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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/33920-h.zip b/33920-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..0dc34c2 --- /dev/null +++ b/33920-h.zip diff --git a/33920-h/33920-h.htm b/33920-h/33920-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eb3f42a --- /dev/null +++ b/33920-h/33920-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1584 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Menace of Prohibition, by Lulu Wightman. + </title> + + <style type="text/css"> + + p {margin-top: .75em; text-align: justify; margin-bottom: .75em;} + + body {margin-left: 12%; margin-right: 12%;} + + .pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right; font-style: normal;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + + hr {width: 33%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 2em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; clear: both;} + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + .blockquot {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + .note {margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%;} + + .right {text-align: right;} + .center {text-align: center;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + .bbox {border: solid 2px; color: gray; margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + a:link {color:#0000ff; text-decoration:none} + a:visited {color:#6633cc; text-decoration:none} + + .spacer {padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;} + + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .border {border-style: solid; border-width: 7px; margin: auto; width: 80%;} + .border2 {border-style: solid; border-width: 2px; margin: auto; padding: 3em; width: 60%;} + + p.dropcap:first-letter{float: left; padding-right: 3px; font-size: 250%; line-height: 83%; width:auto;} + .caps {text-transform:uppercase;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Menace of Prohibition, by Lulu Wightman + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Menace of Prohibition + +Author: Lulu Wightman + +Release Date: October 17, 2010 [EBook #33920] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MENACE OF PROHIBITION *** + + + + +Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by The Internet Archive/American +Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<div class="border2"> +<h1>THE MENACE<br /><i>of</i><br />PROHIBITION</h1> +<h3>BY</h3> +<h2>LULU WIGHTMAN</h2> +<h4>ADVOCATE OF CIVIL AND<br />RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.</h4> +<p class="figcenter"><img src="images/title.jpg" alt="" /></p> +<p> </p> +<p class="note">They that can give up essential liberty to +obtain a little temporary safety deserve +neither liberty nor safety.—<i>Patrick Henry</i></p> +<p> </p> +<p class="center"><b>Price 10 Cents</b></p></div> +<p> </p> +<p class="center"><b>Los Angeles Printing Co.<span class="spacer"> </span>314 West First Street.</b></p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<div class="note"> +<h2><span class="u">GREAT QUESTIONS OF THE HOUR</span></h2> + +<p>A pamphlet containing a series of Mrs. Wightman’s Lectures on themes of +absorbing interest——about the very things that <span class="u">YOU</span> are <span class="u">THINKING</span> and +<span class="u">TALKING</span> about <span class="u">TO-DAY!</span></p> + +<p class="note"> +—the all-important questions<br /> +—the perplexing questions<br /> +—the paramount questions</p> + +<p>Mrs. Wightman’s views on public matters—political, religious and +economic—should claim the serious attention of every citizen of the +United States.</p> + +<p class="center">A Third Edition necessary to meet the demand</p> +<p class="center">64 pages, with portrait of the author, good paper, clear type, attractive cover.</p> +<p class="center">PRICE, 25 CENTS, BY MAIL, POSTPAID</p> +<p class="center">Write Name and Address Plainly</p> +<p class="center">Address the Author</p> +<p class="center"><big>Mrs. LULU WIGHTMAN</big></p> +<p class="center">314 West First St., Los Angeles, Cal.</p></div> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<h2>THE MENACE of PROHIBITION</h2> + +<h3>BY LULU WIGHTMAN</h3> + +<p><br />“No man in America has any right to rest contented and easy and +indifferent, for never before, not even in the time of the Civil War, +have all the energies and all the devotion of the American democracy +been demanded for the perpetuity of American institutions, for the +continuance of the American republic against foes without and more +insidious foes within than in the year of grace 1916.”</p> + +<p class="blockquot"><i>—Hon. Elihu Root, in address before the New York State Bar +Association, Hotel Astor, New York, January 15th, 1916.</i></p> + +<p> </p> +<p class="center">Copyright, 1916, by Lulu Wightman</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<h2>PREFACE</h2> + +<p class="dropcap"><span class="caps">Most</span> writers, in viewing the question of Prohibition, have followed +along a beaten track. They have confined themselves generally to +consideration of moral, economic, and religious phases of the subject.</p> + +<p>While I have not entirely ignored these phases, I have chiefly engaged +in the task of pointing out a particular phase that it appears to me +entirely outweighs all others put together; namely, that of the effect +of Prohibition, in its ultimate and practical workings, upon the +political—the structure of American civil government.</p> + +<p>I have endeavored to steer clear of its professions and obsessions, all +of which can be of little consequence in the light of my contention that +the major matter with which Prohibition is concerned is the capture and +overturning of our present system of jurisprudence; and that the danger +threatening from this tendency is real and foreboding I have +conscientiously tried to make clear in these pages.</p> + +<p>That National Prohibition is an approaching enemy to free government, of +which the people should be warned even at the risk of being grossly +misunderstood, is my opinion. From the watch-towers of American liberty +the warning should go forth. For my own part, I feel well-repaid with +the conscientious effort I have made in “The Menace of Prohibition.”</p> + +<p class="right">LULU WIGHTMAN.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p> </p><p> </p> +<div class="bbox" style="width: 329px; height: 375px;"><img src="images/author.jpg" alt="" /></div> +<p class="center">LULU WIGHTMAN.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="5" summary="table"> +<tr><td> </td><td align="right"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> +<tr><td>A False Principle</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Political Power the Object</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Political Activities at Washington</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Prohibition and Sunday Laws</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Sumptuary Laws Increasing</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>A Dangerous Combination</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>An Old-Time Fallacy</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Industrial Conditions Responsible</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>he Opinion of an Economist</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Effects of Prohibition</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Collective Tyranny in Government</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td></tr> +<tr><td>Prohibition Censorship Despotic</td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr></table> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> + +<div class="border"><p class="note">We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created +equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain +inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the +pursuit of happiness.—<i>The Declaration of Independence.</i></p></div> + +<p> </p> +<p><b>John Stuart Mill defines Prohibition in this language:</b></p> + +<p>“Prohibition: A theory of ‘social rights’ which is nothing short of +this—that it is the absolute right of every individual that every other +individual shall act in every respect exactly as he ought; that +whosoever fails thereof in the smallest particular violates my social +rights and entitles me to demand from the legislature the removal of the +grievance. So monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any +single interference with liberty;—there is no violation of liberty +which it would not justify.”</p> + +<p>And in the light of the last sentence, “so monstrous a principle is far +more dangerous than any single interference with liberty;—there is no +violation of liberty which it would not justify,” the writer would +especially examine this modern crusaders movement for Prohibition. Many +other writers have viewed the question from sociological, economic, and +religious standpoints; but the <b>principle</b> of the thing,—that in which it +is based—a “monstrous” principle, which, as Mill says, “<b>is far more +dangerous than any single interference with liberty</b>,” deserves more +serious consideration than any other phase of the question: a principle, +in fact, of intolerant coercion as against the great principle of +individual liberty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> so thoroughly established as the inherent right of +the citizen at the very inception of this government in the Western +world.</p> + +<p>To do justice to this particular phase of the question of Prohibition—a +principle so dangerous and “monstrous” that there is “no violation of +liberty which it would not justify”—it is necessary to be courageous, +honest, unafraid, and not “soaked to the pulp in the pseudo-puritanical, +moral antiseptic bath of conventional prejudices.” Here in America we +have had enough of base misrepresentation, rotten hypocrisy, and +sugar-coated sentimentality. What we really need now is honesty of +purpose and courage of conviction, let the criticizing mob be of “the +upper ten thousand or lower,” it matters not.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>A False Principle</h2> + + +<p><b>What Is the Real Menace of Prohibition?</b></p> + +<p>It is the false <b>principle</b> from which it derives its life and being. “We +are the good people,” say the moral reformers: “you are the bad; +therefore it is the duty of the good people to seek control of the +government and to enact laws that will make you bad people good.” The +platform of the Prohibition Party of Ohio states it in a different way, +but in essence it is the same thing:</p> + +<p>“The Prohibition Party of Ohio ... recognizing Almighty God, revealed in +Jesus Christ, and accepting the law of God as the ultimate standard of +right ... the referendum in all matters of legislation not distinctively +moral.”</p> + +<p>In this scheme of government, as it is plainly revealed, “the law of +God” as it would be <b>interpreted</b> by the Prohibitionists, would be the +supreme standard of all matters distinctively moral, and the initiative +and <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>referendum would be relied upon, and allowed in all matters of +legislation “<b>not</b> distinctively moral.”</p> + +<p>This was exactly what happened in the Dark Ages and early New England: +“good people” sought and secured the control of the government, “the law +of God” was made “the ultimate standard of right” as interpreted by the +“good people” in power, and the “bad people” were put to the torture.</p> + +<p>As the result of just such a scheme, barbaric practices reigned in the +name of law: thumb-screw and rack were brought into requisition, Calvin +burned Servetus, Quakers were hanged and witches burned, Roger Williams +banished, and Mary Dyer hung by the neck until she was dead,—and all +because “Almighty God, revealed in Jesus Christ,” was recognized in +government, and “the law of God” made the ultimate standard of right.</p> + +<p>But between “Almighty God” and “the law of God” there always stood the +interpreter of that law, and the bigoted, blinded, fanatical follower of +Creed who mistook his creed for God, and his <b>will</b> and <b>opinion</b> for the +law of God. Had God and His law been left alone, no possible harm could +have resulted.</p> + +<p>Under this scheme of religious and moral government, Jews, agnostics, +and non-Christian elements, and even Christians that do not acquiesce in +the scheme, have no recognition; and under the administration of the +moral reform element would have no place in the country, except on +sufferance! And just what would happen to people who repudiated a +church-and-state system of government like this! Let us see:</p> + +<p>The Prohibitionist invariably argues that “the God of the Bible” +authorizes Prohibition in civil government; it is religious, and a Bible +doctrine, he contends, and therefore should receive recognition not only +by the people, but by the government as well; and all who cannot,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +whether from conscientious scruples or other reasons, agree with them, +are opponents of “the God of the Bible,” of true religion, and of +government. Very frequently the charge of “anarchist” is hurled against +those who cannot agree with them, and ofttimes the most unscrupulous and +un-Christian methods are resorted to, to crush out all opposition. And +what the opponents of Prohibition might expect, if Prohibition ever +reaches the zenith of political power, may be determined from a +statement by Rev. E. B. Graham, in a speech made at York, Neb. He said:</p> + +<p>“We might add, in all justice, if the opponents of the Bible do not like +our government and its Christian features, let them go to some wild and +desolate land, and in the name of the devil and for the sake of the +devil, subdue it, and set up a government of their own on infidel and +atheistic ideas; and then if they can stand it, stay there till they +die.”</p> + +<p>The foregoing, at least, shows some of the Christian features (?) of the +program of the Reform party. The program winds up with the banishment of +the minority to some wild and desolate land where they may remain until +they die! The trouble is, if liberty-loving citizens of the United +States, jealous of their rights and constitutional guaranties and +determined to preserve them even to the point of quitting their beloved +country, should go to some wild and desolate land, and set up a +government where they could enjoy religious and personal freedom, it +would not satisfy the Prohibition moral-reform forces. All past history +shows that they would follow to the wild and desolate land, and destroy, +if possible, every vestige of such government as was opposed to their +narrow and intolerant ideas!