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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/33708-8.txt b/33708-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9a9cdbc --- /dev/null +++ b/33708-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2959 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Volume 1, +August 1865, by Society of Clergymen + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Volume 1, August 1865 + +Author: Society of Clergymen + +Release Date: September 12, 2010 [EBook #33708] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.) + + + + + + + +THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. + +AUGUST, 1865. + + + + +THE SEE OF DROMORE. + + +The see of Dromore, though founded by St. Colman, seems for several +centuries to have comprised little more than the abbey of that great +saint and its immediate territory. In the synod of Rathbreasil (A. D. +1118), in which the boundaries of the various dioceses were defined, no +mention is made of Dromore, and the territory subsequently belonging to +it was all comprised within the limits of the see of Connor. The acts of +the synod of Kells held about fifty years later, are also silent as to a +bishop of Dromore; and Cencius Camerarius, compiling his list of sees in +1192, again omits all mention of this see. Nevertheless, the abbot of +the monastery, "de viridi ligno", which gave name to the town of Newry, +ruled this diocese with episcopal authority during the later half of the +twelfth century, and a bishop of this see named Uroneca (_alias_ O'Rony) +is mentioned in a charter of donations to the abbey of Neddrum, about +the year 1190 (see Reeves' _Ecclesiastical Antiquities_, pag. 192). + +The last episcopal abbot of this great monastery was _Gerard_, a +Cistercian monk of Mellifont, who, in 1227, was chosen bishop, and died +in 1243. A controversy then arose between the chapter of Dromore and the +monastery of Newry. Each claimed the right of electing the successor to +the deceased bishop; and the Archbishop of Armagh gave judgment in +favour of the former. The matter being referred to Rome, all controversy +was set at rest by Pope Innocent VI., who by letter of 5th March, 1244, +addressed "to the dean and chapter of Dromore", confirmed the decision +of the Archbishop of Armagh, and sanctioned the right of the canons of +Dromore to elect the bishops of the see (_Mon. Vatic._, pag. 42). +Andrew, archdeacon of Dromore, was accordingly elected bishop, and +consecrated in 1245, and the episcopal succession continued +uninterrupted till the latter half of the fifteenth century. + +Ware, in his _Bishops_ of this see, and Dr. Reeves, in his +_Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down and Connor_ (pag. 308), tell us that +on the death of the Carmelite bishop, _David of Chirbury_, in 1427, the +see was held by Thomas Scrope, who resigned before 1440; that his +successor, Thomas Radcliffe, also resigned before 1461; that the next +bishop was George Brann, appointed about 1487; and that the see was held +in 1500 by another bishop named William Egremond. + +The actual succession of bishops, however, was far different. On the +death of David of Chirbury, Dr. Thomas Radcliffe was chosen his +successor in 1429, as the historians of the Augustinian order expressly +attest. Thus, for example, Herrera writes: + + "Thomas Sacrae Theologia professor a Martino V. in Registro + Pontificio an. xii. Pontificatus et Christi 1429. prid. Kal. + Feb. in Hibernia sub Archiepo. Armacano Epus. Dromorensis + instituitur. Hic est ille quem registra ordinis die 19 + Martii an. 1426. magistrum Thomam Radclef provinciae Angliae + appellant eique Prior Generalis concedit ut in conventu + Oxoniensi perpetuo stare possit ut eum fratribus destitutum + juvet". + +Elsius makes a similar statement (_Encomiast._ page 662), and also tells +us that there is a "Thomas Radclyf, Redcliff, sive Radcliffus, Anglus, +S.T.D., in Anglia natus nobilissimâ familiâ ex qua comites Sussessiae +ante an. 1369, prodierunt", who is commended in the records of the order +as illustrious by his virtues and writings. "Intuitu virtutum", he adds, +"Episcopalem Lincolniensem aut Leicestrensem accepit dignitates", which +words acquaint us with the English see to which Dr. Radcliffe was +promoted some few years after his appointment to Dromore. + +As the dates of Herrera are taken from the consistorial records and +other official documents, we may rest assured that 1429 was the year of +Dr. Radcliffe's appointment. We cannot fix with the same certainty the +year in which he renounced this see. It is probable, however, that about +1434 he was translated to the diocese of Lincoln in England, and we next +meet with a Dominican Father who was also named _Thomas_, already in +possession of the see of Dromore in 1437. The following is the letter of +Eugene IV., from the papers of Luke Wadding, Rome, which makes known to +us for the first time this worthy successor of St. Colman:-- + + "Eugenius, etc., ven. fr. Thomae, Episcopo Dromorensi + salutem, etc. + + "Personam tuam nobis et apostolicae sedi devotam, tuis + exigentibus meritis paterna benevolentia prosequentes illa + tibi libenter concedimus quae tuis commoditatibus fore + conspicimus opportuna. Cum itaque sicut exhibita nobis pro + parte tua petitio continebat propter bellorum discrimina + quae partes illas diutius afflixerunt prout affligunt etiam + de praesenti, Ecclesia et Episcopalis mensa Dromorensis cui + praeesse dignosceris adeo sit in suis facultatibus diminuta + quod ex illius fructibus redditibus et proventibus vestrae + decentiam Pontificalis dignitatis sustentare et alia Tibi + incumbentia onera commode nequeas supportare: Nos ne in + dedecus Episcopalis dignitatis mendicare cogaris volentes Te + qui etiam in Theologia Magister existis ob virtutum tuarum + merita quibus Te illarum largitor altissimus insignivit + favoribus prosequi gratiosis, tuis in hac parte + supplicationibus inclinati, tecum ut quodcumque Beneficium + Ecclesiasticum cum cura vel sine cura ... dummodo dignitas + hujusmodi in cathedrali major post Pontificalem, aut in + Collegiata Ecclesia hujusmodi, principalis non existat, si + tibi alias canonice conferatur, seu assumaris vel eligaris + ad illud una cum dicta Ecclesia Dromorensi quamdiu illi + praefueris, in Commendam recipere et retinere libere et + licite valeas, quod ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum professor + existis, ac constitutionibus apostolicis, necnon bonae + memoriae Octonis et Octoboni olim in Regno Angliae Sedis + Apostolicae Legatorum, statutis quoque et consuetudinibus + Eccelesiae in qua hujusmodi beneficium forsan fuerit, + juramento, confirmatione Apostolica vel quacumque firmitate + alia roboratis, caeterisque contrariis quibuscumque + nequaquam obstantibus, auctoritate Apostolica, tenore + praesentium de speciali dono gratiose dispensamus, ita quod + hujusmodi durante commenda, fructus, redditus et proventus + beneficii hujusmodi percipere et habere, illosque in tuos et + hujusmodi Beneficii usus et utilitatem convertere et alias + de illis disponere et ordinare libere et licite valeas, + etc., etc. + + "Datum Bononiae anno Incarnat. Dom. 1437, 19'o Kal. + Februarii anno 7mo". + +This Dominican bishop only held the see till 1440, for, in that year +Dromore is described as vacant in the register of archbishop Swain of +Armagh. We may incidentally here mention that amongst the same Wadding +papers there is another brief of Pope Eugene IV., dated at Florence, +11th of the kalends of December, 1439, confirming the bull of Alexander +V., which commenced _Etsi pro cunctorum_: it is addressed "ad +Praedicatores Hibernos, scilicet ad Vicarium Generalem et alios +fratres". + +_Thomas Scrope_, a Carmelite, was Bishop of this see[1] before the close +of the pontificate of Eugene IV., who died in 1447. He was remarkable +for the practice of almost incredible austerities, and it is especially +commemorated of him that he had led an eremitical life for several years +before he was summoned to the onerous duties of the episcopate. He +subsequently was sent by Pope Eugene as apostolic delegate to the +Knights of Rhodes; and Leland adds that "whatever he received out of +his revenues or could get from rich persons, he bestowed among the poor, +or laid out on pious uses". He resigned his see after his return from +Rhodes, and acted as vicar-general of the Bishop of Norwich: he died at +a very advanced age in 1491. + +We next meet with a Bishop of Dromore named _Richard Myssin_, a +Carmelite, who on the 29th July, 1457, was advanced to this see, as +appears from the Consistorial acts of Pope Callixtus III. (_Biblioth. +Carmelit._, ii. 965). He was remarkable for the sanctity of his life, +and for his great proficiency in learning. + +William Egremond was probably his immediate successor, being appointed +to the see in 1462, as Herrera and the other Augustine writers +attest.[2] The country, however, was so disturbed that this diocese had +few attractions for an English bishop; and hence he abandoned it in +1467, and lived for many years as suffragan of the archbishop of York. +His monument, erected in the cathedral of York, bore the following +inscription:-- + + "Hic Egremond Will'mus Dromorensis Episcopus olim + Marmore pro nitidis tectis utrinque mitris. + Pavit oves Cithiso qui sub bis Praesule bino + Atque lupi rabiem movit ab Aede trucem. + Unguine quot sanxit pueros, quot Presbyterosque + Astra nisi scirent, credere nemo valet. + Ante prophanus erat locus hic quem dextra beavit + Ejus, et hinc pro se dicito quisquis Ave". + +The next mention we find of this see is in a petition of the Archbishop +of Armagh, Octavian de Palatio, addressed to Henry VII. about the year +1487, in which he writes that, "the fruits, rents, and revenues, as well +spiritual as temporal (of Dromore), extend not above the sum of £40 of +the coin of this your land of Ireland, which is less by one-third than +the coin sterling; and that for the expense and poverty of the same, the +see is void and desolate, and almost extinct, these twenty winters past +and more, insomuch that none will own the said bishoprick or abide +thereupon". + +Nevertheless, in that very year, 1487, George Brann was appointed to +this see by Pope Innocent VIII. He had lived for several years in Rome +as procurator of the Hospital of the Santo Spirito, and had also +proceeded to Ireland to establish a branch house of that institute. He +held the see till his translation to Elphin on the 18th of April, 1499. + +The first bishop of Dromore whom we find commemorated in the sixteenth +century is _Galeatius_, whose death is registered in 1504. Of his +successor, John Baptist, we only know that he was appointed on June +12th, the same year. _Thaddeus_, a Franciscan friar, was next advanced +to the see on 30th April, 1511. He is commemorated in Archbishop +Cromer's register, as still ruling the see in 1518, and we find no other +bishop mentioned till the appointment of _Quintinus Cogleus_ (_i.e._ Con +MacCoughlin), of the order of St. Dominick, in the year 1536 (_Hib. +Dom._, p. 486). This bishop, however, seems to have held the see only +for a short time, for in the Consistorial Acts we soon after find the +following entry:--"An. 1539. Sua Sanctitas providit Ecclesiae Dromorensi +in Hibernia _de persona_ Rogerii". + +Ten years later Arthur Magennis was chosen by Pope Paul III. to govern +the diocese of St. Colman. On the 10th of May, 1550, he surrendered his +bulls to the crown, and had in return "a pardon under the great seal for +having received the Pope's bull, and for other misdemeanours". (Reeves' +_Eccles. Antiq._, p. 308. V. Morrin, _Pat. Rolls_, i. p. 205). +Nevertheless, there can be but little doubt as to the orthodoxy of this +prelate. Even Cox (i. 288) attests his devotion to the Catholic cause. +He, moreover, specially names him as an instance of a _Catholic bishop_, +and adduces the fact of his being allowed by the crown to hold peaceable +possession of his see as a proof that "the Reformation made but small +progress in Ireland" at this period. In 1551 he gave a public proof of +his devotedness to the Catholic faith. Edward VI., in the beginning of +February, sent an order to the viceroy, Sir Anthony St. Leger, +commanding the use of the English liturgy in all the churches of +Ireland. On the 1st of March the same year this order was communicated +to the archbishops and bishops assembled in council for that special +purpose; but no sooner had St. Leger made his discourse, commending the +royal prerogative, and extolling the liturgy now proposed to the Irish +clergy, than Dr. Dowdall of Armagh opposed it with all his zeal, and +denounced the measure as anathematized "by the Church of St. Peter, the +Mother Church of Rome". It must ever remain a special glory of the +province of Armagh, that, as Cox informs us (p. 290), one only of the +suffragan bishops of the primatial see--viz., Dr. Staples, who held from +the crown the revenues of Meath--could be found to support the proposal +of the government, whilst all the others adopted the sentiments of Dr. +Dowdall. The year of Dr. Magennis's death is uncertain; he seems, +however, to have survived some years the accession of Queen Elizabeth, +and on his death the see of Dromore became canonically united with +Ardagh. + +The name of this illustrious bishop recalls our attention to Dr. +Magennis, bishop of Down and Connor, of whom we treated in the March +number of the _Record_. An esteemed correspondent, in a highly +interesting letter, published in May (p. 385 _seq._), contends that that +prelate, in his public acts at least, deviated from the path of +orthodoxy, and allied himself to the enemies of our holy faith. His +reasons, however, are far from sufficient to justify such a serious +charge. + +1. In the first place, he argues from the fact of the bishop of Down +having surrendered his bulls to the crown. However, the bishop of +Dromore did the same, and, nevertheless, no one questions his orthodoxy. +Long before the dawn of Protestantism we find the same course pursued by +some bishops, as, for instance, by the celebrated Oliver Cantwell, +bishop of Ossory, towards the close of the fifteenth century (_Ware_, p. +414). In fact, the surrendering of the bulls was regarded as a purely +civil ceremony, which secured to the canonically appointed bishop the +peaceful possession of the temporalities of his see. + +2. The learned correspondent lays special stress on the bulls being +described as "obtained from _Paul, Bishop of Rome_, not _His Holiness_". +However, it is in the letter of the king that this form of expression is +used (_Morrin_, i. 91), and any insult which it may involve must be +referred to the good taste of Henry VIII., and not to the bishop of +Down. + +3. It is added: "_It is an oversight to suppose that about 1541 and 1543 +the northern chieftains who submitted to Henry VIII. were exempted from +all pressure in matter of religion_". The statement which we made on a +former occasion (p. 268) had reference only to 1543; and it was not +without historic grounds that we asserted that, "the northern chieftains +who _then_ submitted were exempted from all reference to religion when +professing their allegiance to the government". It is true that in 1541 +O'Donnell and O'Neil, and other chieftains, acknowledged the king's +supremacy; but it is equally true that this submission of the Irish +princes was an illusory one, and their profession was so lavish of +loyalty that even the government felt that no reliance could be placed +on such declarations. To similar professions, made in 1537, the King +"replied by his letter to the lord deputy, that their oaths, +submissions, and indentures, were not worth one farthing". (_Cox_, p. +253, ad. an. 1537). In fact, we find O'Donnell, in 1542, sending to Rome +a commissioner (whom we shall have to commemorate again as bishop elect +of Raphoe), humbly asking pardon for the guilt of perjury which he had +incurred. However, in 1543 it was far different. The government feared +the reconstruction of the confederation of the Irish chieftains; and +hence, when _the great O'Neil_, as he is styled by Cox (p. 257), sailed +in this year for England and surrendered his estate to the king, the +conditions imposed on him, howsoever humiliating to his national pride, +were wholly silent in regard of religion. These conditions are given in +full by Cox (p. 275).[3] About the same time, O'Brene made also his +submission, and the articles exacted from him omit all reference to the +royal supremacy or other matters of religion. The letter of the King, +March 5th, 1543 (_Morrin_, i. 99), giving instructions to the Deputy +regarding O'Neil Connelaghe, nephew of the earl of Tyrone, in like +manner makes no mention of the religious articles. On the 24th of May an +agreement was made with the Magennises, as Cox informs us, yet without +the obnoxious clauses; and on the 9th of July, 1544, these clauses were +again omitted, when several grants in Dublin, including 140 acres of the +beautiful "Grange of Clonliffe" (_Morrin_, i. 103), were made to the +earl of Desmond. These examples sufficiently prove that the government +in 1543 was anxious to conciliate the Irish princes, and hence was not +particular in exacting the obnoxious declaration of supremacy. + +4. That a portion of the diocese of Down and Connor was subject to the +English government in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, admits of no +doubt; but it is equally certain that the greater portion of it remained +under the control of O'Neill. Hence, a Vatican paper, written about +1579, adds to a list of the Irish sees, the following important note: + + "Ex praedictis Dioecesibus duae sunt in quibus libere et + sine periculo possunt Episcopi vel Vicarii; residere. Una + est Ardfertensis, quod sita sit in ea Desmoniae parte quae + Kierri nominatur in qua Comes Desmoniae omnino liber est et + jus plane regium habet. Altera est Dunensis et Connorensis + quae in ditione est O'Nellorum qui continenter contra + reginam bellum habent, suntque Catholicissimi + principes".--_Ex Archiv. Vatican._ + +5. As regards the year of Dr. Macgennis's demise, the letter of the +Queen, dated 6th of January, 1564, appointing his successor, though at +first sight it seems so conclusive an argument, nevertheless, is far +from proving that our bishop had died in 1563. For at the period of +which we treat, January was not the first month of the year 1564, but +was rather one of its concluding months; according to our present manner +of reckoning it would be the 6th of January, 1565. (See Shirley, +_Original Letters_, page 132). + +6. The last and weightiest remark of the esteemed correspondent +concerning Dr. Macgennis is, that he "_assisted in consecrating by the +vitiated rite of king Edward_" the unfortunate John Bale of Ossory. +However, we must remark that Dr. Macgennis is certainly not responsible +for the appointment of this unworthy apostate to the see of St. Canice; +and the antecedent character of Bale seems to have been wholly unknown +in Ireland, especially in the _Irish_ districts of the island. Much less +is the bishop of Down responsible for the use of the new-fangled +vitiated rite; for, it was Bale himself that at the very time of the +consecration insisted on the new liturgy being employed:[4] and this +event supplies us with an additional argument in favour of the orthodoxy +of Dr. Macgennis, for, it is expressly recorded that, "in union with the +clergy of Dublin", he entered his solemn protest against this heretical +innovation. We shall return again to this subject when speaking of _the +Bishops of Ossory_. In the mean time we may conclude that there is no +sufficient proof of Dr. Macgennis having swerved from the rule of +orthodoxy; whilst on the other hand the silence of the advocates of the +new creed, who never even whispered his name in connection with their +tenets--the omission of the supremacy clause in his submission to the +crown--his union with Dr. Dowdall in repudiating the English liturgy +when proposed by the viceroy--his protest on the occasion of Bale's +consecration--his retaining the see of Down and Connor during the reign +of Queen Mary--the consistorial entry which subsequently describes the +see as vacant _per obitum Eugenii Magnissae_, seems to us to place +beyond all controversy the devotedness of this worthy prelate to the +Catholic cause. + +But to return to the diocese of Dromore. On the death of Dr. Arthur +Macgennis, it was united with the see of Ardagh, and for the remaining +years of the sixteenth century seems to have shared the trials and +sufferings of that diocese. In the consistorial acts the appointment of +Dr. Richard MacBrady is registered on the 16th January, 1576, and it is +added that his see was the "_Ecclesia Ardacadensis et Dromorensis in +Hibernia_". On his translation to Kilmore on 9th of March, 1580, Doctor +Edmund MacGauran was chosen his successor, and thus our see is entitled +to a special share in the glory which this distinguished bishop won for +the whole Irish Church by his zealous labours and martyrdom. + +The first Protestant bishop of the see was John Todd, who was appointed +to Down and Connor on 16th of March, 1606, and received at the same time +the diocese of Dromore _in commendam_. We shall allow the Protestant +writers Ware and Harris to convey to the reader an accurate idea of the +missionary character of this first apostle of Protestantism amongst the +children of St. Colman. Ware simply writes: + + "In the year 1611, being called to account for some crimes + he had committed, he resigned his bishoprick, and a little + after died in prison in London, of poison which he had + prepared for himself" (pag. 207). + +To which words Harris adds: + + "The crimes of which he was accused were incontinence, the + turning away his wife, and taking the wife of his + man-servant in her room; to which may be added subornation + of witnesses. It doth not appear that he resigned his + bishoprick voluntarily, but was convented before the High + Commission Court in England in the tenth year of king James + I., and degraded. His case is cited in the long case of the + bishop of Lincoln. Before his deprivation he made a fee-farm + lease of the tithes of his see in the territory of Kilultagh + to Sir Fulk Conway at a small rent", etc. (_Ibid._, pag. + 208-9). + +We already had occasion to mention this unfortunate man, when treating +of the see of Down and Connor in the March number of the _Record_ (page +271); and surely no words of ours are required to make the reader fully +appreciate the true character and mission of the Establishment in our +see, the life of whose first apostle is described in such language by +the great Protestant historians. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Stephens, _Monast. Anglican._ 175, dates his appointment from 1446. +This may be the true date: we have not wished to adopt it, however, not +knowing the authority from which Mr. Stephens derived his information. + +[2] "Guillelmus Egremond (Herrera writes) erat anno 1462 et 1464 in +Regesto Pontificio Episcopus Dromorensis in Hibernia et Guillelmi +Archiepiscopi Eboracen suffraganeus". + +[3] They were as follows:--"1st, To renounce the name of O'Neil; 2nd, +That he and his followers should use English habit, language, and +manners; 3rd, That their children should learn English; 4th, That they +should build houses and husband their land in English manner; 5th, That +they should obey English laws and not cess their tenants, nor keep more +gallowglasses than the lord deputy allow; and 6th, That they should +answer all general hostings, as those of the Pale do, and shall not +succour any of the king's enemies". + +[4] Mant. _History of the Irish Church_, vol. i. page 218, seqq. + + + + +DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT. + +NO. III. + + +We have reserved for the last place a difficulty on which Dr. Colenso +has expended all his powers of persuasion and all his skill in +figures--"the number of the Israelites at the time of the Exodus". Here +is his argument in a few words:--Jacob and his family numbered seventy +persons when they came down into Egypt. His descendants sojourned in +that country 215 years, and they went out with Moses in the fourth +generation. According to the Scripture narrative, when they were leaving +Egypt they numbered 600,000 men of twenty years old and upwards, +representing a population of about 2,000,000: but this is absolutely +impossible. Dr. Colenso assures us that "the multiplied impossibilities +introduced by this number alone, independent of all other +considerations, are enough to throw discredit upon the historical +character of the whole narrative" (part i. p. 143.) This bold assertion +he endeavours to establish by an elaborate argument extending over +several chapters. We must be content to present it in a condensed form +to our readers; but, in doing so, we shall adhere as closely as possible +to the language of the author. + +As the groundwork of his objection he lays down:-- + + "That it is an indisputable fact, that the story as told in + the Pentateuch intends it to be understood--(i.) that they + came out of the land of Egypt about 215 years after they + went down thither in the time of Jacob; (ii.) that they came + out in the _fourth_ generation from the adults in the prime + of life, who went down with Jacob" (p. 100). + +He next proceeds to estimate the average number of children in each +family: + + "In the first place, it must be observed, that we nowhere + read of any _very large families_ among the children of + Jacob or their descendants to the time of the Exodus.... We + have no reason whatever, from the data furnished by the + Sacred Books themselves, to assume that they had families + materially larger than those of the present day.... The + twelve sons of Jacob had between them fifty-three sons, that + is, on the average, 4-1/2 each. Let us suppose that they + increased in this way from generation to generation. Then, + in the _first_ generation there would be 53 males (or rather + only 51, since Er and Onan died in the land of Canaan, + _Gen._, xlvi. 12, without issue); in the _second_, 243; in + the _third_, 1,094; and in the _fourth_, 4,923; that is to + say, instead of 600,000 warriors in the prime of life, there + could not have been 5,000.... + + "The narrative itself requires us to suppose that the Hebrew + families intermarried, and that girls, as well as boys, were + born to them freely in Egypt, though not, it would seem, in + the land of Canaan. + + "Yet we have no ground for supposing, from any data which we + find in the narrative, that the whole number of the family + was on that account increased. On the contrary, etc.... If + we take all the families given in Exod. vi. 14-25, together + with the two sons of Moses, we shall find that there are 13 + persons, who have between them 39 sons, which gives an + average of 3 sons each. This average is a fairer one to take + for our purpose than the former; because these persons lived + at all different times in the interval between the migration + into Egypt and the Exodus. We may suppose also, that the + average of _children_ is still as large as before, or even + larger, so that each man may have had on the average six + children, three sons and three daughters.... + + "Supposing now the fifty-one males of the _first_ generation + (Kohath's) to have had each on the average three sons, and + so on, we shall find the number of males in the _second_ + generation (Amram's) 153, in the _third_ (Aaron's) 459, and + in the _fourth_ (Eleazar's) 1377, instead of 600,000. + + "In fact, in order that the fifty-one males of Kohath's + generation might produce 600,000 fighting men in Joshua's, + we must suppose that each man had forty-six children + (twenty-three of each sex), and each of these twenty-three + sons had forty-six children, and so on!--of which prolific + increase, it need hardly be said, there is not the slightest + indication in the Bible" (pp. 102-5). + +From this he concludes, + + "That it is quite impossible that there should have been + such a number of the people of Israel in Egypt at the time + of the Exodus as to have furnished 600,000 warriors in the + prime of life, representing at least two millions of persons + of all ages and sexes; that is to say, it is impossible, _if + we will take the data to be derived from the Pentateuch + itself_" (p. 101). + +Lastly, he anticipates an explanation which some interpreters have +proposed, "that there may be something wrong in the _Hebrew numerals_". +Such a suggestion, he very fairly observes, will not avail here; because +"this number is woven, as a kind of thread, into the whole story of the +Exodus, and cannot be taken out without tearing the whole fabric to +pieces" (pp. 141, 143). + +Such is the elaborate structure which Dr. Colenso has reared with an +ability and an earnestness worthy of a better cause. In reply, we +purpose to demonstrate that the foundation on which that structure +rests, though it may have the outward semblance of solidity, is hollow +and unsubstantial within. He assures us that the facts upon which his +argument is based are "derived from the Pentateuch itself". We hope to +satisfy our readers that they are not contained in the Pentateuch; that +they cannot be proved from the Pentateuch; nay, that they are contrary +to the evidence which the Pentateuch affords. + +I. Let us commence with the "indisputable fact" that the Israelites +"came out of Egypt in the fourth generation". By a generation Dr. +Colenso understands _a descent from father to son_: and he maintains +that there were but four such descents in all the Hebrew families during +the period of sojourn in Egypt. In support of this opinion he appeals +(p. 96) to the words of God to Abraham:--"in the _fourth_ generation +they shall come hither again" (_Gen._, xv. 16). Our readers will +naturally inquire what is the precise meaning of the word "generation" +in this passage. Does it denote a descent from father to son? Or does it +signify a lengthened period of time? On this point our author observes a +profound silence. He found the word in the English text; it suited his +purpose, and he at once pressed it into his service. We are left to +suppose that it can have but one meaning, and that this meaning is the +one which he has adopted. + +Now, we beg to assure our readers that this is very far from the truth. +The Hebrew word [Hebrew: dor] (dor), which is rendered "generation" in +the authorized version, admits of various meanings. It corresponds +almost exactly with the Latin word _saeculum_. Sometimes it signifies +the _circuit_ or _period of a man's life_; sometimes, the _collection of +those who are living at the same time_; sometimes, a _period of a +hundred_ years.[5] As regards the passage in question, the opinion of +the best Hebrew scholars is directly opposed to Dr. Colenso. We pass by +the authority of Catholic writers, for whom he would probably have +little respect, and we appeal to men of his own school: we appeal to +Gesenius,[6] Bunsen,[7] Fürst,[8] Rosenmüller,[9] Knobel,[10] who +certainly cannot be suspected of any undue prepossession in favour of +the Bible. Every one of these distinguished scholars expressly asserts +that, in _Gen._, xv., 16, the word [Hebrew: dor] must be understood to +mean _a hundred years_. We leave our readers to choose between their +deliberate judgment on the one hand, and the gratuitous assumption of +Dr. Colenso on the other. + +If we look to the context we shall find that the meaning of the whole +passage, as explained by these writers, is simple, clear, harmonious; as +explained by Dr. Colenso, it is forced and unnatural. Abraham had just +heard from God that his seed should be "a stranger in a foreign land" +four hundred years (v. 13.) Then it is added: "but the _fourth +generation_ ([Hebrew: dor]) they shall return hither".[11] That is to +say, in our view, _the men belonging to the fourth century_ shall +return. In this sense the connection will be clear; the prophecy will be +perfectly true, and the meaning easily understood. The four centuries +are to be counted from the time of Abraham, and correspond exactly with +the four hundred years of exile which had just been predicted. But, +according to Dr. Colenso, by "the fourth generation" is meant the fourth +descent in _the family of Jacob_ (who was not yet born), counting from +_the adults in the prime of life who went down with him to Egypt_. Now +there is nothing in the whole chapter about _Jacob_ or _Jacob's family_, +or _the adults in the prime of life who went down two hundred years +later into Egypt_. Under these circumstances we think few persons will +be able to persuade themselves that the prophecy was understood by +Abraham in the sense in which it is understood by Dr. Colenso. + +He next appeals to the genealogies of the Bible to establish his theory +of the "Exodus in the fourth generation": + + "If we examine the different genealogies of remarkable men, + which are given in various places of the Pentateuch, we + shall find that, as a rule, the contemporaries of Moses and + Aaron are descendants in the _third_, and those of Joshua + and Eleazar in the _fourth_ generation, from some one of the + _sons_, or _adult grandsons_ of Jacob, who went down with + him into Egypt. Thus we have:-- + + 1st. Gen. 2nd. Gen. 3rd. Gen. 4th. Gen. 5th. Gen. +Levi Kohath Amram Moses ... ... E. vi, 16, 18, 20. +Levi Kohath Amram Aaron ... ... E. vi. 16, 18, 20. +Levi Kohath Uzziel Mishael ... ... L. x. 4. +Levi Kohath Uzziel Elzaphan ... ... L. x. 4. +Levi Kohath Izhar Korah ... ... N. xvi. 1. +Reuben Pallu Eliab Dathan ... ... N. xxvi. 7-9. +Reuben Pallu Eliab Abiram ... ... N. xxvi. 7-9. +Zarah Zabdi Carmi Achan ... ... Jo. vii. 1. +Pharez Hezron Ram Amminadab Nahshon ... Ruth iv. 18, 19. +Pharez Hezron Segub Jair ... ... 1 Ch. ii. 21, 22. +Pharez Hezron Caleb Hur Uri Bezaleel 1 Ch. ii. 18, 20. + + "The above include _all_ the instances which I have been + able to find, where the genealogies are given in the + Pentateuch itself". (pp. 96, 97). + +We shall presently see that these examples are by no means what Dr. +Colenso would represent them to be, and that so far from proving his +theory to be _true_, they prove it to be _false_. But first we would +direct attention to the _character_ of the argument, which seems to us, +from its very nature, unsound. According to the Mosaic narrative, there +were about 2,000,000 of Israelites at the time of the exodus. If we +allow ten to each family, there must have been about 100,000 families. +Here, then, is the argument:--In eleven families out of 100,000, there +were just _four generations_ during the sojourn in Egypt; therefore +there must have been _four generations_, neither more nor less, in the +remaining 99,989 families. Our author would have us suppose that during +a period of 215 years, there must have been exactly the same number of +generations in every family. He does not explicitly say this; much less +does he attempt to prove it; he silently _assumes_ it. + +Now it is scarcely necessary to observe that such a supposition is in +the highest degree improbable. It cannot be true, unless the members of +each family married at the same age as the members of every other +family, and unless this uniformity was continued from generation to +generation for upwards of two centuries. This, however, would be +contrary to what we know of the family of Abraham _before_ the sojourn +in Egypt; it would be contrary to what we know of the people of Israel +_after_ the sojourn in Egypt; it would be contrary to the testimony of +all genealogical record; it would be contrary to what we see every day +with our own eyes. One man has children born to him at the age of +twenty; another, at the age of forty; another, at the age of sixty. The +children of the last might easily be contemporaries with the +grand-children of the second, and with the great-grand-children of the +first. Thus, in the short period of sixty years, there might be, in one +family, three descents from father to son, in another two, in another +only one. This is, perhaps, an extreme case; but it shows at least how +far the disparity may be extended, without exceeding the bounds of +possibility. The present Emperor of the French had reached the age of +forty-eight, when the Prince Imperial was born: whereas her Majesty +Queen Victoria became a grandmother at forty-one. Thus, in the royal +family of England we find two descents in forty-one years; in the +imperial line of France only one descent in forty-eight years. It is, +therefore, quite preposterous _to take for granted_ that, in _all the +families of a whole nation_, the number of descents were exactly the +same during a period of 215 years. + +But this assumption is especially inadmissible, when we consider the +peculiar circumstances of the case before us. The first generation, +according to Dr. Colenso, was composed of the fifty-one grandsons of +Jacob. They were already grown up, and some of them even had children +when they came into Egypt. Therefore the whole of the first generation +was already in existence, and the second had begun to be born some +years, let us say three, before the descent. If we add the 215 years of +sojourn in Egypt, we shall have 218 years from the beginning of the +second generation to the Exodus. Now, according to Dr. Colenso, all +those who were twenty years of age at the Exodus, belonged to the fourth +generation. Therefore the fourth generation was not complete until +twenty years before that time, or 198 years after the second had begun. +Consequently, only three generations, the second, third, and fourth, +came into existence during a period of 198 years. In other words, the +length of each generation, according to Dr. Colenso's calculation, was +sixty-six years. Hence it follows, that we cannot accept his argument, +unless we are prepared to _take for granted_ that _all the males_ in +_all the Hebrew families_ were without issue until they had reached the +age of sixty-six. + +Let us now look into the examples of Dr. Colenso in detail. It is +important to ascertain what generation is to be reckoned as the _first_. +In his argument he allows but fifty-one males to the _first generation_; +"supposing now _the fifty-one males of the first generation_" (p. 105). +Since Jacob had fifty-one grandsons living at the time of the descent +into Egypt, it follows that the _first generation_, according to the +argument, was composed of the grandsons of Jacob, _and of them alone_. +That this is the position assumed by Dr. Colenso, is also evident from +another passage, where, replying to his opponents, he asserts: "The +Scripture states that there were 600,000 warriors in the fourth +generation from Jacob's _sons_" (p. 119). It is true that, when +_proving_ his theory of "the Exodus in the fourth generation", Dr. +Colenso counts indifferently from "the _sons_ or _adult grandsons_ of +Jacob, who went down with him into Egypt" (p. 96), just as it suits his +purpose. But, when he employs this conclusion to demonstrate that the +number of the population at the time of the Exodus was impossible, he +assumes that there were only four generations from the _sons_ of Jacob. + +If we now turn to the examples adduced by the same author, we shall find +that seven are counted from the _sons_ of Jacob; namely, from Levi and +Reuben; three from the _grandsons_ of Jacob; namely, from Zarah[12] and +Pharez; and lastly one, Bezaleel, in order to be brought back to the +_fourth generation_, must be counted from Hezron, the great grandson of +Jacob; consequently, upon the bishop's own showing, out of his eleven +examples only seven prove for the _fourth generation_, three prove for +the _fifth_, and one proves for the _sixth_. What must we think, then, +when he afterwards quietly assures us, "the scripture _states_ that +there were 600,000 warriors in the _fourth_ generation from Jacob's +_sons_"? We are at least justified in saying that the examples adduced, +not only fail to prove that his assertion is _true_, but demonstrate +that it is _false_. + +There is another point on which these examples fail. It is plain that to +ascertain the number of generations between the Descent and the Exodus, +we must not only commence to reckon from the _first_, but we must end +with the _last_. The last generation must include all those who had +reached the age of 20 at the time of the Exodus. And it is necessary for +Dr. Colenso to prove that this last generation is counted in the +examples he lays before us. On this point, however, he is silent. When +he comes to the fourth generation he stops short, and leaves his readers +to infer that it must be the last in point of fact, because it is the +last on his list. Let us see if this assumption derives any probability +from scriptural facts. At the time of the exodus Moses was 80, Aaron, +83. Mishael, Elzaphan, and Korah were their first cousins. It is, +therefore, not improbable that they were as old, or even older. These +are the first five names we find on the list of Dr. Colenso; and they +belonged to the _third generation_. Their grand-children, therefore, +would belong to the _fifth_. Is it improbable that among five men of +80, some had grand-children who had attained the age of 20? + +Again, Nahshon was in the _fifth generation_, counting from the sons of +Jacob: Judah, Pharez, Hezron, Ram, Amminadab, Nahshon (_Ruth_, iv. +18-20.) His sister was the wife of Aaron. Since his brother-in-law was +therefore 83, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he himself may have +been at least 60; if so, his sons might surely have been numbered among +the 600,000 men of 20 years old and upward. This would give us _six_ +generations in the family of Nahshon. And yet, strange to tell, this +very family is adduced by our author to prove his theory of "the Exodus +in the _fourth generation_." Lastly, we would invite attention to the +family of Joseph. He saw the children of his son Ephraim to the third +generation (_Gen._, l. 23). Therefore, the fourth generation in that +line had commenced before Joseph's death. But this is an event of which +we can fix the date with accuracy. When Jacob settled in Egypt, Joseph +was about 39, and he lived to the age of 110. His death, therefore, must +have occurred about 71 years after the Descent. Consequently, at that +time the posterity of Joseph had already reached the fourth generation. +One hundred and forty-four years yet remained before the Exodus. Surely +during that period there was abundance of time for at least four +generations more of the same average length. + +It was our intention to analyze the argument of Dr. Colenso more fully +by a critical examination of the genealogies from which his examples are +derived. But we fear that we have already overtaxed the patience of our +readers, and we are sure they will pardon us if we forbear to enter into +the complicated details which such an inquiry would involve. We cannot, +however, dismiss the subject without one general observation. It is +assumed by Dr. Colenso that there are exactly the same number of +_descents_ in each family as there are _links in the genealogy_ of that +family as it is recorded in the pages of Scripture. This would indeed be +true if he could prove that _every link_ in the chain of descent is +preserved in the Scriptural genealogies. But it is well known to all +Biblical scholars that such was not the usage among the Hebrew people. +Every one is familiar with the genealogy of our Lord in the first +chapter of St. Matthew's gospel. Three links are manifestly omitted in +the eighth verse, between Joram and Ozias--namely, Ochozias, Joaz, and +Amasias. We cannot suppose that St. Matthew, himself a Jew, could have +been in error about the genealogy of the house of David. Much less can +we suppose that he would have attempted, on this point, to deceive the +Jews, for whom he wrote his gospel. Above all, it is plain, that if he +had fallen into such an error; it would have been at once discovered +and have been proclaimed to the world by the enemies of the Christian +religion. We must infer, therefore, that it was perfectly conformable to +the usage of the Jewish nation to say, "Joram begot Ozias", although in +point of fact three generations had intervened between them. Now, Dr. +Colenso must admit that his examples will prove absolutely nothing, if +omissions of this kind were made in the genealogies from which they are +taken. _We_ do not assert that such _was_ the case; but we challenge +_him_ to prove that it was _not_. + +Take, for example, the text: "And the sons of Pallu, Eliab" (_Num._, +xxvi. 8). Can he show that no intervening links are omitted between +these two names? He will find, on a close examination of the Pentateuch, +from which he professes to derive his data, that Pallu must have been +over 110 years of age when Eliab was born. It is, therefore, most likely +that there were two or perhaps three links omitted in this genealogy +between Pallu and Eliab. If so, we should add two or three generations +in the examples which Dr. Colenso has adduced from the family of Pallu. +He cannot argue that Pallu was the _immediate father_ of Eliab, because +it is said that Eliab was the _son_ of Pallu: for do we not also read: +"The Book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the _son of David_, the +_son of Abraham"?