. He was resident at the English court, as a +servant of Anthony lord Scales (the queen's brother) as early as the year +1466, when in a letter, dated at London, on the 16th of June, he challenged +sir Jehan de Chassa, a knight in the retinue of the duke of Burgundy, to do +battle with him in honour of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately +after the performance of the intended combat in London between the lord +Scales and the bastard of Burgundy. His letter of challenge, in which he +terms the king of England his sovereign lord, is printed in the Excerpta +Historica, 1831, p. 216; and that of sir Jehan de Chassa accepting it at p. +219, addressed, _A treshonnoure escueire Louys de Brutallis_. His own +signature is _Loys de Brutalljs_. The encounter is thus noticed in the +Annals of William of Wyrcestre: "Et iij^o die congressi sunt pedestres in +campo, in praesencia regis, Lodowicus Bretailles cum Burgundiae; deditque Rex +honorem ambobus, attamen Bretailles habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by +Olivier de la Marche: "On the morrow Messire Jehan de Cassa and a Gascon +squire named Louis de Brettailles, servant of Mons. d'Escalles, did arms on +foot: and they accomplished these arms without hurting one another much. +And on the morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein Messire Jean de +Chassa had great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance." +Lowys de Bretaylles, as his name is printed by Caxton, was still attendant +upon the same nobleman, then earl Rivers, in 1473, when he went to the +pilgrimage of St. James in Galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after +sailing from Southampton, he lent to the earl the Book of _Les Dictes +Moraux des Philosophes_, written in French by Johan de Tronville, which the +earl translated, and caused it to be printed by Caxton, as _The Dicts and +Sayings of the Philosophers_, in 1477. + +[67] Fabyan's Chronicle. + +[68] The former importance and power of the constable are thus described by +Commines: "Some persons may perhaps hereafter ask, Whether the king alone +was not able to have ruined him? I answer, No; for his territories lay just +between those of the king and the duke of Burgundy: he had St. Quintin +always, and another strong town in Vermandois: he had Ham and Bohain, and +other considerable places not far from St. Quintin, which he might always +garrison with what troops (and of what country) he pleased. He had four +hundred of the king's men at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and +made his own musters,--by which means he feathered his nest very well, for +he never had his complement. He had likewise a salary of forty-five +thousand francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed +into Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all +this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest +in France, and a greater in Burgundy, on account of his kinsmen." + +[69] None had actually been made with Burgundy by the treaty of the 29th of +August. Commines certainly wrote under a misapprehension in that respect, +as well as upon the number of years of the truce with England. + +[70] Besides the lady Margaret there were two sons: Maximilian, afterwards +the emperor Maximilian, and Philip. There was a contract of marriage in +1479 between the latter and the lady Anne of England, one of the daughters +of Edward the Fourth. (Rymer, xii. 110.) + +[71] Margaret herself was eventually rejected by Charles VIII. who was +nearly nine years her senior. When he had the opportunity of marrying the +heiress of Bretagne, and thereby annexing that duchy to France, Margaret +was sent back to her father in 1493, and afterwards married in 1497 to John +infante of Castile, and in 1501 to Philibert duke of Savoy. She +subsequently nearly yielded to the suit of Charles Brandon lord Lisle, +(afterwards the husband of Mary queen dowager of France,) who was made duke +of Suffolk by his royal master in order to be more worthy of her +acceptance; but at last she died childless in 1530, after a widowhood of +six and twenty years, and a long and prosperous reign as regent of the +Netherlands. + +[72] Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 172. + +[73] "Whiche book was translated and thystoryes openly declared by the +ordinaunce and desyre of the noble auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf, of +the countee of Norfolk banerette, lyvyng' the age of four score yere, +excercisyng' the warrys in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees for +the diffence and universal welfare of bothe royames of Englond' and' +Fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the fayte of armes haunting, and in +admynystryng Justice and polytique governaunce under thre kynges, that is +to wete, Henry the fourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, And was +governour of the duchye of Angeou