</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p> +<h2>Political Power the Object</h2> + +<p>The initiative and referendum is good enough for the Prohibition Party +when applied to “all matters of legislation not distinctively moral;” +but when morals are involved, “the law of God” only is binding, and the +initiative and referendum is repudiated. Their <b>interpretation</b> of the +demands of “the law of God”—not actually the law itself—would become +the supreme law of the land, and all the power of the government, in +their hands, would be set to enforcing it. Need it be said that this +would be repeating the history of the Dark Ages and Medieval times in +the most accurate detail!</p> + +<p>Mr. Eugene W. Chafin, Prohibition candidate for president, in 1912, +said:</p> + +<p>“I don’t want any person who claims to be a party Prohibitionist—a +middle-of-the-road Prohibitionist—ever to sign another petition, or ask +Congress or any legislature anywhere under the American flag to pass any +prohibitive laws on the liquor question. We don’t want any laws of any +kind whatever passed. <b>All we want is to be elected to power....</b> Elect us +to power, and we will repeal a few laws and do the rest by +<b>interpretation</b> of the constitution and <b>administration</b> of the +government.”</p> + +<p>Mr. Ferdinand Cowle Inglehart, N. Y., Supt., of the Anti-Saloon League, +in the <b>Review of Reviews</b>, February, 1915, page 216, said:</p> + +<p>“The pastors and members of the churches turned the State (Oregon) into +<b>an organized political camp</b>.”</p> + +<p>This was indeed a frank confession upon the part of Mr. Inglehart. He +might have truthfully added that it was the Anti-Saloon League which was +the moving spirit that invaded the churches and spurred on the “pastors +and members of the churches” to turn the sovereign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> State of Oregon into +“<b>an organized political camp</b>.” A political camp is, beyond question, +organized for political ends. Prohibition in Oregon, as elsewhere, was +the “Cheshire cheese,” and political power the goal of its ambition. And +now in Oregon, as elsewhere, we shall hear the cry: “Now that we have +Prohibition, we must fill the public offices with ‘good men’ to enforce +the law: ‘turn the rascals out’ and put good men in office”; and, of +course, “good men” must be Prohibitionists always. None others need +apply. Oh, it is a fine scheme; but unfortunately, it takes no +cognizance of the <b>minority</b>—those who are quite equal in American +citizenship, and who lose none of their civil rights by virtue of their +being the <b>minority</b>.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Political Activities at Washington</h2> + + +<p>Mr. L. Ames Brown, in “Prohibition and Politics,” published in the <b>North +American Review</b> of December, 1915, points to some of the features of the +Anti-Saloon League programme, in the nationalization of prohibition—a +very interesting and valuable contribution upon the subject. Very +accurately—and apparently without any prejudices—Mr. Brown shows the +workings of the Prohibitionists in the political.</p> + +<p>He calls attention to the Prohibition rider in the District of Columbia +Appropriation Bill, “an amendment to the District Bill to foist +prohibition upon the people of the District without a referendum,” and +continuing, says:</p> + +<p>“The Prohibitionists, with one or two exceptions, refused to listen to +suggestions that the legislation be submitted to a vote of the District +of Columbia, thus disregarding the principle of self-government which +they had agitated so vigorously in local option campaigns.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>In this attempt to force the people of the District to submit to their +dictation, and to keep them from voting upon the measure, the +Prohibitionists showed clearly that they were <b>without regard for the +sentiment of the people to be affected</b>. This was evidently one of those +“distinctively moral” questions upon which the people are not supposed +to vote—or at least are not to be allowed to vote, if the +Prohibitionists can have their way—but in this act at the seat of +government, they have, indeed, given proof of their absolute disregard +for the principle of self-government which they prate so much about in +local option campaigns. They have shown to what lengths they would go, +if they could.</p> + +<p>Mr. Brown is authority for the statement that had this District Bill +gone to President Wilson without a provision for a <b>referendum</b>, he would +have immediately vetoed it.</p> + +<p>According to Mr. Brown, the Anti-Saloon League is strongly intrenched at +Washington. He says that it “maintains at Washington one of the most +powerful lobbies ever seen at the National Capital,” and regarding its +influence upon the nation’s law-makers he has this to say:</p> + +<p>“Its representatives, backed by an organized influence of public +opinion, are enabled to dictate the attitude of a considerable number of +Congressmen on a pending question, with the result that Congressmen +oftentimes are driven to vote against their own views and their own +consciencies in favor of measures advocated by the lobby.”</p> + +<p>Mr. Brown gives a very lucid account of the bold and defiant activities +of the powerful Anti-Saloon League lobby at Washington—and as to the +results, he has this to say:</p> + +<p>“The harmful effect of such a lobbying enterprise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> upon our system of +government does not admit of controversy.”</p> + +<p>Mr. Brown is convincing to the reader in his conclusions of “Prohibition +and Politics” which, to sum up, may be stated as—<b>A GROWING AND +INSIDIOUS POWER IN THE POLITICAL REALM, INIMICAL TO THE AMERICAN +INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT</b>. And if a rapidly growing power, which was +practically unknown a decade ago, is so great in <b>politics</b> and <b>government</b> +today, what may we expect a decade hence!</p> + +<p>The Prohibition movement then, unquestionably, is simply a means to an +end,—the stepping-stone to political power,—the pathway to the goal of +political ambition; and it seems only fair to presume that all the hue +and cry over drunkenness and the inability of some men to control their +natural appetites is, after all, only a minor matter; but the question +of seizing the political power, and filling governmental offices only +with “good men” is the major matter. And the real issue, power to rule +and to enjoy the emoluments of public office. And the real menace, the +overturning of the present system of government wherein the privileges +and rights of the individual are safeguarded, and the setting up of a +new standard of authority, namely, “the law of God” as <b>interpreted</b> by +the Prohibitionists and moral reformers. <b>And it is the interpretation +that is to be feared!</b></p> + +<p>The remotest possibility of the success of such an unjust, un-American, +illiberal and dangerous form of tyranny in government, should alarm the +American people beyond and above every other question, even that of war; +and should set them to the task of a close analysis of the subject and +trend of Prohibition.</p> + +<p>When the true American finds that as a result of the outgrowths of the +“monstrous principle,” and under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> rapidly multiplying laws and +regulations, he is forbidden to dispose of his property as he pleases; +forbidden to amuse himself as he pleases on holidays; forbidden to read +what books he pleases and to look at what pictures he pleases; to dress, +think and drink as he pleases, he will set his face like a flint against +the tyrannical and inquisitorial demands of the modern Crusaders, and he +will attempt to halt their inroads and innovations on the government. +The ballot-box is his opportunity. There he may register his +disapprobation, and put a curb on the restless, uneasy, political +charlatan who, under the guise of moral reform, would seize the +machinery of political government and make it an engine of tyranny and +oppression.</p> + +<p>It must be kept in mind that the clerical politicians of the Prohibition +party (no distinction can be made between the Prohibition Party and the +Anti-Saloon League: they are one and the same in intent and purpose) are +interested not merely in the enactment of prohibitory liquor laws. They +want laws prohibiting everything that does not conform to their +interpretation of theological dogmas.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Prohibition and Sunday Laws</h2> + +<p>They are as determined to secure compulsory Sabbath Day observance laws +as they are to obtain Prohibition laws; and wherever and whenever you +find a movement for one, you invariably find, sooner or later, a demand +for the other. Prohibition and Sunday laws go hand in hand. In fact, +they result from the same cause—the desire to control individuals; the +application in civil law of the fallacious theory that it is “the social +right of every individual that every other individual shall act in every +respect exactly as he ought to act.” Nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> is further from the truth +of the principle of free and popular government, and nothing so +destructive of the rights and privileges of man.</p> + +<p>Sunday laws can find no justification except in a church-and-state +system of government which essays to establish a practice grounded in +religious belief; to fix upon a particular rest-day, and say to +individuals how they shall observe that day. A compulsory law for Sunday +or Sabbath observance is equivalent to a law for compulsory baptism, or +compulsory church service, or the support of the church: in like manner, +sumptuary laws that determine what one may not drink, may extend to +defining what one may eat, <b><i>ad infinitum</i></b>, until a thousand and one +articles of food and drink are “unlawful”—articles of diet and +consumption that to a large proportion of the citizens may seem +harmless, if not, indeed, beneficial. The Sabbath law says to you what +you must religiously do; and if it may extend to the observance <b>of a +day</b>, it may extend to <b>all</b> religious duties and practices without +exception: the Prohibition law tells you what you may not <b>drink</b>, and if +it presumes the right to prescribe in the matter of drink, it may extend +to the matter of determining what is fit, and what is not fit, <b>to +eat</b>—and it could continue until a Dietary List and a Fashion Plate had +been fixed by legal enactment. It is not difficult to see that the +Sunday law and Prohibition are quite identical in character; the source +of their origin must be the same: at least, it is plain that their +introduction and operation <b>in civil government</b> is destructive of +personal freedom and choice.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Sumptuary Laws Increasing</h2> + +<p>These restrictions by law are eternally increasing, so that it has +become almost impossible for a citizen of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> the republic to live a single +day without violating one or more laws. In almost every relation of life +the conduct of the American is minutely regulated.</p> + +<p>Many of these restrictions are founded upon a muddled conception of the +public good: their aim would seem to be to protect the innocent +bystander. But we cannot see how the innocent bystander profits, when +the free citizen is forbidden to go fishing on Sunday, to smoke in +public, to see certain plays, to get Anthony Comstock reports and the +Kreutzer Sonata through the mails; to say in public just what he wants +to say—to exercise freedom of speech; to kiss his girl in the parks, or +a woman to wear abbreviated skirts,—<b><i>ad libitum!</i></b></p> + +<p>These prohibitions burden the individual without conferring any +appreciable advantage upon the mass, or even upon other individuals. The +struggle between two wholly different theories of life—the Puritanical +spirit on one hand, and the Liberal spirit on the other—is on, and it +is becoming fiercer every day. Said Congressman Richard Bartholdt, in a +speech made in the House of Representatives:</p> + +<p>“The attempts to further and further restrict our liberties in a Puritan +sense are carried on in the garb of a religious movement, and the +ministers of all churches and the members of all congregations are +constantly called upon for support and money to maintain lobbies in both +the national and state capitals; and these lobbyists are cracking the +whip over our lawmakers, and are urging them to pass more and more +restrictive laws,—laws which in their mistaken zeal, they believe will +make people good. I do not exaggerate, my friends, when I say that if +this movement is not stopped, and stopped soon, the American people +before long will find themselves wrapped up in a network of ‘don’t’s’ +which will completely hamper their freedom of action; and instead<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> of +being freemen in all matters of personal conduct, they will be slaves +fettered by the chains of un-American laws.</p> + +<p>“Permit me, in this connection, to call attention to a most remarkable +fact; namely, that the people in many cases <b>actually vote to enslave +themselves</b>. History tells us of despots who kept their subjects in +perpetual serfdom, and of rulers who robbed the people of their freedom; +but there is no case on record, so far as we know, where the people of +their own volition and by their own votes robbed themselves of their own +birthright. The United States is the first example of this kind. The +history of the human race is <b>a constant struggle for liberty</b>, and every +concession wrung from the oppressors was heralded as a new triumph of +progress and civilization. Here we have the example of a generation +which, though being free, <b>voluntarily surrenders its social liberty and +forges with its own hands the fetters of slavery</b>. Now, can you account +for that? Is it because we do not sufficiently appreciate our heritage +on the theory that what you inherit and what comes to you easily you do +not value as what you have to fight for yourselves? Or is it because the +people do not fully realize just what they are doing <b>by joining forces +with those who are conspiring against their highest interests</b>? I leave +these questions for you to answer. Perhaps we are guilty on both +counts.”