_ (_Matth._, i. 1). + +II. Dr. Colenso next assumes that the 600,000 men of the exodus were +_all_ descendants of Jacob. We contend, as a far more probable opinion, +that amongst them were counted, not only the descendants of _Jacob +himself_, but also the descendants of his _servants_. If we take up the +book of Genesis, and glance through the brief history of the Patriarchs, +we shall find abundant reason to believe that, when Jacob was invited by +Joseph to come down into Egypt, he must have had a goodly retinue of +servants. His grandfather, Abraham, had been able to lead forth an army +of 318 servants "_born in his house_" (_Gen._, xiv. 14). It is not +unreasonable to suppose that, according to the custom of those times, he +had other servants not born in his house, but "bought with money".[13] +At all events the number was considerably increased by a present from +Abimeleck, who "took sheep, and oxen, and _men-servants_, and +_women-servants_, and gave them unto Abraham" (_Gen._, xx. 14). Upon his +death this immense household passed into the possession of his Son +Isaac; for "Abraham gave _all that he had_ to Isaac" (_Gen._, xxv. 5). +Isaac, too, we are told, "increased, and went on increasing, until he +became very great; and he had possessions of flocks, and possessions of +herds, and a _numerous household_; and the Philistines envied him" +(_Gen._, xxvi. 13, 14). As to Jacob himself, he was sent by Isaac to +Padan-Aram, where he served his father-in-law Laban for twenty years. +While there, it is said, he "increased exceedingly, and had many flocks, +and _women-servants_, and _men-servants_, and camels, and asses" +(_Gen._, xxx. 43). All these he took with him when he set out from +Padan-Aram to return to Canaan (_Gen._, xxxi. 18; xxiii. 5, 7). In +addition to this large retinue, Jacob must also have inherited, in +virtue of his birthright, a double portion (_Deut._, xxi. 17) of the +household which his father had accumulated. Thus, it seems clear that, +within ten years[14] of the Descent into Egypt, the number of servants +who looked up to Jacob as their head and master, must have been very +large indeed. + +Now we maintain that, according to the narrative before us, these +servants were _a part of the chosen people of God_, and _sharers in His +Covenant_ with Abraham. This assertion is easily proved. They had all +received the rite of circumcision, and circumcision was the mark of the +chosen people; it was the _sign_ of God's Covenant. "This is my covenant +which you shall keep between me and you, and thy seed after thee; every +male child among you shall be circumcised. And you shall circumcise the +flesh of your foreskin; and it shall be a _sign_ of the Covenant between +me and you. And the son of eight days shall be circumcised among you, +every male child in your generations, _he that is born in the house or +bought with money of any stranger, that is not of thy seed_. _He that is +born in thy house and he that is bought with thy money_ must needs be +circumcised" (_Gen._, xvii. 10-13). It is clear, therefore, that Abraham +and his posterity were commanded to circumcise not only their +_children_, but their _servants_ and their _servants' children_, who +thus became sharers in the promises of God. + +Is it not likely then that, when Jacob came down into Egypt, he took +with him not only his lineal descendants, but also his servants and +their families? Let it be remembered that he was invited by his son, +Joseph, whom God had made "as a father to Pharaoh, and lord of all his +house, and ruler throughout all the land of Egypt" (_Gen._, xlv. 8): +that Pharaoh himself had promised, that to Jacob and his household he +would give "the good of the land of Egypt", and that they should "eat +the fat of the land" (_Gen._, xlv. 18). Are we to suppose that when the +venerable patriarch heard this joyful intelligence, he took with him +_his flock_, and _his herds_, and _all his possessions_, but left behind +his faithful servants with their wives and children? Would he, in his +old age, when prosperity smiled upon him, desert those trusty followers +who had come with him from a distant country, and had clung to him in +all his varied fortunes? Would he abandon now those men of loyal heart +whom he had known from a boy, and who had grown up with himself in his +father's house? He knew that they were the chosen people of God: would +he have come down into Egypt with his children to "eat the fat of the +land", and have left them to perish of hunger in the land of Canaan? + +But Dr. Colenso objects, "there is no word or indication of any such +_cortège_ having accompanied Jacob into Egypt" (p. 114). We reply that +our supposition is still possible and probable, even though no mention +were made of it in the brief summary of Moses. It has been well remarked +that, when it suits his purpose, Dr. Colenso is at no loss to supply the +omissions of the sacred text. Thus, in treating of the "march out of +Egypt"--(pp. 61, 62), he supplies _aged, infirm, infants, women in +childbirth_, of whom there is "no word or indication" in the narrative. +It happens, however, in the present instance, that there is a pretty +clear "indication" in the text, that Jacob was accompanied by "such a +_cortège_". We are informed that "Israel set out _with all that he had_" +(_Gen._, xlvi. 1). It has been shown that he had a large retinue of +servants, and we know that it is the usage of the Pentateuch to reckon +_men-servants and women-servants_ amongst the possessions of the +patriarchs. Therefore, we are justified in supposing that this phrase +included not only the family, cattle, and goods, but also the servants +of Jacob. + +Again, it is said that "Joseph nourished his father and his brethren and +_all his father's house_, with bread" (_Gen._, xlvii. 12). And when +Joseph went to bury his father in Canaan, we are told that with him went +"all the house of Joseph, and his brethren, and his _father's house_; +only their little ones and their flocks, and their herds, they left in +the land of Goshen" (_Gen._, l. 8.) What can be the meaning of the +_house of Jacob_ thus distinguished from _his children_ and _their +little ones_? Does it not seem obviously to point to his _retinue of +servants_? Unless, therefore, we set aside the evidence of the +Pentateuch itself; unless we can believe that Jacob, in the decline of +his life, suddenly snapped asunder the strongest ties of natural +affection and of religious duty, we must admit that he brought down into +Egypt a very large number of servants. We have seen that, according to +the Divine command, their descendants would all receive the rite of +circumcision, and be reckoned among the chosen people of God. They +would, therefore, be numbered with those who, at the time of the Exodus, +went out with Moses into the desert. + +It is not true, then, that, in the narrative of the Pentateuch, +2,000,000 of Israelites are represented as having sprung from 70 persons +in 215 years. Neither is it true, as we have shown, that only _four +generations_, in the sense of Dr. Colenso, intervened between the sons +of Jacob and the adult Hebrew population at the time of the Exodus. +There yet remain many serious errors, and gross blunders, and palpable +misrepresentations, in the argument of Dr. Colenso; but these we must +reserve for a future number of the _Record_. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[5] See Gesenius, Fürst, or, indeed, any of the larger Hebrew Lexicons. + +[6] _Hebrew and English Lexicon_; London: Baxter and Sons. + +[7] _Egypt's Place in Universal History_; London: Longman and Co., vol. +i., p. 172. + +[8] _Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament_; Leipzig: 1852. + +[9] _Scholia in Pentateuchum._ + +[10] _Die Genesis Erklärt_; Leipzig: 1852. + +[11] This is the literal translation of the Hebrew text, see Pagnini, +Rosenmüller etc. + +[12] Our readers are no doubt aware that the proper names of the Bible +are differently spelled in the different versions. The orthography +uniformly followed by Catholics is derived from the Septuagint, which +was in general use throughout the Church in the very earliest ages. +Among Protestants, on the other hand, an attempt is made to approach +more closely to the orthography of the Hebrew text. Dr. Colenso has +naturally taken the proper names as he found them in the English +authorized version, and to avoid confusion in answering his arguments, +we shall follow the spelling which he has adopted. + +[13] In fact it is quite clear from several passages that Abraham had +servants of both classes. See, for example, _Gen._, xvii. 12, 13, 23, +27. + +[14] The death of Isaac must have taken place just ten years before the +Descent into Egypt. Isaac was 60 when Jacob was born (_Gen._, xxv. 26); +and Jacob was 130 when he went down to Egypt (_Gen._, xlvii. 9): +therefore Isaac, if then living, would have been 190. But we know that +he died at the age of 180 (_Gen._, xxxv. 28); that is to say, ten years +before. + + + + +RICHARD FITZ-RALPH, ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH. + + +§ VI. HIS NOMINATION TO THE SEE OF ARMAGH. + +The see of Armagh became vacant by the death of David O'Hiraghty, which +took place, according to the _Annales Nenaghtenses_, on the 16th May, +1346. Dr. O'Hiraghty had been Dean of Armagh, and was elected by the +chapter of Armagh, _quasi per inspirationem divinam_, as John XXII. +mentions in the bull by which, on July 4th, 1334, he ratified the +election.[15] He was consecrated at Avignon, and having ruled his +diocese for nearly twelve years, died in 1346. On the 31st July, 1346, +Clement VI., _jure provisionis_, appointed to the vacant see Richard +Fitz-Ralph, then Dean of Lichfield. The bull of nomination contains that +the chapter of Armagh had already unanimously elected the same Richard, +and that he had given his consent to the election.[16] The Four Masters +place in the year 1356 the death of Farrell (son of Jeffrey) MacRannall, +Primate of Armagh and representative of St. Patrick. This, as Dr. +O'Donovan remarks, is evidently a mistake of the Four Masters, as +Richard Fitz-Ralph was certainly not one of the Mac Rannalls. We may say +that, besides the mistake in the names, there is also a mistake in the +dates. It was precisely in 1356 that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph set out upon +that visit to London which was the occasion of his controversy with the +Franciscans. The mistake made by the Four Masters is all the more +incomprehensible for this reason, that of all the primates who sat at +Armagh since the days of St. Francis of Assisi, no one was more likely +to be remembered by the Franciscans than Archbishop Fitz-Ralph. + +Dr. Fitz-Ralph was consecrated at Exeter on the 8th of July, 1347, by +John Grandison, Bishop of Exeter, and three other bishops.[17] If this +date be correct, the Primate found himself engaged in the onerous duties +of his new office even before his consecration. On the 10th of April, +1347, Clement VI. appointed him, together with the Archbishop of Cashel, +to make inquiry on the part of the Holy See into some charges brought +against the Archbishop of Dublin by the Bishop of Ossory.[18] On the +12th of July of the same year he received faculties from the Holy See to +dispense in a case of invalid marriage, the parties belonging to the +diocese of Armagh.[19] The bishops of Ardagh and Cloyne were appointed +on the 29th August, 1347, to give him the pallium.[20] + + +§ VII. THE ACTS OF HIS EPISCOPATE. + +One of the most striking characteristics of Archbishop Fitz-Ralph's +pastoral life was his assiduity in preaching the word of God to his +people. His sermons on the principal festivals, still extant in MS. in +the university libraries of Dublin, Oxford, and Cambridge, and in the +British Museum, would fill a large volume. Already as Dean of Lichfield +he had been remarkable for his fervour in preaching, but as successor of +St. Patrick in the see of Armagh, he seemed to have received a double +spirit of zeal and diligence. A volume of his sermons, once in the +possession of Ware, and lately purchased for the British Museum at the +sale of the Tenison library, includes sermons preached at Avignon, +London, Drogheda, Dundalk, Trim, and other places of the province of +Armagh. The fame of his eloquence preceded him to the Holy See, and when +at Avignon he was frequently admitted to the high honour of preaching +before the Holy Father and the cardinals and prelates of his court. He +loved to make our Blessed Lady's virtues the subject of his discourse. +_De Laudibus S. Deiparae_ is the title of many of his sermons. There are +also special sermons on her Conception, Visitation, and Assumption. His +sermons are generally constructed on a uniform plan. After quoting his +text, it was his custom to begin with some short prayer like the +following, which occurs in a sermon preached at Avignon on the feast of +All Saints, 1358: _Pro edificandi gratia impetranda, devote, si placet, +matrem gratiae salutemus, dicentes Ave Maria._ And in a sermon preached +before Innocent VI. on the feast of the Epiphany, after the text +_Videntes stellam Magi_, he begins with the invocation, _O Maria stella +Maris, Mater stellae solaris_. After the introductory prayer he repeats +the text in the vernacular, and then proceeds with the division of the +subject. In dividing his discourse he generally employs the rigour of +the scholastic method; each member of the division being complete in +itself, and forming as it stands a finished whole. Hence, the great +feature of his style is its singular clearness; a clearness which, +however, never becomes hard or cold, so tender is the unction that +pervades the entire. He appears to have had a singular devotion to St. +Catherine the Martyr and to St. Thomas of Canterbury, among the saints; +three or four different sermons are to be found in the collection in +honour of each. It is much to be regretted that those beautiful sermons +have never been printed. + +Anxious to secure efficient pastors for his flock, he took care that his +clergy should have the benefit of the highest literary and +ecclesiastical training it was within his power to procure. With this +view he sent four of his priests to the University of Oxford, where he +himself had spent so many happy years of profitable study. He also +acquired for his diocese from the Benedictines of St. Mary of Lenley's +in Normandy, the priory and houses of St. Andrew in the Ardes, belonging +to that order. Besides this, he was diligent in visiting every portion +of his province. Among the rolls of Edward III., there is a letter of +28th April, 1356,[21] addressed by that King to the Archbishop, at a +moment that the latter has actually engaged in his visitation of the +diocese of Meath. Edward calls upon the Primate to return with all speed +to Dundalk to treat with Odo O'Neill, who was advancing upon that town +with a considerable army of Irish. Nor was it the first time that the +Archbishop's virtues enabled him to discharge the blessed office of +peacemaker in the disturbed state of society in which his lot was cast. +As far back as 1348 he had received from the King full powers to treat +for peace between the English and Irish.[22] + +While careful of the spiritual interests of his diocese, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph did not neglect to take care of its temporal concerns. He +justified to the letter the description given of him in the bull which +made him Archbishop: _in spiritualibus providum, in temporalibus +circumspectum_. + +On January 11th, 1351, he received from Clement VI. a favourable answer +to his petition that he might be allowed to incorporate with the mensal +funds of his see the income of four churches with care of souls, +provided the ordinaries consented, and that the sum did not exceed the +annual value of one hundred marks. The petition of the Archbishop set +forth that the entire income of his see did not reach four hundred +pounds sterling per annum. On the same day the Pontiff issued letters +requiring the Abbot of St. Mary's in Dynelek (Duleek), the Prior of St. +Leonard's in Dundalk, and the Archdeacon of Armagh, together with the +chapter of the cathedral, to examine how far it would be useful to +exchange certain church lands, rents, and other immovable property, for +others, which the Primate judged more likely to be advantageous to the +see of Armagh. + +Two documents preserved by Rymer show how careful Dr. Fitz-Ralph was not +to sanction by any act of his the claims made to the primacy by the +Archbishop of Dublin, to the detriment of Armagh. The first is dated 8th +December, 1350, and is an order from Edward III., that the Archbishop of +Armagh should not have his cross carried before him within the limits of +the province of Dublin. Archbishop Fitz-Ralph was unwilling to cause +disturbance by refusing to obey this order, but on the other hand he +felt that to comply with it fully would be to prejudice the legitimate +claims of his see. + +He resolved in consequence simply to absent himself from Dublin. He +procured a royal license which excused him from personal attendance at +the parliaments held at Dublin, on the ground, that within the province +of Dublin he was not permitted to have his cross borne before him. In +1349 he was charged by the same king to plead in the royal name before +the Sovereign Pontiff Clement VI. for the grace of a jubilee on behalf +of the people subject to the English crown. In Oxford there is a MS. +entitled _Propositio ejusden (Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph Archiepiscopi +Armachani) ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III. in consistorio Domini +Papae, Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus Domino Regis populo obtinenda, +anno 1349_. A similar heading is prefixed to another _propositio_ of the +same prelate, which, as we shall see, he urged in person at Avignon in +1357. Pope Clement VI. was engaged in anxious efforts to restore the +oriental churches to union with Rome. The Armenians were in an especial +manner the objects of his paternal solicitude. The remarkable series of +questions which the Pope proposed to the bishops of that church are well +known in ecclesiastical history. It was, probably, during this visit to +the Holy See that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph became acquainted with the two +Armenian prelates, Nerses or Narses of Manasgarda and John, Bishop elect +of Clata, in Greater Armenia. These oriental bishops had long and +earnest conferences with their Irish brother on the sad state of their +once flourishing church, and at their earnest and oft-repeated requests, +the Primate resolved to contribute his aid to the great work of bringing +back the Armenians to unity. One circumstance connected with the +occasion, though it narrowed his field of argument for the time, has +given, nevertheless, to his writings a character which makes them +valuable in modern controversy. In his _Questiones Armenorum_ he was +forced to defend the Catholic doctrine almost exclusively from the Holy +Scriptures, seeing that his adversaries did not admit the authority of +the Roman Church. Hence his position as a controversial writer does not +differ from that which the Reformation has imposed upon modern +theologians since the time of Bellarmine. + +Before the publication of Theiner's _Vetera Monumenta_, there was but a +single writer, Raphael of Volterra,[23] to assert that Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph had been created Cardinal. This solitary testimony, though +positive, was not considered by Ware and others strong enough to +counterbalance the negative argument drawn from the silence of all other +writers on the subject, and especially from the fact that upon the +elaborate catalogue of cardinals, drawn up by Panvinio and Ciacconio, +the name of Fitz-Ralph is not to be found. Among the documents published +by Theiner there is a consistorial process drawn up in 1517 on occasion +of a vacancy in the see of Ardagh,[24] in which mention is made, among +other glories of Ireland, of the Cardinal of Armagh, who flourished in +the year 1353. This is no other than our Archbishop Fitz-Ralph. It is +curious that the statement in this process is made in words almost +identical with those used by Raphael of Volterra. So close is the +likeness between the two statements that one is clearly copied from the +other. It is also to be observed that in the Papal documents he is never +styled Cardinal, and that even as late as October, 1358, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph is styled by Innocent VI. simply Archbishop of Armagh, +although in the same letter the Pontiff makes mention of the Cardinals +appointed to examine into the questions at issue between our prelate and +the Mendicant Orders. However this may be explained, we have the weighty +authority of an official document drawn up at Rome and accepted by the +Holy Father himself, for believing that the see of Armagh was honoured +by the Roman purple in the person of Richard Fitz-Ralph. + + +§ VIII. HIS CONTROVERSY WITH THE MENDICANT ORDERS. + +We now approach the grave controversy which was carried on for years +between our Archbishop and the Mendicant Religious Orders. Even if the +space at our disposal permitted it, we would not be willing to enter +here into a detailed account of the dispute. + +Had it been given to Archbishop Fitz-Ralph to see as clearly as history +has enabled us to see, the blessings which our Church owes to the +heroism of the religious orders in the days of persecution, far from +opposing, he would have been the first to enlarge their privileges in +Ireland. But, as it was, it is quite clear that in his opposition to +them he was influenced solely by motives of an elevated nature. The +whole struggle was simply a domestic misunderstanding, and of such +character as that one may and must feel deep respect for both parties. +We cannot do better than lay before our readers the explanation of his +object and motives offered by the Archbishop himself to Pope Innocent +VI. in person, at Avignon, 8th November, 1357.[25] + + "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy + Ghost. Amen. 'Nolite judicare secundum faciem sed justum + judicium judicate' (_Joan._, cap. 7). + + "Most Holy Father, I protest, at the very beginning of my + discourse, that I do not intend to assert or rashly to + affirm anything which may clash with Christian faith or + Catholic doctrine, and that it is not my intention to + solicit, or even to advise, the abolition or retrenchment of + the mendicant orders approved by the Church or confirmed by + the Sovereign Pontiffs. But rather, it is my desire that + these same orders be brought back to the purity of their + original institution, and in this, also, I am ever ready to + submit to the correction of your Holiness. And to approach + my subject without delay, coming to London, Most Holy + Father, about certain matters connected with my Church of + Armagh, I found a dispute going on between certain learned + doctors concerning the mendicant state and the mendicity of + Christ our Lord and Saviour. After repeated invitations to + preach to the people, I there delivered, in the vernacular, + seven or eight discourses, and, always under the above-made + protest, I defended in public nine conclusions, on account + of which, and for what else I then said, the friars have + appealed, though without reason, to this Holy See". + +The visit to London here alluded to took place in 1356, and, as we have +seen, in 1357, the case was already under judgment at Avignon. For three +whole years the archbishop remained at the Holy See, while a +congregation of Cardinals, specially appointed for the purpose, took +cognizance of the dispute. No official decision was given, but as the +privileges of the mendicant orders were confirmed, and a letter sent to +the English bishops commanding them to not interfere with the friars, it +may be said that the Archbishop failed to make good his cause. + + +§ IX. HIS DEATH. + +On the 16th November, 1360, according to Henry of Malmesbury, Richard +Fitz-Ralph slept in the Lord at Avignon. "Of whom", says Fox,[26] "a +certain cardinal hearing of his death, openly protested that the same +day a mighty pillar of the Church was fallen". + +In Wadding's _Annals_, it is told that towards the end of his life, +seeing it was not likely he could succeed in his struggle, he withdrew +to Belgium, and there died in the mountains of Hannonia. The same +account appears in the Camden Annals of Ireland. But Ware[27] tells us +that the Armagh copy of these annals agrees with other histories in +placing the death at Avignon. In 1370, his remains were removed by +Stephanus de Valle (who from the see of Limerick was translated to that +of Meath by Urban V. in 1369), and brought back to his native town of +Dundalk, where they were desposited in the church of St. Nicholas. The +memory of his extraordinary merits soon attracted to his tomb crowds of +the faithful. The usage of styling him St. Richard of Dundalk became +quite general, and many miracles were ascribed to his intercession. +Moved by the report of these prodigies, Pope Boniface IX. appointed John +Cotton, Archbishop of Armagh, Richard Young, Bishop-elect of Bangor, and +the Abbot of Osney, near Oxford, as commissioners to institute a +judicial examination of the miracles. The result of their labours is not +known. Stewart, in his _History of Armagh_, mentions[28] that in a synod +held at Drogheda in 1545, it was ordered that the feast of St. Richard +of Dundalk should be celebrated in the diocese of Armagh with nine +lessons, in _crastino Joannis et Pauli_. + + +§ X. THE WORKS OF ARCHBISHOP FITZ-RALPH. + +(A.) Printed works:-- + +1. (_a_) _Richardi Archiepiscopi Armachani, Hyberniae Primalis, +Defensorium Curatorum, adversus eos qui Privilegiatos se esse dicunt_, +habitum Avinione in consistorio coram D. Papa Innocentio VJ. et D.D. +Cardinalibus et Prelatis, anno Christi 1357, nunc recens excusum juxta +vetus exemplar et ex fide codicis MS. diligentissime castigatum. +Parisiis apud Joan. Libert, via D. Joan. Lateranens. e regione Auditorii +Regii, MDCXXI. pagg. 1-136. + +(_b_) The same is printed in the _Appendix ad Fasciculum Rerum +expetendarum et fugiendarum_ opera et studio Ed. Brown Parochi +Sandrigiae in agro Cantiano. London: Chiswell, MDCXC. vol. ii. pag. 466 +to 486. + +(_c_) The same in Goldast's _Monumenta S. Romani Imperii_, vol. ii. p. +1391 to 1410. + +2. _Summa Domini Armachani in quaestionibus Armenorum_, noviter impressa +et correcta a magistro nostro Joanne Sudoris, cum aliquibus sermonibus +ejusdem de Christi Dominio. "Jehan Petit, venales habentur in vico Divi +Jacobi sub lilio aureo ... quinsiène jour de Juillet mil cinq cens et +douse., fol. clxxvii." + +As this is the most important of all the writings of Dr. Fitz-Ralph, and +as the printed book is very rare, it will please our readers to have a +more detailed account of its object and contents. The work forms a real +encyclopaedia of theological learning, and reveals the vast extent of +the author's studies and acquirements. The introduction runs as +follows:-- + + Reverendis in Christo patribus, Versi Manasgardensi, ac + fratri Joanni electo Clatensi Majoris Armeniae, Richardus + Radulphus Archiepiscopus Armachanus, Hiberniae Primas, per + gratiam sitire justitiam donec hauriatis aquas in gaudio de + fontibus Salvatoris. Ex revelatione Vestrae sanctae + devotionis accepi, ob defectum exercitii in Sacris + Scripturis antiquas quasdam hereses a Sanctis Patribus + reprobatas, et nonnullas contra S. Scripturas novellas + assertiones erroneas in vestris partibus pullulasse, propter + quas per doctores Latinos ex sacris Literis resecandas, eo + quia earum patroni auctoritatem Ecclesiae Romanae non + admittunt estimantes ejus auctoritatem ex Sacris Literis + probari non posse, ad Romanam curiam zelus domus Dei et + Christi charitas vos adduxit. Cum vero super ipsis erroribus + vobis cum ibidem aliquoties contulissem, meam exilitatem + devotius stimulastis ut super quaestionibus vestris illud + vobis scriberem quod mihi dignaretur Dominus aperire. Cui + Vestro tam accepto Deo desiderio resistere non audebam, + exactiones spiritualis usurae formidans, si de bonis a + Domino acceptis officium negligerem institoris, et juxta + ipsius promissa _qui evangelizantibus dat verba virtute + multa_ ardenter desideratis ampliora ob hoc recipite ut + abundem magis. Nec debent indignari mihi majores, ex quo + ipsi per quos melius perfici potuit illud penitus + neglexerunt, et ego cum vidua evangelica cupiam minuta, quae + habeo in Domini domum offerre, ipso teste confidens humilis + orationis suffragio amplius quam subtilitate ingenii + difficilia penetrare. Nec majorum correctionem renuo sed + affecto, et ipsum opus, (cujus titulem volui esse _De + quaestionibus Armenorum quod_ in xix. particulas sive libros + distinxi, singulis libris materiam fidei et ipsius causam + premittendo), approbationi et reprobationi nostri Papae + Patris Clementis VI. universalis Ecclesiae Summi Pontificis + in toto et in parte committo. In primis quinque libris illa + principalis quaestio Armenorum pertractabitur: numquid + Christus habuit in se duas plenas naturas, scilicet, divinam + et humanam ita quod propter unionen illarum duarum naturarum + in ipso fuit Dominus IESVS Christus veraciter suppositum, + persona, sive hypostasis in utraque natura verus Deus et + verus homo. + + Primus itaque liber contra heresim Nestorianam, a quodam + Nestorio introductam, affirmantem in Christo naturam humanam + duntaxat, ita ut Christus homo fuerit et non Deus; quam + heresim secuti sunt Cherintus, Armerintus, Theodocio, et + etiam excaecati Judaei, et multae Orientalium nationum usque + in prasens, patefacto primitus quis sensus sit literalis + Sacrae Scripturae censendus, ex Scriptura N. T. juxta sensum + literalem ipsius ostendit Christum quem colimus esse Deum. + Secundus liber contra Judaeos specialiter ex V. T. juxta + literalem sensum ipsius, probat Christum sive Messiam in sua + Scriptura promissum Deum esse debere. + + Tertius liber ex eadem V. Scriptura ostendit Christum + nostrum quem colimus esse sive fuisse illum qui erat Judaico + populo in ipsa Scriptura promissus. + + In quarto libro tractantur objectus Judaici populi contra + ostensa in lib 2'o et 3'o et dantur et probantur in ipso + regulae certae istos objectus, et omnes alios objectus + Judaicos dissolvendi. + + In quarto libro contra heresim Arii et Apollinarii + affirmantem quod in Christo anima humana non fuit, + divinitas loco animae in Christo erat: ad hoc, contra + heresim Manichaei dicentis Christum non verum corpus humanum + sed corpus fantasticum habuisse Scripturae testimonia + adducuntur, et consequenter contra heresim ponentem corpus + humanum in Christo fuisse et divinitas veluti indumentum ac + vestem sicut in angelis cum corpora humana assumuni; et + contra heresim Dioscori affirmantis naturam humanam in + Christo in divinam fuisse mutatam ex utroque Testamento + testimonia proferuntur. + + Sextus liber ex Scripturis utriusque Testamenti ostendit + Spiritum Sanctum a Filio sicut a Patre procedere, quod a + Grecis et ab Armenis plerisque negatur. + + Septimus liber probat ex Scriptura quod Romana Ecclesia sit + caput totius Ecclesiae Christianae. + + Octavus liber de Sacramento baptismi et ejus forma plures + Armenorum quaestiones absolvit. + + Nonus liber de Sacramentis Corporis Christi et Sanguinis, + Confirmationis et Unctionis plures quaestiones eorum + tractat. + + Decimus liber de modis illicitis, conferendi et acquirendi + et detinendi dona Dei gratuita ac praeposituras Ecclesiae + quaestiones eorum pertractat, et an requiratur gratia Dei ad + habendum dominium. + + Undecimus[29] liber de potestate absolvendi simplicis + sacerdotis, et de punitione animarum hominum impiorum ante + finale judicium quaestiones ipsorum dissolvit. + + Duodecimus liber quaestiones Armenorum pertractat de + beatitudine animarum quorumdam justorum et de purgatione + aliquarum animarum ante finale judicium. + + Liber decimus-tertius, quem propter Athanasium Graecum qui + negat Purgatorium adjeci, quatuor pertractat articulos, de + satisfactione, debita pro peccatis in vita et etiam post + hanc vitam. + + Liber decimus-quartus tractat quaestiones Graecorum et + Armenorum de visione nuda atque clara divinae essentiae a + vere beatis quam negant plerique eorum. + + Liber decimus-quintus objicit contra auctoritatem nostrae + Scripturae per contingentiam futurorum praenuntiatorum in + ipsa quae possint non fore, et occasione cujusdam novelli + erroris asserentis omnia futura ex necessitate sive + inevitabiliter evenire, quare offendit libertatem + contradictionis in voluntate humana tam ex physicis + scripturis quam ex divinis in multiplici ratione, et + contingentiam futurorum. + + Liber decimus-sextus ponit tres de pretactis objectionibus + acceptis de infallibilitate scripturae divinae, a divina + praescientia immutabili, a voluntate divina omnipotente + invincibili et etiam efficaci; et solvit eosdem ex propriis + principiis evidenter ostendens contingentiam futurorum et + libertatem contradictionis voluntatis divinae et humanae. + + Liber decimus-septimus residuos sex ponit objectus de Dei + coöperatione speciali cum voluntate hominum operante; de + sustentatione rerum intrinseca ab omnipotenti divina + potentia; de divina coöperatione generali eum omni agente + creato; de necessitate eventus actuum intrinsecorum + nostrorum, etc. + + Liber decimus-octavus ostendit auctoritatem Legis Antiquae + et Novae, et probat utrumque Testamentum ex lege Saracenorum + firmari; et cum in multiplici ratione affirmat Legem nostram + traditam in suis majoribus articulis non fuisse aut esse + corruptam. + + Liber decimus-nonus comparat Legem nostram quoad sacramenta + et ceremonias cum lege Judaeorum. Pertractat etiam de + miraculis Apostolorum, et ostendit Legem nostram robur + amplius habere quam ratio naturalis, aut aliqua secta + gentilium et hoc totum opus consummat. + + Quia vero per interrogationem et responsionem modus tradendi + videtur multis facilior, licet sit aliquantulum prolixior, + unum de nostris, mihi discipulum predilectum, quasi mecum + disputantem accepi. Ita ut Joannes vicem gerere quaerentis, + et Richardus intelligatur vicem gerere docentis licet potius + respondentis. Vos igitur, Reverendi Patres, opus accipite + quod petistis, orationis si placet mercedem mihi pensantes + pro labore hoc. + +(B.) Works in Manuscript:-- + +1. (_a_) _Summa contra Armenos_, lib. xx., fol. 126, xc. New College. +Oxford. + +(_b_) _Responsio de Armenorum Heresi_, fol. 218, xviii. Lincoln Coll., +Oxford. + +(_c_) _Armachanus de Questionibus Armenorum_, Cod. 250, n. 4. St. +Benedict, Cambridge. + +(_d_) _Scriptum Armachani de Questionibus Armenorum_, Cod. 224. +Pembroke, Cambridge. + +(_e_) _Richardi Armachani lib._ xix., _Questionum adversus Armenos_. +Trin. College, Dublin. + +2. _Ricardi Radulphi Armachani Opus in P. Lombardi sententias_ in +questiones xxix. distributum, praevio sermone super idem. xv. Oriel +College, Oxford. + +3. (_a_) _Ricardi Rad. Armachani, Propositio facta in consistorio coram +Domino Papa et Cardinalibus ac Prelatis super materia mendicitatis ac +privilegiorum mendicantium contra Fratres de ordinibus quibuscunque, +apud Avinion. die 8 mensis Novemb. Anno Domini MCCCLVIII._, _fol._ 54, +xxxviii. Magdal. Coll. Oxford. + +(_b_) _Propositio ejusdem facta in consistorio coram Papa, Cardinalibus +et Prelatis, ad utilitatem cleri ac populi Christiani super materia +mendicitatis ac privilegiorum contra fratres de ordinibus mendicantium +quibuscunque apud Avinion. 8 Nov. 1357_, fol. 184. St. John Bapt., +Oxford. + +(_c_) _Ric. Filii Radulphi, Archiep. Cantuar._ (sic) _sermo habitus +Avinionae viii. die mensis Novembris A.D. 1357, in istud Nolite judicare +secundum faciem_, etc., fol. 53. Corpus Christi Coll., clxxxii., Oxford. + +4. _Propositio Ric. Armachani ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III., in +consistorio D. Papa Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus D. Regis populo +obtinenda, anno 1349_, fol. 177. S. J. Bap., Oxford. + +5. _Rich. Fil. Rad. Armachani de paupertate Christi_ libri septem, cum +prologo ad Innocentium Papam VI. et titulo capitulorum cuique libro +praevio, fol. 143. King's Coll. Oxford, cxviii. + +6. _Objectiones ejusdem contra seipsum in Materia de Mendicitate et +aliis cum suis solutionibus_, fol. 196, S. Q. B., lxv. Oxford. + +7. _Responsio ad objectiones Mendicantium._ British Museum. + +8. _Excerpta varia ex Ricardo Fitz-Rauf; a) excerpta ex testamento S. +Francisci contra fratres Minores; b) excerpta notabilia ex quodam libro +qui vocatur Summa Summarum; c) excerpta ex libro Copiosae charitatis._ +Bodl. + +9. _Rich. Radulphi Armachani Primatis Dialogus vel Disputatio de Rebus +ad S. Scripturam pertinentibus._ Lincoln, 75. + +10. (_a_) _Sermones Domini Richardi Dei gratia Archiep. Armach. +Hiberniae, habiti Avinione et aliis locis quampluribus de diversis +Sanctis et temporibus._ S. John B. lxv. Oxford. + +(_b_) _Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph, Archiep. Armach. sermones de tempore +et de sanctis, per totum annum._ New Coll., xc. + +(_c_) _Sermones tam de tempore quam de sanctis._ Trin. Coll., Dub. + +(_d_) _Sermones V. ad crucem Londinensem_, an 1356, et _alii de laudibus +S. Deipariae_. Ibid. + +(_e_) _Sermones Richardi filii Radulphi de Dundalk, Archiepiscop. +Armachani._ _Ibid._ + +FOOTNOTES: + +[15] Theiner's _Vetera Monumenta_, n. 517, p. 263. + +[16] _Vet. Monum._, n. 270, p. 286. + +[17] _Annal. MSS._, in Bibl. Cotton. + +[18] _Vet. Mon._, n. 271, p. 286-7. + +[19] _Ibid._, n. 272. + +[20] _Ibid._, n. 273. + +[21] _Claus. 29-30, Ed. III._ + +[22] _Pat. 29, Ed. III._ + +[23] _Commentar. Urbanor, lib. 3._ + +[24] _Vet. Mon., p. 521._ + +[25] _Defensorium Curatorum._ + +[26] _Acts and Monuments_, i. p. 465, seq. + +[27] _De Scriptoribus_, lib. i. p. 10. + +[28] _Dowdall Register._ + +[29] Cardinal Bellarmine warns his readers that our author is _caute +legendus_ in the 4th cap. of the 10th, and the 4th cap. of the 11th +books. The Cardinal does not approve of his doctrine, _de potestate +presbyterorum_, nor of his teaching on the mendicant state. + + + + +MR. BUTT AND NATIONAL EDUCATION.