and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of +many townys, castellys, and fortressys in the said Royame of Fraunce, +havyng' the charge and saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and +rewlynge thre honderd' speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, And yeldyng' +good' acompt of the foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd' +kynges and to theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan +regent of Fraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of Excestre, Thomas duc of +Clarence, and other lyeutenauntes." This may be considered as a grateful +tribute from William of Worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died +in or about 1484), to the memory of his ancient master, sir John Fastolfe, +who had died in 1460. The biography of William of Worcestre was written by +the Rev. James Dallaway in the Retrospective Review, vol. xvi. p. 451; and +reprinted in 4to. 1823, in his volume entitled "William Wyrcestre +redivivus: Notices of Ancient Church Architecture, particularly in +Bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of Worcestre's life +is that given by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope in his History of Castle Combe, +1852, 4to. + +[74] He has recorded that in 1473 he presented a copy of his translation to +bishop Waynflete,--"but received no reward!" His version was not made from +the original, but from the French of Laurentius de Primo Facto, or du +Premier-Faict: an industrious French translator, who flourished from 1380 +to 1420. + +[75] Bale, in his list of the works of Worcestre, whom he notices under his +_alias_ of Botoner, mentions _Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf_, lib. I, +(commencing) "Anno Christi 1421, et anno regni--" + +Oldys (in the Biographia Britannica, 1750, p. 1907) attributes to Worcestre +"a particular treatise, gratefully preserving the life and deeds of his +master, under the title of _Acta Domini Johannis Fastolff_, which we hear +is still in being, and has been promised the publick;" but in the second +edition of Oldys's life of Fastolfe (Biographia Britannica, 1793, v. 706), +we find merely this note substituted: "This is mentioned in the Paston +Letters, iv. p. 78." The letter there printed is one addressed by John Davy +to his master John Paston esquire after sir John Fastolfe's death. It +relates to inquiries made of one "Bussard" for evidences relative to +Fastolfe's estate; and it thus concludes: "he seyth the last tyme that he +wrot on to William Wusseter it was beffor myssomyr, and thanne he wrote a +Cronekyl of Jerewsalem and the Jornes that my mayster dede whyl he was in +Fraunce, that God on his sowle have mercy, and he seyth that this drew more +than xx whazerys (quires) off paper, and this wrytyng delyvered onto +Wursseter, and non other, ne knowyth not off non other be is feyth." It +appears, I think, very clearly that this passage was misunderstood by +Oldys, or his informant, and that the historian of the "journeys" and +valiant acts of sir John Fastolfe was not Worcestre, but the person called +Bussard. It is not impossible that the person whom John Davy meant by that +name was Peter Basset, who is noticed in the next page. + +Mr. Benjamin Williams, in the Preface to "Henrici Quinti Gesta," (printed +for the English Historical Society, 1850,) says of Worcestre that "he wrote +the _Acts of Sir John Fastolfe_, contained in the volume from which this +chronicle is extracted," _i.e._ the Arundel MS. XLVIII. in the College of +Arms; but that statement appears to have been carelessly made, without +ascertaining that the volume contained any such "Acts." "Also (Mr. Williams +adds) the _Acts of John Duke of Bedford_ (MS. Lambeth);" but those "Acts" +again are not an historical or biographical memoir, but a collection of +state papers and documents relating to the English occupation of France, +which will be found described in Archdeacon Todd's Catalogue of the Lambeth +Manuscripts as No. 506. Its contents are nearly identical with those of a +volume in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, MSS. No. 41, as will +be found on comparison with Sir Henry Ellis's Catalogue of that collection, +p. 17. The latter is the volume which Oldys, in his life of sir John +Fastolfe, in the Biographia Britannica 1750, has described at p. 1907 as a +"quarto book some time in the custody of the late Brian Fairfax esquire, +one of the Commissioners of the Customs," and of which Oldys attributes the +collection to the son of William of Worcestre, because a dedicatory letter +from that person to king Edward the Fourth is prefixed to the volume. + +Another very valuable assemblage of papers of the like character, and which +may also be regarded as part of the papers of sir John Fastolfe, is +preserved in the College of Arms, MS. Arundel XLVIII., and is fully +described by Mr. W. H. Black in his Catalogue of that collection, 8vo. +1829. This