</p> + +<p>If the writer were to answer these questions, she would be constrained +to say that the last count is the strongest count: the people do not +realize what they are doing <b>by joining forces with those who are +conspiring against their highest interests</b>. The average American has +become a chronic joiner. He does not stand for something: he must belong +to something. The Prohibition movement comes along and appeals to his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>sentimental and emotional nature. He has been schooled to depend +largely on sentiment, and trained to march with the crowd. To act as a +responsible unit has been practically impossible. He has never thought +upon the question deeply; he has been part of a muddled mass of +humanity, thinking as the mass thought and acting as they acted: he has +not been the soul-free individual he imagined himself to be; his acts +and opinions have been nothing more than weak reflections of the +opinions and acts of the muddled mass. He joins the Prohibition forces, +and thereafter thinks less than before, because, being joined to +something, he can safely trust to that something—the organized mass +which, in turn, thinks and acts just as a few self-appointed and +ambitious leaders think and act. There is no more for him to do now than +to walk up to the polls and vote precisely as he is bidden to do. He has +become a real automaton.</p> + +<p>And he does not once realize that he has <b>joined forces with those who +are conspiring against his highest interests</b>. He helps to pass a law +that takes away his neighbor’s rights and privileges, and does not dream +that in so doing he is taking away his own rights and constitutional +guaranties, and as surely undermining the fabric of our free +institutions and thereby hastening national decay and national ruin.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>A Dangerous Combination</h2> + +<p>Prohibitionists, once they are seated upon the throne of civil power, do +not intend to stop at the passage of laws prohibiting the liquor +traffic. As has already been stated, they are fully as interested in +securing compulsory Sabbath observance laws, and in fact, as stated at +the <small><a name="f1.1" id="f1.1" href="#f1">[1]</a></small>Inter-Church Conference in New York City in 1905, “to secure a +larger combined influence for the churches<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> of Christ in <b>all matters</b> +affecting the <b>moral</b> and <b>social</b> conditions of the people, so as to +promote the application of the law of Christ <b>in every relation of human +life</b>.” This, indeed, means a wide range of activities, and the +individual citizen may well enquire, and with apprehension, as to just +how far this <b>combined influence</b> is to go in its invasion of “<b>every +relation of human life</b>.” If it actually means what it says, and proposes +to invade “every relation of human life” with a string of laws and +regulations as complex and as multitudinous as the relations of human +lives, the student of political government, if not the citizen, may ask +of this gigantic combination of the so-called moral forces of the +country: <b>what will be the ultimatum? Where will it all end? What is to +become of the unit of citizenship?</b></p> + +<p>“Straws show which way the wind is blowing,” is an old saying. In this +connection, the following article—a portion of an editorial—that +appeared in the <b>Sacramento (Cal.) Bee</b>, Oct. 7, 1915, is both interesting +and significant:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>As a further example of the intolerant, domineering and +narrow-minded tendencies of the prohibitionists, witness this +communication recently published by the New York Evening Sun, +signed “Herman Trent, of the Anti-Saloon League,” and dated at +Englewood, New Jersey:</p> + +<p>“Speaking now in my personal capacity, and not as a member of the +Anti-Saloon League, I will say I regard the anti-liquor crusade <b>as +merely the beginning of a much larger movement</b>—a movement that +will have as its watchword ‘Efficiency in Government.’</p> + +<p>“If I had my way I would not only close up the saloons and the +race-tracks. I would close all tobacco shops, confectionery stores, +delicatessen shops<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> and other places where gastronomic deviltries +are purveyed—all low theatres and bathing beaches.</p> + +<p>“I would forbid the selling of gambling devices such as playing +cards, dice, checkers and chess sets; I would forbid the holding of +socialistic, anarchistic and atheistic meetings; I would abolish +the sale of tea and coffee, and I would forbid the making or sale +of pastry, pie, cake and such like trash.”</p></div> + +<p>This at least is consistent. And Mr. Trent is startlingly frank in thus +boldly publishing his programme. In a lecture work extending to all +parts of this country and for a quarter of a century of time, I have +found a great many Herman Trents, and I fear they are increasing, and I +know they are becoming emboldened. After all, are we so far removed from +the blue-law regime of early New England? Be certain of one thing: +<b>today, we would see just such a regime except for a due regard for the +Constitution and a minimum majority of votes</b>.</p> + +<p>As to compulsory Sabbath observance by civil law, we have the +recommendation of the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church, held +in Chicago recently. The resolutions of this national church body were +as follows:</p> + +<p>“That the general assembly reiterates its strong and emphatic +disapproval of all secular uses of the Sabbath day, all games and +sports, in civic life, and also in the army and navy, all unnecessary +traveling and all excursions.</p> + +<p>“That we most respectfully call attention of all public officials to the +potent influence of their position on all moral questions, and the +necessity of greater care on their part, proportioned to the exalted +nature of their offices which they occupy, that they may strengthen +rather than weaken by their influence public and private observance of +the Lord’s day.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span>“That the general assembly reiterates its emphatic condemnation of the +Sunday newspaper, and urges the members of the Presbyterian church to +refuse to subscribe for it or read it or advertise in it.”</p> + +<p>Here is a demand for blue laws, pure and simple. If any American citizen +will read the history of the blue laws of Connecticut, and how Cotton +Mather whipped the people through the streets of early New England towns +for failure to attend Sunday services in the meeting-houses, he will +think seriously before lending a helping hand to the work of +re-inaugurating a social and civil system like that.</p> + +<p>Prohibition and Sunday laws are so closely allied, so thoroughly +interwoven in the acts and lives of our modern reformers, that I may +venture to say that should the Prohibitionists ever gain complete +political power in this country <b>we shall see rigid, intolerant Sunday +laws in comparison to which those early blue laws of Connecticut would +be a delicate shade</b>.</p> + +<p>To doubt this, would be to refute the absolute facts that appear. A +Prohibition nation would be, beyond every reasonable doubt, a +religio-politico system of government in which every spark of the +liberties of the people would be extinguished; and this because, as Mill +says, “so monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any single +interference with liberty;—there is no violation of liberty which it +would not justify.”</p> + +<p>Therefore, we conclude that the principle underlying and giving rise to +Prohibition, should it obtain everywhere, would crush out every vestige +of <b>individual liberty</b>, and its adherents would justify their course by +the “monstrous principle”; namely, that “it is the absolute social right +of every individual that every other individual shall act in every +respect exactly as he ought to act.” Prohibitionists must necessarily +stand for this <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>“monstrous principle,” and therefore, as certainly as +two and two make four, <b>Prohibition is a menace to the American system of +government</b>.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>An Old-Time Fallacy</h2> + +<p>For many years the Prohibitionists have systematically promulgated the +fallacy that the poverty of the working class is caused by drink. And +this they continue to do in face of all the facts, amply proven by all +available statistics, that flatly contradict the fallacy.</p> + +<p>On the question of poverty and drink, the opinion of Francis E. Willard +ought to be accepted by the Prohibitionists first of all. She says:</p> + +<p>“For myself, twenty-three years of study and observation have convinced +me that <b>poverty is the prime cause of intemperance</b>, and that misery is +the mother and hereditary appetite the father of the drink +hallucination.... For this reason I have become an advocate of such <b>a +change in social conditions</b> as shall stamp out the disease of poverty +even as medical science is stamping out leprosy, smallpox, and cholera; +and I believe the age in which we live will yet be characterized as one +of those dark, dismal, and damning ages when some people were so dead to +the love of their kind that they left them in poverty without a +heartache or a blush.”</p> + +<p>An editorial in the <b>New York World</b> some time ago contained the following +significant statement:</p> + +<p>“Only two families in every hundred of the 1575 which have been in the +care of the Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor this +summer were brought to poverty <b>through intemperance</b>. The percentage goes +against preconceived notions and is, indeed, surprisingly small. It +should disturb that prosperous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> complacency which sees in poverty only +or mainly the penalty for wanton misdeed. The Association’s report for +1909 showed that intemperance, imprisonment, desertion, ‘shiftlessness +and inefficiency,’ all told, accounted for not 12 per cent of those +brought to want. The figures for that year showed that 65 per cent of +the poverty was due to two causes—sickness and unemployment.”</p> + +<p>Carroll D. Wright, in the “Eighteenth Annual Report of the Commission of +Labor,” shows that only one-fourth of one per cent of all cases of +non-employment in the United States is due to intemperance.</p> + +<p>During the winter months of 1913-14, the number of unemployed men and +women in the United States was appalling. New York, Chicago, San +Francisco, and the large cities, were taxed to the utmost to care for +the “jobless.”</p> + +<p>It was estimated that New York City had its quota of 400,000 idle, +Chicago 200,000, San Francisco 30,000. Organized armies of the +unemployed clamored for work and for bread, and in the country districts +idle men were everywhere tramping to and fro in search of work. “THE +UNEMPLOYED” was a standing headliner of the public press. Suicides from +inability to find work were startlingly prevalent; and the whole country +was perplexed as to how to adjust complex conditions so as to relieve +untold suffering and misery.</p> + +<p>Were the Prohibitionists on hand at that time with any sort of a +program, solution or panacea for the difficulty? Not at all. All their +efforts were reserved for election day; their energies stored up for the +glad time when well-paid agitators travel the country in Pullman cars to +tell the people of rural communities that “poverty is caused by drink.”</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> +<h2>Industrial Conditions Responsible</h2> + +<p>The fact of the matter is: that in the time when the situation of the +unemployed is most aggravated—when it attracts nation-wide +attention—singularly enough, no voice was raised, either by +individuals, societies, labor organizations, or the press, publicly, +attributing the abnormal and distressing conditions <b>to the drink habit</b>.</p> + +<p>All these know better. They know, as the New York Association discovered +by its investigation, that inability to find work, and sickness, has +brought the great army of idle men and women to their plight. They know +that our productive ability is increasing much more rapidly than our +consumptive capacity, and that the statesmen-ship of this country as +well as that of every other country in the world is grappling not with +any merely individual or national, but with a world problem.</p> + +<p>They know that in China, with its hundreds of millions of frugal, +temperate, hard-toiling people; in Turkey, with its sober, industrious, +Mahomet-worshiping masses; in India, with its almost countless +thousands, governed by strict religious, moral and ethical codes,—the +trouble is identical: <b>it is economic</b>. In the present industrial system +of those lands, as well as our own, there is no longer work enough for +all, not sufficient jobs for the number of toilers, and thus, +necessarily and unfortunately, there must be the great bodies of the +unemployed.</p> + +<p>The trouble lies in the industrial and social system, and not in the +individual primarily, whether he be Turk, Chinaman, Hindoo or Christian. +All the statistics gathered from every available source will bear out +the assertion that <b>the problem is economic</b>, and it is only unwise +presumption that will even attempt to lay these distressing conditions +and results to the drink habit.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span>But you may explode this popular fallacy of the prohibitionist into +atoms, and he persistently gathers together the fragmentary portions of +his fanciful theory, and comes back with the same old story and tells it +in the same old way.</p> + +<p>Perhaps he realizes that to allow its peaceful demise, means to leave +Prohibition standing absolutely without a remedy for the problem of +unemployment or the general industrial conditions of over-production. +Then, having no practical remedy for intemperance, no remedy for the +ills and troubles of the working-class, and no remedy for anything else, +he should graciously step aside and make room for the real +world-movements for improvement and progress along rational and +practical lines of individual and national development.</p> + +<p>He ought to realize that in the final analysis all evils are connected +with life itself, for evil is not in things, but in men or women who +abuse or misuse things. And he should recognize the patent truth that +“you cannot legislate men by civil action into the performance of good +and righteous deeds.”</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>The Opinion of an Economist</h2> + +<p>Mr. J. B. Osborne, in “The Liquor Question—Political, Moral and +Economic Phases,” says:</p> + +<p>“The abolition of poverty and better education for the masses, are the +only remedies for the disease of alcoholism.