[30] + + +No Irish Catholic can examine the system of National Education without +being filled with alarm for the safety of our faith in Ireland. + +The tendency of the national system is to give a full control over the +education of the rising generations in Ireland to the English +Government, thus affording them an opportunity of undermining true +faith, and of effecting by favours, promises, gifts, and influence, what +they sought in vain to obtain by penal laws, by confiscation of +property, and by fire and sword. The system also tends to weaken +pastoral authority, to deprive the successors of the apostles, who were +sent by Christ to teach all nations, of their lawful influence, and to +separate priest and people. Such consequences necessarily follow from +the operation of model and training schools, and from the vast powers +given in all educational matters to a body of commissioners appointed by +the government, and dependent on it--commissioners, many of whom are +openly hostile to the religion of the people of Ireland, whilst others +have given proof that they are either unable or unwilling to defend it +or support its rights and interests. But even if the commissioners were +most anxious to do justice to Catholics, the nature of the system which +they have bound themselves to carry out would frustrate their good +intentions. The mixed system proposes to collect into the same school +teachers and pupils of every religious denomination, Catholics, +Anglicans, Presbyterians, Methodists, and Jews, and to do nothing and to +teach nothing in the school, and to publish nothing in the schoolbooks, +offensive to any of them. Hence all prayers, the catechism, all teaching +of the special doctrines and practices of the Catholic Church, must be +banished from the school during the hours of teaching, and the books +placed in the hands of children which are calculated to exercise great +influence on their after life, must be compiled in a style of +indifference to every religion. Indeed we could not expect to find +anything good or religious in books composed by a Protestant archbishop +of rationalistic and latitudinarian views, who does not appear to have +believed in the Trinity or the Divinity of Christ, who raised himself to +the episcopal dignity by publishing the _Errors of Romanism_, and who +terminated his career by admitting that his object in compiling some of +the books introduced into the national schools was to dissipate the +darkness in which the Irish people are sitting, or, in other words, to +spread among them his own dangerous principles, and to undermine their +faith. + +Whilst the national system is beset by so many dangers, we cannot but be +anxious that its character and tendencies should be accurately examined, +and the objections to which it is liable fairly stated to the public. We +are now happy to be able to say that all this has been done by a +Protestant barrister, Mr. Isaac Butt, late M.P. for Youghal. This +learned and eloquent gentleman has just published a treatise entitled +_The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated_, in which he gives the history of +the system of National Education, and discusses its merit. The writer +appears to have studied the subject with the greatest care, and to have +made himself acquainted with all its bearings. His treatise is written +with great clearness and moderation; his views upon education are +liberal and accurate; and his arguments against allowing the education +of Ireland to pass into the hands of a hostile government, are most +powerful and unanswerable. Mr. Butt has rendered us an immense service +by publishing so valuable a treatise. We recommend all our friends to +provide themselves with it, and to peruse it most carefully. + +We shall now give some few extracts from it to show the spirit in which +it is written. The treatise is dedicated to Mr. Gladstone, and in the +dedication Mr. Butt calls on that great statesman to apply to Ireland +the principles of justice and liberality, which he had so often +advocated in the case of other nations, principles unhappily ignored in +the management of Irish affairs by those who have the reins of power in +their hands. + + "Most of our departments are managed as if the chief art of + Irish government consisted in a dexterous thwarting, or, at + least, ignoring of all local and national wishes, as they + are represented by the class with whom the department has to + deal. In no country in the world, not even in the Austrian + provinces of Venetia, are national feeling and sentiment so + completely excluded from any control over the management of + national affairs"--(p. viii.) + +Applying what he had stated to the question of national education, he +adds:-- + + "The House of Commons, with an almost prodigal, but a wise + liberality, has placed at the disposal of the Irish + Government large and ample funds for the purposes of + national education. These funds are administered on a plan + opposed to the feelings of all creeds and all classes of the + Irish nation. Ninety-nine out of every hundred Irishmen + condemn it. There is not an Irish constituency from Bandon + to Derry in which any man could be returned as an advocate + of the national system, if the question were purely one of + its approval or disapproval. There is not a parish in + Ireland in which the inhabitants, if they had their choice, + would adopt it as the system of their parish school. Right + or wrong, the present system is one forced, by official + coercion, on the Irish people. It is a national system, + maintained and supported in defiance of the sentiment of the + nation"--(p. viii.) + +Looking at the national system in a religious point of view, Mr. Butt +adds, that it is in antagonism with the wishes and feelings of all +classes of the Irish people. + + "There is no nation on earth who cherish religious feelings + with a more deep and enthusiastic devotion than do the + Irish. They are the very last people among whom the + experiment of an education, which excludes the fulness of + religious teaching, should be tried. The result of the + experiment has been, that by all creeds and classes of + Irishmen, the 'national' system is condemned. All who avail + themselves of it do so grudgingly and of necessity. It is a + system forced upon the people by their rulers.... It is for + the Irish nation themselves to judge of the education which + is suited to the wants of the Irish poor. The system which + is condemned by the universal suffrage of the Irish nation, + is unfit for Ireland, because it is so condemned--(p. ix.) + + "If we are driven to justify our opinions, we have only to + refer to the example of England. In England, every school + that receives aid from the funds of the State, is a school + avowedly teaching the doctrines of some religious body. Full + and unrestricted religious instruction is made an essential + part of national education in England. In Ireland, a school + which adopts that instruction as its rule, is consequently + placed under a ban, and denied all assistance from the + national funds. It matters not whether the instruction be + Protestant or Catholic, it equally condemns the school in + the eyes of our rulers"--p. x. + +Treating of the difference between the systems prevailing in England and +Ireland, Mr. Butt adds:-- + + "In point of principle, no reason can be assigned for the + difference between England and Ireland. If it be wrong in + Ireland to endow and aid a purely Roman Catholic school, it + is equally so in England. The difference established between + the two countries can neither be justified nor accounted for + upon any rational principle. It fosters the belief in the + mind of every Irishman that his country is treated as an + inferior. In many Irishmen it promotes the belief that + religious instruction, which is free in English schools, is + placed under restriction in Ireland, because the faith of + the majority of the Irish people is proscribed"--(p. xi.) + +And may we not ask has not the Irish Catholic sufficient grounds for +adopting this opinion? Has not all the legislation of the country for +centuries been directed to the destruction of Catholicity? + +The question is next referred to of the tendency of the national system +to throw the whole education of the country into the hands of the +government. + + "I do not shrink from inviting your consideration to the + complaint--that the Irish national system, as now + constituted, is one gigantic contrivance for bringing the + whole education of Ireland under government control. I + appeal with confidence to you, as an English statesman, + against the attempt to 'Anglicise' the education of the + Irish people--against the project of bringing up, in + government academies, an army of schoolmasters, who, in + school, and still more out of school, are to form for + government a moral and intellectual police--against the + system of lavish bribery by which it is plainly proposed to + attract all talent in the humbler classes of Irishmen into + the service of an anti-Irish Board--against the institution + in our country of a great system of universal education, + subject to influences that are not Irish, and administered + in a spirit of distrust of the whole Irish people, their + national prejudices, and their religion"--(p. xii.) + +In the course of the work, proofs are given of the way in which it was +sought to establish government influence. In the beginning, according to +the letter of Lord Stanley, only one model school was to be erected in +Ireland, and the minor schools through the country were to remain quite +independent. In 1835, the commissioners began to manifest more extensive +designs, and in a report to Lord Mulgrave, it was proposed to establish +a model school in each county, to take the training of all the teachers +of the kingdom into the hands of the Board, and, at the same time, the +plan was adopted to introduce books treating of common Christianity, and +compiled by Dr. Whateley, and, in fact, to make the authority of the +commissioners paramount in everything connected with the education of +the future generations in Ireland. On this Mr. Butt observes:-- + + "In no country ought such a system to be tolerated--least of + all in Ireland, where--it ought not, it cannot be + disguised--there still exists the antagonism between the + English government and the thoughts and feelings and + sentiments of the nation. I would not write the truth if I + did not say, that any one who knows Irish affairs must + expect the administration of such a system to be + anti-national. He would be informed, without surprise, that + from the lessons of history there was carefully excluded all + that would remind Irishmen of their distinctive + nationality--that the whole tone and tendency of the + literature were English--and that, in drawing up the + lesson-books in which Irish children are to be taught, + Englishmen and Scotchmen were the only persons worthy of the + confidence of the Irish National Board. + + "I am content to be accounted of narrow and provincial + feelings when I thus point to the anti-national character of + the system. From the invasion of Henry II. to the present + time, English rulers have been engaged in one device or + another to destroy the distinctive nationality of Irishmen. + The attempt is as unwise as it is unjust. It can only be + effected by the destruction of public spirit and the + demoralization of the country. The empire in which we are + associated gains no more by the destruction of the + individual nationality of its component parts, than society + would gain by the destruction of all distinctive character + in those who compose it. If even the Irish people are to be + taught to love England, they must be taught to love Ireland + first, and to feel that there is no inconsistency between + the most intense Irish feeling and attachment to the empire + of which Ireland forms a part. There is a waste of energy in + every attempt to extirpate national prejudices and feelings, + which makes the attempt a blunder as well as a crime. Russia + has not yet Russianized Poland, and the Irish are as far + from being West Britons as they were in the days of James I. + + "It must be remembered that the effect of such a proposal + was to substitute for the varying forms of individual energy + and local exertion one great uniform system. While the + education of the people was eked out by the sacrifices of + the people themselves, or supplied by the desultory efforts + of individuals, there was always room for the play of + national and local feelings. So far as a plan like that + propounded in this report was successful, it destroyed all + other industrial energies among the lower orders. The old + hedge schoolmaster could no longer make out his bread. The + poor scholar could no longer wander from house to house, + teaching the old history of Ireland in return for the food + and lodging he received. All the lower orders of the people + were to be taught by masters trained in a government + college, and drilled in a system from which all national + feeling was excluded--masters, of whom it was put forward as + their chief merit that they would be political and moral + agents of the government, inculcating order on a lawless, + and teaching civilization to a barbarous, people. + + "The report of 1835 suggested, of necessity, the question of + religion. The masters, according to its proposal, were + plainly to be indoctrinated in matters from which religion + could not be separated. They were to be instructed in mental + philosophy by a professor, specially appointed for that + purpose. This training must be given them that they may be + qualified to direct 'the thoughts and inclinations of Irish + children in a right direction'. Would it have been + unreasonable, is it unreasonable now, that the guardians of + the faith of any portion of the Irish people should feel + anxious to have some security for the character of the + 'mental philosophy' in which the teachers of the people were + trained? + + "Comparing the plan announced in Lord Stanley's published + letter with that which was carried into effect, under the + joint operation of the interpolated passage and the report + of 1835, it is obvious that those who might be perfectly + satisfied with the arrangements of the first, either as to + religious or national feeling, might yet be wholly + dissatisfied upon the very same points with the second. + + "Under the covert and guarded language of the report of + 1835, we can clearly trace the inauguration of a new + system--a system wholly unlike anything that had preceded it + or had ever been recommended--a system which was to + establish in every parish a government agent, under the name + of a national schoolmaster, and which was also to become a + great government university for the teaching of the middle + classes. + + "This last was to be accomplished by the medium of the model + schools. One of these was to be established in each county. + The master was to be a person of superior attainments, with + a salary very far above that of any curate of the + Established Church, and in these schools a superior + education was to be conveyed. We shall see how steadily the + plan, first broached in the annual report of 1835, has been + carried out. + + "In 1837, the report tells us that 'they had added to their + normal establishment in Dublin a scientific department and a + school of industry, in the immediate neighbourhood of + Dublin, with work-rooms and a farm of from forty to fifty + acres attached to it'. In the same report they propose to + appoint a superintendent for each of twenty-five + districts--residing at the model school, and having £125 + a-year, with apartments and allowances. The head master of + each model school was '_to be authorised to receive a + limited number of boarders at such charge to their parents + and friends as the commissioners might think proper, having + regard to local circumstances'_. + + "At the same time, they stated their intention to establish, + generally, schools termed secondary, in which 'scientific + instruction' and 'instruction in manual occupation' should + be given;--a portion of land for garden husbandry to be an + indispensable adjunct to each secondary school. + + "In 1839 they modestly announce a model farm, near Dublin, + as only in its infancy, with twelve agricultural pupils, + 'deriving much benefit from the judicious system of farming + which they see practised there'. + + "In 1840 they determine to establish twenty-five + agricultural model schools--each of them in connection with + an elementary national school. They subsequently establish + twelve pupil-teacherships in their central agricultural + institution--scholarships, in fact, which are competed for + by the most promising students in their rural agricultural + schools. + + "I have referred to these establishments in proof of the + assertion that the national system has been gradually + expanded into a vast educational institution, absorbing and + controlling the education of the poorer classes, and, to a + great extent, that of the middle classes of the country. + + "The extent to which this has proceeded will be understood + by a reference to the last report of the Commissioners, that + for the year 1864. + + "It appears by this report that there are at present in + operation twenty-six model schools (classing the three + metropolitan schools as one establishment). The expenditure + within the year upon these model schools amounts to nearly + £25,000. + + "In addition to the Albert Model Farm at Glasnevin, near + Dublin, there are in connection with the Board thirty-six + agricultural schools; nineteen of these are under the + exclusive management of the Board--seventeen partly under + local control. + + "The sums expended on this agricultural department amount in + the year to more than £10,000. It will complete this + statement to add that in the same year, 1864, the training + institution of Dublin was maintained at a cost, in its + several branches, of £4,500. + + "The cost of the inspection department of the institution + amounts to no less a sum than £23,000. + + "The cost of the official establishment in Marlborough + Street is £15,457. + + "In addition to this, a very considerable sum, amounting, + probably, to nearly £10,000, appears to be annually + distributed, at the discretion of the Board and its + inspectors, in the shape of gratuities of one kind or other + to the persons engaged in the teaching of the national + schools. + + "It appears from this report (excluding the item last + mentioned), that upon the official staff of this great + educational institute there is annually expended a sum of + £49,000; and upon model and agricultural schools, wholly + foreign from the original objects, a further sum of £33,000, + making an expenditure of £82,000, one shilling of which does + not reach one of the schools, to support which the grant for + Irish education was originally made. + + "The whole of this immense sum, amounting to nearly + one-third of the grant, is really spent upon a machinery + for bringing the education of the people under the entire + and absolute control of the Board. + + "I do not stop to argue whether £15,000 be not an + extravagant expenditure for official expenses. That which is + of importance to observe is, that the tendency and effect of + the costly, but most effective, system of inspection is, in + reality, to convert inspection into superintendence, and to + extend the direct influence of the Board over all the + schools in connection with them. The training or normal + establishment is instituted for the express purpose of + indoctrinating the masters in the views prescribed by the + Board. But the influence does not end here. By a system of + examinations, conducted in connection with the inspection, + the Board contrives to direct the studies and mould the + train of thought of the masters. Their salaries are + increased at the pleasure of the Board. A graduated system + of promotion and a scale of rewards are established, + dependent entirely on their recommending themselves to the + inspectors. Under such a system the power nominally left to + the local patrons of selecting the schoolmaster, in reality + does not give to these patrons any substantial control. + Every national schoolmaster adopts, or professes to adopt, + the opinions of his real masters, and learns to reflect the + opinions which he knows to be in favour with the Board. + + "The model schools are established partly to complete the + training of the masters, and partly to force upon the + country the entire system of the Board. Of these schools the + commissioners themselves are the patrons, and in these they + have full power of enforcing their own views. What they + 'earnestly recommend' to others, they are able to adopt in + their own schools. Money is lavished upon these model + schools, so as to make them establishments of a superior + order. The model school in Marlborough Street is maintained + at an expense of £3,500. One in Belfast costs very nearly + the same sum. Most of this money is expended in the salaries + and maintenance of pupil teachers, so that these model + schools are, in effect, colleges, with their exhibitions to + attract students. Over these model schools the commissioners + have absolute control, and through them, and by means of + them, they exercise an almost absolute influence over the + whole system of education in connection with the Board. This + is, in effect, the carrying out of the plan indicated in the + report of 1835. Centralization is secured by an array of + schoolmasters, trained under the Commissioners. No man can + attain the rank of a first-class national schoolmaster who + has not gone through a training in an establishment + conducted after the most approved fashion of the Board--a + training by which he becomes thoroughly indoctrinated in all + the maxims of that fashion. He is not sent to a model school + merely to see the best mode of arranging classes or + maintaining the discipline of the school. He is sent there + to reside as the student of a college, to learn various + departments of knowledge. He is taught, in his training, + history, political economy, mental philosophy, and + scriptural history--and he learns them all in lesson books + prepared to order for the Commissioners, and by catechetical + instruction, in which he is drilled by professors and + inspectors appointed at their sole nomination. + + "I pass, for the present, from this part of the subject, + with this one observation--that this sum of £80,000 is + annually expended upon a portion of the system with which + local exertion or local influence has nothing whatever to + do. It is wholly, absolutely, and unreservedly under the + direction and control of the central authority. + + "In England, I may observe, the state assumes no such power. + The training institutions for schoolmasters are left + entirely under the control of the authorities of the + respective denominations. In Ireland, the rule is that the + masters should be trained by government, and accept at once + their theology, their morals, and their science of teaching + at the hands of the officials of the state. It is only the + resolute opposition of the Catholic prelates that has + prevented this project from being completely carried into + effect"--(p. 87-96.) + +We regret that our space will not allow us to give more copious extracts +from the book now before us. But again we recommend our readers to read +and study the whole treatise. It will open their eyes to the dangers +with which mixed education, falsely called _national_, menaces our +Church and our country. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[30] Mr. Butt's work is entitled _The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated, +Reflections and Proposals on the subject of National Education_. Dublin. +Kelly, Grafton Street, 1865. + + + + +LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. + + +The few questions which were answered in the last number of the _Record_ +have given occasion to other questions of a practical nature in +connection with the Office and Mass for the Dead. There is a variety of +practice in some points--for instance, 1st, at the end of the +absolution, if the office and mass be celebrated for one person, should +_requiescat in pace_, or _requiescant_, be said? + +2nd, Should the _Anima ejus et animae omnium_, etc., be said, and is +there any definite rule about it? + +3rd, When is the _De profundis_ to be said, and when is it to be +omitted? + +With regard to the first question we beg to quote the following decree +of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which settles the question. + + "Dec. 2709. An dicendum sit in fine absolutionis mortuorum + requiescat vel requiescant? + + "Resp. Quando absolutio est pro uno defuncto, in singulari; + pro pluribus, in plurali. In missa vero semper + _requiescant_. Die 22 Januarii, 1678". + +In reply to the second question, it appears to us that the Rubrics of +the Ritual will lead us to a safe conclusion. The Ritual clearly lays +down that, if the remains for any reason are not carried to the cemetery +immediately after the office, the Benedictus, and the prayer, etc., +having been said, the _Anima ejus et animae_, etc., is also to be said. +In such a case there is no doubt, inasmuch as the Ritual lays down the +entire order of the ceremony, and ends with the words _Anima ejus_, +etc., in full without any comment. If the remains are brought to the +cemetery the same practice is to be observed, for at the sepulchre the +same prayers are prescribed by the Rubrics, and there is no change +mentioned. Hence, we consider we are correct in stating that the _Anima +ejus_, etc., is to be said at the end of the prayers for burial, +praesente corpore, whether these are recited in the church or in the +cemetery. But is the verse _Anima ejus_ to be said at the end, after the +_Requiescant in pace_, if the remains are not present? There is no +mention of this in the Ritual nor in the Missal, and it is certain that +on All Souls' Day, when the remains, as a rule, are not supposed to be +present, the _Anima ejus_ is not to be said. There is a decree of the +Sacred Congregation of Rites referring to this subject. + + "Dec. 2924. An post absolutionem quae fit super cadaver in + die obitus, vel supra tumulum in die anniversario aut super + lecticam seu castrum doloris in die commemorationis omnium + fidelium defunctorum, dicto versiculo requiescant in pace, + subjungi debeat Anima ejus et animae omnium, etc. + + "Resp. Servetur Rituale: et in commemoratione omnium + fidelium defunctorum nihil superaddendum. Die 2 Decembris, + 1684". + +We do not mean to say that this decree decides the point clearly in our +favour, but the Ritual certainly does not prescribe it. We have before +us an excellent ceremonial published in Bologna by a missionary priest +of St. Vincent, and he is clearly of opinion that the _Anima ejus_ +absente cadavere ought not to be said, and adduces the decree above +quoted referring to the office on All Souls' Day. + +With regard to the third question, it is well we should observe, in +order to avoid any misunderstanding, that we are speaking of the _De +profundis_ which is said after Mass at the end of the absolution, when +the clergy are proceeding to the sacristy. The Rubrics are clear as to +when the _De profundis_ is to be said at the end of Lauds: "Psalmus +lauda anima mea in vesperis similiter et Psalmus _De profundis_ in fine +laudum non dicuntur in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum, +neque in die obitus seu depositionis defuncti". We think that much the +same answer is to be given about the _De profundis_ at the end of the +absolution, as was given above about the _Anima ejus et animae omnium_, +etc. This opinion is held by the author above quoted, and it is only in +case the corpse is present that the Ritual prescribes the _De +profundis_. "Deinde a sepultura in ecclesiam vel in sacristiam +revertentes dicant sine cantu antiphonam si iniquitates etc. cum Psalmo, +De profundis, etc.", and there is a decree of the Sacred Congregation of +Rites which appears to confirm our views. + + "Dec. 4543. Antiphona et Psalmus De profundis nec non + versiculus animae eorum in die commemorationis omnium + fidelium defunctorum post absolutionem ad tumulum sunt + omittenda juxta. Decr. 2 Decembris, 1684". + + "Die 28 Julii, 1832". + +We must add that the practice in Rome is, even absente corpore, to say +the _De profundis_, and hence our readers will perceive there is some +difficulty in settling the question. + +We wish, however, to state that, being pressed for time, we were not +able to examine this question as fully as we would wish, and we hope +soon to return to it; and if, in the mean time, any light were thrown on +the subject by any of our learned readers who study such matters, we +shall be very glad to receive any remarks or suggestions that may be +forwarded to us. + + + + +CORRESPONDENCE. + + +_To the Reverend Editors of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record._ + +GENTLEMEN, + +May I beg you to insert in your widely-circulating journal the following +list. It may be useful to the clergy for the information of youths, in +whose higher education they take an interest, and especially now, when +we may hope that to have studied under a Catholic system will no longer +be an obstacle to advancement. + +I remain, Gentlemen, +Your faithful servant, +BARTH. WOODLOCK, +_Rector_. + +Catholic University, Dublin, +31st July, 1865. + + +CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS. + +TO BE COMPETED FOR IN OCTOBER, 1865. + + +_General Regulations._ + +1. The following Exhibitions will be offered for competition in the +University on Tuesday, October 10th, and following days. + +2. The Examinations will commence each day at 10 A.M. + +3. Candidates are required to send in their names and commendatory +letters from their University or Collegiate Superior, to the Secretary +of the University, on or before the day preceding the Examination at +which they propose to present themselves. + +4. They will not be awarded unless for distinguished answering. + +5. The successful candidates, if not already matriculated, are required +to matriculate within one week after the declaration of the award of the +Examiners. + +6. Every Exhibition is tenable for one year, unless where otherwise +specified; but successful candidates are required to attend Lectures in +the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, or of Science, according to their +standing, and can hold the Exhibitions so long only as they observe the +regulations of the University. + +7. No one, however, can hold two Exhibitions in the same matter;--_e. +g._, two Classical, or two Mathematical Exhibitions, or two Exhibitions +in Physical Science, cannot be held by the same person. + + +EPISCOPAL EXHIBITIONS. + +_Special Regulations for the Episcopal Exhibitions._ + +1. No Student above twenty-two years of age, or of more than one year's +standing in any University, will be allowed to compete for the Episcopal +Entrance Exhibitions. + +2. The Examinations for the Classical Exhibitions will take place on +Tuesday, October 10th, and Wednesday, October 11th; and for the +Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, October 12th, 1865. + +3. The Episcopal Exhibitions will be distributed among Students from the +Ecclesiastical Provinces of Armagh and Cashel, Dublin and Tuam +respectively; provided competitors from these provinces offer +themselves, and comply with the other conditions prescribed. + +4. The successful Candidates must attend the lectures of the First or +Second Year. + + +I.--FOR ENTRANCE. + +_Open to all Students of not more than One Year's standing in the +University._ + +_Classical._--One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 each, +for proficiency in the Classical and Literary matter of the Entrance +Examination. + +Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar, and Latin Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, or +Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of +Actium), and of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the +death of Philip); and in the following books:-- + + Homer, _Iliad_, i.-iii.; + Euripides, _Alcestis_; + Virgil, _Aeneid_, i.-iii.; + Cicero, _in Catilinam_, i.-iv. + +Special marks will be given for Latin verses and Greek composition. + +_Mathematical._--One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 +each, for proficiency in the Mathematical matter of the Entrance +Examination. + +The Examination for these Exhibitions will not extend beyond the second +book of Euclid, nor embrace matter which is not included in most +Algebraical Treatises within the limits of Simple Equations. + + +II.--SECOND YEAR'S EXHIBITIONS. + +_Open to Students of the University, of not more than Two Years' +standing, who have passed the Annual Examination of the First Year._ + +_Classical._--One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15. + +Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar and Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman +History (from the beginning of the Republic to the battle of Actium) and +of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the death of Philip), +and in the following books:-- + +Herodotus, vi.; Euripides, _Hippolytus_; and Sophocles, _Ajax_. + +Horace, Epistles, including the Art of Poetry; Terence, +_Heautontimoroumenos_; and Tacitus, Histories. + +Special marks will be given for Greek and Latin verse. + +_Mathematical._--One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15, for +proficiency in Euclid, i.-vi. (definitions of Book v.); Algebra, +including the Theory of Equations; Plane Trigonometry; Coördinate +Geometry and Conic Sections. + + +EXHIBITIONS FOR AFFILIATED STUDENTS.[31] + +_Special Regulations._ + +1. These Exhibitions are open to all _Affiliated_ Students of the +University, who will have passed the Entrance Examination since the 1st +June, 1863. + +2. The Examination will be held in the University Buildings, 86 +Stephen's Green, commencing each day at 10 A.M., as follows:-- + +Classical Exhibitions, on Tuesday and Wednesday, 10th and 11th October, +1865. + +Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, 12th October, 1865. + +3. These Exhibitions are subject to the General Regulations given above. + +4. They are tenable for two years; but can be enjoyed so long only as +the holders attend those Lectures of the Faculty of Philosophy and +Letters, or of Science, which are prescribed, according to their +standing, in the University course of Studies, and observe the rules and +regulations of the University. In every case they will cease at the end +of the Session 1866-7. + + +_Classical:_--One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25. + +The subjects of the Examination will be Latin and Greek Grammar, and +Latin Composition; the Elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman History +(from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of Actium), and of +Greek History (from the legislation of Solon to the death of Philip); +and in the following books:-- + + +Homer, _Iliad_, i.-vi.; and Herodotus, vi. + +Virgil, _Aeneid_, i.-vi.; Cicero, _in Catilinam_, _pro Milone_, +_Archiâ_, and _Lege Maniliâ_. + + +Special consideration will be given to Latin Verses and Greek +Composition. + +_Mathematical:_--One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25, for proficiency +in Elementary Mathematics, viz.:-- + +Algebra (except the Theory of Equations); first six books of Euclid; +Elements of Plane Trigonometry. + + +HIGHER UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS. + +_Regulations._ + +1. The following Exhibitions, tenable for one year, are open to all who +present satisfactory testimonials of conduct. + +2. Former successful competitors may again compete for them. + +3. But the Candidates cannot be above twenty-six years of age, or of +more than five years' standing in any University. + + +CLOYNE EXHIBITIONS. + +_Founded by the Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese of Cloyne._ + + +_Cloyne Exhibition in Mental Science_, £20:--Friday and Saturday, 13th +and 14th October, viz.:-- + + +Proficiency in Logic and the Elements of Mental Philosophy. + + +_Cloyne Classical Exhibitions:_--_One of_ £30, _and one of_ £20:--Monday +and Tuesday, 16th and 17th October. + + +The subjects of Examination will be:-- + +Greek and Latin Grammar; Greek and Latin Composition, both prose and +verse; Elements of Ancient Geography; History of the Peloponnesian War, +from 431 to 404 B.C.; Roman History, from the outbreak of the Social +War to the Death of Cicero; and the following books:-- + + Thucydides, i. ii.; + Aeschylus, _Agamemnon_; + Cicero, _de Oratore_, i. ii.; + Virgil, _Aeneid_, ix. xii.; + +_Cloyne Exhibition in Irish History, Literature, etc._, £20:--Wednesday, +18th October:-- + +Irish History, from the English Invasion to the Plantation of Ulster; +Elements of the Irish Language; Materials of Irish Literature. + + +LIMERICK EXHIBITIONS. + +_Founded by the Laity of the City and County of Limerick._ + +_Limerick Mathematical Exhibition_, £30:--Thursday, Friday, and +Saturday, 19th, 20th, and 21st October. + +For proficiency in the full University course of Pure Mathematics and +Mathematical Physics (vide _Calendar_, pages 42, 43). + +_Two Limerick Modern Literature Exhibitions_, £20 _each_, viz.:-- + +(_a_) Wednesday, 25th October--English Language and Literature; and +English History from the Accession of James I., 1603, to the Death of +George II., 1760. + +(_b_) Thursday, 26th October--The Language and Literature of France, +Italy, or Germany, at the option of the candidate; and the History of +the country, the Language and Literature of which he presents, viz.:-- + +French History, from the Accession of Francis I., 1515, to the Death of +Louis XIV., 1715; + +Italian History, from the Death of Lorenzo de Medici, 1492, to the +re-conquest of Naples by the Spaniards, 1733; or + +German History, from the Accession of Charles V., 1519, to the Treaty of +Westphalia, 1648. + + +CONOLLY EXHIBITIONS, £20 EACH. + +_Founded by John Conolly, Esq._ + +I. _Mathematics:_--Thursday and Friday, 19th and 20th +October:--Coördinate Geometry, Differential and Integral Calculus. + +II. _Mathematical Physics:_--Friday and Saturday, 20th and 21st +October:--Mathematical Statics and Dynamics, and Elements of +Mathematical Geography and Astronomy. + +III. _Experimental and Kosmical Physics:_--Monday and Tuesday, 23rd and +24th October:--Heat, Light, Electricity, and Magnetism; Elements of +Geology, Physical Geography and Climatology, and Astronomy. + +IV. _Natural Sciences:_--Tuesday and Wednesday, 24th and 25th +October:--Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Crystallology. + +N.B.--Of these Exhibitions, Nos. I. and II. cannot be held by the same +person; so also Nos. III. and IV. cannot be held simultaneously. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[31] Affiliated Students are such as, having passed the Entrance +Examination, pursue their studies in an approved college or school, with +the view of completing the higher studies in the University (_Calendar_, +page 48). For the purposes of the Examination for the above Exhibitions, +all Students who will have been examined for Entrance by the University +Examiner in one of the seminaries, colleges, or schools, connected with +the University (vide _Calendar_, page 81), between the 1st June, 1863, +and the 10th October, 1865, will be eligible. + + + + +DOCUMENTS. + + +THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITIES OF BELGIUM AND OF IRELAND. + +The Catholic University of Louvain has just been deprived by death of +its first Rector, Mgr. Peter Francis Xavier de Ram. This illustrious +prelate was called to the reward of his useful life on Sunday, the 14th +of May, and his demise has caused a vacancy, not only in the University +over which he presided with so much prudence and energy for over thirty +years, but also in several other learned bodies, of which he was a most +distinguished member. His death has been a severe loss to his native +land and to the Catholic Church in Belgium. Let us hope the great work +for which he lived will long continue to be a prolific source of every +blessing to Catholic Belgium. + +On hearing of the death of Mgr. de Ram, our Catholic University, which, +in obedience to the advice of the Sovereign Pontiff, has ever looked on +that of Louvain as its model and elder sister, hastened to hold a +meeting of the Academic Senate, at which the following letter of +condolence was unanimously agreed to:-- + + Illustrissimo et adm. Rdo. Dno. Vice Rectori; Illmis. D.D. + Facultatum Decanis; et perillustribus D.D. in Universitate + Cath. Lovaniensi Professoribus ornatissimis, + + Universitas in Hibernia Catholica S. D. + + Paucis abhinc diebus pervenit ad nos tristissima notitia + mortis Illmi. et Rmi. D.D. Francisci Xaverii de Ram, istius + Universitatis in Belgio Catholicae Magnifici Rectoris. Haud + certe sine maximo cordium nostrorum dolore nuntium istum + accepimus. Siquidem et inclytam Universitatem Vestram + praecipuo lumine et ornamento destitutam conspicimus, et + Supremo Capite et primo Rectore orbatam, qui res nascentis, + imo potius renascentis Academiae summa humanitate, + ornatissimus homo, est moderatus: qui miro ordine ita omnia + paravit et instituit, ut antiquae illius in vestra civitate + Universitatis decus et in scientiis laudem nova aemularetur, + imo et superaret. + + Ad consolandum igitur vos in casu isto, quo est gravissime + afflicta Academia Vestra, Universitatem hanc nostram urget + et communis fides, et praecipua dilectio qua nos complecti + dignati estis, et nomen ipsum Universitatis Catholicae. Nam + et inclytam vestram Academiam haec nostra haud passibus + aequis insequi conatur, et vester proinde dolor, aerumnae + vestrae nobis vobiscum sunt communes. Itaque et inter hos + dies nostrum erit clarissimi viri, vestri quondam Rectoris + Magnifici animae piaculari Sacrificio opitulari, publicisque + Ecclesiae officiis, et illi requiem et ipsius Operi, + Universitati scilicet Vestrae incolumitatem et in dies + provectus adprecari. + + Ex aedib. Univers. in Hib. Cath. + + Datum Dublinii V. Kal. Junias, 1865. + + BARTH. WOODLOCK, Rector Univer. Cath. + + THOMAS SCRATTON, A.B. a Secretis Universit. + +The Vice-Rector of the University of Louvain has returned the following +answer:-- + + Louvain, de l'Université Catholique, le 9 Juin, 1865. + + MAGNIFICE RECTOR, + + Perquam gratae nobis fuere literae tuae plenissimae illa + humanitate, proximis hisce diebus ad nos datae, in quibus + Dublinensis Academiae nomine moerorem nostrum de obitu Viri + illustrissimi Petri Francisci Xaverii de Ram, tuae doloris + participatione levare voluisti, unàque significasti + Dublinensem Academiam jam nunc hoc quoque curare, ut brevi, + in suo coetu, oblato peculiari Sacrificio, publicis votis + precibusque aeterna requies animae illustrissimi Viri a Deo + expectatur. + + Itaque facere non possum, Magnifice Rector, quin nostrae + Academiae nomine tibi gratias quam maximas agam tam ob hoc + germanae caritatis indicium quam ob illam doloris officiosam + significationem. + + Immanem profecto jacturam facimus in amissione Viri qui, ut + recte dicis, Magnifice Rector, renascentis Lovaniensis + Academiae quodam modo pater fuit, et diuturno tempore + gubernator prudentissimus, et praecipuum ejus lumen et decus + et ornamentum; quem nos quidem eodem desiderio lugemus quo + filii parentem. + + Reliquum est, ut Dublinensi Academiae, quam tu, Magnifice + Rector, sapientissime moderaris et nos praecipuo quodam + amore complectimur, prospera quaevis exoptemus; quod magnam + certe partem praestiterimus, si, quod enixe facimus, Deum + precamur ut te illi Academiae quam diutissime servet. + + VICE RECTOR UNIVERSITATIS. + + T. A. NAMECHE. + + _Viro Eximio ac Reverendissimo Bartholomaeo Woodlock, + Magnifico Rectori Universitatis Catholicae in Hibernia._ + + + + +NOTICES OF BOOKS. + + +I. + +_History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation._ +By Rev. P. F. Moran, D.D. Vol. i. Dublin: James Duffy, 1865. + + +We are happy to announce the publication of the first volume of the +_History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation_, +by the Rev. Dr. Moran, of the Irish College, Rome, whose past services +to the annals of our religion and country are well known. The first part +of the volume now before us gives an account of the violent and +tyrannical manner by which it was attempted to introduce Protestantism +into Ireland under Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The arguments by +which the Reformers propagated their opinions were fraud and treachery, +fire and sword, penal laws and the confiscation of property. Dr. Browne +and Dr. Loftus, two Englishmen, who received all the jurisdiction they +enjoyed, as Archbishops of Dublin, from Henry and his daughter, +Elizabeth, made themselves remarkable by their bigotry and their spirit +of persecution. During their times no Catholic bishop, canonically +appointed, could exercise spiritual powers in Dublin; but the wants of +the faithful were provided for by vicars-apostolic, or administrators, +lawfully appointed by the Holy See. Dr. Moran gives an interesting +account of the labours of several of them, and especially of Father +David Wolf, one of the companions of St. Ignatius, of Father Newman, and +Father White. Towards the end of the sixteenth century a bishop, by name +Donald, was appointed to Dublin by the Holy See, but nothing is known of +his history. In the bull appointing Dr. De Oviedo, in 1600, it is merely +mentioned that the see of Dublin was vacant by the death of Donald, late +archbishop. + +The history of Dr. De Oviedo and of the wars of the O'Neills is given at +considerable length. After the death of that prelate, Dr. Matthews was +translated from Clogher to Dublin in 1611, and governed this diocese +with the zeal of an apostle down to the year 1623, when he died in Rome, +esteemed and honoured by the Roman Pontiff. The labours of our prelate +are fully described by Dr. Moran, and his provincial statutes, replete +with wisdom and learning, are given in the appendix. + +Dr. Fleming, son of the Baron of Slane, succeeded Dr. Matthews in 1623, +and was equally distinguished as his predecessor for virtues and good +works. During the first period of his episcopate, the Irish Church had +to suffer a great deal from the persecuting spirit of the government, +and especially from the hostility of Lord Strafford. Yet in such +troubled times Dr. Fleming held several synods, and laboured assiduously +for the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline. As Dr. Matthews had +founded an Irish college at Louvain, so Dr. Fleming was most anxious to +procure the means of education for the students, by establishing or +encouraging other colleges in France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy. +Speaking of the college of Antwerp, which had been endowed by Rev. L. +Sedgrave and Rev. James Talbot, Dublin priests, Dr. Moran says: + + "One of its collegiate rules will suffice to reveal to us + the spirit of self-sacrifice and Christian heroism with + which the youthful Levites were prepared for their + missionary toils in Ireland: 'Each priest', thus the rule + enacts, 'will offer to God with all possible devotion the + Holy Sacrifice of the Altar, beseeching our Divine Redeemer + to have mercy on our afflicted and persecuted country, and + to strengthen our clergy with His sanctifying grace. To + attain this end all the students will, moreover, on each + Friday, observe a rigorous fast, and will recite every day + at their evening devotions the penitential psalm, Miserere + mei Deus'". + +Dr. Fleming was also a great patron of the learned men, such as the Four +Masters, Wadding, Harold, Colgan, and others, who at that time devoted +themselves to the study of Irish history and antiquities. + +The present volume brings the history of the Archbishops down to the +memorable period of 1641. A copious and valuable appendix is added, in +which many most interesting letters of Irish bishops, generally +inedited, and other documents are published. + +The succeeding volumes will appear without any undue delay. + + +II. + +_History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of +Dublin_, etc. By J. T. Gilbert, Esq. Dublin: James Duffy. 1865. + +This work is a valuable accession to Irish history. The author has had +access to the public records, and in this way has been able to fix the +chronology of important events, and to throw great light on a period +whose history had been written very inaccurately. The present volume +gives the history of the Viceroys from the Norman invasion in the +twelfth century down to the death of Henry VII. in 1509. The work will +be sought for with avidity by all who wish to become acquainted with the +real state of Ireland in the period before the Reformation, and it will +increase in interest as it comes down more closely to our own time. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, +Volume 1, August 1865, by Society of Clergymen + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + +***** This file should be named 33708-8.txt or 33708-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/7/0/33708/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Volume 1, August 1865 + +Author: Society of Clergymen + +Release Date: September 12, 2010 [EBook #33708] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[Pg 505]</a></span></p> + + +<h1>THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.</h1> + +<h3>AUGUST, 1865.</h3> + +<p class="notes">Transcriber's Note: Minor typos have been corrected and footnotes moved +to the end of the article. Table of contents has been created for the HTML version.</p> + +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<!