is the volume from which Hearne derived the Annals of William of +Worcestre, and Mr. Benjamin Williams one of his chronicles of the reign of +Henry the Fifth. + +It is probable that the Lambeth MS. was formerly in the Royal Library, for +abstracts of some of its more important documents, in the autograph of King +Edward the Sixth, are preserved in the MS. Cotton. Nero C. x. These have +been printed in the Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth, pp. 555-560. + +[76] From the authority of Tanner and Oldys, we gather that there was +formerly a volume in the library of the College of Arms, bearing the +following title: "Liber de Actis Armorum et Conquestus Regni Franciae, +ducatus Normanniae, ducatus Alenconiae, ducatus Andegaviae et Cenomanniae, &c. +Compilatus fuit ad nobilem virum Johannem Fastolff, baronem de Cyllye +guillem vel Cylly quotem, &c. 1459, per Pet. Basset armig." (Tanner, +Bibliotheca Britannica, 1748, p. 79; Oldys, Biographia Britannica, 1750, +iii. 1903, again, p. 1906; and 2nd edit. 1793, v. 701.) Both Tanner and +Oldys describe this book as being in the Heralds' Office at London, but it +is not now to be found there; and is certainly not a part of the Arundel +MS. XLVIII. the contents of which curious and valuable volume are minutely +described in the Catalogue of the collection by Mr. W. H. Black, F.S.A. + +[77] Bale (Scriptores Brytanniae, vii. 80, Folio, 1557, p. 568,) describes +Peter Basset as an esquire of noble family, and an attendant upon Henry the +Fifth in his bedchamber throughout that monarch's career. Bale states that +this faithful esquire wrote the memoirs of his royal master, very fully, +from his cradle to his grave, in the English language; and we find that the +work was known to the chronicler Hall, who quotes Basset in regard to the +disease of which the king died. It is remarkable, however, that this work, +like that formerly in the College of Arms, mentioned in the preceding note +(if it were not the same), has now disappeared; and the name of Basset has +been unknown to Mr. Benjamin Williams and Mr. Charles Augustus Cole, the +editors of recent collections on the reign of Henry the Fifth for the +English Historical Society and the series of the present Master of the +Rolls, (1850 and 1858,) as also to Sir N. Harris Nicolas, the historian of +the Battle of Agincourt, and the Rev. J. Endell Tyler, the biographer of +King Henry of Monmouth (2 vols. 8vo. 1838). + +[78] Its real author is supposed to have been AEgidius Romanus, or De +Columna, who was bishop of Berri, and died in 1316. See Les Manuscrits +Francois de la Bibliotheque du Roi, par M. Paulin Paris, 1836, i. 224. It +was printed at Rome in 1482, and at Venice in 1598: see Cave, Historia +Literaria, vol. ii. p. 340. Thomas Occleve, the contemporary of Chaucer, +wrote a poem _De Regimine Principum_, founded, to a certain extent, upon +the work of AEgidius, but applied to the events of his own time, and +specially directed to the instruction of the prince of Wales, afterwards +King Henry V. The Roxburghe Club has recently committed the editorship of +this work to Mr. Thomas Wright, F.S.A. + +[79] Preface to The Buke of the Order of Knyghthede (Abbotsford Club, +1847,) p. xxiii. + +[80] Ames's Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, iii. 198. Moule +(Bibliotheca Heraldica, 1822, p. 12,) conjectures that this may have been +the same with "A Treatise of Nobility," by John Clerke, mentioned by Wood, +in his Athenae Oxonienses, as being also a translation from the French; this +was printed in 12mo, 1543. (Ath. Oxon. edit. Bliss, i. 205.) In that case +the name of _Larke_ is an error of Ames. + +[81] Wyer also printed "The Boke of Knowledge," a work on prognostics in +physic, and on astronomy (Dibdin's Ames, iii. 199, 200), and "The Book of +Wysdome, spekyng of vyces and vertues, 1532." (ibid. p. 175.) + +[82] Typographical Antiquities, first edition, iii. 1527. + +[83] Mr. B. B. Woodward, F.S.A. the author of a History of Hampshire now in +progress, kindly undertook for me to search the records of the city of +Winchester in order to discover, if possible, any information in +elucidation of this document; but he found them in so great confusion, that +at present it is impossible to pursue such an inquiry with any hope of +success. + +[84] _Here is written above the line, in a later hand_, yn yo^r most noble +persone and + +[85] _In MS._ whiche whan + +[86] _MS._ of + +[87] _These words are inserted by a second hand._ + +[88] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._ + +[89] _sc._ weight + +[90] _MS._ infinitee + +[91] _MS._ to + +[92] _MS._ if it + +[93] _MS._ defoule + +[94] _MS._ be that + +[95] _MS._ they + +[96] _MS._ it is + +[97] _The words_ thowsands and _are inserted above the line._ + +[98] _Added by second hand._ + +[99] _Altered by second hand to_ youre + +[100] _Inserted above the line by a second hand._ + +[101] _qu._? yet + +[102] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[103] _Added by second hand._ + +[104] _This passage is inserted by the second hand._ + +[105] _Added by second hand._ + +[106] _The Hague._ + +[107] _So the MS._ + +[108] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[109] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[110] _MS._ cons. + +[111] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[112] _The word_ king _has been erased, and altered to_ prince. + +[113] _The insertion occupying the ensuing page is written by the second +hand in the margin._ + +[114] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[115] overthrow _in MS._ + +[116] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[117] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[118] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[119] _Added in the margin by second hand._ + +[120] _Added by second hand in the margin._ + +[121] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[122] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[123] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[124] _So in MS._ + +[125] _Inserted by third hand._ + +[126] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[127] _Inserted by the second hand._ + +[128] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[129] ? all. + +[130] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[131] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[132] _The word_ innocent _is written by some Lancastrian over an erasure_. + +[133] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[134] _Added by second hand._ + +[135] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[136] _So in the MS._ + +[137] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[138] _So in MS._ + +[139] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[140] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[141] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[142] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[143] _So in the MS._ + +[144] _MS._ youre. + +[145] _MS._ of. + +[146] _MS._ they owre. + +[147] of _in MS._ + +[148] _Added by second hand._ + +[149] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[150] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[151] _In the margin is here placed the following note respecting Dame +Christina of Passy:--_ "Notandum est quod Cristina [fuit] domina praeclara +natu et moribus, et manebat in domo religiosarum dominarum apud Passye +prope Parys; et ita virtuosa fuit quod ipsa exhibuit plures clericos +studentes in universitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures libros +virtuosos, utpote _Liber Arboris Bellorum_, et doctores racione eorum +exhibicionis attribuerunt nomen autoris Christinae, sed aliquando nomen +autoris clerici studentis imponitur in diversis libris; et vixit circa +annum Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno Christi 1400." + +[152] _Inserted by second hand in the margin._ + +[153] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[154] _MS._ goodis. + +[155] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[156] _MS._ startees. + +[157] _So in MS._ + +[158] Sir John Fastolfe. + +[159] _This word has been in the MS. by error altered to_ stode, _which +belongs to the next line_. + +[160] _So. in MS._ + +[161] _MS._ wounding. + +[162] _This word is written on an erasure._ + +[163] _So in the MS._ + +[164] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[165] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[166] _Written over an erasure._ + +[167] _MS._ nede or of. + +[168] _Written on an erasure._ + +[169] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[170] _So in the MS._ + +[171] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[172] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[173] _MS._ youre. + +[174] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[175] _MS._ Gentiles. + +[176] _Written on an erasure._ + +[177] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[178] _Written on an erasure._ + +[179] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[180] _MS._ excersing. + +[181] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[182] _Inserted by second hand._ + +[183] _So in MS. sc._ stir? + +[184] _So in MS._ + +[185] _MS._ where. + + * * * * * + + +Corrections made to printed original. + +Page xxxvi. "the gate should be delivered up": 'he delivered' in original. + +Page 38. "the seneschalcie of Pierregort": 'of of' (across line break) in +original. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Boke of Noblesse, by Unknown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOKE OF NOBLESSE *** + +***** This file should be named 33953.txt or 33953.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/9/5/33953/ + +Produced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper, Keith Edkins and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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