</p> + +<p>“Alcoholism, however, is not as prevalent as Mr. Chafin or the usual +advocate of Prohibition would have you believe. United States reports +for 1909 show the average number of deaths attributed to alcoholism to +be only 2811; from scalds and burns, 6772; from drowning, 5387; from +poison, 3390; from suicide, 5498; while killed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> and maimed on railroads +we have a total of about 18,000.</p> + +<p>“Certainly no one would advocate the prohibition of water because 5000 +people annually get drowned; nor the abolition of the railroads because +18,000 are killed and maimed annually.</p> + +<p>“Thousands of workingmen lose their lives every year in the coal and +lead mines, but no efforts are made by the prohibitionists to secure +proper ventilation and inspection of the mines or safety appliances for +the railroads. That the State has power to prohibit or abolish the +legalized sale of liquor no intelligent person will deny. The State has +power also to abolish the Church and transform its property into State +property as was recently done in France under the direction of Premier +Clemenceau.</p> + +<p>“The action of the French government in this instance, however, did not +reduce the amount of religion in France; on the contrary, it had the +effect of making the lukewarm churchman more active and zealous in the +church’s cause.</p> + +<p>“Under laws prohibiting the liquor business we find the same results. In +the State of Maine, the oldest prohibition State in the Union, we find +more arrests for drunkenness, in proportion to the population, than in +any State where we have the licensed saloon.</p> + +<p>“All Christian nations have for centuries accepted the prohibitory laws +of the ten commandments such as ‘Thou Shalt Not Kill,’ and yet it is the +same Christian nations that have the largest armies and navies, and that +have been doing nearly all the killing for thousands of years; likewise, +‘Thou shalt not steal,’ while today the most respected citizens of every +Christian nation in the world are, at the same time, the world’s biggest +robbers.</p> + +<p>“The power of government is limited when it comes to controlling or +regulating the thought of the individual,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> nor is it in the province of +government to say when, where, or what, citizens should eat, drink or +wear. The wisest government would promote conditions under which the +people would have plenty to eat, plenty to drink, plenty to wear and +good houses to live in. What he should eat and drink as well as the +amount and kind, or the color of the clothes he should wear, should be +the function of the individual.”</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Effects of Prohibition</h2> + +<p>The effect of Prohibition, sumptuary law enacted in government, upon the +political fabric of the government, should claim the serious attention +of American citizens particularly. We can hardly recur to the +consideration of this subject too often.</p> + +<p>Prohibition is essentially a repressive measure, and all history shows +that repressive measures, under ordinary conditions, not only fail, but +worse than fail. In aiming to do away with one evil, Prohibitionists set +up a vastly greater one. In our American political life the very worst +political conditions may ensue.</p> + +<p>Prohibition laws do not actually prohibit, as every one knows; but they +do bring about a state of affairs, upon whatever scale attempted, +abhorrent to every right-thinking person. As to some of the results, +Professor Hugo Munsterberg, of Harvard University, says:</p> + +<p>“Judges know how rapidly the value of the oath sinks in courts where +<b>violation of the prohibition laws</b> is a frequent charge, and how habitual +perjury becomes tolerated by respectable people. The city politicians +know still better how closely blackmail and corruption hang together, in +the social psychology, with the enforcement of laws that strike against +the belief and traditions of wider circles. The public service becomes +degraded,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> the public conscience becomes dulled. And can there be any +doubt that disregard of laws is the most dangerous psychological factor +in our present-day American civilization.”</p> + +<p>And upon this question of the effectiveness of Prohibitory legislation, +and the effects of such legislation on the moral life of the nation, the +Committee of Fifty on the Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem in +its exhaustive report published in 1905, said:</p> + +<p>“There has been concurrent evil of prohibitory legislation. The efforts +to enforce it during forty years have had some unlooked-for effects on +public respect for courts, judicial proceedings, oaths and laws in +general, and for officers of the law, legislators and public +servants.... The public has seen law defied, a whole generation of +habitual law-breakers schooled in evasion and shamelessness, courts +ineffective through fluctuations of policy, delays, perjuries, +negligencies and other miscarriages of justice, officers of the law +double-faced and mercenary, legislators timid and insincere, candidates +for office hypocritical and truckling, and office-holders unfaithful to +pledges and public expectation. Through an agitation which has always +had a moral end, <b>these immoralities have been developed and made +conspicuous</b>.”</p> + +<p>Representative Claude U. Stone, of Illinois, in the debate in Congress +over the Hobson resolution for National Prohibition, said:</p> + +<p>“There is State-wide prohibition in Maine, and the Webb-Kenyon law +prevents the overriding of that law by other States, and yet there are +cities in Maine that have more shops per capita for the public sale of +liquor than my home city, which is the greatest distilling city in the +world. In parts of Maine candidates for sheriff, who have the enforcing +of the law, <b>cannot be elected to office if they do not give a public +pledge that they will</b> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span><b>violate their oath of office and will not enforce +the laws</b>. The same can be said of Georgia, another prohibition State. It +is for this reason that the people should be permitted to determine by +their own votes the character of restraint that should be placed upon +themselves.”</p> + +<p>In the same debate in Congress, Representative Julius Kahn, of +California, remarked:</p> + +<p>“Mr. Speaker, prohibition is not temperance. Temperance makes for human +progress. It should be invoked in regard to our food, our drink, our +dress, and even our physical exercise. As many people die from +overeating as die from excessive use of alcohol. Excessive physical +exercise has frequently led to heart failure and death. Temperance not +alone in the use of alcohol, but temperance in everything that affects +the human race, is what should be taught in the homes and schools of +this country. Temperance harms no one, on the contrary, it does good. +<b>Prohibition on the other hand, has generally resulted in making men +liars, sneaks and hypocrites.</b> If men want liquor, they can invariably +get it, and they can get it even in prohibition States.”</p> + +<p>The testimony is quite overwhelming: that Prohibition in government +corrupts courts, encourages false oaths, intimidates legislators, causes +public officials to be double-faced and mercenary; makes sneaks, liars +and hypocrites out of men; increases bribery; opens the way for illegal +traffic, and fosters an immoral negligence of law and order! And in +addition to all this, it lessens drunkenness not a whit; but on the +contrary, increases intemperance, making it more possible and perhaps +more inviting to those unable to curb the appetite.</p> + +<p>What an indictment is this of prohibition; and being true, it would seem +these well-established and undeniable facts concerning the results of +Prohibition would serve to convince the citizen who is governed by +reason<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> and sound judgment rather than by sentiment and emotion, that +Prohibition in its practical development is <b>a real menace to the +American system of government</b>!</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Collective Tyranny in Government</h2> + +<p>Left to impractical theorizing, Prohibition is harmless: allowed to +enter the realm of civil government as a practical working force, it +becomes dangerous, threatening not only one liberty, but all the +liberties of the people. For in the principle of Prohibition lies the +germ of collective tyranny from which may arise every species of +intolerance and despotism—an intolerative principle as far removed from +<b>the principle of American liberty</b> as heaven is from hell, and as +different in every essential from the spirit of republican government—a +true democracy—as the breath of the polar iceberg is different from the +blaze of the equatorial sun!</p> + +<p>Could the American public see Prohibition <b>as it is</b>, and not what it +seems to be:—then this un-American and un-Christian movement would +speedily be relegated to the shades of oblivion, and <b>real and effective +reform along moral, social and intellectual lines would begin</b>. As it is, +Prohibition actually stands, like a Chinese Wall, in the pathway of <b>real +reform</b>.</p> + +<p>Says Professor Munsterberg:</p> + +<p>“The evils of drink exist, and to neglect their cure would be criminal; +but to rush on to the conclusion that every vineyard ought, therefore, +to be devastated is unworthy the logic of a self-governing nation.”</p> + +<p>The evils of gluttony also exist, and that more people die from direct +and indirect causes arising from overeating than from drink will not be +denied, yet who would propose a law to close the butcher shops, and +prohibit the milling of fine flour and the importation of tea and +coffee—higher medical and dietary authorities having decided all these +latter to be injurious—in order to improve the physical condition of +the people!</p> + +<p>Compulsory Prohibition, according to Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, M.P., “only +leads to drinking in worse forms than under the old system.” Count +Tolstoi, in speaking of the Prohibition movement in America <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>expressed +the belief that “the people in America seem to be tending in a wholly +wrong direction in this matter.” Justin McCarthy, M.P., alludes to +Prohibition in the United States as a “gross and ludicrous imposture.” +President Andrew D. White refers to the theory and practice as regards +the drink problem as “pernicious.” Sir William Treloar, former Lord +Mayor of London, calls these restrictive measures “ridiculous.” Bishop +Hall, of Vermont, asserts that “Prohibition drives underground the +mischief which it seeks to cure.”</p> + +<p>Thousands of good, well-informed citizens of this country, high in +public and social life, many of these leaders in religious sentiment and +thought, are united in the belief that Prohibition begins at the wrong +end of the matter, and they renounce it as not only weak, inefficient +and impractical, but destructive to the American ideals. The art of +self-control, public and scientific education, an understanding of +hygienic and healthful living, proper social and economic development +and surroundings: in these lie the true solution of the problem of +intemperance; and not at all in sumptuary laws and prohibitory +legislation, simply because these latter “put the cart before the +horse,” strike at effects and not at causes.</p> + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<h2>Prohibition Censorship Despotic</h2> + +<p>Let us not forget the principles for which our great American republic +stands. Recollect, that the tendency toward imperial government and +despotic rule is here today as it has been in every nation and in every +age of the world. Menaces to the rights and privileges of the people are +ever-present: the continued structure of safeguarding laws and +constitutions presuppose the enemy to be ever near:—tyranny may +slumber, but let bigotry and intolerance call ever so softly, and it +springs into active life and being, and on every occasion, with +consummate cunning, justifies its demands with a specious +pretext—censorship for the good of the people.</p> + +<p>Prohibition censorship is one of these specious pretexts; but censorship +invariably arrogates to itself the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> prerogatives of monarchy and the +exactions of martial law. Government of an Emperor is as well as +government by unreasoning, tyrannous <b>majority</b>. In government, middle +ground is rarely found, and if it is, it is only for a temporary period +and for reasons of expediency: it; is a question of republic or empire, +freedom or slavery, liberty or despotism, the life or death of the +people! Censorship by <b>the majority</b>—as to what the individual shall eat, +or drink, or wear, or religiously or irreligiously do or observe—is as +hateful to the genuine American citizen as would be the censorship of <b>a +Czar</b>! Censorship is dictatorial and despotic: it overrides American law +and American ideals; it is the rule of <b>a suzerainty</b> in place of +<b>fundamental government</b>: it claims to be acting <b>under</b> government, but it +is actually acting <b>above</b> government. Censorship is not <b>freedom</b>; the very +word itself precludes the view: censorship is <b>slavery</b>, intensified or +modified; it is the same thing whether it be under American rulers or +the Great Khan of Tartary. Prohibition censorship is only the <b>beginning</b>: +it is not the end. Beneath it all, lie the claws of the tiger—the claws +of fanatical bigotry and misrule—and ultimately, if not checked, the +whole American people <b>will feel those claws</b>. <b>But then: IT WOULD BE TOO +LATE!</b></p> + +<p>Long ago John Quincy Adams sounded a timely warning. He said:</p> + +<p>“Forget not, I pray you, the right of personal freedom: <b>self-government +is the foundation of all our political and social institutions</b>. Seek not +to enforce upon your brother <b>by legislative enactment</b> the virtue that he +can possess <b>only</b> by the <b>dictates of his own</b> conscience <b>and the energy of +his will</b>.”</p> + +<p>In conclusion: John Stuart Mill is right, when he says Prohibition is +“so monstrous a principle” as to be “far more dangerous than any single +interference with liberty”; a principle that there is “<b>no violation of +liberty which it would not justify</b>.”</p> + +<p>All religious despotism commences by combination and influence, and as +well-said by Col. Richard M. Johnson in his memorable U. S. Senate +Report of 1829, “when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> that influence begins to operate upon the +political institutions of a country the civil power soon bends under it; +and the catastrophe of other nations furnishes an awful warning of the +consequence.”