-- Autogenerated TOC. Modify or delete as required. --> +<p> +<a href="#THE_SEE_OF_DROMORE"><b>THE SEE OF DROMORE.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#DR_COLENSO_AND_THE_OLD_TESTAMENT"><b>DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#RICHARD_FITZ-RALPH_ARCHBISHOP_OF_ARMAGH"><b>RICHARD FITZ-RALPH, ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#MR_BUTT_AND_NATIONAL_EDUCATION30"><b>MR. BUTT AND NATIONAL EDUCATION.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#LITURGICAL_QUESTIONS"><b>LITURGICAL QUESTIONS.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#CORRESPONDENCE"><b>CORRESPONDENCE.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#DOCUMENTS"><b>DOCUMENTS.</b></a><br /> +<a href="#NOTICES_OF_BOOKS"><b>NOTICES OF BOOKS.</b></a><br /> +</p> +<!-- End Autogenerated TOC. --> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="THE_SEE_OF_DROMORE" id="THE_SEE_OF_DROMORE"></a>THE SEE OF DROMORE.</h2> + + +<p>The see of Dromore, though founded by St. Colman, seems for several +centuries to have comprised little more than the abbey of that great +saint and its immediate territory. In the synod of Rathbreasil (<span class="smcap">a. d.</span> +1118), in which the boundaries of the various dioceses were defined, no +mention is made of Dromore, and the territory subsequently belonging to +it was all comprised within the limits of the see of Connor. The acts of +the synod of Kells held about fifty years later, are also silent as to a +bishop of Dromore; and Cencius Camerarius, compiling his list of sees in +1192, again omits all mention of this see. Nevertheless, the abbot of +the monastery, "de viridi ligno", which gave name to the town of Newry, +ruled this diocese with episcopal authority during the later half of the +twelfth century, and a bishop of this see named Uroneca (<i>alias</i> O'Rony) +is mentioned in a charter of donations to the abbey of Neddrum, about +the year 1190 (see Reeves' <i>Ecclesiastical Antiquities</i>, pag. 192).</p> + +<p>The last episcopal abbot of this great monastery was <i>Gerard</i>, a +Cistercian monk of Mellifont, who, in 1227, was chosen bishop, and died +in 1243. A controversy then arose between the chapter of Dromore and the +monastery of Newry. Each claimed the right of electing the successor to +the deceased bishop; and the Archbishop of Armagh gave judgment in +favour of the former. The matter being referred to Rome, all controversy +was set at rest by Pope Innocent VI., who by letter of 5th March, 1244, +addressed "to the dean and chapter of Dromore", confirmed the decision +of the Archbishop of Armagh, and sanctioned the right of the canons of +Dromore to elect the bishops of the see (<i>Mon. Vatic.</i>, pag. 42). +Andrew, archdeacon of Dromore, was accordingly elected bishop, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[Pg 506]</a></span>consecrated in 1245, and the episcopal succession continued +uninterrupted till the latter half of the fifteenth century.</p> + +<p>Ware, in his <i>Bishops</i> of this see, and Dr. Reeves, in his +<i>Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down and Connor</i> (pag. 308), tell us that +on the death of the Carmelite bishop, <i>David of Chirbury</i>, in 1427, the +see was held by Thomas Scrope, who resigned before 1440; that his +successor, Thomas Radcliffe, also resigned before 1461; that the next +bishop was George Brann, appointed about 1487; and that the see was held +in 1500 by another bishop named William Egremond.</p> + +<p>The actual succession of bishops, however, was far different. On the +death of David of Chirbury, Dr. Thomas Radcliffe was chosen his +successor in 1429, as the historians of the Augustinian order expressly +attest. Thus, for example, Herrera writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Thomas Sacrae Theologia professor a Martino V. in Registro +Pontificio an. xii. Pontificatus et Christi 1429. prid. Kal. +Feb. in Hibernia sub Archiepo. Armacano Epus. Dromorensis +instituitur. Hic est ille quem registra ordinis die 19 +Martii an. 1426. magistrum Thomam Radclef provinciae Angliae +appellant eique Prior Generalis concedit ut in conventu +Oxoniensi perpetuo stare possit ut eum fratribus destitutum +juvet".</p></div> + +<p>Elsius makes a similar statement (<i>Encomiast.</i> page 662), and also tells +us that there is a "Thomas Radclyf, Redcliff, sive Radcliffus, Anglus, +S.T.D., in Anglia natus nobilissimâ familiâ ex qua comites Sussessiae +ante an. 1369, prodierunt", who is commended in the records of the order +as illustrious by his virtues and writings. "Intuitu virtutum", he adds, +"Episcopalem Lincolniensem aut Leicestrensem accepit dignitates", which +words acquaint us with the English see to which Dr. Radcliffe was +promoted some few years after his appointment to Dromore.</p> + +<p>As the dates of Herrera are taken from the consistorial records and +other official documents, we may rest assured that 1429 was the year of +Dr. Radcliffe's appointment. We cannot fix with the same certainty the +year in which he renounced this see. It is probable, however, that about +1434 he was translated to the diocese of Lincoln in England, and we next +meet with a Dominican Father who was also named <i>Thomas</i>, already in +possession of the see of Dromore in 1437. The following is the letter of +Eugene IV., from the papers of Luke Wadding, Rome, which makes known to +us for the first time this worthy successor of St. Colman:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Eugenius, etc., ven. fr. Thomae, Episcopo Dromorensi +salutem, etc.</p> + +<p>"Personam tuam nobis et apostolicae sedi devotam, tuis +exigentibus meritis paterna benevolentia prosequentes illa +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[Pg 507]</a></span>tibi libenter concedimus quae tuis commoditatibus fore +conspicimus opportuna. Cum itaque sicut exhibita nobis pro +parte tua petitio continebat propter bellorum discrimina +quae partes illas diutius afflixerunt prout affligunt etiam +de praesenti, Ecclesia et Episcopalis mensa Dromorensis cui +praeesse dignosceris adeo sit in suis facultatibus diminuta +quod ex illius fructibus redditibus et proventibus vestrae +decentiam Pontificalis dignitatis sustentare et alia Tibi +incumbentia onera commode nequeas supportare: Nos ne in +dedecus Episcopalis dignitatis mendicare cogaris volentes Te +qui etiam in Theologia Magister existis ob virtutum tuarum +merita quibus Te illarum largitor altissimus insignivit +favoribus prosequi gratiosis, tuis in hac parte +supplicationibus inclinati, tecum ut quodcumque Beneficium +Ecclesiasticum cum cura vel sine cura ... dummodo dignitas +hujusmodi in cathedrali major post Pontificalem, aut in +Collegiata Ecclesia hujusmodi, principalis non existat, si +tibi alias canonice conferatur, seu assumaris vel eligaris +ad illud una cum dicta Ecclesia Dromorensi quamdiu illi +praefueris, in Commendam recipere et retinere libere et +licite valeas, quod ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum professor +existis, ac constitutionibus apostolicis, necnon bonae +memoriae Octonis et Octoboni olim in Regno Angliae Sedis +Apostolicae Legatorum, statutis quoque et consuetudinibus +Eccelesiae in qua hujusmodi beneficium forsan fuerit, +juramento, confirmatione Apostolica vel quacumque firmitate +alia roboratis, caeterisque contrariis quibuscumque +nequaquam obstantibus, auctoritate Apostolica, tenore +praesentium de speciali dono gratiose dispensamus, ita quod +hujusmodi durante commenda, fructus, redditus et proventus +beneficii hujusmodi percipere et habere, illosque in tuos et +hujusmodi Beneficii usus et utilitatem convertere et alias +de illis disponere et ordinare libere et licite valeas, +etc., etc.</p> + +<p>"Datum Bononiae anno Incarnat. Dom. 1437, 19<sup>o</sup> Kal. +Februarii anno 7mo".</p></div> + +<p>This Dominican bishop only held the see till 1440, for, in that year +Dromore is described as vacant in the register of archbishop Swain of +Armagh. We may incidentally here mention that amongst the same Wadding +papers there is another brief of Pope Eugene IV., dated at Florence, +11th of the kalends of December, 1439, confirming the bull of Alexander +V., which commenced <i>Etsi pro cunctorum</i>: it is addressed "ad +Praedicatores Hibernos, scilicet ad Vicarium Generalem et alios +fratres".</p> + +<p><i>Thomas Scrope</i>, a Carmelite, was Bishop of this see<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> before the close +of the pontificate of Eugene IV., who died in 1447. He was remarkable +for the practice of almost incredible austerities, and it is especially +commemorated of him that he had led an eremitical life for several years +before he was summoned to the onerous duties of the episcopate. He +subsequently was sent by Pope Eugene as apostolic delegate to the +Knights<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[Pg 508]</a></span> of Rhodes; and Leland adds that "whatever he received out of +his revenues or could get from rich persons, he bestowed among the poor, +or laid out on pious uses". He resigned his see after his return from +Rhodes, and acted as vicar-general of the Bishop of Norwich: he died at +a very advanced age in 1491.</p> + +<p>We next meet with a Bishop of Dromore named <i>Richard Myssin</i>, a +Carmelite, who on the 29th July, 1457, was advanced to this see, as +appears from the Consistorial acts of Pope Callixtus III. (<i>Biblioth. +Carmelit.</i>, ii. 965). He was remarkable for the sanctity of his life, +and for his great proficiency in learning.</p> + +<p>William Egremond was probably his immediate successor, being appointed +to the see in 1462, as Herrera and the other Augustine writers +attest.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The country, however, was so disturbed that this diocese had +few attractions for an English bishop; and hence he abandoned it in +1467, and lived for many years as suffragan of the archbishop of York. +His monument, erected in the cathedral of York, bore the following +inscription:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Hic Egremond Will'mus Dromorensis Episcopus olim<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Marmore pro nitidis tectis utrinque mitris.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Pavit oves Cithiso qui sub bis Praesule bino<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Atque lupi rabiem movit ab Aede trucem.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Unguine quot sanxit pueros, quot Presbyterosque<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Astra nisi scirent, credere nemo valet.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ante prophanus erat locus hic quem dextra beavit<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Ejus, et hinc pro se dicito quisquis Ave".<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The next mention we find of this see is in a petition of the Archbishop +of Armagh, Octavian de Palatio, addressed to Henry VII. about the year +1487, in which he writes that, "the fruits, rents, and revenues, as well +spiritual as temporal (of Dromore), extend not above the sum of £40 of +the coin of this your land of Ireland, which is less by one-third than +the coin sterling; and that for the expense and poverty of the same, the +see is void and desolate, and almost extinct, these twenty winters past +and more, insomuch that none will own the said bishoprick or abide +thereupon".</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, in that very year, 1487, George Brann was appointed to +this see by Pope Innocent VIII. He had lived for several years in Rome +as procurator of the Hospital of the Santo Spirito, and had also +proceeded to Ireland to establish a branch house of that institute. He +held the see till his translation to Elphin on the 18th of April, 1499.</p> + +<p>The first bishop of Dromore whom we find commemorated in the sixteenth +century is <i>Galeatius</i>, whose death is registered in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[Pg 509]</a></span> 1504. Of his +successor, John Baptist, we only know that he was appointed on June +12th, the same year. <i>Thaddeus</i>, a Franciscan friar, was next advanced +to the see on 30th April, 1511. He is commemorated in Archbishop +Cromer's register, as still ruling the see in 1518, and we find no other +bishop mentioned till the appointment of <i>Quintinus Cogleus</i> (<i>i.e.</i> Con +MacCoughlin), of the order of St. Dominick, in the year 1536 (<i>Hib. +Dom.</i>, p. 486). This bishop, however, seems to have held the see only +for a short time, for in the Consistorial Acts we soon after find the +following entry:—"An. 1539. Sua Sanctitas providit Ecclesiae Dromorensi +in Hibernia <i>de persona</i> Rogerii".</p> + +<p>Ten years later Arthur Magennis was chosen by Pope Paul III. to govern +the diocese of St. Colman. On the 10th of May, 1550, he surrendered his +bulls to the crown, and had in return "a pardon under the great seal for +having received the Pope's bull, and for other misdemeanours". (Reeves' +<i>Eccles. Antiq.</i>, p. 308. V. Morrin, <i>Pat. Rolls</i>, i. p. 205). +Nevertheless, there can be but little doubt as to the orthodoxy of this +prelate. Even Cox (i. 288) attests his devotion to the Catholic cause. +He, moreover, specially names him as an instance of a <i>Catholic bishop</i>, +and adduces the fact of his being allowed by the crown to hold peaceable +possession of his see as a proof that "the Reformation made but small +progress in Ireland" at this period. In 1551 he gave a public proof of +his devotedness to the Catholic faith. Edward VI., in the beginning of +February, sent an order to the viceroy, Sir Anthony St. Leger, +commanding the use of the English liturgy in all the churches of +Ireland. On the 1st of March the same year this order was communicated +to the archbishops and bishops assembled in council for that special +purpose; but no sooner had St. Leger made his discourse, commending the +royal prerogative, and extolling the liturgy now proposed to the Irish +clergy, than Dr. Dowdall of Armagh opposed it with all his zeal, and +denounced the measure as anathematized "by the Church of St. Peter, the +Mother Church of Rome". It must ever remain a special glory of the +province of Armagh, that, as Cox informs us (p. 290), one only of the +suffragan bishops of the primatial see—viz., Dr. Staples, who held from +the crown the revenues of Meath—could be found to support the proposal +of the government, whilst all the others adopted the sentiments of Dr. +Dowdall. The year of Dr. Magennis's death is uncertain; he seems, +however, to have survived some years the accession of Queen Elizabeth, +and on his death the see of Dromore became canonically united with +Ardagh.</p> + +<p>The name of this illustrious bishop recalls our attention to Dr. +Magennis, bishop of Down and Connor, of whom we treated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[Pg 510]</a></span> in the March +number of the <i>Record</i>. An esteemed correspondent, in a highly +interesting letter, published in May (p. 385 <i>seq.</i>), contends that that +prelate, in his public acts at least, deviated from the path of +orthodoxy, and allied himself to the enemies of our holy faith. His +reasons, however, are far from sufficient to justify such a serious +charge.</p> + +<p>1. In the first place, he argues from the fact of the bishop of Down +having surrendered his bulls to the crown. However, the bishop of +Dromore did the same, and, nevertheless, no one questions his orthodoxy. +Long before the dawn of Protestantism we find the same course pursued by +some bishops, as, for instance, by the celebrated Oliver Cantwell, +bishop of Ossory, towards the close of the fifteenth century (<i>Ware</i>, p. +414). In fact, the surrendering of the bulls was regarded as a purely +civil ceremony, which secured to the canonically appointed bishop the +peaceful possession of the temporalities of his see.</p> + +<p>2. The learned correspondent lays special stress on the bulls being +described as "obtained from <i>Paul, Bishop of Rome</i>, not <i>His Holiness</i>". +However, it is in the letter of the king that this form of expression is +used (<i>Morrin</i>, i. 91), and any insult which it may involve must be +referred to the good taste of Henry VIII., and not to the bishop of +Down.</p> + +<p>3. It is added: "<i>It is an oversight to suppose that about 1541 and 1543 +the northern chieftains who submitted to Henry VIII. were exempted from +all pressure in matter of religion</i>". The statement which we made on a +former occasion (p. 268) had reference only to 1543; and it was not +without historic grounds that we asserted that, "the northern chieftains +who <i>then</i> submitted were exempted from all reference to religion when +professing their allegiance to the government". It is true that in 1541 +O'Donnell and O'Neil, and other chieftains, acknowledged the king's +supremacy; but it is equally true that this submission of the Irish +princes was an illusory one, and their profession was so lavish of +loyalty that even the government felt that no reliance could be placed +on such declarations. To similar professions, made in 1537, the King +"replied by his letter to the lord deputy, that their oaths, +submissions, and indentures, were not worth one farthing". (<i>Cox</i>, p. +253, ad. an. 1537). In fact, we find O'Donnell, in 1542, sending to Rome +a commissioner (whom we shall have to commemorate again as bishop elect +of Raphoe), humbly asking pardon for the guilt of perjury which he had +incurred. However, in 1543 it was far different. The government feared +the reconstruction of the confederation of the Irish chieftains; and +hence, when <i>the great O'Neil</i>, as he is styled by Cox (p. 257), sailed +in this year for England and surrendered his estate to the king, the +conditions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[Pg 511]</a></span> imposed on him, howsoever humiliating to his national pride, +were wholly silent in regard of religion. These conditions are given in +full by Cox (p. 275).<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> About the same time, O'Brene made also his +submission, and the articles exacted from him omit all reference to the +royal supremacy or other matters of religion. The letter of the King, +March 5th, 1543 (<i>Morrin</i>, i. 99), giving instructions to the Deputy +regarding O'Neil Connelaghe, nephew of the earl of Tyrone, in like +manner makes no mention of the religious articles. On the 24th of May an +agreement was made with the Magennises, as Cox informs us, yet without +the obnoxious clauses; and on the 9th of July, 1544, these clauses were +again omitted, when several grants in Dublin, including 140 acres of the +beautiful "Grange of Clonliffe" (<i>Morrin</i>, i. 103), were made to the +earl of Desmond. These examples sufficiently prove that the government +in 1543 was anxious to conciliate the Irish princes, and hence was not +particular in exacting the obnoxious declaration of supremacy.</p> + +<p>4. That a portion of the diocese of Down and Connor was subject to the +English government in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, admits of no +doubt; but it is equally certain that the greater portion of it remained +under the control of O'Neill. Hence, a Vatican paper, written about +1579, adds to a list of the Irish sees, the following important note:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Ex praedictis Dioecesibus duae sunt in quibus libere et +sine periculo possunt Episcopi vel Vicarii; residere. Una +est Ardfertensis, quod sita sit in ea Desmoniae parte quae +Kierri nominatur in qua Comes Desmoniae omnino liber est et +jus plane regium habet. Altera est Dunensis et Connorensis +quae in ditione est O'Nellorum qui continenter contra +reginam bellum habent, suntque Catholicissimi +principes".—<i>Ex Archiv. Vatican.</i></p></div> + +<p>5. As regards the year of Dr. Macgennis's demise, the letter of the +Queen, dated 6th of January, 1564, appointing his successor, though at +first sight it seems so conclusive an argument, nevertheless, is far +from proving that our bishop had died in 1563. For at the period of +which we treat, January was not the first month of the year 1564, but +was rather one of its concluding months; according to our present manner +of reckoning it would be the 6th of January, 1565. (See Shirley, +<i>Original Letters</i>, page 132).<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[Pg 512]</a></span></p> + +<p>6. The last and weightiest remark of the esteemed correspondent +concerning Dr. Macgennis is, that he "<i>assisted in consecrating by the +vitiated rite of king Edward</i>" the unfortunate John Bale of Ossory. +However, we must remark that Dr. Macgennis is certainly not responsible +for the appointment of this unworthy apostate to the see of St. Canice; +and the antecedent character of Bale seems to have been wholly unknown +in Ireland, especially in the <i>Irish</i> districts of the island. Much less +is the bishop of Down responsible for the use of the new-fangled +vitiated rite; for, it was Bale himself that at the very time of the +consecration insisted on the new liturgy being employed:<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and this +event supplies us with an additional argument in favour of the orthodoxy +of Dr. Macgennis, for, it is expressly recorded that, "in union with the +clergy of Dublin", he entered his solemn protest against this heretical +innovation. We shall return again to this subject when speaking of <i>the +Bishops of Ossory</i>. In the mean time we may conclude that there is no +sufficient proof of Dr. Macgennis having swerved from the rule of +orthodoxy; whilst on the other hand the silence of the advocates of the +new creed, who never even whispered his name in connection with their +tenets—the omission of the supremacy clause in his submission to the +crown—his union with Dr. Dowdall in repudiating the English liturgy +when proposed by the viceroy—his protest on the occasion of Bale's +consecration—his retaining the see of Down and Connor during the reign +of Queen Mary—the consistorial entry which subsequently describes the +see as vacant <i>per obitum Eugenii Magnissae</i>, seems to us to place +beyond all controversy the devotedness of this worthy prelate to the +Catholic cause.</p> + +<p>But to return to the diocese of Dromore. On the death of Dr. Arthur +Macgennis, it was united with the see of Ardagh, and for the remaining +years of the sixteenth century seems to have shared the trials and +sufferings of that diocese. In the consistorial acts the appointment of +Dr. Richard MacBrady is registered on the 16th January, 1576, and it is +added that his see was the "<i>Ecclesia Ardacadensis et Dromorensis in +Hibernia</i>". On his translation to Kilmore on 9th of March, 1580, Doctor +Edmund MacGauran was chosen his successor, and thus our see is entitled +to a special share in the glory which this distinguished bishop won for +the whole Irish Church by his zealous labours and martyrdom.</p> + +<p>The first Protestant bishop of the see was John Todd, who was appointed +to Down and Connor on 16th of March, 1606, and received at the same time +the diocese of Dromore <i>in commendam</i>. We shall allow the Protestant +writers Ware and Harris to convey to the reader an accurate idea of the +missionary<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[Pg 513]</a></span> character of this first apostle of Protestantism amongst the +children of St. Colman. Ware simply writes:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In the year 1611, being called to account for some crimes +he had committed, he resigned his bishoprick, and a little +after died in prison in London, of poison which he had +prepared for himself" (pag. 207).</p></div> + +<p>To which words Harris adds:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The crimes of which he was accused were incontinence, the +turning away his wife, and taking the wife of his +man-servant in her room; to which may be added subornation +of witnesses. It doth not appear that he resigned his +bishoprick voluntarily, but was convented before the High +Commission Court in England in the tenth year of king James +I., and degraded. His case is cited in the long case of the +bishop of Lincoln. Before his deprivation he made a fee-farm +lease of the tithes of his see in the territory of Kilultagh +to Sir Fulk Conway at a small rent", etc. (<i>Ibid.</i>, pag. +208-9).</p></div> + +<p>We already had occasion to mention this unfortunate man, when treating +of the see of Down and Connor in the March number of the <i>Record</i> (page +271); and surely no words of ours are required to make the reader fully +appreciate the true character and mission of the Establishment in our +see, the life of whose first apostle is described in such language by +the great Protestant historians.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Stephens, <i>Monast. Anglican.</i> 175, dates his appointment +from 1446. This may be the true date: we have not wished to adopt it, +however, not knowing the authority from which Mr. Stephens derived his +information.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Guillelmus Egremond (Herrera writes) erat anno 1462 et +1464 in Regesto Pontificio Episcopus Dromorensis in Hibernia et +Guillelmi Archiepiscopi Eboracen suffraganeus".</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> They were as follows:—"1st, To renounce the name of +O'Neil; 2nd, That he and his followers should use English habit, +language, and manners; 3rd, That their children should learn English; +4th, That they should build houses and husband their land in English +manner; 5th, That they should obey English laws and not cess their +tenants, nor keep more gallowglasses than the lord deputy allow; and +6th, That they should answer all general hostings, as those of the Pale +do, and shall not succour any of the king's enemies".</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Mant. <i>History of the Irish Church</i>, vol. i. page 218, +seqq.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="DR_COLENSO_AND_THE_OLD_TESTAMENT" id="DR_COLENSO_AND_THE_OLD_TESTAMENT"></a>DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT.</h2> + +<h3>NO. III.</h3> + + +<p>We have reserved for the last place a difficulty on which Dr. Colenso +has expended all his powers of persuasion and all his skill in +figures—"the number of the Israelites at the time of the Exodus". Here +is his argument in a few words:—Jacob and his family numbered seventy +persons when they came down into Egypt. His descendants sojourned in +that country 215 years, and they went out with Moses in the fourth +generation. According to the Scripture narrative, when they were leaving +Egypt they numbered 600,000 men of twenty years old and upwards, +representing a population of about 2,000,000: but this is absolutely +impossible. Dr. Colenso assures us that "the multiplied impossibilities +introduced by this number alone, independent of all other +considerations, are enough to throw discredit upon the historical +character of the whole narrative" (part i. p. 143.) This bold assertion +he endeavours to establish by an elaborate argument extending over +several chapters. We must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[Pg 514]</a></span> be content to present it in a condensed form +to our readers; but, in doing so, we shall adhere as closely as possible +to the language of the author.</p> + +<p>As the groundwork of his objection he lays down:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"That it is an indisputable fact, that the story as told in +the Pentateuch intends it to be understood—(i.) that they +came out of the land of Egypt about 215 years after they +went down thither in the time of Jacob; (ii.) that they came +out in the <i>fourth</i> generation from the adults in the prime +of life, who went down with Jacob" (p. 100).</p></div> + +<p>He next proceeds to estimate the average number of children in each +family:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In the first place, it must be observed, that we nowhere +read of any <i>very large families</i> among the children of +Jacob or their descendants to the time of the Exodus.... We +have no reason whatever, from the data furnished by the +Sacred Books themselves, to assume that they had families +materially larger than those of the present day.... The +twelve sons of Jacob had between them fifty-three sons, that +is, on the average, 4-1/2 each. Let us suppose that they +increased in this way from generation to generation. Then, +in the <i>first</i> generation there would be 53 males (or rather +only 51, since Er and Onan died in the land of Canaan, +<i>Gen.</i>, xlvi. 12, without issue); in the <i>second</i>, 243; in +the <i>third</i>, 1,094; and in the <i>fourth</i>, 4,923; that is to +say, instead of 600,000 warriors in the prime of life, there +could not have been 5,000....</p> + +<p>"The narrative itself requires us to suppose that the Hebrew +families intermarried, and that girls, as well as boys, were +born to them freely in Egypt, though not, it would seem, in +the land of Canaan.</p> + +<p>"Yet we have no ground for supposing, from any data which we +find in the narrative, that the whole number of the family +was on that account increased. On the contrary, etc.... If +we take all the families given in Exod. vi. 14-25, together +with the two sons of Moses, we shall find that there are 13 +persons, who have between them 39 sons, which gives an +average of 3 sons each. This average is a fairer one to take +for our purpose than the former; because these persons lived +at all different times in the interval between the migration +into Egypt and the Exodus. We may suppose also, that the +average of <i>children</i> is still as large as before, or even +larger, so that each man may have had on the average six +children, three sons and three daughters....</p> + +<p>"Supposing now the fifty-one males of the <i>first</i> generation +(Kohath's) to have had each on the average three sons, and +so on, we shall find the number of males in the <i>second</i> +generation (Amram's) 153, in the <i>third</i> (Aaron's) 459, and +in the <i>fourth</i> (Eleazar's) 1377, instead of 600,000.</p> + +<p>"In fact, in order that the fifty-one males of Kohath's +generation might produce 600,000 fighting men in Joshua's, +we must suppose that each man had forty-six children +(twenty-three of each sex), and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[Pg 515]</a></span> each of these twenty-three +sons had forty-six children, and so on!—of which prolific +increase, it need hardly be said, there is not the slightest +indication in the Bible" (pp. 102-5).</p></div> + +<p>From this he concludes,</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"That it is quite impossible that there should have been +such a number of the people of Israel in Egypt at the time +of the Exodus as to have furnished 600,000 warriors in the +prime of life, representing at least two millions of persons +of all ages and sexes; that is to say, it is impossible, <i>if +we will take the data to be derived from the Pentateuch +itself</i>" (p. 101).</p></div> + +<p>Lastly, he anticipates an explanation which some interpreters have +proposed, "that there may be something wrong in the <i>Hebrew numerals</i>". +Such a suggestion, he very fairly observes, will not avail here; because +"this number is woven, as a kind of thread, into the whole story of the +Exodus, and cannot be taken out without tearing the whole fabric to +pieces" (pp. 141, 143).</p> + +<p>Such is the elaborate structure which Dr. Colenso has reared with an +ability and an earnestness worthy of a better cause. In reply, we +purpose to demonstrate that the foundation on which that structure +rests, though it may have the outward semblance of solidity, is hollow +and unsubstantial within. He assures us that the facts upon which his +argument is based are "derived from the Pentateuch itself". We hope to +satisfy our readers that they are not contained in the Pentateuch; that +they cannot be proved from the Pentateuch; nay, that they are contrary +to the evidence which the Pentateuch affords.</p> + +<p>I. Let us commence with the "indisputable fact" that the Israelites +"came out of Egypt in the fourth generation". By a generation Dr. +Colenso understands <i>a descent from father to son</i>: and he maintains +that there were but four such descents in all the Hebrew families during +the period of sojourn in Egypt. In support of this opinion he appeals +(p. 96) to the words of God to Abraham:—"in the <i>fourth</i> generation +they shall come hither again" (<i>Gen.</i>, xv. 16). Our readers will +naturally inquire what is the precise meaning of the word "generation" +in this passage. Does it denote a descent from father to son? Or does it +signify a lengthened period of time? On this point our author observes a +profound silence. He found the word in the English text; it suited his +purpose, and he at once pressed it into his service. We are left to +suppose that it can have but one meaning, and that this meaning is the +one which he has adopted.</p> + +<p>Now, we beg to assure our readers that this is very far from the truth. +The Hebrew word רוד (dor), which is rendered "generation" in +the authorized version, admits of various meanings. It corresponds +almost exactly with the Latin word <i>saeculum</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[Pg 516]</a></span> Sometimes it signifies +the <i>circuit</i> or <i>period of a man's life</i>; sometimes, the <i>collection of +those who are living at the same time</i>; sometimes, a <i>period of a +hundred</i> years.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> As regards the passage in question, the opinion of +the best Hebrew scholars is directly opposed to Dr. Colenso. We pass by +the authority of Catholic writers, for whom he would probably have +little respect, and we appeal to men of his own school: we appeal to +Gesenius,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Bunsen,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Fürst,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Rosenmüller,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Knobel,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> who +certainly cannot be suspected of any undue prepossession in favour of +the Bible. Every one of these distinguished scholars expressly asserts +that, in <i>Gen.</i>, xv., 16, the word רוד must be understood to +mean <i>a hundred years</i>. We leave our readers to choose between their +deliberate judgment on the one hand, and the gratuitous assumption of +Dr. Colenso on the other.</p> + +<p>If we look to the context we shall find that the meaning of the whole +passage, as explained by these writers, is simple, clear, harmonious; as +explained by Dr. Colenso, it is forced and unnatural. Abraham had just +heard from God that his seed should be "a stranger in a foreign land" +four hundred years (v. 13.) Then it is added: "but the <i>fourth +generation</i> (רוד ) they shall return hither".<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> That is to +say, in our view, <i>the men belonging to the fourth century</i> shall +return. In this sense the connection will be clear; the prophecy will be +perfectly true, and the meaning easily understood. The four centuries +are to be counted from the time of Abraham, and correspond exactly with +the four hundred years of exile which had just been predicted. But, +according to Dr. Colenso, by "the fourth generation" is meant the fourth +descent in <i>the family of Jacob</i> (who was not yet born), counting from +<i>the adults in the prime of life who went down with him to Egypt</i>. Now +there is nothing in the whole chapter about <i>Jacob</i> or <i>Jacob's family</i>, +or <i>the adults in the prime of life who went down two hundred years +later into Egypt</i>. Under these circumstances we think few persons will +be able to persuade themselves that the prophecy was understood by +Abraham in the sense in which it is understood by Dr. Colenso.</p> + +<p>He next appeals to the genealogies of the Bible to establish his theory +of the "Exodus in the fourth generation":</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[Pg 517]</a></span></p><div class="blockquot"><p>"If we examine the different genealogies of remarkable men, +which are given in various places of the Pentateuch, we +shall find that, as a rule, the contemporaries of Moses and +Aaron are descendants in the <i>third</i>, and those of Joshua +and Eleazar in the <i>fourth</i> generation, from some one of the +<i>sons</i>, or <i>adult grandsons</i> of Jacob, who went down with +him into Egypt. Thus we have:—</p></div> + + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>1st. Gen.</td><td align='left'>2nd. Gen.</td><td align='left'>3rd. Gen.</td><td align='left'>4th. Gen.</td><td align='left'>5th. Gen.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Levi</td><td align='left'>Kohath</td><td align='left'>Amram</td><td align='left'>Moses</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>E. vi, 16, 18, 20.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Levi</td><td align='left'>Kohath</td><td align='left'>Amram</td><td align='left'>Aaron</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>E. vi. 16, 18, 20.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Levi</td><td align='left'>Kohath</td><td align='left'>Uzziel</td><td align='left'>Mishael</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>L. x. 4.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Levi</td><td align='left'>Kohath</td><td align='left'>Uzziel</td><td align='left'>Elzaphan</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>L. x. 4.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Levi</td><td align='left'>Kohath</td><td align='left'>Izhar</td><td align='left'>Korah</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>N. xvi. 1.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Reuben</td><td align='left'>Pallu</td><td align='left'>Eliab</td><td align='left'>Dathan</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>N. xxvi. 7-9.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Reuben</td><td align='left'>Pallu</td><td align='left'>Eliab</td><td align='left'>Abiram</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>N. xxvi. 7-9.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Zarah</td><td align='left'>Zabdi</td><td align='left'>Carmi</td><td align='left'>Achan</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>Jo. vii. 1.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Pharez</td><td align='left'>Hezron</td><td align='left'>Ram</td><td align='left'>Amminadab</td><td align='left'>Nahshon</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>Ruth iv. 18, 19.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Pharez</td><td align='left'>Hezron</td><td align='left'>Segub</td><td align='left'>Jair</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='center'>...</td><td align='left'>1 Ch. ii. 21, 22.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Pharez</td><td align='left'>Hezron</td><td align='left'>Caleb</td><td align='left'>Hur</td><td align='left'>Uri</td><td align='left'>Bezaleel</td><td align='left'>1 Ch. ii. 18, 20.</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The above include <i>all</i> the instances which I have been +able to find, where the genealogies are given in the +Pentateuch itself". (pp. 96, 97).</p></div> + +<p>We shall presently see that these examples are by no means what Dr. +Colenso would represent them to be, and that so far from proving his +theory to be <i>true</i>, they prove it to be <i>false</i>. But first we would +direct attention to the <i>character</i> of the argument, which seems to us, +from its very nature, unsound. According to the Mosaic narrative, there +were about 2,000,000 of Israelites at the time of the exodus. If we +allow ten to each family, there must have been about 100,000 families. +Here, then, is the argument:—In eleven families out of 100,000, there +were just <i>four generations</i> during the sojourn in Egypt; therefore +there must have been <i>four generations</i>, neither more nor less, in the +remaining 99,989 families. Our author would have us suppose that during +a period of 215 years, there must have been exactly the same number of +generations in every family. He does not explicitly say this; much less +does he attempt to prove it; he silently <i>assumes</i> it.</p> + +<p>Now it is scarcely necessary to observe that such a supposition is in +the highest degree improbable. It cannot be true, unless the members of +each family married at the same age as the members of every other +family, and unless this uniformity was continued from generation to +generation for upwards of two centuries. This, however, would be +contrary to what we know of the family of Abraham <i>before</i> the sojourn +in Egypt; it would be contrary to what we know of the people of Israel +<i>after</i> the sojourn in Egypt; it would be contrary to the testimony of +all genealogical record; it would be contrary to what we see every day +with our own eyes. One man has children born to him at the age of +twenty; another, at the age of forty; another, at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[Pg 518]</a></span> age of sixty. The +children of the last might easily be contemporaries with the +grand-children of the second, and with the great-grand-children of the +first. Thus, in the short period of sixty years, there might be, in one +family, three descents from father to son, in another two, in another +only one. This is, perhaps, an extreme case; but it shows at least how +far the disparity may be extended, without exceeding the bounds of +possibility. The present Emperor of the French had reached the age of +forty-eight, when the Prince Imperial was born: whereas her Majesty +Queen Victoria became a grandmother at forty-one. Thus, in the royal +family of England we find two descents in forty-one years; in the +imperial line of France only one descent in forty-eight years. It is, +therefore, quite preposterous <i>to take for granted</i> that, in <i>all the +families of a whole nation</i>, the number of descents were exactly the +same during a period of 215 years.</p> + +<p>But this assumption is especially inadmissible, when we consider the +peculiar circumstances of the case before us. The first generation, +according to Dr. Colenso, was composed of the fifty-one grandsons of +Jacob. They were already grown up, and some of them even had children +when they came into Egypt. Therefore the whole of the first generation +was already in existence, and the second had begun to be born some +years, let us say three, before the descent. If we add the 215 years of +sojourn in Egypt, we shall have 218 years from the beginning of the +second generation to the Exodus. Now, according to Dr. Colenso, all +those who were twenty years of age at the Exodus, belonged to the fourth +generation. Therefore the fourth generation was not complete until +twenty years before that time, or 198 years after the second had begun. +Consequently, only three generations, the second, third, and fourth, +came into existence during a period of 198 years. In other words, the +length of each generation, according to Dr. Colenso's calculation, was +sixty-six years. Hence it follows, that we cannot accept his argument, +unless we are prepared to <i>take for granted</i> that <i>all the males</i> in +<i>all the Hebrew families</i> were without issue until they had reached the +age of sixty-six.</p> + +<p>Let us now look into the examples of Dr. Colenso in detail. It is +important to ascertain what generation is to be reckoned as the <i>first</i>. +In his argument he allows but fifty-one males to the <i>first generation</i>; +"supposing now <i>the fifty-one males of the first generation</i>" (p. 105). +Since Jacob had fifty-one grandsons living at the time of the descent +into Egypt, it follows that the <i>first generation</i>, according to the +argument, was composed of the grandsons of Jacob, <i>and of them alone</i>. +That this is the position assumed by Dr. Colenso, is also evident from +another passage, where, replying to his opponents, he asserts: "The +Scripture<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[Pg 519]</a></span> states that there were 600,000 warriors in the fourth +generation from Jacob's <i>sons</i>" (p. 119). It is true that, when +<i>proving</i> his theory of "the Exodus in the fourth generation", Dr. +Colenso counts indifferently from "the <i>sons</i> or <i>adult grandsons</i> of +Jacob, who went down with him into Egypt" (p. 96), just as it suits his +purpose. But, when he employs this conclusion to demonstrate that the +number of the population at the time of the Exodus was impossible, he +assumes that there were only four generations from the <i>sons</i> of Jacob.