</p> + +<p>Will the people of this great nation listen to the siren voice of this +modern destroyer of personal freedom, and cutting loose from ancient +moorings, turn back to the hateful paths of despotism? Will the republic +deny the sacred principles of religious and personal liberty, whose +first purchase-price was the blood of the minutemen of Lexington? Or, +like a political rock of Gibraltar, stand fast upon the fundamental +principles of its being, continuing to safeguard and maintain the +constitutional guaranties of all its citizens?</p> + +<p>It is the American people that must answer these momentous questions! +And answer them they will! There is no escape from the responsibility! +<b>The future of the Republic rests upon their decision!</b></p> + +<p>It is the bounden duty of every American freeman, to speak against, to +write against, to vote against <b>the menace of Prohibition</b>!</p> + +<p><b>PROHIBITION IS A MENACE TO</b></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><b>THE PROSPERITY OF THE COMMUNITY.</b></p> + +<p><b>THE PEACE AND TRANQUILLITY OF THE PEOPLE.</b></p> + +<p><b>THE CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTIES OF THE CITIZENS.</b></p> + +<p><b>THE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE LAND.</b></p> + +<p><b>THE STABILITY OF THE REPUBLIC.</b></p></div> + +<p><b>A vote against Prohibition is a vote against THESE MENACES!</b></p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<div class="note"> +<h2><span class="u">The Menace of Prohibition</span></h2> + +<p>Should be widely circulated by every advocate and champion of Personal +Liberty and Constitutional Rights</p> + +<p>Right at this time—in the crisis of American Liberty!</p> + +<p>There is nothing just like it</p> + +<p>The arguments are not of the <span class="u">stereotyped</span> class</p> + +<p>The facts given are indisputable</p> + +<p>It does not offend <span class="u">the man on the other side of the question</span></p> + +<p>It appeals to the citizen who desires fair play—and wants to see the +American Republic continue a free nation, safeguarding the interests of +<span class="u">ALL</span> and granting “special privileges to none”</p> + +<p class="center">REMEMBER ALWAYS—<br />“Eternal Vigilance is the price of Liberty”</p> + +<p class="center">SINGLE COPIES, 10 CENTS EACH</p> +<p class="center">BY MAIL, POSTPAID</p> +<p class="center">Special rates on large quantities—100, 500 and 1000 lots—will be given upon application</p> + +<p class="center">Address the Author—</p> +<p class="center"><big>Mrs. LULU WIGHTMAN</big></p> +<p class="center">314 West First St., Los Angeles, Cal.</p></div> + + + + +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><b>Footnote:</b></p> + +<p><a name="f1" id="f1" href="#f1.1">[1]</a> Inter-church Conference was the beginning of the National Federation +of the Churches, which maintains a Prohibition department and is +committed to the programme of Prohibition.</p> + + + +<p> </p><p> </p> +<hr style="width: 50%;" /> +<p><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b> Punctuation has been corrected without note.</p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's The Menace of Prohibition, by Lulu Wightman + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MENACE OF PROHIBITION *** + +***** This file should be named 33920-h.htm or 33920-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/9/2/33920/ + +Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by The Internet Archive/American +Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Menace of Prohibition + +Author: Lulu Wightman + +Release Date: October 17, 2010 [EBook #33920] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MENACE OF PROHIBITION *** + + + + +Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by The Internet Archive/American +Libraries.) + + + + + + + + + + THE MENACE + _of_ + PROHIBITION + + + BY LULU WIGHTMAN + + ADVOCATE OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. + + + They that can give up essential liberty to + obtain a little temporary safety deserve + neither liberty nor safety.--_Patrick Henry_ + + + Price 10 Cents + + Los Angeles Printing Co. 314 West First Street. + + + + ++GREAT QUESTIONS OF THE HOUR+ + +A pamphlet containing a series of Mrs. Wightman's Lectures on themes of +absorbing interest----about the very things that +YOU+ are +THINKING+ and ++TALKING+ about +TO-DAY!+ + + --the all-important questions + --the perplexing questions + --the paramount questions + +Mrs. Wightman's views on public matters--political, religious and +economic--should claim the serious attention of every citizen of the +United States. + +A Third Edition necessary to meet the demand + +64 pages, with portrait of the author, good paper, clear type, +attractive cover. + +PRICE, 25 CENTS, BY MAIL, POSTPAID + +Write Name and Address Plainly + +Address the Author + +Mrs. LULU WIGHTMAN + +314 West First St., Los Angeles, Cal. + + + + +THE MENACE of PROHIBITION + + +BY LULU WIGHTMAN + + +"No man in America has any right to rest contented and easy and +indifferent, for never before, not even in the time of the Civil War, +have all the energies and all the devotion of the American democracy +been demanded for the perpetuity of American institutions, for the +continuance of the American republic against foes without and more +insidious foes within than in the year of grace 1916." + + _--Hon. Elihu Root, in address before the New York State Bar + Association, Hotel Astor, New York, January 15th, 1916._ + + +Copyright, 1916, by Lulu Wightman + + + + +PREFACE + + +Most writers, in viewing the question of Prohibition, have followed +along a beaten track. They have confined themselves generally to +consideration of moral, economic, and religious phases of the subject. + +While I have not entirely ignored these phases, I have chiefly engaged +in the task of pointing out a particular phase that it appears to me +entirely outweighs all others put together; namely, that of the effect +of Prohibition, in its ultimate and practical workings, upon the +political--the structure of American civil government. + +I have endeavored to steer clear of its professions and obsessions, all +of which can be of little consequence in the light of my contention that +the major matter with which Prohibition is concerned is the capture and +overturning of our present system of jurisprudence; and that the danger +threatening from this tendency is real and foreboding I have +conscientiously tried to make clear in these pages. + +That National Prohibition is an approaching enemy to free government, of +which the people should be warned even at the risk of being grossly +misunderstood, is my opinion. From the watch-towers of American liberty +the warning should go forth. For my own part, I feel well-repaid with +the conscientious effort I have made in "The Menace of Prohibition." + +LULU WIGHTMAN. + + + + +[Illustration: LULU WIGHTMAN.] + + + + +CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + A False Principle 6 + + Political Power the Object 9 + + Political Activities at Washington 10 + + Prohibition and Sunday Laws 13 + + Sumptuary Laws Increasing 14 + + A Dangerous Combination 17 + + An Old-Time Fallacy 21 + + Industrial Conditions Responsible 23 + + The Opinion of an Economist 24 + + Effects of Prohibition 26 + + Collective Tyranny in Government 29 + + Prohibition Censorship Despotic 30 + + + + + We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created + equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain + inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the + pursuit of happiness.--_The Declaration of Independence._ + + +=John Stuart Mill defines Prohibition in this language:= + +"Prohibition: A theory of 'social rights' which is nothing short of +this--that it is the absolute right of every individual that every other +individual shall act in every respect exactly as he ought; that +whosoever fails thereof in the smallest particular violates my social +rights and entitles me to demand from the legislature the removal of the +grievance. So monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any +single interference with liberty;--there is no violation of liberty +which it would not justify." + +And in the light of the last sentence, "so monstrous a principle is far +more dangerous than any single interference with liberty;--there is no +violation of liberty which it would not justify," the writer would +especially examine this modern crusaders movement for Prohibition. Many +other writers have viewed the question from sociological, economic, and +religious standpoints; but the =principle= of the thing,--that in which it +is based--a "monstrous" principle, which, as Mill says, "=is far more +dangerous than any single interference with liberty=," deserves more +serious consideration than any other phase of the question: a principle, +in fact, of intolerant coercion as against the great principle of +individual liberty so thoroughly established as the inherent right of +the citizen at the very inception of this government in the Western +world. + +To do justice to this particular phase of the question of Prohibition--a +principle so dangerous and "monstrous" that there is "no violation of +liberty which it would not justify"--it is necessary to be courageous, +honest, unafraid, and not "soaked to the pulp in the pseudo-puritanical, +moral antiseptic bath of conventional prejudices." Here in America we +have had enough of base misrepresentation, rotten hypocrisy, and +sugar-coated sentimentality. What we really need now is honesty of +purpose and courage of conviction, let the criticizing mob be of "the +upper ten thousand or lower," it matters not. + + + + +A False Principle + + +=What Is the Real Menace of Prohibition?= + +It is the false =principle= from which it derives its life and being. "We +are the good people," say the moral reformers: "you are the bad; +therefore it is the duty of the good people to seek control of the +government and to enact laws that will make you bad people good." The +platform of the Prohibition Party of Ohio states it in a different way, +but in essence it is the same thing: + +"The Prohibition Party of Ohio ... recognizing Almighty God, revealed in +Jesus Christ, and accepting the law of God as the ultimate standard of +right ... the referendum in all matters of legislation not distinctively +moral." + +In this scheme of government, as it is plainly revealed, "the law of +God" as it would be =interpreted= by the Prohibitionists, would be the +supreme standard of all matters distinctively moral, and the initiative +and referendum would be relied upon, and allowed in all matters of +legislation "=not= distinctively moral." + +This was exactly what happened in the Dark Ages and early New England: +"good people" sought and secured the control of the government, "the law +of God" was made "the ultimate standard of right" as interpreted by the +"good people" in power, and the "bad people" were put to the torture. + +As the result of just such a scheme, barbaric practices reigned in the +name of law: thumb-screw and rack were brought into requisition, Calvin +burned Servetus, Quakers were hanged and witches burned, Roger Williams +banished, and Mary Dyer hung by the neck until she was dead,--and all +because "Almighty God, revealed in Jesus Christ," was recognized in +government, and "the law of God" made the ultimate standard of right. + +But between "Almighty God" and "the law of God" there always stood the +interpreter of that law, and the bigoted, blinded, fanatical follower of +Creed who mistook his creed for God, and his =will= and =opinion= for the +law of God. Had God and His law been left alone, no possible harm could +have resulted. + +Under this scheme of religious and moral government, Jews, agnostics, +and non-Christian elements, and even Christians that do not acquiesce in +the scheme, have no recognition; and under the administration of the +moral reform element would have no place in the country, except on +sufferance! And just what would happen to people who repudiated a +church-and-state system of government like this! Let us see: + +The Prohibitionist invariably argues that "the God of the Bible" +authorizes Prohibition in civil government; it is religious, and a Bible +doctrine, he contends, and therefore should receive recognition not only +by the people, but by the government as well; and all who cannot, +whether from conscientious scruples or other reasons, agree with them, +are opponents of "the God of the Bible," of true religion, and of +government. Very frequently the charge of "anarchist" is hurled against +those who cannot agree with them, and ofttimes the most unscrupulous and +un-Christian methods are resorted to, to crush out all opposition. And +what the opponents of Prohibition might expect, if Prohibition ever +reaches the zenith of political power, may be determined from a +statement by Rev. E. B. Graham, in a speech made at York, Neb. He said: + +"We might add, in all justice, if the opponents of the Bible do not like +our government and its Christian features, let them go to some wild and +desolate land, and in the name of the devil and for the sake of the +devil, subdue it, and set up a government of their own on infidel and +atheistic ideas; and then if they can stand it, stay there till they +die." + +The foregoing, at least, shows some of the Christian features (?) of the +program of the Reform party. The program winds up with the banishment of +the minority to some wild and desolate land where they may remain until +they die! The trouble is, if liberty-loving citizens of the United +States, jealous of their rights and constitutional guaranties and +determined to preserve them even to the point of quitting their beloved +country, should go to some wild and desolate land, and set up a +government where they could enjoy religious and personal freedom, it +would not satisfy the Prohibition moral-reform forces. All past history +shows that they would follow to the wild and desolate land, and destroy, +if possible, every vestige of such government as was opposed to their +narrow and intolerant ideas! + + + + +Political Power the Object + + +The initiative and referendum is good enough for the Prohibition Party +when applied to "all matters of legislation not distinctively moral;" +but when morals are involved, "the law of God" only is binding, and the +initiative and referendum is repudiated. Their =interpretation= of the +demands of "the law of God"--not actually the law itself--would become +the supreme law of the land, and all the power of the government, in +their hands, would be set to enforcing it. Need it be said that this +would be repeating the history of the Dark Ages and Medieval times in +the most accurate detail! + +Mr. Eugene W. Chafin, Prohibition candidate for president, in 1912, +said: + +"I don't want any person who claims to be a party Prohibitionist--a +middle-of-the-road Prohibitionist--ever to sign another petition, or ask +Congress or any legislature anywhere under the American flag to pass any +prohibitive laws on the liquor question. We don't want any laws of any +kind whatever passed. =All we want is to be elected to power....