</p> + +<p>If we now turn to the examples adduced by the same author, we shall find +that seven are counted from the <i>sons</i> of Jacob; namely, from Levi and +Reuben; three from the <i>grandsons</i> of Jacob; namely, from Zarah<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and +Pharez; and lastly one, Bezaleel, in order to be brought back to the +<i>fourth generation</i>, must be counted from Hezron, the great grandson of +Jacob; consequently, upon the bishop's own showing, out of his eleven +examples only seven prove for the <i>fourth generation</i>, three prove for +the <i>fifth</i>, and one proves for the <i>sixth</i>. What must we think, then, +when he afterwards quietly assures us, "the scripture <i>states</i> that +there were 600,000 warriors in the <i>fourth</i> generation from Jacob's +<i>sons</i>"? We are at least justified in saying that the examples adduced, +not only fail to prove that his assertion is <i>true</i>, but demonstrate +that it is <i>false</i>.</p> + +<p>There is another point on which these examples fail. It is plain that to +ascertain the number of generations between the Descent and the Exodus, +we must not only commence to reckon from the <i>first</i>, but we must end +with the <i>last</i>. The last generation must include all those who had +reached the age of 20 at the time of the Exodus. And it is necessary for +Dr. Colenso to prove that this last generation is counted in the +examples he lays before us. On this point, however, he is silent. When +he comes to the fourth generation he stops short, and leaves his readers +to infer that it must be the last in point of fact, because it is the +last on his list. Let us see if this assumption derives any probability +from scriptural facts. At the time of the exodus Moses was 80, Aaron, +83. Mishael, Elzaphan, and Korah were their first cousins. It is, +therefore, not improbable that they were as old, or even older. These +are the first five names we find on the list of Dr. Colenso; and they +belonged to the <i>third generation</i>. Their grand-children, therefore, +would belong to the <i>fifth</i>. Is it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[Pg 520]</a></span> improbable that among five men of +80, some had grand-children who had attained the age of 20?</p> + +<p>Again, Nahshon was in the <i>fifth generation</i>, counting from the sons of +Jacob: Judah, Pharez, Hezron, Ram, Amminadab, Nahshon (<i>Ruth</i>, iv. +18-20.) His sister was the wife of Aaron. Since his brother-in-law was +therefore 83, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he himself may have +been at least 60; if so, his sons might surely have been numbered among +the 600,000 men of 20 years old and upward. This would give us <i>six</i> +generations in the family of Nahshon. And yet, strange to tell, this +very family is adduced by our author to prove his theory of "the Exodus +in the <i>fourth generation</i>." Lastly, we would invite attention to the +family of Joseph. He saw the children of his son Ephraim to the third +generation (<i>Gen.</i>, l. 23). Therefore, the fourth generation in that +line had commenced before Joseph's death. But this is an event of which +we can fix the date with accuracy. When Jacob settled in Egypt, Joseph +was about 39, and he lived to the age of 110. His death, therefore, must +have occurred about 71 years after the Descent. Consequently, at that +time the posterity of Joseph had already reached the fourth generation. +One hundred and forty-four years yet remained before the Exodus. Surely +during that period there was abundance of time for at least four +generations more of the same average length.</p> + +<p>It was our intention to analyze the argument of Dr. Colenso more fully +by a critical examination of the genealogies from which his examples are +derived. But we fear that we have already overtaxed the patience of our +readers, and we are sure they will pardon us if we forbear to enter into +the complicated details which such an inquiry would involve. We cannot, +however, dismiss the subject without one general observation. It is +assumed by Dr. Colenso that there are exactly the same number of +<i>descents</i> in each family as there are <i>links in the genealogy</i> of that +family as it is recorded in the pages of Scripture. This would indeed be +true if he could prove that <i>every link</i> in the chain of descent is +preserved in the Scriptural genealogies. But it is well known to all +Biblical scholars that such was not the usage among the Hebrew people. +Every one is familiar with the genealogy of our Lord in the first +chapter of St. Matthew's gospel. Three links are manifestly omitted in +the eighth verse, between Joram and Ozias—namely, Ochozias, Joaz, and +Amasias. We cannot suppose that St. Matthew, himself a Jew, could have +been in error about the genealogy of the house of David. Much less can +we suppose that he would have attempted, on this point, to deceive the +Jews, for whom he wrote his gospel. Above all, it is plain, that if he +had fallen into such an error; it would have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[Pg 521]</a></span> at once discovered +and have been proclaimed to the world by the enemies of the Christian +religion. We must infer, therefore, that it was perfectly conformable to +the usage of the Jewish nation to say, "Joram begot Ozias", although in +point of fact three generations had intervened between them. Now, Dr. +Colenso must admit that his examples will prove absolutely nothing, if +omissions of this kind were made in the genealogies from which they are +taken. <i>We</i> do not assert that such <i>was</i> the case; but we challenge +<i>him</i> to prove that it was <i>not</i>.</p> + +<p>Take, for example, the text: "And the sons of Pallu, Eliab" (<i>Num.</i>, +xxvi. 8). Can he show that no intervening links are omitted between +these two names? He will find, on a close examination of the Pentateuch, +from which he professes to derive his data, that Pallu must have been +over 110 years of age when Eliab was born. It is, therefore, most likely +that there were two or perhaps three links omitted in this genealogy +between Pallu and Eliab. If so, we should add two or three generations +in the examples which Dr. Colenso has adduced from the family of Pallu. +He cannot argue that Pallu was the <i>immediate father</i> of Eliab, because +it is said that Eliab was the <i>son</i> of Pallu: for do we not also read: +"The Book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the <i>son of David</i>, the +<i>son of Abraham"?</i> (<i>Matth.</i>, i. 1).</p> + +<p>II. Dr. Colenso next assumes that the 600,000 men of the exodus were +<i>all</i> descendants of Jacob. We contend, as a far more probable opinion, +that amongst them were counted, not only the descendants of <i>Jacob +himself</i>, but also the descendants of his <i>servants</i>. If we take up the +book of Genesis, and glance through the brief history of the Patriarchs, +we shall find abundant reason to believe that, when Jacob was invited by +Joseph to come down into Egypt, he must have had a goodly retinue of +servants. His grandfather, Abraham, had been able to lead forth an army +of 318 servants "<i>born in his house</i>" (<i>Gen.</i>, xiv. 14). It is not +unreasonable to suppose that, according to the custom of those times, he +had other servants not born in his house, but "bought with money".<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +At all events the number was considerably increased by a present from +Abimeleck, who "took sheep, and oxen, and <i>men-servants</i>, and +<i>women-servants</i>, and gave them unto Abraham" (<i>Gen.</i>, xx. 14). Upon his +death this immense household passed into the possession of his Son +Isaac; for "Abraham gave <i>all that he had</i> to Isaac" (<i>Gen.</i>, xxv. 5). +Isaac, too, we are told, "increased, and went on increasing, until he +became very great; and he had possessions of flocks, and possessions of +herds, and a <i>numerous household</i>; and the Philistines envied him" +(<i>Gen.</i>, xxvi. 13, 14). As to Jacob himself, he was sent by Isaac<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[Pg 522]</a></span> to +Padan-Aram, where he served his father-in-law Laban for twenty years. +While there, it is said, he "increased exceedingly, and had many flocks, +and <i>women-servants</i>, and <i>men-servants</i>, and camels, and asses" +(<i>Gen.</i>, xxx. 43). All these he took with him when he set out from +Padan-Aram to return to Canaan (<i>Gen.</i>, xxxi. 18; xxiii. 5, 7). In +addition to this large retinue, Jacob must also have inherited, in +virtue of his birthright, a double portion (<i>Deut.</i>, xxi. 17) of the +household which his father had accumulated. Thus, it seems clear that, +within ten years<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> of the Descent into Egypt, the number of servants +who looked up to Jacob as their head and master, must have been very +large indeed.</p> + +<p>Now we maintain that, according to the narrative before us, these +servants were <i>a part of the chosen people of God</i>, and <i>sharers in His +Covenant</i> with Abraham. This assertion is easily proved. They had all +received the rite of circumcision, and circumcision was the mark of the +chosen people; it was the <i>sign</i> of God's Covenant. "This is my covenant +which you shall keep between me and you, and thy seed after thee; every +male child among you shall be circumcised. And you shall circumcise the +flesh of your foreskin; and it shall be a <i>sign</i> of the Covenant between +me and you. And the son of eight days shall be circumcised among you, +every male child in your generations, <i>he that is born in the house or +bought with money of any stranger, that is not of thy seed</i>. <i>He that is +born in thy house and he that is bought with thy money</i> must needs be +circumcised" (<i>Gen.</i>, xvii. 10-13). It is clear, therefore, that Abraham +and his posterity were commanded to circumcise not only their +<i>children</i>, but their <i>servants</i> and their <i>servants' children</i>, who +thus became sharers in the promises of God.</p> + +<p>Is it not likely then that, when Jacob came down into Egypt, he took +with him not only his lineal descendants, but also his servants and +their families? Let it be remembered that he was invited by his son, +Joseph, whom God had made "as a father to Pharaoh, and lord of all his +house, and ruler throughout all the land of Egypt" (<i>Gen.</i>, xlv. 8): +that Pharaoh himself had promised, that to Jacob and his household he +would give "the good of the land of Egypt", and that they should "eat +the fat of the land" (<i>Gen.</i>, xlv. 18). Are we to suppose that when the +venerable patriarch heard this joyful intelligence, he took with him +<i>his flock</i>, and <i>his herds</i>, and <i>all his possessions</i>, but left behind +his faithful servants with their wives and children?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[Pg 523]</a></span> Would he, in his +old age, when prosperity smiled upon him, desert those trusty followers +who had come with him from a distant country, and had clung to him in +all his varied fortunes? Would he abandon now those men of loyal heart +whom he had known from a boy, and who had grown up with himself in his +father's house? He knew that they were the chosen people of God: would +he have come down into Egypt with his children to "eat the fat of the +land", and have left them to perish of hunger in the land of Canaan?</p> + +<p>But Dr. Colenso objects, "there is no word or indication of any such +<i>cortège</i> having accompanied Jacob into Egypt" (p. 114). We reply that +our supposition is still possible and probable, even though no mention +were made of it in the brief summary of Moses. It has been well remarked +that, when it suits his purpose, Dr. Colenso is at no loss to supply the +omissions of the sacred text. Thus, in treating of the "march out of +Egypt"—(pp. 61, 62), he supplies <i>aged, infirm, infants, women in +childbirth</i>, of whom there is "no word or indication" in the narrative. +It happens, however, in the present instance, that there is a pretty +clear "indication" in the text, that Jacob was accompanied by "such a +<i>cortège</i>". We are informed that "Israel set out <i>with all that he had</i>" +(<i>Gen.</i>, xlvi. 1). It has been shown that he had a large retinue of +servants, and we know that it is the usage of the Pentateuch to reckon +<i>men-servants and women-servants</i> amongst the possessions of the +patriarchs. Therefore, we are justified in supposing that this phrase +included not only the family, cattle, and goods, but also the servants +of Jacob.</p> + +<p>Again, it is said that "Joseph nourished his father and his brethren and +<i>all his father's house</i>, with bread" (<i>Gen.</i>, xlvii. 12). And when +Joseph went to bury his father in Canaan, we are told that with him went +"all the house of Joseph, and his brethren, and his <i>father's house</i>; +only their little ones and their flocks, and their herds, they left in +the land of Goshen" (<i>Gen.</i>, l. 8.) What can be the meaning of the +<i>house of Jacob</i> thus distinguished from <i>his children</i> and <i>their +little ones</i>? Does it not seem obviously to point to his <i>retinue of +servants</i>? Unless, therefore, we set aside the evidence of the +Pentateuch itself; unless we can believe that Jacob, in the decline of +his life, suddenly snapped asunder the strongest ties of natural +affection and of religious duty, we must admit that he brought down into +Egypt a very large number of servants. We have seen that, according to +the Divine command, their descendants would all receive the rite of +circumcision, and be reckoned among the chosen people of God. They +would, therefore, be numbered with those who, at the time of the Exodus, +went out with Moses into the desert.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[Pg 524]</a></span></p> + +<p>It is not true, then, that, in the narrative of the Pentateuch, +2,000,000 of Israelites are represented as having sprung from 70 persons +in 215 years. Neither is it true, as we have shown, that only <i>four +generations</i>, in the sense of Dr. Colenso, intervened between the sons +of Jacob and the adult Hebrew population at the time of the Exodus. +There yet remain many serious errors, and gross blunders, and palpable +misrepresentations, in the argument of Dr. Colenso; but these we must +reserve for a future number of the <i>Record</i>.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See Gesenius, Fürst, or, indeed, any of the larger Hebrew +Lexicons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Hebrew and English Lexicon</i>; London: Baxter and Sons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Egypt's Place in Universal History</i>; London: Longman and +Co., vol. i., p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament</i>; Leipzig: 1852.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Scholia in Pentateuchum.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Die Genesis Erklärt</i>; Leipzig: 1852.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This is the literal translation of the Hebrew text, see +Pagnini, Rosenmüller etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Our readers are no doubt aware that the proper names of +the Bible are differently spelled in the different versions. The +orthography uniformly followed by Catholics is derived from the +Septuagint, which was in general use throughout the Church in the very +earliest ages. Among Protestants, on the other hand, an attempt is made +to approach more closely to the orthography of the Hebrew text. Dr. +Colenso has naturally taken the proper names as he found them in the +English authorized version, and to avoid confusion in answering his +arguments, we shall follow the spelling which he has adopted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> In fact it is quite clear from several passages that +Abraham had servants of both classes. See, for example, <i>Gen.</i>, xvii. +12, 13, 23, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The death of Isaac must have taken place just ten years +before the Descent into Egypt. Isaac was 60 when Jacob was born (<i>Gen.</i>, +xxv. 26); and Jacob was 130 when he went down to Egypt (<i>Gen.</i>, xlvii. +9): therefore Isaac, if then living, would have been 190. But we know +that he died at the age of 180 (<i>Gen.</i>, xxxv. 28); that is to say, ten +years before.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="RICHARD_FITZ-RALPH_ARCHBISHOP_OF_ARMAGH" id="RICHARD_FITZ-RALPH_ARCHBISHOP_OF_ARMAGH"></a>RICHARD FITZ-RALPH, ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH.</h2> + + +<h3>§ VI. HIS NOMINATION TO THE SEE OF ARMAGH.</h3> + +<p>The see of Armagh became vacant by the death of David O'Hiraghty, which +took place, according to the <i>Annales Nenaghtenses</i>, on the 16th May, +1346. Dr. O'Hiraghty had been Dean of Armagh, and was elected by the +chapter of Armagh, <i>quasi per inspirationem divinam</i>, as John XXII. +mentions in the bull by which, on July 4th, 1334, he ratified the +election.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> He was consecrated at Avignon, and having ruled his +diocese for nearly twelve years, died in 1346. On the 31st July, 1346, +Clement VI., <i>jure provisionis</i>, appointed to the vacant see Richard +Fitz-Ralph, then Dean of Lichfield. The bull of nomination contains that +the chapter of Armagh had already unanimously elected the same Richard, +and that he had given his consent to the election.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> The Four Masters +place in the year 1356 the death of Farrell (son of Jeffrey) MacRannall, +Primate of Armagh and representative of St. Patrick. This, as Dr. +O'Donovan remarks, is evidently a mistake of the Four Masters, as +Richard Fitz-Ralph was certainly not one of the Mac Rannalls. We may say +that, besides the mistake in the names, there is also a mistake in the +dates. It was precisely in 1356 that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph set out upon +that visit to London which was the occasion of his controversy with the +Franciscans. The mistake made by the Four Masters is all the more +incomprehensible for this reason, that of all the primates who sat at +Armagh since the days of St. Francis of Assisi, no one was more likely +to be remembered by the Franciscans than Archbishop Fitz-Ralph.</p> + +<p>Dr. Fitz-Ralph was consecrated at Exeter on the 8th of July, 1347, by +John Grandison, Bishop of Exeter, and three other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[Pg 525]</a></span> bishops.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> If this +date be correct, the Primate found himself engaged in the onerous duties +of his new office even before his consecration. On the 10th of April, +1347, Clement VI. appointed him, together with the Archbishop of Cashel, +to make inquiry on the part of the Holy See into some charges brought +against the Archbishop of Dublin by the Bishop of Ossory.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> On the +12th of July of the same year he received faculties from the Holy See to +dispense in a case of invalid marriage, the parties belonging to the +diocese of Armagh.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The bishops of Ardagh and Cloyne were appointed +on the 29th August, 1347, to give him the pallium.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + + +<h3>§ VII. THE ACTS OF HIS EPISCOPATE.</h3> + +<p>One of the most striking characteristics of Archbishop Fitz-Ralph's +pastoral life was his assiduity in preaching the word of God to his +people. His sermons on the principal festivals, still extant in MS. in +the university libraries of Dublin, Oxford, and Cambridge, and in the +British Museum, would fill a large volume. Already as Dean of Lichfield +he had been remarkable for his fervour in preaching, but as successor of +St. Patrick in the see of Armagh, he seemed to have received a double +spirit of zeal and diligence. A volume of his sermons, once in the +possession of Ware, and lately purchased for the British Museum at the +sale of the Tenison library, includes sermons preached at Avignon, +London, Drogheda, Dundalk, Trim, and other places of the province of +Armagh. The fame of his eloquence preceded him to the Holy See, and when +at Avignon he was frequently admitted to the high honour of preaching +before the Holy Father and the cardinals and prelates of his court. He +loved to make our Blessed Lady's virtues the subject of his discourse. +<i>De Laudibus S. Deiparae</i> is the title of many of his sermons. There are +also special sermons on her Conception, Visitation, and Assumption. His +sermons are generally constructed on a uniform plan. After quoting his +text, it was his custom to begin with some short prayer like the +following, which occurs in a sermon preached at Avignon on the feast of +All Saints, 1358: <i>Pro edificandi gratia impetranda, devote, si placet, +matrem gratiae salutemus, dicentes Ave Maria.</i> And in a sermon preached +before Innocent VI. on the feast of the Epiphany, after the text +<i>Videntes stellam Magi</i>, he begins with the invocation, <i>O Maria stella +Maris, Mater stellae solaris</i>. After the introductory prayer he repeats +the text in the vernacular, and then proceeds with the division of the +subject. In dividing his discourse he generally employs the rigour of +the scholastic method; each member of the division<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[Pg 526]</a></span> being complete in +itself, and forming as it stands a finished whole. Hence, the great +feature of his style is its singular clearness; a clearness which, +however, never becomes hard or cold, so tender is the unction that +pervades the entire. He appears to have had a singular devotion to St. +Catherine the Martyr and to St. Thomas of Canterbury, among the saints; +three or four different sermons are to be found in the collection in +honour of each. It is much to be regretted that those beautiful sermons +have never been printed.</p> + +<p>Anxious to secure efficient pastors for his flock, he took care that his +clergy should have the benefit of the highest literary and +ecclesiastical training it was within his power to procure. With this +view he sent four of his priests to the University of Oxford, where he +himself had spent so many happy years of profitable study. He also +acquired for his diocese from the Benedictines of St. Mary of Lenley's +in Normandy, the priory and houses of St. Andrew in the Ardes, belonging +to that order. Besides this, he was diligent in visiting every portion +of his province. Among the rolls of Edward III., there is a letter of +28th April, 1356,<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> addressed by that King to the Archbishop, at a +moment that the latter has actually engaged in his visitation of the +diocese of Meath. Edward calls upon the Primate to return with all speed +to Dundalk to treat with Odo O'Neill, who was advancing upon that town +with a considerable army of Irish. Nor was it the first time that the +Archbishop's virtues enabled him to discharge the blessed office of +peacemaker in the disturbed state of society in which his lot was cast. +As far back as 1348 he had received from the King full powers to treat +for peace between the English and Irish.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>While careful of the spiritual interests of his diocese, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph did not neglect to take care of its temporal concerns. He +justified to the letter the description given of him in the bull which +made him Archbishop: <i>in spiritualibus providum, in temporalibus +circumspectum</i>.</p> + +<p>On January 11th, 1351, he received from Clement VI. a favourable answer +to his petition that he might be allowed to incorporate with the mensal +funds of his see the income of four churches with care of souls, +provided the ordinaries consented, and that the sum did not exceed the +annual value of one hundred marks. The petition of the Archbishop set +forth that the entire income of his see did not reach four hundred +pounds sterling per annum. On the same day the Pontiff issued letters +requiring the Abbot of St. Mary's in Dynelek (Duleek), the Prior of St. +Leonard's in Dundalk, and the Archdeacon of Armagh, together with the +chapter of the cathedral, to examine how far it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[Pg 527]</a></span> would be useful to +exchange certain church lands, rents, and other immovable property, for +others, which the Primate judged more likely to be advantageous to the +see of Armagh.</p> + +<p>Two documents preserved by Rymer show how careful Dr. Fitz-Ralph was not +to sanction by any act of his the claims made to the primacy by the +Archbishop of Dublin, to the detriment of Armagh. The first is dated 8th +December, 1350, and is an order from Edward III., that the Archbishop of +Armagh should not have his cross carried before him within the limits of +the province of Dublin. Archbishop Fitz-Ralph was unwilling to cause +disturbance by refusing to obey this order, but on the other hand he +felt that to comply with it fully would be to prejudice the legitimate +claims of his see.</p> + +<p>He resolved in consequence simply to absent himself from Dublin. He +procured a royal license which excused him from personal attendance at +the parliaments held at Dublin, on the ground, that within the province +of Dublin he was not permitted to have his cross borne before him. In +1349 he was charged by the same king to plead in the royal name before +the Sovereign Pontiff Clement VI. for the grace of a jubilee on behalf +of the people subject to the English crown. In Oxford there is a MS. +entitled <i>Propositio ejusden (Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph Archiepiscopi +Armachani) ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III. in consistorio Domini +Papae, Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus Domino Regis populo obtinenda, +anno 1349</i>. A similar heading is prefixed to another <i>propositio</i> of the +same prelate, which, as we shall see, he urged in person at Avignon in +1357. Pope Clement VI. was engaged in anxious efforts to restore the +oriental churches to union with Rome. The Armenians were in an especial +manner the objects of his paternal solicitude. The remarkable series of +questions which the Pope proposed to the bishops of that church are well +known in ecclesiastical history. It was, probably, during this visit to +the Holy See that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph became acquainted with the two +Armenian prelates, Nerses or Narses of Manasgarda and John, Bishop elect +of Clata, in Greater Armenia. These oriental bishops had long and +earnest conferences with their Irish brother on the sad state of their +once flourishing church, and at their earnest and oft-repeated requests, +the Primate resolved to contribute his aid to the great work of bringing +back the Armenians to unity. One circumstance connected with the +occasion, though it narrowed his field of argument for the time, has +given, nevertheless, to his writings a character which makes them +valuable in modern controversy. In his <i>Questiones Armenorum</i> he was +forced to defend the Catholic doctrine almost exclusively from the Holy +Scriptures, seeing that his adversaries did not admit the authority of +the Roman Church. Hence his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[Pg 528]</a></span> position as a controversial writer does not +differ from that which the Reformation has imposed upon modern +theologians since the time of Bellarmine.</p> + +<p>Before the publication of Theiner's <i>Vetera Monumenta</i>, there was but a +single writer, Raphael of Volterra,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> to assert that Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph had been created Cardinal. This solitary testimony, though +positive, was not considered by Ware and others strong enough to +counterbalance the negative argument drawn from the silence of all other +writers on the subject, and especially from the fact that upon the +elaborate catalogue of cardinals, drawn up by Panvinio and Ciacconio, +the name of Fitz-Ralph is not to be found. Among the documents published +by Theiner there is a consistorial process drawn up in 1517 on occasion +of a vacancy in the see of Ardagh,<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> in which mention is made, among +other glories of Ireland, of the Cardinal of Armagh, who flourished in +the year 1353. This is no other than our Archbishop Fitz-Ralph. It is +curious that the statement in this process is made in words almost +identical with those used by Raphael of Volterra. So close is the +likeness between the two statements that one is clearly copied from the +other. It is also to be observed that in the Papal documents he is never +styled Cardinal, and that even as late as October, 1358, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph is styled by Innocent VI. simply Archbishop of Armagh, +although in the same letter the Pontiff makes mention of the Cardinals +appointed to examine into the questions at issue between our prelate and +the Mendicant Orders. However this may be explained, we have the weighty +authority of an official document drawn up at Rome and accepted by the +Holy Father himself, for believing that the see of Armagh was honoured +by the Roman purple in the person of Richard Fitz-Ralph.</p> + + +<h3>§ VIII. HIS CONTROVERSY WITH THE MENDICANT ORDERS.</h3> + +<p>We now approach the grave controversy which was carried on for years +between our Archbishop and the Mendicant Religious Orders. Even if the +space at our disposal permitted it, we would not be willing to enter +here into a detailed account of the dispute.</p> + +<p>Had it been given to Archbishop Fitz-Ralph to see as clearly as history +has enabled us to see, the blessings which our Church owes to the +heroism of the religious orders in the days of persecution, far from +opposing, he would have been the first to enlarge their privileges in +Ireland. But, as it was, it is quite clear that in his opposition to +them he was influenced solely by motives of an elevated nature. The +whole struggle was simply a domestic misunderstanding, and of such +character as that one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[Pg 529]</a></span> may and must feel deep respect for both parties. +We cannot do better than lay before our readers the explanation of his +object and motives offered by the Archbishop himself to Pope Innocent +VI. in person, at Avignon, 8th November, 1357.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy +Ghost. Amen. 'Nolite judicare secundum faciem sed justum +judicium judicate' (<i>Joan.</i>, cap. 7).</p> + +<p>"Most Holy Father, I protest, at the very beginning of my +discourse, that I do not intend to assert or rashly to +affirm anything which may clash with Christian faith or +Catholic doctrine, and that it is not my intention to +solicit, or even to advise, the abolition or retrenchment of +the mendicant orders approved by the Church or confirmed by +the Sovereign Pontiffs. But rather, it is my desire that +these same orders be brought back to the purity of their +original institution, and in this, also, I am ever ready to +submit to the correction of your Holiness. And to approach +my subject without delay, coming to London, Most Holy +Father, about certain matters connected with my Church of +Armagh, I found a dispute going on between certain learned +doctors concerning the mendicant state and the mendicity of +Christ our Lord and Saviour. After repeated invitations to +preach to the people, I there delivered, in the vernacular, +seven or eight discourses, and, always under the above-made +protest, I defended in public nine conclusions, on account +of which, and for what else I then said, the friars have +appealed, though without reason, to this Holy See".</p></div> + +<p>The visit to London here alluded to took place in 1356, and, as we have +seen, in 1357, the case was already under judgment at Avignon. For three +whole years the archbishop remained at the Holy See, while a +congregation of Cardinals, specially appointed for the purpose, took +cognizance of the dispute. No official decision was given, but as the +privileges of the mendicant orders were confirmed, and a letter sent to +the English bishops commanding them to not interfere with the friars, it +may be said that the Archbishop failed to make good his cause.</p> + + +<h3>§ IX. HIS DEATH.</h3> + +<p>On the 16th November, 1360, according to Henry of Malmesbury, Richard +Fitz-Ralph slept in the Lord at Avignon. "Of whom", says Fox,<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> "a +certain cardinal hearing of his death, openly protested that the same +day a mighty pillar of the Church was fallen".</p> + +<p>In Wadding's <i>Annals</i>, it is told that towards the end of his life, +seeing it was not likely he could succeed in his struggle, he withdrew +to Belgium, and there died in the mountains of Hannonia. The same +account appears in the Camden Annals of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[Pg 530]</a></span> Ireland. But Ware<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> tells us +that the Armagh copy of these annals agrees with other histories in +placing the death at Avignon. In 1370, his remains were removed by +Stephanus de Valle (who from the see of Limerick was translated to that +of Meath by Urban V. in 1369), and brought back to his native town of +Dundalk, where they were desposited in the church of St. Nicholas. The +memory of his extraordinary merits soon attracted to his tomb crowds of +the faithful. The usage of styling him St. Richard of Dundalk became +quite general, and many miracles were ascribed to his intercession. +Moved by the report of these prodigies, Pope Boniface IX. appointed John +Cotton, Archbishop of Armagh, Richard Young, Bishop-elect of Bangor, and +the Abbot of Osney, near Oxford, as commissioners to institute a +judicial examination of the miracles. The result of their labours is not +known. Stewart, in his <i>History of Armagh</i>, mentions<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> that in a synod +held at Drogheda in 1545, it was ordered that the feast of St. Richard +of Dundalk should be celebrated in the diocese of Armagh with nine +lessons, in <i>crastino Joannis et Pauli</i>.</p> + + +<h3>§ X. THE WORKS OF ARCHBISHOP FITZ-RALPH.</h3> + +<p>(A.) Printed works:—</p> + +<p>1. (<i>a</i>) <i>Richardi Archiepiscopi Armachani, Hyberniae Primalis, +Defensorium Curatorum, adversus eos qui Privilegiatos se esse dicunt</i>, +habitum Avinione in consistorio coram D. Papa Innocentio VJ. et D.D. +Cardinalibus et Prelatis, anno Christi 1357, nunc recens excusum juxta +vetus exemplar et ex fide codicis MS. diligentissime castigatum. +Parisiis apud Joan. Libert, via D. Joan. Lateranens. e regione Auditorii +Regii, MDCXXI. pagg. 1-136.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) The same is printed in the <i>Appendix ad Fasciculum Rerum +expetendarum et fugiendarum</i> opera et studio Ed. Brown Parochi +Sandrigiae in agro Cantiano. London: Chiswell, MDCXC. vol. ii. pag. 466 +to 486.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) The same in Goldast's <i>Monumenta S. Romani Imperii</i>, vol. ii. p. +1391 to 1410.</p> + +<p>2. <i>Summa Domini Armachani in quaestionibus Armenorum</i>, noviter impressa +et correcta a magistro nostro Joanne Sudoris, cum aliquibus sermonibus +ejusdem de Christi Dominio. "Jehan Petit, venales habentur in vico Divi +Jacobi sub lilio aureo ... quinsiène jour de Juillet mil cinq cens et +douse., fol. clxxvii."</p> + +<p>As this is the most important of all the writings of Dr. Fitz-Ralph, and +as the printed book is very rare, it will please our readers to have a +more detailed account of its object and contents. The work forms a real +encyclopaedia of theological learning, and reveals the vast extent of +the author's studies and acquirements. The introduction runs as +follows:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[Pg 531]</a></span>—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Reverendis in Christo patribus, Versi Manasgardensi, ac +fratri Joanni electo Clatensi Majoris Armeniae, Richardus +Radulphus Archiepiscopus Armachanus, Hiberniae Primas, per +gratiam sitire justitiam donec hauriatis aquas in gaudio de +fontibus Salvatoris. Ex revelatione Vestrae sanctae +devotionis accepi, ob defectum exercitii in Sacris +Scripturis antiquas quasdam hereses a Sanctis Patribus +reprobatas, et nonnullas contra S. Scripturas novellas +assertiones erroneas in vestris partibus pullulasse, propter +quas per doctores Latinos ex sacris Literis resecandas, eo +quia earum patroni auctoritatem Ecclesiae Romanae non +admittunt estimantes ejus auctoritatem ex Sacris Literis +probari non posse, ad Romanam curiam zelus domus Dei et +Christi charitas vos adduxit. Cum vero super ipsis erroribus +vobis cum ibidem aliquoties contulissem, meam exilitatem +devotius stimulastis ut super quaestionibus vestris illud +vobis scriberem quod mihi dignaretur Dominus aperire. Cui +Vestro tam accepto Deo desiderio resistere non audebam, +exactiones spiritualis usurae formidans, si de bonis a +Domino acceptis officium negligerem institoris, et juxta +ipsius promissa <i>qui evangelizantibus dat verba virtute +multa</i> ardenter desideratis ampliora ob hoc recipite ut +abundem magis. Nec debent indignari mihi majores, ex quo +ipsi per quos melius perfici potuit illud penitus +neglexerunt, et ego cum vidua evangelica cupiam minuta, quae +habeo in Domini domum offerre, ipso teste confidens humilis +orationis suffragio amplius quam subtilitate ingenii +difficilia penetrare. Nec majorum correctionem renuo sed +affecto, et ipsum opus, (cujus titulem volui esse <i>De +quaestionibus Armenorum quod</i> in xix. particulas sive libros +distinxi, singulis libris materiam fidei et ipsius causam +premittendo), approbationi et reprobationi nostri Papae +Patris Clementis VI. universalis Ecclesiae Summi Pontificis +in toto et in parte committo. In primis quinque libris illa +principalis quaestio Armenorum pertractabitur: numquid +Christus habuit in se duas plenas naturas, scilicet, divinam +et humanam ita quod propter unionen illarum duarum naturarum +in ipso fuit Dominus IESVS Christus veraciter suppositum, +persona, sive hypostasis in utraque natura verus Deus et +verus homo.</p> + +<p>Primus itaque liber contra heresim Nestorianam, a quodam +Nestorio introductam, affirmantem in Christo naturam humanam +duntaxat, ita ut Christus homo fuerit et non Deus; quam +heresim secuti sunt Cherintus, Armerintus, Theodocio, et +etiam excaecati Judaei, et multae Orientalium nationum usque +in prasens, patefacto primitus quis sensus sit literalis +Sacrae Scripturae censendus, ex Scriptura N. T. juxta sensum +literalem ipsius ostendit Christum quem colimus esse Deum. +Secundus liber contra Judaeos specialiter ex V. T. juxta +literalem sensum ipsius, probat Christum sive Messiam in sua +Scriptura promissum Deum esse debere.</p> + +<p>Tertius liber ex eadem V. Scriptura ostendit Christum +nostrum quem colimus esse sive fuisse illum qui erat Judaico +populo in ipsa Scriptura promissus.</p> + +<p>In quarto libro tractantur objectus Judaici populi contra +ostensa in lib 2<sup>o</sup> et 3<sup>o</sup> et dantur et probantur in ipso +regulae certae istos objectus, et omnes alios objectus +Judaicos dissolvendi.</p> + +<p>In quarto libro contra heresim Arii et Apollinarii +affirmantem quod<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[Pg 532]</a></span> in Christo anima humana non fuit, +divinitas loco animae in Christo erat: ad hoc, contra +heresim Manichaei dicentis Christum non verum corpus humanum +sed corpus fantasticum habuisse Scripturae testimonia +adducuntur, et consequenter contra heresim ponentem corpus +humanum in Christo fuisse et divinitas veluti indumentum ac +vestem sicut in angelis cum corpora humana assumuni; et +contra heresim Dioscori affirmantis naturam humanam in +Christo in divinam fuisse mutatam ex utroque Testamento +testimonia proferuntur.</p> + +<p>Sextus liber ex Scripturis utriusque Testamenti ostendit +Spiritum Sanctum a Filio sicut a Patre procedere, quod a +Grecis et ab Armenis plerisque negatur.</p> + +<p>Septimus liber probat ex Scriptura quod Romana Ecclesia sit +caput totius Ecclesiae Christianae.</p> + +<p>Octavus liber de Sacramento baptismi et ejus forma plures +Armenorum quaestiones absolvit.</p> + +<p>Nonus liber de Sacramentis Corporis Christi et Sanguinis, +Confirmationis et Unctionis plures quaestiones eorum +tractat.</p> + +<p>Decimus liber de modis illicitis, conferendi et acquirendi +et detinendi dona Dei gratuita ac praeposituras Ecclesiae +quaestiones eorum pertractat, et an requiratur gratia Dei ad +habendum dominium.</p> + +<p>Undecimus<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> liber de potestate absolvendi simplicis +sacerdotis, et de punitione animarum hominum impiorum ante +finale judicium quaestiones ipsorum dissolvit.</p> + +<p>Duodecimus liber quaestiones Armenorum pertractat de +beatitudine animarum quorumdam justorum et de purgatione +aliquarum animarum ante finale judicium.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-tertius, quem propter Athanasium Graecum qui +negat Purgatorium adjeci, quatuor pertractat articulos, de +satisfactione, debita pro peccatis in vita et etiam post +hanc vitam.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-quartus tractat quaestiones Graecorum et +Armenorum de visione nuda atque clara divinae essentiae a +vere beatis quam negant plerique eorum.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-quintus objicit contra auctoritatem nostrae +Scripturae per contingentiam futurorum praenuntiatorum in +ipsa quae possint non fore, et occasione cujusdam novelli +erroris asserentis omnia futura ex necessitate sive +inevitabiliter evenire, quare offendit libertatem +contradictionis in voluntate humana tam ex physicis +scripturis quam ex divinis in multiplici ratione, et +contingentiam futurorum.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-sextus ponit tres de pretactis objectionibus +acceptis de infallibilitate scripturae divinae, a divina +praescientia immutabili, a voluntate divina omnipotente +invincibili et etiam efficaci; et solvit eosdem ex propriis +principiis evidenter ostendens contingentiam futurorum et +libertatem contradictionis voluntatis divinae et humanae.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-septimus residuos sex ponit objectus de Dei +coöperatione speciali cum voluntate hominum operante; de +sustentatione<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[Pg 533]</a></span> rerum intrinseca ab omnipotenti divina +potentia; de divina coöperatione generali eum omni agente +creato; de necessitate eventus actuum intrinsecorum +nostrorum, etc.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-octavus ostendit auctoritatem Legis Antiquae +et Novae, et probat utrumque Testamentum ex lege Saracenorum +firmari; et cum in multiplici ratione affirmat Legem nostram +traditam in suis majoribus articulis non fuisse aut esse +corruptam.</p> + +<p>Liber decimus-nonus comparat Legem nostram quoad sacramenta +et ceremonias cum lege Judaeorum. Pertractat etiam de +miraculis Apostolorum, et ostendit Legem nostram robur +amplius habere quam ratio naturalis, aut aliqua secta +gentilium et hoc totum opus consummat.</p> + +<p>Quia vero per interrogationem et responsionem modus tradendi +videtur multis facilior, licet sit aliquantulum prolixior, +unum de nostris, mihi discipulum predilectum, quasi mecum +disputantem accepi. Ita ut Joannes vicem gerere quaerentis, +et Richardus intelligatur vicem gerere docentis licet potius +respondentis. Vos igitur, Reverendi Patres, opus accipite +quod petistis, orationis si placet mercedem mihi pensantes +pro labore hoc.</p></div> + +<p>(B.) Works in Manuscript:—</p> + +<p>1. (<i>a</i>) <i>Summa contra Armenos</i>, lib. xx., fol. 126, xc. New College. +Oxford.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Responsio de Armenorum Heresi</i>, fol. 218, xviii. Lincoln Coll., +Oxford.