= Elect us +to power, and we will repeal a few laws and do the rest by +=interpretation= of the constitution and =administration= of the +government." + +Mr. Ferdinand Cowle Inglehart, N. Y., Supt., of the Anti-Saloon League, +in the =Review of Reviews=, February, 1915, page 216, said: + +"The pastors and members of the churches turned the State (Oregon) into +=an organized political camp=." + +This was indeed a frank confession upon the part of Mr. Inglehart. He +might have truthfully added that it was the Anti-Saloon League which was +the moving spirit that invaded the churches and spurred on the "pastors +and members of the churches" to turn the sovereign State of Oregon into +"=an organized political camp=." A political camp is, beyond question, +organized for political ends. Prohibition in Oregon, as elsewhere, was +the "Cheshire cheese," and political power the goal of its ambition. And +now in Oregon, as elsewhere, we shall hear the cry: "Now that we have +Prohibition, we must fill the public offices with 'good men' to enforce +the law: 'turn the rascals out' and put good men in office"; and, of +course, "good men" must be Prohibitionists always. None others need +apply. Oh, it is a fine scheme; but unfortunately, it takes no +cognizance of the =minority=--those who are quite equal in American +citizenship, and who lose none of their civil rights by virtue of their +being the =minority=. + + + + +Political Activities at Washington + + +Mr. L. Ames Brown, in "Prohibition and Politics," published in the =North +American Review= of December, 1915, points to some of the features of the +Anti-Saloon League programme, in the nationalization of prohibition--a +very interesting and valuable contribution upon the subject. Very +accurately--and apparently without any prejudices--Mr. Brown shows the +workings of the Prohibitionists in the political. + +He calls attention to the Prohibition rider in the District of Columbia +Appropriation Bill, "an amendment to the District Bill to foist +prohibition upon the people of the District without a referendum," and +continuing, says: + +"The Prohibitionists, with one or two exceptions, refused to listen to +suggestions that the legislation be submitted to a vote of the District +of Columbia, thus disregarding the principle of self-government which +they had agitated so vigorously in local option campaigns." + +In this attempt to force the people of the District to submit to their +dictation, and to keep them from voting upon the measure, the +Prohibitionists showed clearly that they were =without regard for the +sentiment of the people to be affected=. This was evidently one of those +"distinctively moral" questions upon which the people are not supposed +to vote--or at least are not to be allowed to vote, if the +Prohibitionists can have their way--but in this act at the seat of +government, they have, indeed, given proof of their absolute disregard +for the principle of self-government which they prate so much about in +local option campaigns. They have shown to what lengths they would go, +if they could. + +Mr. Brown is authority for the statement that had this District Bill +gone to President Wilson without a provision for a =referendum=, he would +have immediately vetoed it. + +According to Mr. Brown, the Anti-Saloon League is strongly intrenched at +Washington. He says that it "maintains at Washington one of the most +powerful lobbies ever seen at the National Capital," and regarding its +influence upon the nation's law-makers he has this to say: + +"Its representatives, backed by an organized influence of public +opinion, are enabled to dictate the attitude of a considerable number of +Congressmen on a pending question, with the result that Congressmen +oftentimes are driven to vote against their own views and their own +consciencies in favor of measures advocated by the lobby." + +Mr. Brown gives a very lucid account of the bold and defiant activities +of the powerful Anti-Saloon League lobby at Washington--and as to the +results, he has this to say: + +"The harmful effect of such a lobbying enterprise upon our system of +government does not admit of controversy." + +Mr. Brown is convincing to the reader in his conclusions of "Prohibition +and Politics" which, to sum up, may be stated as--=A GROWING AND +INSIDIOUS POWER IN THE POLITICAL REALM, INIMICAL TO THE AMERICAN +INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT=. And if a rapidly growing power, which was +practically unknown a decade ago, is so great in =politics= and +=government= today, what may we expect a decade hence! + +The Prohibition movement then, unquestionably, is simply a means to an +end,--the stepping-stone to political power,--the pathway to the goal of +political ambition; and it seems only fair to presume that all the hue +and cry over drunkenness and the inability of some men to control their +natural appetites is, after all, only a minor matter; but the question +of seizing the political power, and filling governmental offices only +with "good men" is the major matter. And the real issue, power to rule +and to enjoy the emoluments of public office. And the real menace, the +overturning of the present system of government wherein the privileges +and rights of the individual are safeguarded, and the setting up of a +new standard of authority, namely, "the law of God" as =interpreted= by +the Prohibitionists and moral reformers. =And it is the interpretation +that is to be feared!= + +The remotest possibility of the success of such an unjust, un-American, +illiberal and dangerous form of tyranny in government, should alarm the +American people beyond and above every other question, even that of war; +and should set them to the task of a close analysis of the subject and +trend of Prohibition. + +When the true American finds that as a result of the outgrowths of the +"monstrous principle," and under rapidly multiplying laws and +regulations, he is forbidden to dispose of his property as he pleases; +forbidden to amuse himself as he pleases on holidays; forbidden to read +what books he pleases and to look at what pictures he pleases; to dress, +think and drink as he pleases, he will set his face like a flint against +the tyrannical and inquisitorial demands of the modern Crusaders, and he +will attempt to halt their inroads and innovations on the government. +The ballot-box is his opportunity. There he may register his +disapprobation, and put a curb on the restless, uneasy, political +charlatan who, under the guise of moral reform, would seize the +machinery of political government and make it an engine of tyranny and +oppression. + +It must be kept in mind that the clerical politicians of the Prohibition +party (no distinction can be made between the Prohibition Party and the +Anti-Saloon League: they are one and the same in intent and purpose) are +interested not merely in the enactment of prohibitory liquor laws. They +want laws prohibiting everything that does not conform to their +interpretation of theological dogmas. + + + + +Prohibition and Sunday Laws + + +They are as determined to secure compulsory Sabbath Day observance laws +as they are to obtain Prohibition laws; and wherever and whenever you +find a movement for one, you invariably find, sooner or later, a demand +for the other. Prohibition and Sunday laws go hand in hand. In fact, +they result from the same cause--the desire to control individuals; the +application in civil law of the fallacious theory that it is "the social +right of every individual that every other individual shall act in every +respect exactly as he ought to act." Nothing is further from the truth +of the principle of free and popular government, and nothing so +destructive of the rights and privileges of man. + +Sunday laws can find no justification except in a church-and-state +system of government which essays to establish a practice grounded in +religious belief; to fix upon a particular rest-day, and say to +individuals how they shall observe that day. A compulsory law for Sunday +or Sabbath observance is equivalent to a law for compulsory baptism, or +compulsory church service, or the support of the church: in like manner, +sumptuary laws that determine what one may not drink, may extend to +defining what one may eat, =_ad infinitum_=, until a thousand and one +articles of food and drink are "unlawful"--articles of diet and +consumption that to a large proportion of the citizens may seem +harmless, if not, indeed, beneficial. The Sabbath law says to you what +you must religiously do; and if it may extend to the observance =of a +day=, it may extend to =all= religious duties and practices without +exception: the Prohibition law tells you what you may not =drink=, and if +it presumes the right to prescribe in the matter of drink, it may extend +to the matter of determining what is fit, and what is not fit, =to +eat=--and it could continue until a Dietary List and a Fashion Plate had +been fixed by legal enactment. It is not difficult to see that the +Sunday law and Prohibition are quite identical in character; the source +of their origin must be the same: at least, it is plain that their +introduction and operation =in civil government= is destructive of +personal freedom and choice. + + + + +Sumptuary Laws Increasing + + +These restrictions by law are eternally increasing, so that it has +become almost impossible for a citizen of the republic to live a single +day without violating one or more laws. In almost every relation of life +the conduct of the American is minutely regulated. + +Many of these restrictions are founded upon a muddled conception of the +public good: their aim would seem to be to protect the innocent +bystander. But we cannot see how the innocent bystander profits, when +the free citizen is forbidden to go fishing on Sunday, to smoke in +public, to see certain plays, to get Anthony Comstock reports and the +Kreutzer Sonata through the mails; to say in public just what he wants +to say--to exercise freedom of speech; to kiss his girl in the parks, or +a woman to wear abbreviated skirts,--=_ad libitum!_= + +These prohibitions burden the individual without conferring any +appreciable advantage upon the mass, or even upon other individuals. The +struggle between two wholly different theories of life--the Puritanical +spirit on one hand, and the Liberal spirit on the other--is on, and it +is becoming fiercer every day. Said Congressman Richard Bartholdt, in a +speech made in the House of Representatives: + +"The attempts to further and further restrict our liberties in a Puritan +sense are carried on in the garb of a religious movement, and the +ministers of all churches and the members of all congregations are +constantly called upon for support and money to maintain lobbies in both +the national and state capitals; and these lobbyists are cracking the +whip over our lawmakers, and are urging them to pass more and more +restrictive laws,--laws which in their mistaken zeal, they believe will +make people good. I do not exaggerate, my friends, when I say that if +this movement is not stopped, and stopped soon, the American people +before long will find themselves wrapped up in a network of 'don't's' +which will completely hamper their freedom of action; and instead of +being freemen in all matters of personal conduct, they will be slaves +fettered by the chains of un-American laws. + +"Permit me, in this connection, to call attention to a most remarkable +fact; namely, that the people in many cases =actually vote to enslave +themselves=. History tells us of despots who kept their subjects in +perpetual serfdom, and of rulers who robbed the people of their freedom; +but there is no case on record, so far as we know, where the people of +their own volition and by their own votes robbed themselves of their own +birthright. The United States is the first example of this kind. The +history of the human race is =a constant struggle for liberty=, and every +concession wrung from the oppressors was heralded as a new triumph of +progress and civilization. Here we have the example of a generation +which, though being free, =voluntarily surrenders its social liberty and +forges with its own hands the fetters of slavery=. Now, can you account +for that? Is it because we do not sufficiently appreciate our heritage +on the theory that what you inherit and what comes to you easily you do +not value as what you have to fight for yourselves? Or is it because the +people do not fully realize just what they are doing =by joining forces +with those who are conspiring against their highest interests=? I leave +these questions for you to answer. Perhaps we are guilty on both +counts." + +If the writer were to answer these questions, she would be constrained +to say that the last count is the strongest count: the people do not +realize what they are doing =by joining forces with those who are +conspiring against their highest interests=. The average American has +become a chronic joiner. He does not stand for something: he must belong +to something. The Prohibition movement comes along and appeals to his +sentimental and emotional nature. He has been schooled to depend +largely on sentiment, and trained to march with the crowd. To act as a +responsible unit has been practically impossible. He has never thought +upon the question deeply; he has been part of a muddled mass of +humanity, thinking as the mass thought and acting as they acted: he has +not been the soul-free individual he imagined himself to be; his acts +and opinions have been nothing more than weak reflections of the +opinions and acts of the muddled mass. He joins the Prohibition forces, +and thereafter thinks less than before, because, being joined to +something, he can safely trust to that something--the organized mass +which, in turn, thinks and acts just as a few self-appointed and +ambitious leaders think and act. There is no more for him to do now than +to walk up to the polls and vote precisely as he is bidden to do. He has +become a real automaton. + +And he does not once realize that he has =joined forces with those who +are conspiring against his highest interests=. He helps to pass a law +that takes away his neighbor's rights and privileges, and does not dream +that in so doing he is taking away his own rights and constitutional +guaranties, and as surely undermining the fabric of our free +institutions and thereby hastening national decay and national ruin. + + + + +A Dangerous Combination + + +Prohibitionists, once they are seated upon the throne of civil power, do +not intend to stop at the passage of laws prohibiting the liquor +traffic. As has already been stated, they are fully as interested in +securing compulsory Sabbath observance laws, and in fact, as stated at +the [1]Inter-Church Conference in New York City in 1905, "to secure a +larger combined influence for the churches of Christ in =all matters= +affecting the =moral= and =social= conditions of the people, so as to +promote the application of the law of Christ =in every relation of human +life=." This, indeed, means a wide range of activities, and the +individual citizen may well enquire, and with apprehension, as to just +how far this =combined influence= is to go in its invasion of "=every +relation of human life=." If it actually means what it says, and proposes +to invade "every relation of human life" with a string of laws and +regulations as complex and as multitudinous as the relations of human +lives, the student of political government, if not the citizen, may ask +of this gigantic combination of the so-called moral forces of the +country: =what will be the ultimatum? Where will it all end? What is to +become of the unit of citizenship?