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Armachanus de Questionibus Armenorum</i>, Cod. 250, n. 4. St. +Benedict, Cambridge.</p> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>Scriptum Armachani de Questionibus Armenorum</i>, Cod. 224. +Pembroke, Cambridge.</p> + +<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>Richardi Armachani lib.</i> xix., <i>Questionum adversus Armenos</i>. +Trin. College, Dublin.</p> + +<p>2. <i>Ricardi Radulphi Armachani Opus in P. Lombardi sententias</i> in +questiones xxix. distributum, praevio sermone super idem. xv. Oriel +College, Oxford.</p> + +<p>3. (<i>a</i>) <i>Ricardi Rad. Armachani, Propositio facta in consistorio coram +Domino Papa et Cardinalibus ac Prelatis super materia mendicitatis ac +privilegiorum mendicantium contra Fratres de ordinibus quibuscunque, +apud Avinion. die 8 mensis Novemb. Anno Domini MCCCLVIII.</i>, <i>fol.</i> 54, +xxxviii. Magdal. Coll. Oxford.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Propositio ejusdem facta in consistorio coram Papa, Cardinalibus +et Prelatis, ad utilitatem cleri ac populi Christiani super materia +mendicitatis ac privilegiorum contra fratres de ordinibus mendicantium +quibuscunque apud Avinion. 8 Nov. 1357</i>, fol. 184. St. John Bapt., +Oxford.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Ric. Filii Radulphi, Archiep. Cantuar.</i> (sic) <i>sermo habitus +Avinionae viii. die mensis Novembris A.D. 1357, in istud Nolite judicare +secundum faciem</i>, etc., fol. 53. Corpus Christi Coll., clxxxii., Oxford.</p> + +<p>4. <i>Propositio Ric. Armachani ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III., in +consistorio D. Papa Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus D. Regis populo +obtinenda, anno 1349</i>, fol. 177. S. J. Bap., Oxford.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[Pg 534]</a></span></p> + +<p>5. <i>Rich. Fil. Rad. Armachani de paupertate Christi</i> libri septem, cum +prologo ad Innocentium Papam VI. et titulo capitulorum cuique libro +praevio, fol. 143. King's Coll. Oxford, cxviii.</p> + +<p>6. <i>Objectiones ejusdem contra seipsum in Materia de Mendicitate et +aliis cum suis solutionibus</i>, fol. 196, S. Q. B., lxv. Oxford.</p> + +<p>7. <i>Responsio ad objectiones Mendicantium.</i> British Museum.</p> + +<p>8. <i>Excerpta varia ex Ricardo Fitz-Rauf; a) excerpta ex testamento S. +Francisci contra fratres Minores; b) excerpta notabilia ex quodam libro +qui vocatur Summa Summarum; c) excerpta ex libro Copiosae charitatis.</i> +Bodl.</p> + +<p>9. <i>Rich. Radulphi Armachani Primatis Dialogus vel Disputatio de Rebus +ad S. Scripturam pertinentibus.</i> Lincoln, 75.</p> + +<p>10. (<i>a</i>) <i>Sermones Domini Richardi Dei gratia Archiep. Armach. +Hiberniae, habiti Avinione et aliis locis quampluribus de diversis +Sanctis et temporibus.</i> S. John B. lxv. Oxford.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph, Archiep. Armach. sermones de tempore +et de sanctis, per totum annum.</i> New Coll., xc.</p> + +<p>(<i>c</i>) <i>Sermones tam de tempore quam de sanctis.</i> Trin. Coll., Dub.</p> + +<p>(<i>d</i>) <i>Sermones V. ad crucem Londinensem</i>, an 1356, et <i>alii de laudibus +S. Deipariae</i>. Ibid.</p> + +<p>(<i>e</i>) <i>Sermones Richardi filii Radulphi de Dundalk, Archiepiscop. +Armachani.</i> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Theiner's <i>Vetera Monumenta</i>, n. 517, p. 263.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Vet. Monum.</i>, n. 270, p. 286.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Annal. MSS.</i>, in Bibl. Cotton.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Vet. Mon.</i>, n. 271, p. 286-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, n. 272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, n. 273.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Claus. 29-30, Ed. III.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Pat. 29, Ed. III.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Commentar. Urbanor, lib. 3.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Vet. Mon., p. 521.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Defensorium Curatorum.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Acts and Monuments</i>, i. p. 465, seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>De Scriptoribus</i>, lib. i. p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Dowdall Register.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Cardinal Bellarmine warns his readers that our author is +<i>caute legendus</i> in the 4th cap. of the 10th, and the 4th cap. of the +11th books. The Cardinal does not approve of his doctrine, <i>de potestate +presbyterorum</i>, nor of his teaching on the mendicant state.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="MR_BUTT_AND_NATIONAL_EDUCATION30" id="MR_BUTT_AND_NATIONAL_EDUCATION30"></a>MR. BUTT AND NATIONAL EDUCATION.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></h2> + + +<p>No Irish Catholic can examine the system of National Education without +being filled with alarm for the safety of our faith in Ireland.</p> + +<p>The tendency of the national system is to give a full control over the +education of the rising generations in Ireland to the English +Government, thus affording them an opportunity of undermining true +faith, and of effecting by favours, promises, gifts, and influence, what +they sought in vain to obtain by penal laws, by confiscation of +property, and by fire and sword. The system also tends to weaken +pastoral authority, to deprive the successors of the apostles, who were +sent by Christ to teach all nations, of their lawful influence, and to +separate priest and people. Such consequences necessarily follow from +the operation of model and training schools, and from the vast powers +given in all educational matters to a body of commissioners appointed by +the government, and dependent on it—commissioners, many of whom are +openly hostile to the religion of the people of Ireland, whilst others +have given proof that they are either unable or unwilling<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[Pg 535]</a></span> to defend it +or support its rights and interests. But even if the commissioners were +most anxious to do justice to Catholics, the nature of the system which +they have bound themselves to carry out would frustrate their good +intentions. The mixed system proposes to collect into the same school +teachers and pupils of every religious denomination, Catholics, +Anglicans, Presbyterians, Methodists, and Jews, and to do nothing and to +teach nothing in the school, and to publish nothing in the schoolbooks, +offensive to any of them. Hence all prayers, the catechism, all teaching +of the special doctrines and practices of the Catholic Church, must be +banished from the school during the hours of teaching, and the books +placed in the hands of children which are calculated to exercise great +influence on their after life, must be compiled in a style of +indifference to every religion. Indeed we could not expect to find +anything good or religious in books composed by a Protestant archbishop +of rationalistic and latitudinarian views, who does not appear to have +believed in the Trinity or the Divinity of Christ, who raised himself to +the episcopal dignity by publishing the <i>Errors of Romanism</i>, and who +terminated his career by admitting that his object in compiling some of +the books introduced into the national schools was to dissipate the +darkness in which the Irish people are sitting, or, in other words, to +spread among them his own dangerous principles, and to undermine their +faith.</p> + +<p>Whilst the national system is beset by so many dangers, we cannot but be +anxious that its character and tendencies should be accurately examined, +and the objections to which it is liable fairly stated to the public. We +are now happy to be able to say that all this has been done by a +Protestant barrister, Mr. Isaac Butt, late M.P. for Youghal. This +learned and eloquent gentleman has just published a treatise entitled +<i>The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated</i>, in which he gives the history of +the system of National Education, and discusses its merit. The writer +appears to have studied the subject with the greatest care, and to have +made himself acquainted with all its bearings. His treatise is written +with great clearness and moderation; his views upon education are +liberal and accurate; and his arguments against allowing the education +of Ireland to pass into the hands of a hostile government, are most +powerful and unanswerable. Mr. Butt has rendered us an immense service +by publishing so valuable a treatise. We recommend all our friends to +provide themselves with it, and to peruse it most carefully.</p> + +<p>We shall now give some few extracts from it to show the spirit in which +it is written. The treatise is dedicated to Mr. Gladstone, and in the +dedication Mr. Butt calls on that great statesman to apply to Ireland +the principles of justice and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[Pg 536]</a></span> liberality, which he had so often +advocated in the case of other nations, principles unhappily ignored in +the management of Irish affairs by those who have the reins of power in +their hands.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Most of our departments are managed as if the chief art of +Irish government consisted in a dexterous thwarting, or, at +least, ignoring of all local and national wishes, as they +are represented by the class with whom the department has to +deal. In no country in the world, not even in the Austrian +provinces of Venetia, are national feeling and sentiment so +completely excluded from any control over the management of +national affairs"—(p. viii.)</p></div> + +<p>Applying what he had stated to the question of national education, he +adds:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The House of Commons, with an almost prodigal, but a wise +liberality, has placed at the disposal of the Irish +Government large and ample funds for the purposes of +national education. These funds are administered on a plan +opposed to the feelings of all creeds and all classes of the +Irish nation. Ninety-nine out of every hundred Irishmen +condemn it. There is not an Irish constituency from Bandon +to Derry in which any man could be returned as an advocate +of the national system, if the question were purely one of +its approval or disapproval. There is not a parish in +Ireland in which the inhabitants, if they had their choice, +would adopt it as the system of their parish school. Right +or wrong, the present system is one forced, by official +coercion, on the Irish people. It is a national system, +maintained and supported in defiance of the sentiment of the +nation"—(p. viii.)</p></div> + +<p>Looking at the national system in a religious point of view, Mr. Butt +adds, that it is in antagonism with the wishes and feelings of all +classes of the Irish people.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"There is no nation on earth who cherish religious feelings +with a more deep and enthusiastic devotion than do the +Irish. They are the very last people among whom the +experiment of an education, which excludes the fulness of +religious teaching, should be tried. The result of the +experiment has been, that by all creeds and classes of +Irishmen, the 'national' system is condemned. All who avail +themselves of it do so grudgingly and of necessity. It is a +system forced upon the people by their rulers.... It is for +the Irish nation themselves to judge of the education which +is suited to the wants of the Irish poor. The system which +is condemned by the universal suffrage of the Irish nation, +is unfit for Ireland, because it is so condemned—(p. ix.)</p> + +<p>"If we are driven to justify our opinions, we have only to +refer to the example of England. In England, every school +that receives aid from the funds of the State, is a school +avowedly teaching the doctrines of some religious body. Full +and unrestricted religious instruction is made an essential +part of national education in England.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[Pg 537]</a></span> In Ireland, a school +which adopts that instruction as its rule, is consequently +placed under a ban, and denied all assistance from the +national funds. It matters not whether the instruction be +Protestant or Catholic, it equally condemns the school in +the eyes of our rulers"—p. x.</p></div> + +<p>Treating of the difference between the systems prevailing in England and +Ireland, Mr. Butt adds:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In point of principle, no reason can be assigned for the +difference between England and Ireland. If it be wrong in +Ireland to endow and aid a purely Roman Catholic school, it +is equally so in England. The difference established between +the two countries can neither be justified nor accounted for +upon any rational principle. It fosters the belief in the +mind of every Irishman that his country is treated as an +inferior. In many Irishmen it promotes the belief that +religious instruction, which is free in English schools, is +placed under restriction in Ireland, because the faith of +the majority of the Irish people is proscribed"—(p. xi.)</p></div> + +<p>And may we not ask has not the Irish Catholic sufficient grounds for +adopting this opinion? Has not all the legislation of the country for +centuries been directed to the destruction of Catholicity?</p> + +<p>The question is next referred to of the tendency of the national system +to throw the whole education of the country into the hands of the +government.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"I do not shrink from inviting your consideration to the +complaint—that the Irish national system, as now +constituted, is one gigantic contrivance for bringing the +whole education of Ireland under government control. I +appeal with confidence to you, as an English statesman, +against the attempt to 'Anglicise' the education of the +Irish people—against the project of bringing up, in +government academies, an army of schoolmasters, who, in +school, and still more out of school, are to form for +government a moral and intellectual police—against the +system of lavish bribery by which it is plainly proposed to +attract all talent in the humbler classes of Irishmen into +the service of an anti-Irish Board—against the institution +in our country of a great system of universal education, +subject to influences that are not Irish, and administered +in a spirit of distrust of the whole Irish people, their +national prejudices, and their religion"—(p. xii.)</p></div> + +<p>In the course of the work, proofs are given of the way in which it was +sought to establish government influence. In the beginning, according to +the letter of Lord Stanley, only one model school was to be erected in +Ireland, and the minor schools through the country were to remain quite +independent. In 1835, the commissioners began to manifest more extensive +designs, and in a report to Lord Mulgrave, it was proposed to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[Pg 538]</a></span> establish +a model school in each county, to take the training of all the teachers +of the kingdom into the hands of the Board, and, at the same time, the +plan was adopted to introduce books treating of common Christianity, and +compiled by Dr. Whateley, and, in fact, to make the authority of the +commissioners paramount in everything connected with the education of +the future generations in Ireland. On this Mr. Butt observes:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"In no country ought such a system to be tolerated—least of +all in Ireland, where—it ought not, it cannot be +disguised—there still exists the antagonism between the +English government and the thoughts and feelings and +sentiments of the nation. I would not write the truth if I +did not say, that any one who knows Irish affairs must +expect the administration of such a system to be +anti-national. He would be informed, without surprise, that +from the lessons of history there was carefully excluded all +that would remind Irishmen of their distinctive +nationality—that the whole tone and tendency of the +literature were English—and that, in drawing up the +lesson-books in which Irish children are to be taught, +Englishmen and Scotchmen were the only persons worthy of the +confidence of the Irish National Board.</p> + +<p>"I am content to be accounted of narrow and provincial +feelings when I thus point to the anti-national character of +the system. From the invasion of Henry II. to the present +time, English rulers have been engaged in one device or +another to destroy the distinctive nationality of Irishmen. +The attempt is as unwise as it is unjust. It can only be +effected by the destruction of public spirit and the +demoralization of the country. The empire in which we are +associated gains no more by the destruction of the +individual nationality of its component parts, than society +would gain by the destruction of all distinctive character +in those who compose it. If even the Irish people are to be +taught to love England, they must be taught to love Ireland +first, and to feel that there is no inconsistency between +the most intense Irish feeling and attachment to the empire +of which Ireland forms a part. There is a waste of energy in +every attempt to extirpate national prejudices and feelings, +which makes the attempt a blunder as well as a crime. Russia +has not yet Russianized Poland, and the Irish are as far +from being West Britons as they were in the days of James I.</p> + +<p>"It must be remembered that the effect of such a proposal +was to substitute for the varying forms of individual energy +and local exertion one great uniform system. While the +education of the people was eked out by the sacrifices of +the people themselves, or supplied by the desultory efforts +of individuals, there was always room for the play of +national and local feelings. So far as a plan like that +propounded in this report was successful, it destroyed all +other industrial energies among the lower orders. The old +hedge schoolmaster could no longer make out his bread. The +poor scholar could no longer wander from house to house, +teaching the old history of Ireland in return for the food +and lodging he received. All the lower<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[Pg 539]</a></span> orders of the people +were to be taught by masters trained in a government +college, and drilled in a system from which all national +feeling was excluded—masters, of whom it was put forward as +their chief merit that they would be political and moral +agents of the government, inculcating order on a lawless, +and teaching civilization to a barbarous, people.</p> + +<p>"The report of 1835 suggested, of necessity, the question of +religion. The masters, according to its proposal, were +plainly to be indoctrinated in matters from which religion +could not be separated. They were to be instructed in mental +philosophy by a professor, specially appointed for that +purpose. This training must be given them that they may be +qualified to direct 'the thoughts and inclinations of Irish +children in a right direction'. Would it have been +unreasonable, is it unreasonable now, that the guardians of +the faith of any portion of the Irish people should feel +anxious to have some security for the character of the +'mental philosophy' in which the teachers of the people were +trained?</p> + +<p>"Comparing the plan announced in Lord Stanley's published +letter with that which was carried into effect, under the +joint operation of the interpolated passage and the report +of 1835, it is obvious that those who might be perfectly +satisfied with the arrangements of the first, either as to +religious or national feeling, might yet be wholly +dissatisfied upon the very same points with the second.</p> + +<p>"Under the covert and guarded language of the report of +1835, we can clearly trace the inauguration of a new +system—a system wholly unlike anything that had preceded it +or had ever been recommended—a system which was to +establish in every parish a government agent, under the name +of a national schoolmaster, and which was also to become a +great government university for the teaching of the middle +classes.</p> + +<p>"This last was to be accomplished by the medium of the model +schools. One of these was to be established in each county. +The master was to be a person of superior attainments, with +a salary very far above that of any curate of the +Established Church, and in these schools a superior +education was to be conveyed. We shall see how steadily the +plan, first broached in the annual report of 1835, has been +carried out.</p> + +<p>"In 1837, the report tells us that 'they had added to their +normal establishment in Dublin a scientific department and a +school of industry, in the immediate neighbourhood of +Dublin, with work-rooms and a farm of from forty to fifty +acres attached to it'. In the same report they propose to +appoint a superintendent for each of twenty-five +districts—residing at the model school, and having £125 +a-year, with apartments and allowances. The head master of +each model school was '<i>to be authorised to receive a +limited number of boarders at such charge to their parents +and friends as the commissioners might think proper, having +regard to local circumstances'</i>.</p> + +<p>"At the same time, they stated their intention to establish, +generally, schools termed secondary, in which 'scientific +instruction' and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[Pg 540]</a></span> 'instruction in manual occupation' should +be given;—a portion of land for garden husbandry to be an +indispensable adjunct to each secondary school.</p> + +<p>"In 1839 they modestly announce a model farm, near Dublin, +as only in its infancy, with twelve agricultural pupils, +'deriving much benefit from the judicious system of farming +which they see practised there'.</p> + +<p>"In 1840 they determine to establish twenty-five +agricultural model schools—each of them in connection with +an elementary national school. They subsequently establish +twelve pupil-teacherships in their central agricultural +institution—scholarships, in fact, which are competed for +by the most promising students in their rural agricultural +schools.</p> + +<p>"I have referred to these establishments in proof of the +assertion that the national system has been gradually +expanded into a vast educational institution, absorbing and +controlling the education of the poorer classes, and, to a +great extent, that of the middle classes of the country.</p> + +<p>"The extent to which this has proceeded will be understood +by a reference to the last report of the Commissioners, that +for the year 1864.</p> + +<p>"It appears by this report that there are at present in +operation twenty-six model schools (classing the three +metropolitan schools as one establishment). The expenditure +within the year upon these model schools amounts to nearly +£25,000.</p> + +<p>"In addition to the Albert Model Farm at Glasnevin, near +Dublin, there are in connection with the Board thirty-six +agricultural schools; nineteen of these are under the +exclusive management of the Board—seventeen partly under +local control.</p> + +<p>"The sums expended on this agricultural department amount in +the year to more than £10,000. It will complete this +statement to add that in the same year, 1864, the training +institution of Dublin was maintained at a cost, in its +several branches, of £4,500.</p> + +<p>"The cost of the inspection department of the institution +amounts to no less a sum than £23,000.</p> + +<p>"The cost of the official establishment in Marlborough +Street is £15,457.</p> + +<p>"In addition to this, a very considerable sum, amounting, +probably, to nearly £10,000, appears to be annually +distributed, at the discretion of the Board and its +inspectors, in the shape of gratuities of one kind or other +to the persons engaged in the teaching of the national +schools.</p> + +<p>"It appears from this report (excluding the item last +mentioned), that upon the official staff of this great +educational institute there is annually expended a sum of +£49,000; and upon model and agricultural schools, wholly +foreign from the original objects, a further sum of £33,000, +making an expenditure of £82,000, one shilling of which does +not reach one of the schools, to support which the grant for +Irish education was originally made.</p> + +<p>"The whole of this immense sum, amounting to nearly +one-third<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[Pg 541]</a></span> of the grant, is really spent upon a machinery +for bringing the education of the people under the entire +and absolute control of the Board.</p> + +<p>"I do not stop to argue whether £15,000 be not an +extravagant expenditure for official expenses. That which is +of importance to observe is, that the tendency and effect of +the costly, but most effective, system of inspection is, in +reality, to convert inspection into superintendence, and to +extend the direct influence of the Board over all the +schools in connection with them. The training or normal +establishment is instituted for the express purpose of +indoctrinating the masters in the views prescribed by the +Board. But the influence does not end here. By a system of +examinations, conducted in connection with the inspection, +the Board contrives to direct the studies and mould the +train of thought of the masters. Their salaries are +increased at the pleasure of the Board. A graduated system +of promotion and a scale of rewards are established, +dependent entirely on their recommending themselves to the +inspectors. Under such a system the power nominally left to +the local patrons of selecting the schoolmaster, in reality +does not give to these patrons any substantial control. +Every national schoolmaster adopts, or professes to adopt, +the opinions of his real masters, and learns to reflect the +opinions which he knows to be in favour with the Board.</p> + +<p>"The model schools are established partly to complete the +training of the masters, and partly to force upon the +country the entire system of the Board. Of these schools the +commissioners themselves are the patrons, and in these they +have full power of enforcing their own views. What they +'earnestly recommend' to others, they are able to adopt in +their own schools. Money is lavished upon these model +schools, so as to make them establishments of a superior +order. The model school in Marlborough Street is maintained +at an expense of £3,500. One in Belfast costs very nearly +the same sum. Most of this money is expended in the salaries +and maintenance of pupil teachers, so that these model +schools are, in effect, colleges, with their exhibitions to +attract students. Over these model schools the commissioners +have absolute control, and through them, and by means of +them, they exercise an almost absolute influence over the +whole system of education in connection with the Board. This +is, in effect, the carrying out of the plan indicated in the +report of 1835. Centralization is secured by an array of +schoolmasters, trained under the Commissioners. No man can +attain the rank of a first-class national schoolmaster who +has not gone through a training in an establishment +conducted after the most approved fashion of the Board—a +training by which he becomes thoroughly indoctrinated in all +the maxims of that fashion. He is not sent to a model school +merely to see the best mode of arranging classes or +maintaining the discipline of the school. He is sent there +to reside as the student of a college, to learn various +departments of knowledge. He is taught, in his training, +history, political economy, mental philosophy, and +scriptural history—and he learns them all in lesson books +prepared to order for the Commissioners, and by catechetical +instruction, in which he is drilled by professors and +inspectors appointed at their sole nomination.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[Pg 542]</a></span></p> + +<p>"I pass, for the present, from this part of the subject, +with this one observation—that this sum of £80,000 is +annually expended upon a portion of the system with which +local exertion or local influence has nothing whatever to +do. It is wholly, absolutely, and unreservedly under the +direction and control of the central authority.</p> + +<p>"In England, I may observe, the state assumes no such power. +The training institutions for schoolmasters are left +entirely under the control of the authorities of the +respective denominations. In Ireland, the rule is that the +masters should be trained by government, and accept at once +their theology, their morals, and their science of teaching +at the hands of the officials of the state. It is only the +resolute opposition of the Catholic prelates that has +prevented this project from being completely carried into +effect"—(p. 87-96.)</p></div> + +<p>We regret that our space will not allow us to give more copious extracts +from the book now before us. But again we recommend our readers to read +and study the whole treatise. It will open their eyes to the dangers +with which mixed education, falsely called <i>national</i>, menaces our +Church and our country.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Mr. Butt's work is entitled <i>The Liberty of Teaching +Vindicated, Reflections and Proposals on the subject of National +Education</i>. Dublin. Kelly, Grafton Street, 1865.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="LITURGICAL_QUESTIONS" id="LITURGICAL_QUESTIONS"></a>LITURGICAL QUESTIONS.</h2> + + +<p>The few questions which were answered in the last number of the <i>Record</i> +have given occasion to other questions of a practical nature in +connection with the Office and Mass for the Dead. There is a variety of +practice in some points—for instance, 1st, at the end of the +absolution, if the office and mass be celebrated for one person, should +<i>requiescat in pace</i>, or <i>requiescant</i>, be said?</p> + +<p>2nd, Should the <i>Anima ejus et animae omnium</i>, etc., be said, and is +there any definite rule about it?</p> + +<p>3rd, When is the <i>De profundis</i> to be said, and when is it to be +omitted?</p> + +<p>With regard to the first question we beg to quote the following decree +of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which settles the question.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Dec. 2709. An dicendum sit in fine absolutionis mortuorum +requiescat vel requiescant?</p> + +<p>"Resp. Quando absolutio est pro uno defuncto, in singulari; +pro pluribus, in plurali. In missa vero semper +<i>requiescant</i>. Die 22 Januarii, 1678".</p></div> + +<p>In reply to the second question, it appears to us that the Rubrics of +the Ritual will lead us to a safe conclusion. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[Pg 543]</a></span> Ritual clearly lays +down that, if the remains for any reason are not carried to the cemetery +immediately after the office, the Benedictus, and the prayer, etc., +having been said, the <i>Anima ejus et animae</i>, etc., is also to be said. +In such a case there is no doubt, inasmuch as the Ritual lays down the +entire order of the ceremony, and ends with the words <i>Anima ejus</i>, +etc., in full without any comment. If the remains are brought to the +cemetery the same practice is to be observed, for at the sepulchre the +same prayers are prescribed by the Rubrics, and there is no change +mentioned. Hence, we consider we are correct in stating that the <i>Anima +ejus</i>, etc., is to be said at the end of the prayers for burial, +praesente corpore, whether these are recited in the church or in the +cemetery. But is the verse <i>Anima ejus</i> to be said at the end, after the +<i>Requiescant in pace</i>, if the remains are not present? There is no +mention of this in the Ritual nor in the Missal, and it is certain that +on All Souls' Day, when the remains, as a rule, are not supposed to be +present, the <i>Anima ejus</i> is not to be said. There is a decree of the +Sacred Congregation of Rites referring to this subject.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Dec. 2924. An post absolutionem quae fit super cadaver in +die obitus, vel supra tumulum in die anniversario aut super +lecticam seu castrum doloris in die commemorationis omnium +fidelium defunctorum, dicto versiculo requiescant in pace, +subjungi debeat Anima ejus et animae omnium, etc.</p> + +<p>"Resp. Servetur Rituale: et in commemoratione omnium +fidelium defunctorum nihil superaddendum. Die 2 Decembris, +1684".</p></div> + +<p>We do not mean to say that this decree decides the point clearly in our +favour, but the Ritual certainly does not prescribe it. We have before +us an excellent ceremonial published in Bologna by a missionary priest +of St. Vincent, and he is clearly of opinion that the <i>Anima ejus</i> +absente cadavere ought not to be said, and adduces the decree above +quoted referring to the office on All Souls' Day.</p> + +<p>With regard to the third question, it is well we should observe, in +order to avoid any misunderstanding, that we are speaking of the <i>De +profundis</i> which is said after Mass at the end of the absolution, when +the clergy are proceeding to the sacristy. The Rubrics are clear as to +when the <i>De profundis</i> is to be said at the end of Lauds: "Psalmus +lauda anima mea in vesperis similiter et Psalmus <i>De profundis</i> in fine +laudum non dicuntur in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum, +neque in die obitus seu depositionis defuncti". We think that much the +same answer is to be given about the <i>De profundis</i> at the end of the +absolution, as was given above about the <i>Anima ejus et animae omnium</i>, +etc. This opinion is held by the author above quoted, and it is only in +case the corpse is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[Pg 544]</a></span> present that the Ritual prescribes the <i>De +profundis</i>. "Deinde a sepultura in ecclesiam vel in sacristiam +revertentes dicant sine cantu antiphonam si iniquitates etc. cum Psalmo, +De profundis, etc.", and there is a decree of the Sacred Congregation of +Rites which appears to confirm our views.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"Dec. 4543. Antiphona et Psalmus De profundis nec non +versiculus animae eorum in die commemorationis omnium +fidelium defunctorum post absolutionem ad tumulum sunt +omittenda juxta. Decr. 2 Decembris, 1684".</p> + +<p>"Die 28 Julii, 1832".</p></div> + +<p>We must add that the practice in Rome is, even absente corpore, to say +the <i>De profundis</i>, and hence our readers will perceive there is some +difficulty in settling the question.</p> + +<p>We wish, however, to state that, being pressed for time, we were not +able to examine this question as fully as we would wish, and we hope +soon to return to it; and if, in the mean time, any light were thrown on +the subject by any of our learned readers who study such matters, we +shall be very glad to receive any remarks or suggestions that may be +forwarded to us.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CORRESPONDENCE" id="CORRESPONDENCE"></a>CORRESPONDENCE.</h2> + + +<h4><i>To the Reverend Editors of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record.</i></h4> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>,<br /> +</p> + +<p>May I beg you to insert in your widely-circulating journal the following +list. It may be useful to the clergy for the information of youths, in +whose higher education they take an interest, and especially now, when +we may hope that to have studied under a Catholic system will no longer +be an obstacle to advancement.</p> + +<p class="right"> +I remain, Gentlemen,<br /> +Your faithful servant,<br /> +<span class="smcap">Barth. Woodlock</span>,<br /> +<i>Rector</i>.<br /> +<br /> +Catholic University, Dublin,<br /> +31st July, 1865.<br /> +</p> + + +<h3>CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4>TO BE COMPETED FOR IN OCTOBER, 1865.</h4> + + +<h4><i>General Regulations.</i></h4> + +<p>1. The following Exhibitions will be offered for competition in the +University on Tuesday, October 10th, and following days.</p> + +<p>2. The Examinations will commence each day at 10 <span class="smcap">a.m.</span></p> + +<p>3. Candidates are required to send in their names and commendatory<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[Pg 545]</a></span> +letters from their University or Collegiate Superior, to the Secretary +of the University, on or before the day preceding the Examination at +which they propose to present themselves.</p> + +<p>4. They will not be awarded unless for distinguished answering.</p> + +<p>5. The successful candidates, if not already matriculated, are required +to matriculate within one week after the declaration of the award of the +Examiners.</p> + +<p>6. Every Exhibition is tenable for one year, unless where otherwise +specified; but successful candidates are required to attend Lectures in +the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, or of Science, according to their +standing, and can hold the Exhibitions so long only as they observe the +regulations of the University.</p> + +<p>7. No one, however, can hold two Exhibitions in the same matter;—<i>e. +g.</i>, two Classical, or two Mathematical Exhibitions, or two Exhibitions +in Physical Science, cannot be held by the same person.</p> + + +<h3>EPISCOPAL EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4><i>Special Regulations for the Episcopal Exhibitions.</i></h4> + +<p>1. No Student above twenty-two years of age, or of more than one year's +standing in any University, will be allowed to compete for the Episcopal +Entrance Exhibitions.</p> + +<p>2. The Examinations for the Classical Exhibitions will take place on +Tuesday, October 10th, and Wednesday, October 11th; and for the +Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, October 12th, 1865.</p> + +<p>3. The Episcopal Exhibitions will be distributed among Students from the +Ecclesiastical Provinces of Armagh and Cashel, Dublin and Tuam +respectively; provided competitors from these provinces offer +themselves, and comply with the other conditions prescribed.</p> + +<p>4. The successful Candidates must attend the lectures of the First or +Second Year.</p> + + +<h3>I.—FOR ENTRANCE.</h3> + +<h4><i>Open to all Students of not more than One Year's standing in the +University.</i></h4> + +<p><i>Classical.</i>—One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 each, +for proficiency in the Classical and Literary matter of the Entrance +Examination.</p> + +<p>Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar, and Latin Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, or +Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of +Actium), and of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the +death of Philip); and in the following books:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, i.-iii.;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Euripides, <i>Alcestis</i>;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Virgil, <i>Aeneid</i>, i.-iii.;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Cicero, <i>in Catilinam</i>, i.-iv.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Special marks will be given for Latin verses and Greek composition.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[Pg 546]</a></span></p> + +<p><i>Mathematical.</i>—One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 +each, for proficiency in the Mathematical matter of the Entrance +Examination.</p> + +<p>The Examination for these Exhibitions will not extend beyond the second +book of Euclid, nor embrace matter which is not included in most +Algebraical Treatises within the limits of Simple Equations.</p> + + +<h3>II.—SECOND YEAR'S EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4><i>Open to Students of the University, of not more than Two Years' +standing, who have passed the Annual Examination of the First Year.</i></h4> + +<p><i>Classical.</i>—One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15.</p> + +<p>Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar and Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman +History (from the beginning of the Republic to the battle of Actium) and +of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the death of Philip), +and in the following books:—</p> + +<p>Herodotus, vi.; Euripides, <i>Hippolytus</i>; and Sophocles, <i>Ajax</i>.</p> + +<p>Horace, Epistles, including the Art of Poetry; Terence, +<i>Heautontimoroumenos</i>; and Tacitus, Histories.</p> + +<p>Special marks will be given for Greek and Latin verse.</p> + +<p><i>Mathematical.</i>—One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15, for +proficiency in Euclid, i.-vi. (definitions of Book v.); Algebra, +including the Theory of Equations; Plane Trigonometry; Coördinate +Geometry and Conic Sections.</p> + + +<h3>EXHIBITIONS FOR AFFILIATED STUDENTS.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></h3> + +<h4><i>Special Regulations.</i></h4> + +<p>1. These Exhibitions are open to all <i>Affiliated</i> Students of the +University, who will have passed the Entrance Examination since the 1st +June, 1863.</p> + +<p>2. The Examination will be held in the University Buildings, 86 +Stephen's Green, commencing each day at 10 A.M., as follows:—</p> + +<p>Classical Exhibitions, on Tuesday and Wednesday, 10th and 11th October, +1865.</p> + +<p>Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, 12th October, 1865.</p> + +<p>3. These Exhibitions are subject to the General Regulations given above.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[Pg 547]</a></span></p> +<p>4. They are tenable for two years; but can be enjoyed so long only as +the holders attend those Lectures of the Faculty of Philosophy and +Letters, or of Science, which are prescribed, according to their +standing, in the University course of Studies, and observe the rules and +regulations of the University. In every case they will cease at the end +of the Session 1866-7.</p> + + +<p><i>Classical:</i>—One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25.</p> + +<p>The subjects of the Examination will be Latin and Greek Grammar, and +Latin Composition; the Elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman History +(from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of Actium), and of +Greek History (from the legislation of Solon to the death of Philip); +and in the following books:—</p> + + +<p>Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, i.-vi.; and Herodotus, vi.</p> + +<p>Virgil, <i>Aeneid</i>, i.-vi.; Cicero, <i>in Catilinam</i>, <i>pro Milone</i>, +<i>Archiâ</i>, and <i>Lege Maniliâ</i>.</p> + + +<p>Special consideration will be given to Latin Verses and Greek +Composition.</p> + +<p><i>Mathematical:</i>—One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25, for proficiency +in Elementary Mathematics, viz.:—</p> + +<p>Algebra (except the Theory of Equations); first six books of Euclid; +Elements of Plane Trigonometry.</p> + + +<h3>HIGHER UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4><i>Regulations.</i></h4> + +<p>1. The following Exhibitions, tenable for one year, are open to all who +present satisfactory testimonials of conduct.</p> + +<p>2. Former successful competitors may again compete for them.</p> + +<p>3. But the Candidates cannot be above twenty-six years of age, or of +more than five years' standing in any University.</p> + + +<h3>CLOYNE EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4><i>Founded by the Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese of Cloyne.</i></h4> + + +<p><i>Cloyne Exhibition in Mental Science</i>, £20:—Friday and Saturday, 13th +and 14th October, viz.:—</p> + + +<p>Proficiency in Logic and the Elements of Mental Philosophy.</p> + + +<p><i>Cloyne Classical Exhibitions:</i>—<i>One of</i> £30, <i>and one of</i> £20:—Monday +and Tuesday, 16th and 17th October.