= + +"Straws show which way the wind is blowing," is an old saying. In this +connection, the following article--a portion of an editorial--that +appeared in the =Sacramento (Cal.) Bee=, Oct. 7, 1915, is both interesting +and significant: + + As a further example of the intolerant, domineering and + narrow-minded tendencies of the prohibitionists, witness this + communication recently published by the New York Evening Sun, + signed "Herman Trent, of the Anti-Saloon League," and dated at + Englewood, New Jersey: + + "Speaking now in my personal capacity, and not as a member of the + Anti-Saloon League, I will say I regard the anti-liquor crusade =as + merely the beginning of a much larger movement=--a movement that + will have as its watchword 'Efficiency in Government.' + + "If I had my way I would not only close up the saloons and the + race-tracks. I would close all tobacco shops, confectionery stores, + delicatessen shops and other places where gastronomic deviltries + are purveyed--all low theatres and bathing beaches. + + "I would forbid the selling of gambling devices such as playing + cards, dice, checkers and chess sets; I would forbid the holding of + socialistic, anarchistic and atheistic meetings; I would abolish + the sale of tea and coffee, and I would forbid the making or sale + of pastry, pie, cake and such like trash." + +This at least is consistent. And Mr. Trent is startlingly frank in thus +boldly publishing his programme. In a lecture work extending to all +parts of this country and for a quarter of a century of time, I have +found a great many Herman Trents, and I fear they are increasing, and I +know they are becoming emboldened. After all, are we so far removed from +the blue-law regime of early New England? Be certain of one thing: +=today, we would see just such a regime except for a due regard for the +Constitution and a minimum majority of votes=. + +As to compulsory Sabbath observance by civil law, we have the +recommendation of the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church, held +in Chicago recently. The resolutions of this national church body were +as follows: + +"That the general assembly reiterates its strong and emphatic +disapproval of all secular uses of the Sabbath day, all games and +sports, in civic life, and also in the army and navy, all unnecessary +traveling and all excursions. + +"That we most respectfully call attention of all public officials to the +potent influence of their position on all moral questions, and the +necessity of greater care on their part, proportioned to the exalted +nature of their offices which they occupy, that they may strengthen +rather than weaken by their influence public and private observance of +the Lord's day. + +"That the general assembly reiterates its emphatic condemnation of the +Sunday newspaper, and urges the members of the Presbyterian church to +refuse to subscribe for it or read it or advertise in it." + +Here is a demand for blue laws, pure and simple. If any American citizen +will read the history of the blue laws of Connecticut, and how Cotton +Mather whipped the people through the streets of early New England towns +for failure to attend Sunday services in the meeting-houses, he will +think seriously before lending a helping hand to the work of +re-inaugurating a social and civil system like that. + +Prohibition and Sunday laws are so closely allied, so thoroughly +interwoven in the acts and lives of our modern reformers, that I may +venture to say that should the Prohibitionists ever gain complete +political power in this country =we shall see rigid, intolerant Sunday +laws in comparison to which those early blue laws of Connecticut would +be a delicate shade=. + +To doubt this, would be to refute the absolute facts that appear. A +Prohibition nation would be, beyond every reasonable doubt, a +religio-politico system of government in which every spark of the +liberties of the people would be extinguished; and this because, as Mill +says, "so monstrous a principle is far more dangerous than any single +interference with liberty;--there is no violation of liberty which it +would not justify." + +Therefore, we conclude that the principle underlying and giving rise to +Prohibition, should it obtain everywhere, would crush out every vestige +of =individual liberty=, and its adherents would justify their course by +the "monstrous principle"; namely, that "it is the absolute social right +of every individual that every other individual shall act in every +respect exactly as he ought to act." Prohibitionists must necessarily +stand for this "monstrous principle," and therefore, as certainly as +two and two make four, =Prohibition is a menace to the American system of +government=. + + + + +An Old-Time Fallacy + + +For many years the Prohibitionists have systematically promulgated the +fallacy that the poverty of the working class is caused by drink. And +this they continue to do in face of all the facts, amply proven by all +available statistics, that flatly contradict the fallacy. + +On the question of poverty and drink, the opinion of Francis E. Willard +ought to be accepted by the Prohibitionists first of all. She says: + +"For myself, twenty-three years of study and observation have convinced +me that =poverty is the prime cause of intemperance=, and that misery is +the mother and hereditary appetite the father of the drink +hallucination.... For this reason I have become an advocate of such =a +change in social conditions= as shall stamp out the disease of poverty +even as medical science is stamping out leprosy, smallpox, and cholera; +and I believe the age in which we live will yet be characterized as one +of those dark, dismal, and damning ages when some people were so dead to +the love of their kind that they left them in poverty without a +heartache or a blush." + +An editorial in the =New York World= some time ago contained the following +significant statement: + +"Only two families in every hundred of the 1575 which have been in the +care of the Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor this +summer were brought to poverty =through intemperance=. The percentage goes +against preconceived notions and is, indeed, surprisingly small. It +should disturb that prosperous complacency which sees in poverty only +or mainly the penalty for wanton misdeed. The Association's report for +1909 showed that intemperance, imprisonment, desertion, 'shiftlessness +and inefficiency,' all told, accounted for not 12 per cent of those +brought to want. The figures for that year showed that 65 per cent of +the poverty was due to two causes--sickness and unemployment." + +Carroll D. Wright, in the "Eighteenth Annual Report of the Commission of +Labor," shows that only one-fourth of one per cent of all cases of +non-employment in the United States is due to intemperance. + +During the winter months of 1913-14, the number of unemployed men and +women in the United States was appalling. New York, Chicago, San +Francisco, and the large cities, were taxed to the utmost to care for +the "jobless." + +It was estimated that New York City had its quota of 400,000 idle, +Chicago 200,000, San Francisco 30,000. Organized armies of the +unemployed clamored for work and for bread, and in the country districts +idle men were everywhere tramping to and fro in search of work. "THE +UNEMPLOYED" was a standing headliner of the public press. Suicides from +inability to find work were startlingly prevalent; and the whole country +was perplexed as to how to adjust complex conditions so as to relieve +untold suffering and misery. + +Were the Prohibitionists on hand at that time with any sort of a +program, solution or panacea for the difficulty? Not at all. All their +efforts were reserved for election day; their energies stored up for the +glad time when well-paid agitators travel the country in Pullman cars to +tell the people of rural communities that "poverty is caused by drink." + + + + +Industrial Conditions Responsible + + +The fact of the matter is: that in the time when the situation of the +unemployed is most aggravated--when it attracts nation-wide +attention--singularly enough, no voice was raised, either by +individuals, societies, labor organizations, or the press, publicly, +attributing the abnormal and distressing conditions =to the drink habit=. + +All these know better. They know, as the New York Association discovered +by its investigation, that inability to find work, and sickness, has +brought the great army of idle men and women to their plight. They know +that our productive ability is increasing much more rapidly than our +consumptive capacity, and that the statesmen-ship of this country as +well as that of every other country in the world is grappling not with +any merely individual or national, but with a world problem. + +They know that in China, with its hundreds of millions of frugal, +temperate, hard-toiling people; in Turkey, with its sober, industrious, +Mahomet-worshiping masses; in India, with its almost countless +thousands, governed by strict religious, moral and ethical codes,--the +trouble is identical: =it is economic=. In the present industrial system +of those lands, as well as our own, there is no longer work enough for +all, not sufficient jobs for the number of toilers, and thus, +necessarily and unfortunately, there must be the great bodies of the +unemployed. + +The trouble lies in the industrial and social system, and not in the +individual primarily, whether he be Turk, Chinaman, Hindoo or Christian. +All the statistics gathered from every available source will bear out +the assertion that =the problem is economic=, and it is only unwise +presumption that will even attempt to lay these distressing conditions +and results to the drink habit. + +But you may explode this popular fallacy of the prohibitionist into +atoms, and he persistently gathers together the fragmentary portions of +his fanciful theory, and comes back with the same old story and tells it +in the same old way. + +Perhaps he realizes that to allow its peaceful demise, means to leave +Prohibition standing absolutely without a remedy for the problem of +unemployment or the general industrial conditions of over-production. +Then, having no practical remedy for intemperance, no remedy for the +ills and troubles of the working-class, and no remedy for anything else, +he should graciously step aside and make room for the real +world-movements for improvement and progress along rational and +practical lines of individual and national development. + +He ought to realize that in the final analysis all evils are connected +with life itself, for evil is not in things, but in men or women who +abuse or misuse things. And he should recognize the patent truth that +"you cannot legislate men by civil action into the performance of good +and righteous deeds." + + + + +The Opinion of an Economist + + +Mr. J. B. Osborne, in "The Liquor Question--Political, Moral and +Economic Phases," says: + +"The abolition of poverty and better education for the masses, are the +only remedies for the disease of alcoholism. + +"Alcoholism, however, is not as prevalent as Mr. Chafin or the usual +advocate of Prohibition would have you believe. United States reports +for 1909 show the average number of deaths attributed to alcoholism to +be only 2811; from scalds and burns, 6772; from drowning, 5387; from +poison, 3390; from suicide, 5498; while killed and maimed on railroads +we have a total of about 18,000. + +"Certainly no one would advocate the prohibition of water because 5000 +people annually get drowned; nor the abolition of the railroads because +18,000 are killed and maimed annually. + +"Thousands of workingmen lose their lives every year in the coal and +lead mines, but no efforts are made by the prohibitionists to secure +proper ventilation and inspection of the mines or safety appliances for +the railroads. That the State has power to prohibit or abolish the +legalized sale of liquor no intelligent person will deny. The State has +power also to abolish the Church and transform its property into State +property as was recently done in France under the direction of Premier +Clemenceau. + +"The action of the French government in this instance, however, did not +reduce the amount of religion in France; on the contrary, it had the +effect of making the lukewarm churchman more active and zealous in the +church's cause. + +"Under laws prohibiting the liquor business we find the same results. In +the State of Maine, the oldest prohibition State in the Union, we find +more arrests for drunkenness, in proportion to the population, than in +any State where we have the licensed saloon. + +"All Christian nations have for centuries accepted the prohibitory laws +of the ten commandments such as 'Thou Shalt Not Kill,' and yet it is the +same Christian nations that have the largest armies and navies, and that +have been doing nearly all the killing for thousands of years; likewise, +'Thou shalt not steal,' while today the most respected citizens of every +Christian nation in the world are, at the same time, the world's biggest +robbers. + +"The power of government is limited when it comes to controlling or +regulating the thought of the individual, nor is it in the province of +government to say when, where, or what, citizens should eat, drink or +wear. The wisest government would promote conditions under which the +people would have plenty to eat, plenty to drink, plenty to wear and +good houses to live in. What