</p> + + +<p>The subjects of Examination will be:—</p> + +<p>Greek and Latin Grammar; Greek and Latin Composition, both prose and +verse; Elements of Ancient Geography; History of the Peloponnesian War, +from 431 to 404 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; Roman History, from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[Pg 548]</a></span> outbreak of the Social +War to the Death of Cicero; and the following books:—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Thucydides, i. ii.;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Aeschylus, <i>Agamemnon</i>;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Cicero, <i>de Oratore</i>, i. ii.;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Virgil, <i>Aeneid</i>, ix. xii.;<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><i>Cloyne Exhibition in Irish History, Literature, etc.</i>, £20:—Wednesday, +18th October:—</p> + +<p>Irish History, from the English Invasion to the Plantation of Ulster; +Elements of the Irish Language; Materials of Irish Literature.</p> + + +<h3>LIMERICK EXHIBITIONS.</h3> + +<h4><i>Founded by the Laity of the City and County of Limerick.</i></h4> + +<p><i>Limerick Mathematical Exhibition</i>, £30:—Thursday, Friday, and +Saturday, 19th, 20th, and 21st October.</p> + +<p>For proficiency in the full University course of Pure Mathematics and +Mathematical Physics (vide <i>Calendar</i>, pages 42, 43).</p> + +<p><i>Two Limerick Modern Literature Exhibitions</i>, £20 <i>each</i>, viz.:—</p> + +<p>(<i>a</i>) Wednesday, 25th October—English Language and Literature; and +English History from the Accession of James I., 1603, to the Death of +George II., 1760.</p> + +<p>(<i>b</i>) Thursday, 26th October—The Language and Literature of France, +Italy, or Germany, at the option of the candidate; and the History of +the country, the Language and Literature of which he presents, viz.:—</p> + +<p>French History, from the Accession of Francis I., 1515, to the Death of +Louis XIV., 1715;</p> + +<p>Italian History, from the Death of Lorenzo de Medici, 1492, to the +re-conquest of Naples by the Spaniards, 1733; or</p> + +<p>German History, from the Accession of Charles V., 1519, to the Treaty of +Westphalia, 1648.</p> + + +<h3>CONOLLY EXHIBITIONS, £20 EACH.</h3> + +<h4><i>Founded by John Conolly, Esq.</i></h4> + +<p>I. <i>Mathematics:</i>—Thursday and Friday, 19th and 20th +October:—Coördinate Geometry, Differential and Integral Calculus.</p> + +<p>II. <i>Mathematical Physics:</i>—Friday and Saturday, 20th and 21st +October:—Mathematical Statics and Dynamics, and Elements of +Mathematical Geography and Astronomy.</p> + +<p>III. <i>Experimental and Kosmical Physics:</i>—Monday and Tuesday, 23rd and +24th October:—Heat, Light, Electricity, and Magnetism; Elements of +Geology, Physical Geography and Climatology, and Astronomy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[Pg 549]</a></span></p> + +<p>IV. <i>Natural Sciences:</i>—Tuesday and Wednesday, 24th and 25th +October:—Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Crystallology.</p> + +<p>N.B.—Of these Exhibitions, Nos. I. and II. cannot be held by the same +person; so also Nos. III. and IV. cannot be held simultaneously.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Affiliated Students are such as, having passed the +Entrance Examination, pursue their studies in an approved college or +school, with the view of completing the higher studies in the University +(<i>Calendar</i>, page 48). For the purposes of the Examination for the above +Exhibitions, all Students who will have been examined for Entrance by +the University Examiner in one of the seminaries, colleges, or schools, +connected with the University (vide <i>Calendar</i>, page 81), between the +1st June, 1863, and the 10th October, 1865, will be eligible.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="DOCUMENTS" id="DOCUMENTS"></a>DOCUMENTS.</h2> + + +<h3>THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITIES OF BELGIUM AND OF IRELAND.</h3> + +<p>The Catholic University of Louvain has just been deprived by death of +its first Rector, Mgr. Peter Francis Xavier de Ram. This illustrious +prelate was called to the reward of his useful life on Sunday, the 14th +of May, and his demise has caused a vacancy, not only in the University +over which he presided with so much prudence and energy for over thirty +years, but also in several other learned bodies, of which he was a most +distinguished member. His death has been a severe loss to his native +land and to the Catholic Church in Belgium. Let us hope the great work +for which he lived will long continue to be a prolific source of every +blessing to Catholic Belgium.</p> + +<p>On hearing of the death of Mgr. de Ram, our Catholic University, which, +in obedience to the advice of the Sovereign Pontiff, has ever looked on +that of Louvain as its model and elder sister, hastened to hold a +meeting of the Academic Senate, at which the following letter of +condolence was unanimously agreed to:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Illustrissimo et adm. Rdo. Dno. Vice Rectori; Illmis. D.D. +Facultatum Decanis; et perillustribus D.D. in Universitate +Cath. Lovaniensi Professoribus ornatissimis,</p> + +<p>Universitas in Hibernia Catholica S. D.</p> + +<p>Paucis abhinc diebus pervenit ad nos tristissima notitia +mortis Illmi. et Rmi. D.D. Francisci Xaverii de Ram, istius +Universitatis in Belgio Catholicae Magnifici Rectoris. Haud +certe sine maximo cordium nostrorum dolore nuntium istum +accepimus. Siquidem et inclytam Universitatem Vestram +praecipuo lumine et ornamento destitutam conspicimus, et +Supremo Capite et primo Rectore orbatam, qui res nascentis, +imo potius renascentis Academiae summa humanitate, +ornatissimus homo, est moderatus: qui miro ordine ita omnia +paravit et instituit, ut antiquae illius in vestra civitate +Universitatis decus et in scientiis laudem nova aemularetur, +imo et superaret.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[Pg 550]</a></span></p> + +<p>Ad consolandum igitur vos in casu isto, quo est gravissime +afflicta Academia Vestra, Universitatem hanc nostram urget +et communis fides, et praecipua dilectio qua nos complecti +dignati estis, et nomen ipsum Universitatis Catholicae. Nam +et inclytam vestram Academiam haec nostra haud passibus +aequis insequi conatur, et vester proinde dolor, aerumnae +vestrae nobis vobiscum sunt communes. Itaque et inter hos +dies nostrum erit clarissimi viri, vestri quondam Rectoris +Magnifici animae piaculari Sacrificio opitulari, publicisque +Ecclesiae officiis, et illi requiem et ipsius Operi, +Universitati scilicet Vestrae incolumitatem et in dies +provectus adprecari.</p> + +<p class="right">Ex aedib. Univers. in Hib. Cath.<br /> +Datum Dublinii V. Kal. Junias, 1865.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Barth. Woodlock</span>, Rector Univer. Cath.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Thomas Scratton</span>, A.B. a Secretis Universit.<br /></p></div> + +<p>The Vice-Rector of the University of Louvain has returned the following +answer:—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Louvain, de l'Université Catholique, le 9 Juin, 1865.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Magnifice Rector</span>,</p> + +<p>Perquam gratae nobis fuere literae tuae plenissimae illa +humanitate, proximis hisce diebus ad nos datae, in quibus +Dublinensis Academiae nomine moerorem nostrum de obitu Viri +illustrissimi Petri Francisci Xaverii de Ram, tuae doloris +participatione levare voluisti, unàque significasti +Dublinensem Academiam jam nunc hoc quoque curare, ut brevi, +in suo coetu, oblato peculiari Sacrificio, publicis votis +precibusque aeterna requies animae illustrissimi Viri a Deo +expectatur.</p> + +<p>Itaque facere non possum, Magnifice Rector, quin nostrae +Academiae nomine tibi gratias quam maximas agam tam ob hoc +germanae caritatis indicium quam ob illam doloris officiosam +significationem.</p> + +<p>Immanem profecto jacturam facimus in amissione Viri qui, ut +recte dicis, Magnifice Rector, renascentis Lovaniensis +Academiae quodam modo pater fuit, et diuturno tempore +gubernator prudentissimus, et praecipuum ejus lumen et decus +et ornamentum; quem nos quidem eodem desiderio lugemus quo +filii parentem.</p> + +<p>Reliquum est, ut Dublinensi Academiae, quam tu, Magnifice +Rector, sapientissime moderaris et nos praecipuo quodam +amore complectimur, prospera quaevis exoptemus; quod magnam +certe partem praestiterimus, si, quod enixe facimus, Deum +precamur ut te illi Academiae quam diutissime servet.</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Vice Rector Universitatis</span>.<br /> +T. A. <span class="smcap">Nameche</span>.</p> + +<p><i>Viro Eximio ac Reverendissimo Bartholomaeo Woodlock, +Magnifico Rectori Universitatis Catholicae in Hibernia.</i></p></div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[Pg 551]</a></span></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="NOTICES_OF_BOOKS" id="NOTICES_OF_BOOKS"></a>NOTICES OF BOOKS.</h2> + + +<h3>I.</h3> + +<p><i>History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation.</i> +By Rev. P. F. Moran, D.D. Vol. i. Dublin: James Duffy, 1865.</p> + + +<p>We are happy to announce the publication of the first volume of the +<i>History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation</i>, +by the Rev. Dr. Moran, of the Irish College, Rome, whose past services +to the annals of our religion and country are well known. The first part +of the volume now before us gives an account of the violent and +tyrannical manner by which it was attempted to introduce Protestantism +into Ireland under Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The arguments by +which the Reformers propagated their opinions were fraud and treachery, +fire and sword, penal laws and the confiscation of property. Dr. Browne +and Dr. Loftus, two Englishmen, who received all the jurisdiction they +enjoyed, as Archbishops of Dublin, from Henry and his daughter, +Elizabeth, made themselves remarkable by their bigotry and their spirit +of persecution. During their times no Catholic bishop, canonically +appointed, could exercise spiritual powers in Dublin; but the wants of +the faithful were provided for by vicars-apostolic, or administrators, +lawfully appointed by the Holy See. Dr. Moran gives an interesting +account of the labours of several of them, and especially of Father +David Wolf, one of the companions of St. Ignatius, of Father Newman, and +Father White. Towards the end of the sixteenth century a bishop, by name +Donald, was appointed to Dublin by the Holy See, but nothing is known of +his history. In the bull appointing Dr. De Oviedo, in 1600, it is merely +mentioned that the see of Dublin was vacant by the death of Donald, late +archbishop.</p> + +<p>The history of Dr. De Oviedo and of the wars of the O'Neills is given at +considerable length. After the death of that prelate, Dr. Matthews was +translated from Clogher to Dublin in 1611, and governed this diocese +with the zeal of an apostle down to the year 1623, when he died in Rome, +esteemed and honoured by the Roman Pontiff. The labours of our prelate +are fully described by Dr. Moran, and his provincial statutes, replete +with wisdom and learning, are given in the appendix.</p> + +<p>Dr. Fleming, son of the Baron of Slane, succeeded Dr. Matthews in 1623, +and was equally distinguished as his predecessor for virtues and good +works. During the first period<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[Pg 552]</a></span> of his episcopate, the Irish Church had +to suffer a great deal from the persecuting spirit of the government, +and especially from the hostility of Lord Strafford. Yet in such +troubled times Dr. Fleming held several synods, and laboured assiduously +for the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline. As Dr. Matthews had +founded an Irish college at Louvain, so Dr. Fleming was most anxious to +procure the means of education for the students, by establishing or +encouraging other colleges in France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy. +Speaking of the college of Antwerp, which had been endowed by Rev. L. +Sedgrave and Rev. James Talbot, Dublin priests, Dr. Moran says:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"One of its collegiate rules will suffice to reveal to us +the spirit of self-sacrifice and Christian heroism with +which the youthful Levites were prepared for their +missionary toils in Ireland: 'Each priest', thus the rule +enacts, 'will offer to God with all possible devotion the +Holy Sacrifice of the Altar, beseeching our Divine Redeemer +to have mercy on our afflicted and persecuted country, and +to strengthen our clergy with His sanctifying grace. To +attain this end all the students will, moreover, on each +Friday, observe a rigorous fast, and will recite every day +at their evening devotions the penitential psalm, Miserere +mei Deus'".</p></div> + +<p>Dr. Fleming was also a great patron of the learned men, such as the Four +Masters, Wadding, Harold, Colgan, and others, who at that time devoted +themselves to the study of Irish history and antiquities.</p> + +<p>The present volume brings the history of the Archbishops down to the +memorable period of 1641. A copious and valuable appendix is added, in +which many most interesting letters of Irish bishops, generally +inedited, and other documents are published.</p> + +<p>The succeeding volumes will appear without any undue delay.</p> + + +<h3>II.</h3> + +<p><i>History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of +Dublin</i>, etc. By J. T. Gilbert, Esq. Dublin: James Duffy. 1865.</p> + +<p>This work is a valuable accession to Irish history. The author has had +access to the public records, and in this way has been able to fix the +chronology of important events, and to throw great light on a period +whose history had been written very inaccurately. The present volume +gives the history of the Viceroys from the Norman invasion in the +twelfth century down to the death of Henry VII. in 1509. The work will +be sought for with avidity by all who wish to become acquainted with the +real state of Ireland in the period before the Reformation, and it will +increase in interest as it comes down more closely to our own time.</p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, +Volume 1, August 1865, by Society of Clergymen + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + +***** This file should be named 33708-h.htm or 33708-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/7/0/33708/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Volume 1, August 1865 + +Author: Society of Clergymen + +Release Date: September 12, 2010 [EBook #33708] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.) + + + + + + + +THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD. + +AUGUST, 1865. + + + + +THE SEE OF DROMORE. + + +The see of Dromore, though founded by St. Colman, seems for several +centuries to have comprised little more than the abbey of that great +saint and its immediate territory. In the synod of Rathbreasil (A. D. +1118), in which the boundaries of the various dioceses were defined, no +mention is made of Dromore, and the territory subsequently belonging to +it was all comprised within the limits of the see of Connor. The acts of +the synod of Kells held about fifty years later, are also silent as to a +bishop of Dromore; and Cencius Camerarius, compiling his list of sees in +1192, again omits all mention of this see. Nevertheless, the abbot of +the monastery, "de viridi ligno", which gave name to the town of Newry, +ruled this diocese with episcopal authority during the later half of the +twelfth century, and a bishop of this see named Uroneca (_alias_ O'Rony) +is mentioned in a charter of donations to the abbey of Neddrum, about +the year 1190 (see Reeves' _Ecclesiastical Antiquities_, pag. 192). + +The last episcopal abbot of this great monastery was _Gerard_, a +Cistercian monk of Mellifont, who, in 1227, was chosen bishop, and died +in 1243. A controversy then arose between the chapter of Dromore and the +monastery of Newry. Each claimed the right of electing the successor to +the deceased bishop; and the Archbishop of Armagh gave judgment in +favour of the former. The matter being referred to Rome, all controversy +was set at rest by Pope Innocent VI., who by letter of 5th March, 1244, +addressed "to the dean and chapter of Dromore", confirmed the decision +of the Archbishop of Armagh, and sanctioned the right of the canons of +Dromore to elect the bishops of the see (_Mon. Vatic._, pag. 42). +Andrew, archdeacon of Dromore, was accordingly elected bishop, and +consecrated in 1245, and the episcopal succession continued +uninterrupted till the latter half of the fifteenth century. + +Ware, in his _Bishops_ of this see, and Dr. Reeves, in his +_Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down and Connor_ (pag. 308), tell us that +on the death of the Carmelite bishop, _David of Chirbury_, in 1427, the +see was held by Thomas Scrope, who resigned before 1440; that his +successor, Thomas Radcliffe, also resigned before 1461; that the next +bishop was George Brann, appointed about 1487; and that the see was held +in 1500 by another bishop named William Egremond. + +The actual succession of bishops, however, was far different. On the +death of David of Chirbury, Dr. Thomas Radcliffe was chosen his +successor in 1429, as the historians of the Augustinian order expressly +attest. Thus, for example, Herrera writes: + + "Thomas Sacrae Theologia professor a Martino V. in Registro + Pontificio an. xii. Pontificatus et Christi 1429. prid. Kal. + Feb. in Hibernia sub Archiepo. Armacano Epus. Dromorensis + instituitur. Hic est ille quem registra ordinis die 19 + Martii an. 1426. magistrum Thomam Radclef provinciae Angliae + appellant eique Prior Generalis concedit ut in conventu + Oxoniensi perpetuo stare possit ut eum fratribus destitutum + juvet". + +Elsius makes a similar statement (_Encomiast._ page 662), and also tells +us that there is a "Thomas Radclyf, Redcliff, sive Radcliffus, Anglus, +S.T.D., in Anglia natus nobilissima familia ex qua comites Sussessiae +ante an. 1369, prodierunt", who is commended in the records of the order +as illustrious by his virtues and writings. "Intuitu virtutum", he adds, +"Episcopalem Lincolniensem aut Leicestrensem accepit dignitates", which +words acquaint us with the English see to which Dr. Radcliffe was +promoted some few years after his appointment to Dromore. + +As the dates of Herrera are taken from the consistorial records and +other official documents, we may rest assured that 1429 was the year of +Dr. Radcliffe's appointment. We cannot fix with the same certainty the +year in which he renounced this see. It is probable, however, that about +1434 he was translated to the diocese of Lincoln in England, and we next +meet with a Dominican Father who was also named _Thomas_, already in +possession of the see of Dromore in 1437. The following is the letter of +Eugene IV., from the papers of Luke Wadding, Rome, which makes known to +us for the first time this worthy successor of St. Colman:-- + + "Eugenius, etc., ven. fr. Thomae, Episcopo Dromorensi + salutem, etc. + + "Personam tuam nobis et apostolicae sedi devotam, tuis + exigentibus meritis paterna benevolentia prosequentes illa + tibi libenter concedimus quae tuis commoditatibus fore + conspicimus opportuna. Cum itaque sicut exhibita nobis pro + parte tua petitio continebat propter bellorum discrimina + quae partes illas diutius afflixerunt prout affligunt etiam + de praesenti, Ecclesia et Episcopalis mensa Dromorensis cui + praeesse dignosceris adeo sit in suis facultatibus diminuta + quod ex illius fructibus redditibus et proventibus vestrae + decentiam Pontificalis dignitatis sustentare et alia Tibi + incumbentia onera commode nequeas supportare: Nos ne in + dedecus Episcopalis dignitatis mendicare cogaris volentes Te + qui etiam in Theologia Magister existis ob virtutum tuarum + merita quibus Te illarum largitor altissimus insignivit + favoribus prosequi gratiosis, tuis in hac parte + supplicationibus inclinati, tecum ut quodcumque Beneficium + Ecclesiasticum cum cura vel sine cura ... dummodo dignitas + hujusmodi in cathedrali major post Pontificalem, aut in + Collegiata Ecclesia hujusmodi, principalis non existat, si + tibi alias canonice conferatur, seu assumaris vel eligaris + ad illud una cum dicta Ecclesia Dromorensi quamdiu illi + praefueris, in Commendam recipere et retinere libere et + licite valeas, quod ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum professor + existis, ac constitutionibus apostolicis, necnon bonae + memoriae Octonis et Octoboni olim in Regno Angliae Sedis + Apostolicae Legatorum, statutis quoque et consuetudinibus + Eccelesiae in qua hujusmodi beneficium forsan fuerit, + juramento, confirmatione Apostolica vel quacumque firmitate + alia roboratis, caeterisque contrariis quibuscumque + nequaquam obstantibus, auctoritate Apostolica, tenore + praesentium de speciali dono gratiose dispensamus, ita quod + hujusmodi durante commenda, fructus, redditus et proventus + beneficii hujusmodi percipere et habere, illosque in tuos et + hujusmodi Beneficii usus et utilitatem convertere et alias + de illis disponere et ordinare libere et licite valeas, + etc., etc. + + "Datum Bononiae anno Incarnat. Dom. 1437, 19'o Kal. + Februarii anno 7mo". + +This Dominican bishop only held the see till 1440, for, in that year +Dromore is described as vacant in the register of archbishop Swain of +Armagh. We may incidentally here mention that amongst the same Wadding +papers there is another brief of Pope Eugene IV., dated at Florence, +11th of the kalends of December, 1439, confirming the bull of Alexander +V., which commenced _Etsi pro cunctorum_: it is addressed "ad +Praedicatores Hibernos, scilicet ad Vicarium Generalem et alios +fratres". + +_Thomas Scrope_, a Carmelite, was Bishop of this see[1] before the close +of the pontificate of Eugene IV., who died in 1447. He was remarkable +for the practice of almost incredible austerities, and it is especially +commemorated of him that he had led an eremitical life for several years +before he was summoned to the onerous duties of the episcopate. He +subsequently was sent by Pope Eugene as apostolic delegate to the +Knights of Rhodes; and Leland adds that "whatever he received out of +his revenues or could get from rich persons, he bestowed among the poor, +or laid out on pious uses". He resigned his see after his return from +Rhodes, and acted as vicar-general of the Bishop of Norwich: he died at +a very advanced age in 1491. + +We next meet with a Bishop of Dromore named _Richard Myssin_, a +Carmelite, who on the 29th July, 1457, was advanced to this see, as +appears from the Consistorial acts of Pope Callixtus III. (_Biblioth. +Carmelit._, ii. 965). He was remarkable for the sanctity of his life, +and for his great proficiency in learning. + +William Egremond was probably his immediate successor, being appointed +to the see in 1462, as Herrera and the other Augustine writers +attest.[2] The country, however, was so disturbed that this diocese had +few attractions for an English bishop; and hence he abandoned it in +1467, and lived for many years as suffragan of the archbishop of York. +His monument, erected in the cathedral of York, bore the following +inscription:-- + + "Hic Egremond Will'mus Dromorensis Episcopus olim + Marmore pro nitidis tectis utrinque mitris. + Pavit oves Cithiso qui sub bis Praesule bino + Atque lupi rabiem movit ab Aede trucem. + Unguine quot sanxit pueros, quot Presbyterosque + Astra nisi scirent, credere nemo valet. + Ante prophanus erat locus hic quem dextra beavit + Ejus, et hinc pro se dicito quisquis Ave". + +The next mention we find of this see is in a petition of the Archbishop +of Armagh, Octavian de Palatio, addressed to Henry VII. about the year +1487, in which he writes that, "the fruits, rents, and revenues, as well +spiritual as temporal (of Dromore), extend not above the sum of L40 of +the coin of this your land of Ireland, which is less by one-third than +the coin sterling; and that for the expense and poverty of the same, the +see is void and desolate, and almost extinct, these twenty winters past +and more, insomuch that none will own the said bishoprick or abide +thereupon". + +Nevertheless, in that very year, 1487, George Brann was appointed to +this see by Pope Innocent VIII. He had lived for several years in Rome +as procurator of the Hospital of the Santo Spirito, and had also +proceeded to Ireland to establish a branch house of that institute. He +held the see till his translation to Elphin on the 18th of April, 1499. + +The first bishop of Dromore whom we find commemorated in the sixteenth +century is _Galeatius_, whose death is registered in 1504. Of his +successor, John Baptist, we only know that he was appointed on June +12th, the same year. _Thaddeus_, a Franciscan friar, was next advanced +to the see on 30th April, 1511. He is commemorated in Archbishop +Cromer's register, as still ruling the see in 1518, and we find no other +bishop mentioned till the appointment of _Quintinus Cogleus_ (_i.e._ Con +MacCoughlin), of the order of St. Dominick, in the year 1536 (_Hib. +Dom._, p. 486). This bishop, however, seems to have held the see only +for a short time, for in the Consistorial Acts we soon after find the +following entry:--"An. 1539. Sua Sanctitas providit Ecclesiae Dromorensi +in Hibernia _de persona_ Rogerii". + +Ten years later Arthur Magennis was chosen by Pope Paul III. to govern +the diocese of St. Colman. On the 10th of May, 1550, he surrendered his +bulls to the crown, and had in return "a pardon under the great seal for +having received the Pope's bull, and for other misdemeanours". (Reeves' +_Eccles. Antiq._, p. 308. V. Morrin, _Pat. Rolls_, i. p. 205). +Nevertheless, there can be but little doubt as to the orthodoxy of this +prelate. Even Cox (i. 288) attests his devotion to the Catholic cause. +He, moreover, specially names him as an instance of a _Catholic bishop_, +and adduces the fact of his being allowed by the crown to hold peaceable +possession of his see as a proof that "the Reformation made but small +progress in Ireland" at this period. In 1551 he gave a public proof of +his devotedness to the Catholic faith. Edward VI., in the beginning of +February, sent an order to the viceroy, Sir Anthony St. Leger, +commanding the use of the English liturgy in all the churches of +Ireland. On the 1st of March the same year this order was communicated +to the archbishops and bishops assembled in council for that special +purpose; but no sooner had St. Leger made his discourse, commending the +royal prerogative, and extolling the liturgy now proposed to the Irish +clergy, than Dr. Dowdall of Armagh opposed it with all his zeal, and +denounced the measure as anathematized "by the Church of St. Peter, the +Mother Church of Rome". It must ever remain a special glory of the +province of Armagh, that, as Cox informs us (p. 290), one only of the +suffragan bishops of the primatial see--viz., Dr. Staples, who held from +the crown the revenues of Meath--could be found to support the proposal +of the government, whilst all the others adopted the sentiments of Dr. +Dowdall. The year of Dr. Magennis's death is uncertain; he seems, +however, to have survived some years the accession of Queen Elizabeth, +and on his death the see of Dromore became canonically united with +Ardagh. + +The name of this illustrious bishop recalls our attention to Dr. +Magennis, bishop of Down and Connor, of whom we treated in the March +number of the _Record_. An esteemed correspondent, in a highly +interesting letter, published in May (p. 385 _seq._), contends that that +prelate, in his public acts at least, deviated from the path of +orthodoxy, and allied himself to the enemies of our holy faith. His +reasons, however, are far from sufficient to justify such a serious +charge. + +1. In the first place, he argues from the fact of the bishop of Down +having surrendered his bulls to the crown. However, the bishop of +Dromore did the same, and, nevertheless, no one questions his orthodoxy. +Long before the dawn of Protestantism we find the same course pursued by +some bishops, as, for instance, by the celebrated Oliver Cantwell, +bishop of Ossory, towards the close of the fifteenth century (_Ware_, p. +414). In fact, the surrendering of the bulls was regarded as a purely +civil ceremony, which secured to the canonically appointed bishop the +peaceful possession of the temporalities of his see. + +2. The learned correspondent lays special stress on the bulls being +described as "obtained from _Paul, Bishop of Rome_, not _His Holiness_". +However, it is in the letter of the king that this form of expression is +used (_Morrin_, i. 91), and any insult which it may involve must be +referred to the good taste of Henry VIII., and not to the bishop of +Down. + +3. It is added: "_It is an oversight to suppose that about 1541 and 1543 +the northern chieftains who submitted to Henry VIII. were exempted from +all pressure in matter of religion_". The statement which we made on a +former occasion (p. 268) had reference only to 1543; and it was not +without historic grounds that we asserted that, "the northern chieftains +who _then_ submitted were exempted from all reference to religion when +professing their allegiance to the government". It is true that in 1541 +O'Donnell and O'Neil, and other chieftains, acknowledged the king's +supremacy; but it is equally true that this submission of the Irish +princes was an illusory one, and their profession was so lavish of +loyalty that even the government felt that no reliance could be placed +on such declarations. To similar professions, made in 1537, the King +"replied by his letter to the lord deputy, that their oaths, +submissions, and indentures, were not worth one farthing". (_Cox_, p. +253, ad. an. 1537). In fact, we find O'Donnell, in 1542, sending to Rome +a commissioner (whom we shall have to commemorate again as bishop elect +of Raphoe), humbly asking pardon for the guilt of perjury which he had +incurred. However, in 1543 it was far different. The government feared +the reconstruction of the confederation of the Irish chieftains; and +hence, when _the great O'Neil_, as he is styled by Cox (p. 257), sailed +in this year for England and surrendered his estate to the king, the +conditions imposed on him, howsoever humiliating to his national pride, +were wholly silent in regard of religion. These conditions are given in +full by Cox (p. 275).[3] About the same time, O'Brene made also his +submission, and the articles exacted from him omit all reference to the +royal supremacy or other matters of religion. The letter of the King, +March 5th, 1543 (_Morrin_, i. 99), giving instructions to the Deputy +regarding O'Neil Connelaghe, nephew of the earl of Tyrone, in like +manner makes no mention of the religious articles. On the 24th of May an +agreement was made with the Magennises, as Cox informs us, yet without +the obnoxious clauses; and on the 9th of July, 1544, these clauses were +again omitted, when several grants in Dublin, including 140 acres of the +beautiful "Grange of Clonliffe" (_Morrin_, i. 103), were made to the +earl of Desmond. These examples sufficiently prove that the government +in 1543 was anxious to conciliate the Irish princes, and hence was not +particular in exacting the obnoxious declaration of supremacy. + +4. That a portion of the diocese of Down and Connor was subject to the +English government in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, admits of no +doubt; but it is equally certain that the greater portion of it remained +under the control of O'Neill. Hence, a Vatican paper, written about +1579, adds to a list of the Irish sees, the following important note: + + "Ex praedictis Dioecesibus duae sunt in quibus libere et + sine periculo possunt Episcopi vel Vicarii; residere. Una + est Ardfertensis, quod sita sit in ea Desmoniae parte quae + Kierri nominatur in qua Comes Desmoniae omnino liber est et + jus plane regium habet. Altera est Dunensis et Connorensis + quae in ditione est O'Nellorum qui continenter contra + reginam bellum habent, suntque Catholicissimi + principes".--_Ex Archiv. Vatican._ + +5. As regards the year of Dr. Macgennis's demise, the letter of the +Queen, dated 6th of January, 1564, appointing his successor, though at +first sight it seems so conclusive an argument, nevertheless, is far +from proving that our bishop had died in 1563. For at the period of +which we treat, January was not the first month of the year 1564, but +was rather one of its concluding months; according to our present manner +of reckoning it would be the 6th of January, 1565. (See Shirley, +_Original Letters_, page 132). + +6. The last and weightiest remark of the esteemed correspondent +concerning Dr. Macgennis is, that he "_assisted in consecrating by the +vitiated rite of king Edward_" the unfortunate John Bale of Ossory. +However, we must remark that Dr. Macgennis is certainly not responsible +for the appointment of this unworthy apostate to the see of St. Canice; +and the antecedent character of Bale seems to have been wholly unknown +in Ireland, especially in the _Irish_ districts of the island. Much less +is the bishop of Down responsible for the use of the new-fangled +vitiated rite; for, it was Bale himself that at the very time of the +consecration insisted on the new liturgy being employed:[4] and this +event supplies us with an additional argument in favour of the orthodoxy +of Dr. Macgennis, for, it is expressly recorded that, "in union with the +clergy of Dublin", he entered his solemn protest against this heretical +innovation. We shall return again to this subject when speaking of _the +Bishops of Ossory_. In the mean time we may conclude that there is no +sufficient proof of Dr. Macgennis having swerved from the rule of +orthodoxy; whilst on the other hand the silence of the advocates of the +new creed, who never even whispered his name in connection with their +tenets--the omission of the supremacy clause in his submission to the +crown--his union with Dr. Dowdall in repudiating the English liturgy +when proposed by the viceroy--his protest on the occasion of Bale's +consecration--his retaining the see of Down and Connor during the reign +of Queen Mary--the consistorial entry which subsequently describes the +see as vacant _per obitum Eugenii Magnissae_, seems to us to place +beyond all controversy the devotedness of this worthy prelate to the +Catholic cause. + +But to return to the diocese of Dromore. On the death of Dr. Arthur +Macgennis, it was united with the see of Ardagh, and for the remaining +years of the sixteenth century seems to have shared the trials and +sufferings of that diocese. In the consistorial acts the appointment of +Dr. Richard MacBrady is registered on the 16th January, 1576, and it is +added that his see was the "_Ecclesia Ardacadensis et Dromorensis in +Hibernia_". On his translation to Kilmore on 9th of March, 1580, Doctor +Edmund MacGauran was chosen his successor, and thus our see is entitled +to a special share in the glory which this distinguished bishop won for +the whole Irish Church by his zealous labours and martyrdom. + +The first Protestant bishop of the see was John Todd, who was appointed +to Down and Connor on 16th of March, 1606, and received at the same time +the diocese of Dromore _in commendam_. We shall allow the Protestant +writers Ware and Harris to convey to the reader an accurate idea of the +missionary character of this first apostle of Protestantism amongst the +children of St. Colman. Ware simply writes: + + "In the year 1611, being called to account for some crimes + he had committed, he resigned his bishoprick, and a little + after died in prison in London, of poison which he had + prepared for himself" (pag. 207). + +To which words Harris adds: + + "The crimes of which he was accused were incontinence, the + turning away his wife, and taking the wife of his + man-servant in her room; to which may be added subornation + of witnesses. It doth not appear that he resigned his + bishoprick voluntarily, but was convented before the High + Commission Court in England in the tenth year of king James + I., and degraded. His case is cited in the long case of the + bishop of Lincoln. Before his deprivation he made a fee-farm + lease of the tithes of his see in the territory of Kilultagh + to Sir Fulk Conway at a small rent", etc. (_Ibid._, pag. + 208-9). + +We already had occasion to mention this unfortunate man, when treating +of the see of Down and Connor in the March number of the _Record_ (page +271); and surely no words of ours are required to make the reader fully +appreciate the true character and mission of the Establishment in our +see, the life of whose first apostle is described in such language by +the great Protestant historians. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] Stephens, _Monast. Anglican._ 175, dates his appointment from 1446. +This may be the true date: we have not wished to adopt it, however, not +knowing the authority from which Mr. Stephens derived his information. + +[2] "Guillelmus Egremond (Herrera writes) erat anno 1462 et 1464 in +Regesto Pontificio Episcopus Dromorensis in Hibernia et Guillelmi +Archiepiscopi Eboracen suffraganeus". + +[3] They were as follows:--"1st, To renounce the name of O'Neil; 2nd, +That he and his followers should use English habit, language, and +manners; 3rd, That their children should learn English; 4th, That they +should build houses and husband their land in English manner; 5th, That +they should obey English laws and not cess their tenants, nor keep more +gallowglasses than the lord deputy allow; and 6th, That they should +answer all general hostings, as those of the Pale do, and shall not +succour any of the king's enemies". + +[4] Mant. _History of the Irish Church_, vol. i. page 218, seqq. + + + + +DR. COLENSO AND THE OLD TESTAMENT. + +NO. III. + + +We have reserved for the last place a difficulty on which Dr. Colenso +has expended all his powers of persuasion and all his skill in +figures--"the number of the Israelites at the time of the Exodus". Here +is his argument in a few words:--Jacob and his family numbered seventy +persons when they came down into Egypt. His descendants sojourned in +that country 215 years, and they went out with Moses in the fourth +generation. According to the Scripture narrative, when they were leaving +Egypt they numbered 600,000 men of twenty years old and upwards, +representing a population of about 2,000,000: but this is absolutely +impossible. Dr. Colenso assures us that "the multiplied impossibilities +introduced by this number alone, independent of all other +considerations, are enough to throw discredit upon the historical +character of the whole narrative" (part i. p. 143.) This bold assertion +he endeavours to establish by an elaborate argument extending over +several chapters. We must be content to present it in a condensed form +to our readers; but, in doing so, we shall adhere as closely as possible +to the language of the author. + +As the groundwork of his objection he lays down:-- + + "That it is an indisputable fact, that the story as told in + the Pentateuch intends it to be understood--(i.) that they + came out of the land of Egypt about 215 years after they + went down thither in the time of Jacob; (ii.) that they came + out in the _fourth_ generation from the adults in the prime + of life, who went down with Jacob" (p. 100). + +He next proceeds to estimate the average number of children in each +family: + + "In the first place, it must be observed, that we nowhere + read of any _very large families_ among the children of + Jacob or their descendants to the time of the Exodus.... We + have no reason whatever, from the data furnished by the + Sacred Books themselves, to assume that they had families + materially larger than those of the present day.... The + twelve sons of Jacob had between them fifty-three sons, that + is, on the average, 4-1/2 each. Let us suppose that they + increased in this way from generation to generation. Then, + in the _first_ generation there would be 53 males (or rather + only 51, since Er and Onan died in the land of Canaan, + _Gen._, xlvi. 12, without issue); in the _second_, 243; in + the _third_, 1,094; and in the _fourth_, 4,923; that is to + say, instead of 600,000 warriors in the prime of life, there + could not have been 5,000.... + + "The narrative itself requires us to suppose that the Hebrew + families intermarried, and that girls, as well as boys, were + born to them freely in Egypt, though not, it would seem, in + the land of Canaan. + + "Yet we have no ground for supposing, from any data which we + find in the narrative, that the whole number of the family + was on that account increased. On the contrary, etc.... If + we take all the families given in Exod. vi. 14-25, together + with the two sons of Moses, we shall find that there are 13 + persons, who have between them 39 sons, which gives an + average of 3 sons each. This average is a fairer one to take + for our purpose than the former; because these persons lived + at all different times in the interval between the migration + into Egypt and the Exodus. We may suppose also, that the + average of _children_ is still as large as before, or even + larger, so that each man may have had on the average six + children, three sons and three daughters.... + + "Supposing now the fifty-one males of the _first_ generation + (Kohath's) to have had each on the average three sons, and + so on, we shall find the number of males in the _second_ + generation (Amram's) 153, in the _third_ (Aaron's) 459, and + in the _fourth_ (Eleazar's) 1377, instead of 600,000. + + "In fact, in order that the fifty-one males of Kohath's + generation might produce 600,000 fighting men in Joshua's, + we must suppose that each man had forty-six children + (twenty-three of each sex), and each of these twenty-three + sons had forty-six children, and so on!--of which prolific + increase, it need hardly be said, there is not the slightest + indication in the Bible" (pp. 102-5). + +From this he concludes, + + "That it is quite impossible that there should have been + such a number of the people of Israel in Egypt at the time + of the Exodus as to have furnished 600,000 warriors in the + prime of life, representing at least two millions of persons + of all ages and sexes; that is to say, it is impossible, _if + we will take the data to be derived from the Pentateuch + itself_" (p. 101). + +Lastly, he anticipates an explanation which some interpreters have +proposed, "that there may be something wrong in the _Hebrew numerals_". +Such a suggestion, he very fairly observes, will not avail here; because +"this number is woven, as a kind of thread, into the whole story of the +Exodus, and cannot be taken out without tearing the whole fabric to +pieces" (pp. 141, 143). + +Such is the elaborate structure which Dr. Colenso has reared with an +ability and an earnestness worthy of a better cause. In reply, we +purpose to demonstrate that the foundation on which that structure +rests, though it may have the outward semblance of solidity, is hollow +and unsubstantial within. He assures us that the facts upon which his +argument is based are "derived from the Pentateuch itself". We hope to +satisfy our readers that they are not contained in the Pentateuch; that +they cannot be proved from the Pentateuch; nay, that they are contrary +to the evidence which the Pentateuch affords. + +I. Let us commence with the "indisputable fact" that the Israelites +"came out of Egypt in the fourth generation". By a generation Dr. +Colenso understands _a descent from father to son_: and he maintains +that there were but four such descents in all the Hebrew families during +the period of sojourn in Egypt. In support of this opinion he appeals +(p. 96) to the words of God to Abraham:--"in the _fourth_ generation +they shall come hither again" (_Gen._, xv. 16). Our readers will +naturally inquire what is the precise meaning of the word "generation" +in this passage. Does it denote a descent from father to son? Or does it +signify a lengthened period of time? On this point our author observes a +profound silence. He found the word in the English text; it suited his +purpose, and he at once pressed it into his service. We are left to +suppose that it can have but one meaning, and that this meaning is the +one which he has adopted. + +Now, we beg to assure our readers that this is very far from the truth. +The Hebrew word [Hebrew: dor] (dor), which is rendered "generation" in +the authorized version, admits of various meanings. It corresponds +almost exactly with the Latin word _saeculum_. Sometimes it signifies +the _circuit_ or _period of a man's life_; sometimes, the _collection of +those who are living at the same time_; sometimes, a _period of a +hundred_ years.