he should eat and drink as well as the +amount and kind, or the color of the clothes he should wear, should be +the function of the individual." + + + + +Effects of Prohibition + + +The effect of Prohibition, sumptuary law enacted in government, upon the +political fabric of the government, should claim the serious attention +of American citizens particularly. We can hardly recur to the +consideration of this subject too often. + +Prohibition is essentially a repressive measure, and all history shows +that repressive measures, under ordinary conditions, not only fail, but +worse than fail. In aiming to do away with one evil, Prohibitionists set +up a vastly greater one. In our American political life the very worst +political conditions may ensue. + +Prohibition laws do not actually prohibit, as every one knows; but they +do bring about a state of affairs, upon whatever scale attempted, +abhorrent to every right-thinking person. As to some of the results, +Professor Hugo Munsterberg, of Harvard University, says: + +"Judges know how rapidly the value of the oath sinks in courts where +=violation of the prohibition laws= is a frequent charge, and how habitual +perjury becomes tolerated by respectable people. The city politicians +know still better how closely blackmail and corruption hang together, in +the social psychology, with the enforcement of laws that strike against +the belief and traditions of wider circles. The public service becomes +degraded, the public conscience becomes dulled. And can there be any +doubt that disregard of laws is the most dangerous psychological factor +in our present-day American civilization." + +And upon this question of the effectiveness of Prohibitory legislation, +and the effects of such legislation on the moral life of the nation, the +Committee of Fifty on the Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem in +its exhaustive report published in 1905, said: + +"There has been concurrent evil of prohibitory legislation. The efforts +to enforce it during forty years have had some unlooked-for effects on +public respect for courts, judicial proceedings, oaths and laws in +general, and for officers of the law, legislators and public +servants.... The public has seen law defied, a whole generation of +habitual law-breakers schooled in evasion and shamelessness, courts +ineffective through fluctuations of policy, delays, perjuries, +negligencies and other miscarriages of justice, officers of the law +double-faced and mercenary, legislators timid and insincere, candidates +for office hypocritical and truckling, and office-holders unfaithful to +pledges and public expectation. Through an agitation which has always +had a moral end, =these immoralities have been developed and made +conspicuous=." + +Representative Claude U. Stone, of Illinois, in the debate in Congress +over the Hobson resolution for National Prohibition, said: + +"There is State-wide prohibition in Maine, and the Webb-Kenyon law +prevents the overriding of that law by other States, and yet there are +cities in Maine that have more shops per capita for the public sale of +liquor than my home city, which is the greatest distilling city in the +world. In parts of Maine candidates for sheriff, who have the enforcing +of the law, =cannot be elected to office if they do not give a public +pledge that they will violate their oath of office and will not enforce +the laws=. The same can be said of Georgia, another prohibition State. It +is for this reason that the people should be permitted to determine by +their own votes the character of restraint that should be placed upon +themselves." + +In the same debate in Congress, Representative Julius Kahn, of +California, remarked: + +"Mr. Speaker, prohibition is not temperance. Temperance makes for human +progress. It should be invoked in regard to our food, our drink, our +dress, and even our physical exercise. As many people die from +overeating as die from excessive use of alcohol. Excessive physical +exercise has frequently led to heart failure and death. Temperance not +alone in the use of alcohol, but temperance in everything that affects +the human race, is what should be taught in the homes and schools of +this country. Temperance harms no one, on the contrary, it does good. +=Prohibition on the other hand, has generally resulted in making men +liars, sneaks and hypocrites.= If men want liquor, they can invariably +get it, and they can get it even in prohibition States." + +The testimony is quite overwhelming: that Prohibition in government +corrupts courts, encourages false oaths, intimidates legislators, causes +public officials to be double-faced and mercenary; makes sneaks, liars +and hypocrites out of men; increases bribery; opens the way for illegal +traffic, and fosters an immoral negligence of law and order! And in +addition to all this, it lessens drunkenness not a whit; but on the +contrary, increases intemperance, making it more possible and perhaps +more inviting to those unable to curb the appetite. + +What an indictment is this of prohibition; and being true, it would seem +these well-established and undeniable facts concerning the results of +Prohibition would serve to convince the citizen who is governed by +reason and sound judgment rather than by sentiment and emotion, that +Prohibition in its practical development is =a real menace to the +American system of government=! + + + + +Collective Tyranny in Government + + +Left to impractical theorizing, Prohibition is harmless: allowed to +enter the realm of civil government as a practical working force, it +becomes dangerous, threatening not only one liberty, but all the +liberties of the people. For in the principle of Prohibition lies the +germ of collective tyranny from which may arise every species of +intolerance and despotism--an intolerative principle as far removed from +=the principle of American liberty= as heaven is from hell, and as +different in every essential from the spirit of republican government--a +true democracy--as the breath of the polar iceberg is different from the +blaze of the equatorial sun! + +Could the American public see Prohibition =as it is=, and not what it +seems to be:--then this un-American and un-Christian movement would +speedily be relegated to the shades of oblivion, and =real and effective +reform along moral, social and intellectual lines would begin=. As it is, +Prohibition actually stands, like a Chinese Wall, in the pathway of =real +reform=. + +Says Professor Munsterberg: + +"The evils of drink exist, and to neglect their cure would be criminal; +but to rush on to the conclusion that every vineyard ought, therefore, +to be devastated is unworthy the logic of a self-governing nation." + +The evils of gluttony also exist, and that more people die from direct +and indirect causes arising from overeating than from drink will not be +denied, yet who would propose a law to close the butcher shops, and +prohibit the milling of fine flour and the importation of tea and +coffee--higher medical and dietary authorities having decided all these +latter to be injurious--in order to improve the physical condition of +the people! + +Compulsory Prohibition, according to Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, M.P., "only +leads to drinking in worse forms than under the old system." Count +Tolstoi, in speaking of the Prohibition movement in America expressed +the belief that "the people in America seem to be tending in a wholly +wrong direction in this matter." Justin McCarthy, M.P., alludes to +Prohibition in the United States as a "gross and ludicrous imposture." +President Andrew D. White refers to the theory and practice as regards +the drink problem as "pernicious." Sir William Treloar, former Lord +Mayor of London, calls these restrictive measures "ridiculous." Bishop +Hall, of Vermont, asserts that "Prohibition drives underground the +mischief which it seeks to cure." + +Thousands of good, well-informed citizens of this country, high in +public and social life, many of these leaders in religious sentiment and +thought, are united in the belief that Prohibition begins at the wrong +end of the matter, and they renounce it as not only weak, inefficient +and impractical, but destructive to the American ideals. The art of +self-control, public and scientific education, an understanding of +hygienic and healthful living, proper social and economic development +and surroundings: in these lie the true solution of the problem of +intemperance; and not at all in sumptuary laws and prohibitory +legislation, simply because these latter "put the cart before the +horse," strike at effects and not at causes. + + + + +Prohibition Censorship Despotic + + +Let us not forget the principles for which our great American republic +stands. Recollect, that the tendency toward imperial government and +despotic rule is here today as it has been in every nation and in every +age of the world. Menaces to the rights and privileges of the people are +ever-present: the continued structure of safeguarding laws and +constitutions presuppose the enemy to be ever near:--tyranny may +slumber, but let bigotry and intolerance call ever so softly, and it +springs into active life and being, and on every occasion, with +consummate cunning, justifies its demands with a specious +pretext--censorship for the good of the people. + +Prohibition censorship is one of these specious pretexts; but censorship +invariably arrogates to itself the prerogatives of monarchy and the +exactions of martial law. Government of an Emperor is as well as +government by unreasoning, tyrannous =majority=. In government, middle +ground is rarely found, and if it is, it is only for a temporary period +and for reasons of expediency: it; is a question of republic or empire, +freedom or slavery, liberty or despotism, the life or death of the +people! Censorship by =the majority=--as to what the individual shall eat, +or drink, or wear, or religiously or irreligiously do or observe--is as +hateful to the genuine American citizen as would be the censorship of =a +Czar=! Censorship is dictatorial and despotic: it overrides American law +and American ideals; it is the rule of =a suzerainty= in place of +=fundamental government=: it claims to be acting =under= government, but +it is actually acting =above= government. Censorship is not =freedom=; the +very word itself precludes the view: censorship is =slavery=, intensified +or modified; it is the same thing whether it be under American rulers or +the Great Khan of Tartary. Prohibition censorship is only the =beginning=: +it is not the end. Beneath it all, lie the claws of the tiger--the claws +of fanatical bigotry and misrule--and ultimately, if not checked, the +whole American people =will feel those claws=. =But then: IT WOULD BE TOO +LATE!= + +Long ago John Quincy Adams sounded a timely warning. He said: + +"Forget not, I pray you, the right of personal freedom: =self-government +is the foundation of all our political and social institutions=. Seek not +to enforce upon your brother =by legislative enactment= the virtue that he +can possess =only= by the =dictates of his own= conscience =and the energy +of his will=." + +In conclusion: John Stuart Mill is right, when he says Prohibition is +"so monstrous a principle" as to be "far more dangerous than any single +interference with liberty"; a principle that there is "=no violation of +liberty which it would not justify=." + +All religious despotism commences by combination and influence, and as +well-said by Col. Richard M. Johnson in his memorable U. S. Senate +Report of 1829, "when that influence begins to operate upon the +political institutions of a country the civil power soon bends under it; +and the catastrophe of other nations furnishes an awful warning of the +consequence." + +Will the people of this great nation listen to the siren voice of this +modern destroyer of personal freedom, and cutting loose from ancient +moorings, turn back to the hateful paths of despotism? Will the republic +deny the sacred principles of religious and personal liberty, whose +first purchase-price was the blood of the minutemen of Lexington? Or, +like a political rock of Gibraltar, stand fast upon the fundamental +principles of its being, continuing to safeguard and maintain the +constitutional guaranties of all its citizens? + +It is the American people that must answer these momentous questions! +And answer them they will! There is no escape from the responsibility! +=The future of the Republic rests upon their decision!= + +It is the bounden duty of every American freeman, to speak against, to +write against, to vote against =the menace of Prohibition=! + +=PROHIBITION IS A MENACE TO= + + =THE PROSPERITY OF THE COMMUNITY.= + + =THE PEACE AND TRANQUILLITY OF THE PEOPLE.= + + =THE CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTIES OF THE CITIZENS.= + + =THE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE LAND.= + + =THE STABILITY OF THE REPUBLIC.= + +=A vote against Prohibition is a vote against THESE MENACES!= + + + + ++The Menace of Prohibition+ + +Should be widely circulated by every advocate and champion of Personal +Liberty and Constitutional Rights + +Right at this time--in the crisis of American Liberty! + +There is nothing just like it + +The arguments are not of the +stereotyped+ class + +The facts given are indisputable + +It does not offend +the man on the other side of the question+ + +It appeals to the citizen who desires fair play--and wants to see the +American Republic continue a free nation, safeguarding the interests of ++ALL+ and granting "special privileges to none" + +REMEMBER ALWAYS-- + +"Eternal Vigilance is the price of Liberty" + +SINGLE COPIES, 10 CENTS EACH + +BY MAIL, POSTPAID + +Special rates on large quantities--100, 500 and 1000 lots--will be given +upon application + +Address the Author-- + +Mrs. LULU WIGHTMAN + +314 West First St., Los Angeles, Cal. + + + + +Footnote: + +[1] Inter-church Conference was the beginning of the National Federation +of the Churches, which maintains a Prohibition department and is +committed to the programme of Prohibition. + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + +Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. + +Passages in bold are indicated by =bold=. + +Underlined passages are indicated by +underline+. + +Punctuation has been fixed without note. + + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's The Menace of Prohibition, by Lulu Wightman + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MENACE OF PROHIBITION *** + +***** This file should be named 33920.txt or 33920.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/9/2/33920/ + +Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by The Internet Archive/American +Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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