[5] As regards the passage in question, the opinion of +the best Hebrew scholars is directly opposed to Dr. Colenso. We pass by +the authority of Catholic writers, for whom he would probably have +little respect, and we appeal to men of his own school: we appeal to +Gesenius,[6] Bunsen,[7] Fuerst,[8] Rosenmueller,[9] Knobel,[10] who +certainly cannot be suspected of any undue prepossession in favour of +the Bible. Every one of these distinguished scholars expressly asserts +that, in _Gen._, xv., 16, the word [Hebrew: dor] must be understood to +mean _a hundred years_. We leave our readers to choose between their +deliberate judgment on the one hand, and the gratuitous assumption of +Dr. Colenso on the other. + +If we look to the context we shall find that the meaning of the whole +passage, as explained by these writers, is simple, clear, harmonious; as +explained by Dr. Colenso, it is forced and unnatural. Abraham had just +heard from God that his seed should be "a stranger in a foreign land" +four hundred years (v. 13.) Then it is added: "but the _fourth +generation_ ([Hebrew: dor]) they shall return hither".[11] That is to +say, in our view, _the men belonging to the fourth century_ shall +return. In this sense the connection will be clear; the prophecy will be +perfectly true, and the meaning easily understood. The four centuries +are to be counted from the time of Abraham, and correspond exactly with +the four hundred years of exile which had just been predicted. But, +according to Dr. Colenso, by "the fourth generation" is meant the fourth +descent in _the family of Jacob_ (who was not yet born), counting from +_the adults in the prime of life who went down with him to Egypt_. Now +there is nothing in the whole chapter about _Jacob_ or _Jacob's family_, +or _the adults in the prime of life who went down two hundred years +later into Egypt_. Under these circumstances we think few persons will +be able to persuade themselves that the prophecy was understood by +Abraham in the sense in which it is understood by Dr. Colenso. + +He next appeals to the genealogies of the Bible to establish his theory +of the "Exodus in the fourth generation": + + "If we examine the different genealogies of remarkable men, + which are given in various places of the Pentateuch, we + shall find that, as a rule, the contemporaries of Moses and + Aaron are descendants in the _third_, and those of Joshua + and Eleazar in the _fourth_ generation, from some one of the + _sons_, or _adult grandsons_ of Jacob, who went down with + him into Egypt. Thus we have:-- + + 1st. Gen. 2nd. Gen. 3rd. Gen. 4th. Gen. 5th. Gen. +Levi Kohath Amram Moses ... ... E. vi, 16, 18, 20. +Levi Kohath Amram Aaron ... ... E. vi. 16, 18, 20. +Levi Kohath Uzziel Mishael ... ... L. x. 4. +Levi Kohath Uzziel Elzaphan ... ... L. x. 4. +Levi Kohath Izhar Korah ... ... N. xvi. 1. +Reuben Pallu Eliab Dathan ... ... N. xxvi. 7-9. +Reuben Pallu Eliab Abiram ... ... N. xxvi. 7-9. +Zarah Zabdi Carmi Achan ... ... Jo. vii. 1. +Pharez Hezron Ram Amminadab Nahshon ... Ruth iv. 18, 19. +Pharez Hezron Segub Jair ... ... 1 Ch. ii. 21, 22. +Pharez Hezron Caleb Hur Uri Bezaleel 1 Ch. ii. 18, 20. + + "The above include _all_ the instances which I have been + able to find, where the genealogies are given in the + Pentateuch itself". (pp. 96, 97). + +We shall presently see that these examples are by no means what Dr. +Colenso would represent them to be, and that so far from proving his +theory to be _true_, they prove it to be _false_. But first we would +direct attention to the _character_ of the argument, which seems to us, +from its very nature, unsound. According to the Mosaic narrative, there +were about 2,000,000 of Israelites at the time of the exodus. If we +allow ten to each family, there must have been about 100,000 families. +Here, then, is the argument:--In eleven families out of 100,000, there +were just _four generations_ during the sojourn in Egypt; therefore +there must have been _four generations_, neither more nor less, in the +remaining 99,989 families. Our author would have us suppose that during +a period of 215 years, there must have been exactly the same number of +generations in every family. He does not explicitly say this; much less +does he attempt to prove it; he silently _assumes_ it. + +Now it is scarcely necessary to observe that such a supposition is in +the highest degree improbable. It cannot be true, unless the members of +each family married at the same age as the members of every other +family, and unless this uniformity was continued from generation to +generation for upwards of two centuries. This, however, would be +contrary to what we know of the family of Abraham _before_ the sojourn +in Egypt; it would be contrary to what we know of the people of Israel +_after_ the sojourn in Egypt; it would be contrary to the testimony of +all genealogical record; it would be contrary to what we see every day +with our own eyes. One man has children born to him at the age of +twenty; another, at the age of forty; another, at the age of sixty. The +children of the last might easily be contemporaries with the +grand-children of the second, and with the great-grand-children of the +first. Thus, in the short period of sixty years, there might be, in one +family, three descents from father to son, in another two, in another +only one. This is, perhaps, an extreme case; but it shows at least how +far the disparity may be extended, without exceeding the bounds of +possibility. The present Emperor of the French had reached the age of +forty-eight, when the Prince Imperial was born: whereas her Majesty +Queen Victoria became a grandmother at forty-one. Thus, in the royal +family of England we find two descents in forty-one years; in the +imperial line of France only one descent in forty-eight years. It is, +therefore, quite preposterous _to take for granted_ that, in _all the +families of a whole nation_, the number of descents were exactly the +same during a period of 215 years. + +But this assumption is especially inadmissible, when we consider the +peculiar circumstances of the case before us. The first generation, +according to Dr. Colenso, was composed of the fifty-one grandsons of +Jacob. They were already grown up, and some of them even had children +when they came into Egypt. Therefore the whole of the first generation +was already in existence, and the second had begun to be born some +years, let us say three, before the descent. If we add the 215 years of +sojourn in Egypt, we shall have 218 years from the beginning of the +second generation to the Exodus. Now, according to Dr. Colenso, all +those who were twenty years of age at the Exodus, belonged to the fourth +generation. Therefore the fourth generation was not complete until +twenty years before that time, or 198 years after the second had begun. +Consequently, only three generations, the second, third, and fourth, +came into existence during a period of 198 years. In other words, the +length of each generation, according to Dr. Colenso's calculation, was +sixty-six years. Hence it follows, that we cannot accept his argument, +unless we are prepared to _take for granted_ that _all the males_ in +_all the Hebrew families_ were without issue until they had reached the +age of sixty-six. + +Let us now look into the examples of Dr. Colenso in detail. It is +important to ascertain what generation is to be reckoned as the _first_. +In his argument he allows but fifty-one males to the _first generation_; +"supposing now _the fifty-one males of the first generation_" (p. 105). +Since Jacob had fifty-one grandsons living at the time of the descent +into Egypt, it follows that the _first generation_, according to the +argument, was composed of the grandsons of Jacob, _and of them alone_. +That this is the position assumed by Dr. Colenso, is also evident from +another passage, where, replying to his opponents, he asserts: "The +Scripture states that there were 600,000 warriors in the fourth +generation from Jacob's _sons_" (p. 119). It is true that, when +_proving_ his theory of "the Exodus in the fourth generation", Dr. +Colenso counts indifferently from "the _sons_ or _adult grandsons_ of +Jacob, who went down with him into Egypt" (p. 96), just as it suits his +purpose. But, when he employs this conclusion to demonstrate that the +number of the population at the time of the Exodus was impossible, he +assumes that there were only four generations from the _sons_ of Jacob. + +If we now turn to the examples adduced by the same author, we shall find +that seven are counted from the _sons_ of Jacob; namely, from Levi and +Reuben; three from the _grandsons_ of Jacob; namely, from Zarah[12] and +Pharez; and lastly one, Bezaleel, in order to be brought back to the +_fourth generation_, must be counted from Hezron, the great grandson of +Jacob; consequently, upon the bishop's own showing, out of his eleven +examples only seven prove for the _fourth generation_, three prove for +the _fifth_, and one proves for the _sixth_. What must we think, then, +when he afterwards quietly assures us, "the scripture _states_ that +there were 600,000 warriors in the _fourth_ generation from Jacob's +_sons_"? We are at least justified in saying that the examples adduced, +not only fail to prove that his assertion is _true_, but demonstrate +that it is _false_. + +There is another point on which these examples fail. It is plain that to +ascertain the number of generations between the Descent and the Exodus, +we must not only commence to reckon from the _first_, but we must end +with the _last_. The last generation must include all those who had +reached the age of 20 at the time of the Exodus. And it is necessary for +Dr. Colenso to prove that this last generation is counted in the +examples he lays before us. On this point, however, he is silent. When +he comes to the fourth generation he stops short, and leaves his readers +to infer that it must be the last in point of fact, because it is the +last on his list. Let us see if this assumption derives any probability +from scriptural facts. At the time of the exodus Moses was 80, Aaron, +83. Mishael, Elzaphan, and Korah were their first cousins. It is, +therefore, not improbable that they were as old, or even older. These +are the first five names we find on the list of Dr. Colenso; and they +belonged to the _third generation_. Their grand-children, therefore, +would belong to the _fifth_. Is it improbable that among five men of +80, some had grand-children who had attained the age of 20? + +Again, Nahshon was in the _fifth generation_, counting from the sons of +Jacob: Judah, Pharez, Hezron, Ram, Amminadab, Nahshon (_Ruth_, iv. +18-20.) His sister was the wife of Aaron. Since his brother-in-law was +therefore 83, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he himself may have +been at least 60; if so, his sons might surely have been numbered among +the 600,000 men of 20 years old and upward. This would give us _six_ +generations in the family of Nahshon. And yet, strange to tell, this +very family is adduced by our author to prove his theory of "the Exodus +in the _fourth generation_." Lastly, we would invite attention to the +family of Joseph. He saw the children of his son Ephraim to the third +generation (_Gen._, l. 23). Therefore, the fourth generation in that +line had commenced before Joseph's death. But this is an event of which +we can fix the date with accuracy. When Jacob settled in Egypt, Joseph +was about 39, and he lived to the age of 110. His death, therefore, must +have occurred about 71 years after the Descent. Consequently, at that +time the posterity of Joseph had already reached the fourth generation. +One hundred and forty-four years yet remained before the Exodus. Surely +during that period there was abundance of time for at least four +generations more of the same average length. + +It was our intention to analyze the argument of Dr. Colenso more fully +by a critical examination of the genealogies from which his examples are +derived. But we fear that we have already overtaxed the patience of our +readers, and we are sure they will pardon us if we forbear to enter into +the complicated details which such an inquiry would involve. We cannot, +however, dismiss the subject without one general observation. It is +assumed by Dr. Colenso that there are exactly the same number of +_descents_ in each family as there are _links in the genealogy_ of that +family as it is recorded in the pages of Scripture. This would indeed be +true if he could prove that _every link_ in the chain of descent is +preserved in the Scriptural genealogies. But it is well known to all +Biblical scholars that such was not the usage among the Hebrew people. +Every one is familiar with the genealogy of our Lord in the first +chapter of St. Matthew's gospel. Three links are manifestly omitted in +the eighth verse, between Joram and Ozias--namely, Ochozias, Joaz, and +Amasias. We cannot suppose that St. Matthew, himself a Jew, could have +been in error about the genealogy of the house of David. Much less can +we suppose that he would have attempted, on this point, to deceive the +Jews, for whom he wrote his gospel. Above all, it is plain, that if he +had fallen into such an error; it would have been at once discovered +and have been proclaimed to the world by the enemies of the Christian +religion. We must infer, therefore, that it was perfectly conformable to +the usage of the Jewish nation to say, "Joram begot Ozias", although in +point of fact three generations had intervened between them. Now, Dr. +Colenso must admit that his examples will prove absolutely nothing, if +omissions of this kind were made in the genealogies from which they are +taken. _We_ do not assert that such _was_ the case; but we challenge +_him_ to prove that it was _not_. + +Take, for example, the text: "And the sons of Pallu, Eliab" (_Num._, +xxvi. 8). Can he show that no intervening links are omitted between +these two names? He will find, on a close examination of the Pentateuch, +from which he professes to derive his data, that Pallu must have been +over 110 years of age when Eliab was born. It is, therefore, most likely +that there were two or perhaps three links omitted in this genealogy +between Pallu and Eliab. If so, we should add two or three generations +in the examples which Dr. Colenso has adduced from the family of Pallu. +He cannot argue that Pallu was the _immediate father_ of Eliab, because +it is said that Eliab was the _son_ of Pallu: for do we not also read: +"The Book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the _son of David_, the +_son of Abraham"?_ (_Matth._, i. 1). + +II. Dr. Colenso next assumes that the 600,000 men of the exodus were +_all_ descendants of Jacob. We contend, as a far more probable opinion, +that amongst them were counted, not only the descendants of _Jacob +himself_, but also the descendants of his _servants_. If we take up the +book of Genesis, and glance through the brief history of the Patriarchs, +we shall find abundant reason to believe that, when Jacob was invited by +Joseph to come down into Egypt, he must have had a goodly retinue of +servants. His grandfather, Abraham, had been able to lead forth an army +of 318 servants "_born in his house_" (_Gen._, xiv. 14). It is not +unreasonable to suppose that, according to the custom of those times, he +had other servants not born in his house, but "bought with money".[13] +At all events the number was considerably increased by a present from +Abimeleck, who "took sheep, and oxen, and _men-servants_, and +_women-servants_, and gave them unto Abraham" (_Gen._, xx. 14). Upon his +death this immense household passed into the possession of his Son +Isaac; for "Abraham gave _all that he had_ to Isaac" (_Gen._, xxv. 5). +Isaac, too, we are told, "increased, and went on increasing, until he +became very great; and he had possessions of flocks, and possessions of +herds, and a _numerous household_; and the Philistines envied him" +(_Gen._, xxvi. 13, 14). As to Jacob himself, he was sent by Isaac to +Padan-Aram, where he served his father-in-law Laban for twenty years. +While there, it is said, he "increased exceedingly, and had many flocks, +and _women-servants_, and _men-servants_, and camels, and asses" +(_Gen._, xxx. 43). All these he took with him when he set out from +Padan-Aram to return to Canaan (_Gen._, xxxi. 18; xxiii. 5, 7). In +addition to this large retinue, Jacob must also have inherited, in +virtue of his birthright, a double portion (_Deut._, xxi. 17) of the +household which his father had accumulated. Thus, it seems clear that, +within ten years[14] of the Descent into Egypt, the number of servants +who looked up to Jacob as their head and master, must have been very +large indeed. + +Now we maintain that, according to the narrative before us, these +servants were _a part of the chosen people of God_, and _sharers in His +Covenant_ with Abraham. This assertion is easily proved. They had all +received the rite of circumcision, and circumcision was the mark of the +chosen people; it was the _sign_ of God's Covenant. "This is my covenant +which you shall keep between me and you, and thy seed after thee; every +male child among you shall be circumcised. And you shall circumcise the +flesh of your foreskin; and it shall be a _sign_ of the Covenant between +me and you. And the son of eight days shall be circumcised among you, +every male child in your generations, _he that is born in the house or +bought with money of any stranger, that is not of thy seed_. _He that is +born in thy house and he that is bought with thy money_ must needs be +circumcised" (_Gen._, xvii. 10-13). It is clear, therefore, that Abraham +and his posterity were commanded to circumcise not only their +_children_, but their _servants_ and their _servants' children_, who +thus became sharers in the promises of God. + +Is it not likely then that, when Jacob came down into Egypt, he took +with him not only his lineal descendants, but also his servants and +their families? Let it be remembered that he was invited by his son, +Joseph, whom God had made "as a father to Pharaoh, and lord of all his +house, and ruler throughout all the land of Egypt" (_Gen._, xlv. 8): +that Pharaoh himself had promised, that to Jacob and his household he +would give "the good of the land of Egypt", and that they should "eat +the fat of the land" (_Gen._, xlv. 18). Are we to suppose that when the +venerable patriarch heard this joyful intelligence, he took with him +_his flock_, and _his herds_, and _all his possessions_, but left behind +his faithful servants with their wives and children? Would he, in his +old age, when prosperity smiled upon him, desert those trusty followers +who had come with him from a distant country, and had clung to him in +all his varied fortunes? Would he abandon now those men of loyal heart +whom he had known from a boy, and who had grown up with himself in his +father's house? He knew that they were the chosen people of God: would +he have come down into Egypt with his children to "eat the fat of the +land", and have left them to perish of hunger in the land of Canaan? + +But Dr. Colenso objects, "there is no word or indication of any such +_cortege_ having accompanied Jacob into Egypt" (p. 114). We reply that +our supposition is still possible and probable, even though no mention +were made of it in the brief summary of Moses. It has been well remarked +that, when it suits his purpose, Dr. Colenso is at no loss to supply the +omissions of the sacred text. Thus, in treating of the "march out of +Egypt"--(pp. 61, 62), he supplies _aged, infirm, infants, women in +childbirth_, of whom there is "no word or indication" in the narrative. +It happens, however, in the present instance, that there is a pretty +clear "indication" in the text, that Jacob was accompanied by "such a +_cortege_". We are informed that "Israel set out _with all that he had_" +(_Gen._, xlvi. 1). It has been shown that he had a large retinue of +servants, and we know that it is the usage of the Pentateuch to reckon +_men-servants and women-servants_ amongst the possessions of the +patriarchs. Therefore, we are justified in supposing that this phrase +included not only the family, cattle, and goods, but also the servants +of Jacob. + +Again, it is said that "Joseph nourished his father and his brethren and +_all his father's house_, with bread" (_Gen._, xlvii. 12). And when +Joseph went to bury his father in Canaan, we are told that with him went +"all the house of Joseph, and his brethren, and his _father's house_; +only their little ones and their flocks, and their herds, they left in +the land of Goshen" (_Gen._, l. 8.) What can be the meaning of the +_house of Jacob_ thus distinguished from _his children_ and _their +little ones_? Does it not seem obviously to point to his _retinue of +servants_? Unless, therefore, we set aside the evidence of the +Pentateuch itself; unless we can believe that Jacob, in the decline of +his life, suddenly snapped asunder the strongest ties of natural +affection and of religious duty, we must admit that he brought down into +Egypt a very large number of servants. We have seen that, according to +the Divine command, their descendants would all receive the rite of +circumcision, and be reckoned among the chosen people of God. They +would, therefore, be numbered with those who, at the time of the Exodus, +went out with Moses into the desert. + +It is not true, then, that, in the narrative of the Pentateuch, +2,000,000 of Israelites are represented as having sprung from 70 persons +in 215 years. Neither is it true, as we have shown, that only _four +generations_, in the sense of Dr. Colenso, intervened between the sons +of Jacob and the adult Hebrew population at the time of the Exodus. +There yet remain many serious errors, and gross blunders, and palpable +misrepresentations, in the argument of Dr. Colenso; but these we must +reserve for a future number of the _Record_. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[5] See Gesenius, Fuerst, or, indeed, any of the larger Hebrew Lexicons. + +[6] _Hebrew and English Lexicon_; London: Baxter and Sons. + +[7] _Egypt's Place in Universal History_; London: Longman and Co., vol. +i., p. 172. + +[8] _Handwoerterbuch ueber das Alte Testament_; Leipzig: 1852. + +[9] _Scholia in Pentateuchum._ + +[10] _Die Genesis Erklaert_; Leipzig: 1852. + +[11] This is the literal translation of the Hebrew text, see Pagnini, +Rosenmueller etc. + +[12] Our readers are no doubt aware that the proper names of the Bible +are differently spelled in the different versions. The orthography +uniformly followed by Catholics is derived from the Septuagint, which +was in general use throughout the Church in the very earliest ages. +Among Protestants, on the other hand, an attempt is made to approach +more closely to the orthography of the Hebrew text. Dr. Colenso has +naturally taken the proper names as he found them in the English +authorized version, and to avoid confusion in answering his arguments, +we shall follow the spelling which he has adopted. + +[13] In fact it is quite clear from several passages that Abraham had +servants of both classes. See, for example, _Gen._, xvii. 12, 13, 23, +27. + +[14] The death of Isaac must have taken place just ten years before the +Descent into Egypt. Isaac was 60 when Jacob was born (_Gen._, xxv. 26); +and Jacob was 130 when he went down to Egypt (_Gen._, xlvii. 9): +therefore Isaac, if then living, would have been 190. But we know that +he died at the age of 180 (_Gen._, xxxv. 28); that is to say, ten years +before. + + + + +RICHARD FITZ-RALPH, ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH. + + +Sec. VI. HIS NOMINATION TO THE SEE OF ARMAGH. + +The see of Armagh became vacant by the death of David O'Hiraghty, which +took place, according to the _Annales Nenaghtenses_, on the 16th May, +1346. Dr. O'Hiraghty had been Dean of Armagh, and was elected by the +chapter of Armagh, _quasi per inspirationem divinam_, as John XXII. +mentions in the bull by which, on July 4th, 1334, he ratified the +election.[15] He was consecrated at Avignon, and having ruled his +diocese for nearly twelve years, died in 1346. On the 31st July, 1346, +Clement VI., _jure provisionis_, appointed to the vacant see Richard +Fitz-Ralph, then Dean of Lichfield. The bull of nomination contains that +the chapter of Armagh had already unanimously elected the same Richard, +and that he had given his consent to the election.[16] The Four Masters +place in the year 1356 the death of Farrell (son of Jeffrey) MacRannall, +Primate of Armagh and representative of St. Patrick. This, as Dr. +O'Donovan remarks, is evidently a mistake of the Four Masters, as +Richard Fitz-Ralph was certainly not one of the Mac Rannalls. We may say +that, besides the mistake in the names, there is also a mistake in the +dates. It was precisely in 1356 that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph set out upon +that visit to London which was the occasion of his controversy with the +Franciscans. The mistake made by the Four Masters is all the more +incomprehensible for this reason, that of all the primates who sat at +Armagh since the days of St. Francis of Assisi, no one was more likely +to be remembered by the Franciscans than Archbishop Fitz-Ralph. + +Dr. Fitz-Ralph was consecrated at Exeter on the 8th of July, 1347, by +John Grandison, Bishop of Exeter, and three other bishops.[17] If this +date be correct, the Primate found himself engaged in the onerous duties +of his new office even before his consecration. On the 10th of April, +1347, Clement VI. appointed him, together with the Archbishop of Cashel, +to make inquiry on the part of the Holy See into some charges brought +against the Archbishop of Dublin by the Bishop of Ossory.[18] On the +12th of July of the same year he received faculties from the Holy See to +dispense in a case of invalid marriage, the parties belonging to the +diocese of Armagh.[19] The bishops of Ardagh and Cloyne were appointed +on the 29th August, 1347, to give him the pallium.[20] + + +Sec. VII. THE ACTS OF HIS EPISCOPATE. + +One of the most striking characteristics of Archbishop Fitz-Ralph's +pastoral life was his assiduity in preaching the word of God to his +people. His sermons on the principal festivals, still extant in MS. in +the university libraries of Dublin, Oxford, and Cambridge, and in the +British Museum, would fill a large volume. Already as Dean of Lichfield +he had been remarkable for his fervour in preaching, but as successor of +St. Patrick in the see of Armagh, he seemed to have received a double +spirit of zeal and diligence. A volume of his sermons, once in the +possession of Ware, and lately purchased for the British Museum at the +sale of the Tenison library, includes sermons preached at Avignon, +London, Drogheda, Dundalk, Trim, and other places of the province of +Armagh. The fame of his eloquence preceded him to the Holy See, and when +at Avignon he was frequently admitted to the high honour of preaching +before the Holy Father and the cardinals and prelates of his court. He +loved to make our Blessed Lady's virtues the subject of his discourse. +_De Laudibus S. Deiparae_ is the title of many of his sermons. There are +also special sermons on her Conception, Visitation, and Assumption. His +sermons are generally constructed on a uniform plan. After quoting his +text, it was his custom to begin with some short prayer like the +following, which occurs in a sermon preached at Avignon on the feast of +All Saints, 1358: _Pro edificandi gratia impetranda, devote, si placet, +matrem gratiae salutemus, dicentes Ave Maria._ And in a sermon preached +before Innocent VI. on the feast of the Epiphany, after the text +_Videntes stellam Magi_, he begins with the invocation, _O Maria stella +Maris, Mater stellae solaris_. After the introductory prayer he repeats +the text in the vernacular, and then proceeds with the division of the +subject. In dividing his discourse he generally employs the rigour of +the scholastic method; each member of the division being complete in +itself, and forming as it stands a finished whole. Hence, the great +feature of his style is its singular clearness; a clearness which, +however, never becomes hard or cold, so tender is the unction that +pervades the entire. He appears to have had a singular devotion to St. +Catherine the Martyr and to St. Thomas of Canterbury, among the saints; +three or four different sermons are to be found in the collection in +honour of each. It is much to be regretted that those beautiful sermons +have never been printed. + +Anxious to secure efficient pastors for his flock, he took care that his +clergy should have the benefit of the highest literary and +ecclesiastical training it was within his power to procure. With this +view he sent four of his priests to the University of Oxford, where he +himself had spent so many happy years of profitable study. He also +acquired for his diocese from the Benedictines of St. Mary of Lenley's +in Normandy, the priory and houses of St. Andrew in the Ardes, belonging +to that order. Besides this, he was diligent in visiting every portion +of his province. Among the rolls of Edward III., there is a letter of +28th April, 1356,[21] addressed by that King to the Archbishop, at a +moment that the latter has actually engaged in his visitation of the +diocese of Meath. Edward calls upon the Primate to return with all speed +to Dundalk to treat with Odo O'Neill, who was advancing upon that town +with a considerable army of Irish. Nor was it the first time that the +Archbishop's virtues enabled him to discharge the blessed office of +peacemaker in the disturbed state of society in which his lot was cast. +As far back as 1348 he had received from the King full powers to treat +for peace between the English and Irish.[22] + +While careful of the spiritual interests of his diocese, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph did not neglect to take care of its temporal concerns. He +justified to the letter the description given of him in the bull which +made him Archbishop: _in spiritualibus providum, in temporalibus +circumspectum_. + +On January 11th, 1351, he received from Clement VI. a favourable answer +to his petition that he might be allowed to incorporate with the mensal +funds of his see the income of four churches with care of souls, +provided the ordinaries consented, and that the sum did not exceed the +annual value of one hundred marks. The petition of the Archbishop set +forth that the entire income of his see did not reach four hundred +pounds sterling per annum. On the same day the Pontiff issued letters +requiring the Abbot of St. Mary's in Dynelek (Duleek), the Prior of St. +Leonard's in Dundalk, and the Archdeacon of Armagh, together with the +chapter of the cathedral, to examine how far it would be useful to +exchange certain church lands, rents, and other immovable property, for +others, which the Primate judged more likely to be advantageous to the +see of Armagh. + +Two documents preserved by Rymer show how careful Dr. Fitz-Ralph was not +to sanction by any act of his the claims made to the primacy by the +Archbishop of Dublin, to the detriment of Armagh. The first is dated 8th +December, 1350, and is an order from Edward III., that the Archbishop of +Armagh should not have his cross carried before him within the limits of +the province of Dublin. Archbishop Fitz-Ralph was unwilling to cause +disturbance by refusing to obey this order, but on the other hand he +felt that to comply with it fully would be to prejudice the legitimate +claims of his see. + +He resolved in consequence simply to absent himself from Dublin. He +procured a royal license which excused him from personal attendance at +the parliaments held at Dublin, on the ground, that within the province +of Dublin he was not permitted to have his cross borne before him. In +1349 he was charged by the same king to plead in the royal name before +the Sovereign Pontiff Clement VI. for the grace of a jubilee on behalf +of the people subject to the English crown. In Oxford there is a MS. +entitled _Propositio ejusden (Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph Archiepiscopi +Armachani) ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III. in consistorio Domini +Papae, Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus Domino Regis populo obtinenda, +anno 1349_. A similar heading is prefixed to another _propositio_ of the +same prelate, which, as we shall see, he urged in person at Avignon in +1357. Pope Clement VI. was engaged in anxious efforts to restore the +oriental churches to union with Rome. The Armenians were in an especial +manner the objects of his paternal solicitude. The remarkable series of +questions which the Pope proposed to the bishops of that church are well +known in ecclesiastical history. It was, probably, during this visit to +the Holy See that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph became acquainted with the two +Armenian prelates, Nerses or Narses of Manasgarda and John, Bishop elect +of Clata, in Greater Armenia. These oriental bishops had long and +earnest conferences with their Irish brother on the sad state of their +once flourishing church, and at their earnest and oft-repeated requests, +the Primate resolved to contribute his aid to the great work of bringing +back the Armenians to unity. One circumstance connected with the +occasion, though it narrowed his field of argument for the time, has +given, nevertheless, to his writings a character which makes them +valuable in modern controversy. In his _Questiones Armenorum_ he was +forced to defend the Catholic doctrine almost exclusively from the Holy +Scriptures, seeing that his adversaries did not admit the authority of +the Roman Church. Hence his position as a controversial writer does not +differ from that which the Reformation has imposed upon modern +theologians since the time of Bellarmine. + +Before the publication of Theiner's _Vetera Monumenta_, there was but a +single writer, Raphael of Volterra,[23] to assert that Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph had been created Cardinal. This solitary testimony, though +positive, was not considered by Ware and others strong enough to +counterbalance the negative argument drawn from the silence of all other +writers on the subject, and especially from the fact that upon the +elaborate catalogue of cardinals, drawn up by Panvinio and Ciacconio, +the name of Fitz-Ralph is not to be found. Among the documents published +by Theiner there is a consistorial process drawn up in 1517 on occasion +of a vacancy in the see of Ardagh,[24] in which mention is made, among +other glories of Ireland, of the Cardinal of Armagh, who flourished in +the year 1353. This is no other than our Archbishop Fitz-Ralph. It is +curious that the statement in this process is made in words almost +identical with those used by Raphael of Volterra. So close is the +likeness between the two statements that one is clearly copied from the +other. It is also to be observed that in the Papal documents he is never +styled Cardinal, and that even as late as October, 1358, Archbishop +Fitz-Ralph is styled by Innocent VI. simply Archbishop of Armagh, +although in the same letter the Pontiff makes mention of the Cardinals +appointed to examine into the questions at issue between our prelate and +the Mendicant Orders. However this may be explained, we have the weighty +authority of an official document drawn up at Rome and accepted by the +Holy Father himself, for believing that the see of Armagh was honoured +by the Roman purple in the person of Richard Fitz-Ralph. + + +Sec. VIII. HIS CONTROVERSY WITH THE MENDICANT ORDERS. + +We now approach the grave controversy which was carried on for years +between our Archbishop and the Mendicant Religious Orders. Even if the +space at our disposal permitted it, we would not be willing to enter +here into a detailed account of the dispute. + +Had it been given to Archbishop Fitz-Ralph to see as clearly as history +has enabled us to see, the blessings which our Church owes to the +heroism of the religious orders in the days of persecution, far from +opposing, he would have been the first to enlarge their privileges in +Ireland. But, as it was, it is quite clear that in his opposition to +them he was influenced solely by motives of an elevated nature. The +whole struggle was simply a domestic misunderstanding, and of such +character as that one may and must feel deep respect for both parties. +We cannot do better than lay before our readers the explanation of his +object and motives offered by the Archbishop himself to Pope Innocent +VI. in person, at Avignon, 8th November, 1357.[25] + + "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy + Ghost. Amen. 'Nolite judicare secundum faciem sed justum + judicium judicate' (_Joan._, cap. 7). + + "Most Holy Father, I protest, at the very beginning of my + discourse, that I do not intend to assert or rashly to + affirm anything which may clash with Christian faith or + Catholic doctrine, and that it is not my intention to + solicit, or even to advise, the abolition or retrenchment of + the mendicant orders approved by the Church or confirmed by + the Sovereign Pontiffs. But rather, it is my desire that + these same orders be brought back to the purity of their + original institution, and in this, also, I am ever ready to + submit to the correction of your Holiness. And to approach + my subject without delay, coming to London, Most Holy + Father, about certain matters connected with my Church of + Armagh, I found a dispute going on between certain learned + doctors concerning the mendicant state and the mendicity of + Christ our Lord and Saviour. After repeated invitations to + preach to the people, I there delivered, in the vernacular, + seven or eight discourses, and, always under the above-made + protest, I defended in public nine conclusions, on account + of which, and for what else I then said, the friars have + appealed, though without reason, to this Holy See". + +The visit to London here alluded to took place in 1356, and, as we have +seen, in 1357, the case was already under judgment at Avignon. For three +whole years the archbishop remained at the Holy See, while a +congregation of Cardinals, specially appointed for the purpose, took +cognizance of the dispute. No official decision was given, but as the +privileges of the mendicant orders were confirmed, and a letter sent to +the English bishops commanding them to not interfere with the friars, it +may be said that the Archbishop failed to make good his cause. + + +Sec. IX. HIS DEATH. + +On the 16th November, 1360, according to Henry of Malmesbury, Richard +Fitz-Ralph slept in the Lord at Avignon. "Of whom", says Fox,[26] "a +certain cardinal hearing of his death, openly protested that the same +day a mighty pillar of the Church was fallen". + +In Wadding's _Annals_, it is told that towards the end of his life, +seeing it was not likely he could succeed in his struggle, he withdrew +to Belgium, and there died in the mountains of Hannonia. The same +account appears in the Camden Annals of Ireland. But Ware[27] tells us +that the Armagh copy of these annals agrees with other histories in +placing the death at Avignon. In 1370, his remains were removed by +Stephanus de Valle (who from the see of Limerick was translated to that +of Meath by Urban V. in 1369), and brought back to his native town of +Dundalk, where they were desposited in the church of St. Nicholas. The +memory of his extraordinary merits soon attracted to his tomb crowds of +the faithful. The usage of styling him St. Richard of Dundalk became +quite general, and many miracles were ascribed to his intercession. +Moved by the report of these prodigies, Pope Boniface IX. appointed John +Cotton, Archbishop of Armagh, Richard Young, Bishop-elect of Bangor, and +the Abbot of Osney, near Oxford, as commissioners to institute a +judicial examination of the miracles. The result of their labours is not +known. Stewart, in his _History of Armagh_, mentions[28] that in a synod +held at Drogheda in 1545, it was ordered that the feast of St. Richard +of Dundalk should be celebrated in the diocese of Armagh with nine +lessons, in _crastino Joannis et Pauli_. + + +Sec. X. THE WORKS OF ARCHBISHOP FITZ-RALPH. + +(A.) Printed works:-- + +1. (_a_) _Richardi Archiepiscopi Armachani, Hyberniae Primalis, +Defensorium Curatorum, adversus eos qui Privilegiatos se esse dicunt_, +habitum Avinione in consistorio coram D. Papa Innocentio VJ. et D.D. +Cardinalibus et Prelatis, anno Christi 1357, nunc recens excusum juxta +vetus exemplar et ex fide codicis MS. diligentissime castigatum. +Parisiis apud Joan. Libert, via D. Joan. Lateranens. e regione Auditorii +Regii, MDCXXI. pagg. 1-136. + +(_b_) The same is printed in the _Appendix ad Fasciculum Rerum +expetendarum et fugiendarum_ opera et studio Ed. Brown Parochi +Sandrigiae in agro Cantiano. London: Chiswell, MDCXC. vol. ii. pag. 466 +to 486. + +(_c_) The same in Goldast's _Monumenta S. Romani Imperii_, vol. ii. p. +1391 to 1410. + +2. _Summa Domini Armachani in quaestionibus Armenorum_, noviter impressa +et correcta a magistro nostro Joanne Sudoris, cum aliquibus sermonibus +ejusdem de Christi Dominio. "Jehan Petit, venales habentur in vico Divi +Jacobi sub lilio aureo ... quinsiene jour de Juillet mil cinq cens et +douse., fol. clxxvii." + +As this is the most important of all the writings of Dr. Fitz-Ralph, and +as the printed book is very rare, it will please our readers to have a +more detailed account of its object and contents. The work forms a real +encyclopaedia of theological learning, and reveals the vast extent of +the author's studies and acquirements. The introduction runs as +follows:-- + + Reverendis in Christo patribus, Versi Manasgardensi, ac + fratri Joanni electo Clatensi Majoris Armeniae, Richardus + Radulphus Archiepiscopus Armachanus, Hiberniae Primas, per + gratiam sitire justitiam donec hauriatis aquas in gaudio de + fontibus Salvatoris. Ex revelatione Vestrae sanctae + devotionis accepi, ob defectum exercitii in Sacris + Scripturis antiquas quasdam hereses a Sanctis Patribus + reprobatas, et nonnullas contra S. Scripturas novellas + assertiones erroneas in vestris partibus pullulasse, propter + quas per doctores Latinos ex sacris Literis resecandas, eo + quia earum patroni auctoritatem Ecclesiae Romanae non + admittunt estimantes ejus auctoritatem ex Sacris Literis + probari non posse, ad Romanam curiam zelus domus Dei et + Christi charitas vos adduxit. Cum vero super ipsis erroribus + vobis cum ibidem aliquoties contulissem, meam exilitatem + devotius stimulastis ut super quaestionibus vestris illud + vobis scriberem quod mihi dignaretur Dominus aperire. Cui + Vestro tam accepto Deo desiderio resistere non audebam, + exactiones spiritualis usurae formidans, si de bonis a + Domino acceptis officium negligerem institoris, et juxta + ipsius promissa _qui evangelizantibus dat verba virtute + multa_ ardenter desideratis ampliora ob hoc recipite ut + abundem magis. Nec debent indignari mihi majores, ex quo + ipsi per quos melius perfici potuit illud penitus + neglexerunt, et ego cum vidua evangelica cupiam minuta, quae + habeo in Domini domum offerre, ipso teste confidens humilis + orationis suffragio amplius quam subtilitate ingenii + difficilia penetrare. Nec majorum correctionem renuo sed + affecto, et ipsum opus, (cujus titulem volui esse _De + quaestionibus Armenorum quod_ in xix. particulas sive libros + distinxi, singulis libris materiam fidei et ipsius causam + premittendo), approbationi et reprobationi nostri Papae + Patris Clementis VI. universalis Ecclesiae Summi Pontificis + in toto et in parte committo. In primis quinque libris illa + principalis quaestio Armenorum pertractabitur: numquid + Christus habuit in se duas plenas naturas, scilicet, divinam + et humanam ita quod propter unionen illarum duarum naturarum + in ipso fuit Dominus IESVS Christus veraciter suppositum, + persona, sive hypostasis in utraque natura verus Deus et + verus homo. + + Primus itaque liber contra heresim Nestorianam, a quodam + Nestorio introductam, affirmantem in Christo naturam humanam + duntaxat, ita ut Christus homo fuerit et non Deus; quam + heresim secuti sunt Cherintus, Armerintus, Theodocio, et + etiam excaecati Judaei, et multae Orientalium nationum usque + in prasens, patefacto primitus quis sensus sit literalis + Sacrae Scripturae censendus, ex Scriptura N. T. juxta sensum + literalem ipsius ostendit Christum quem colimus esse Deum. + Secundus liber contra Judaeos specialiter ex V. T. juxta + literalem sensum ipsius, probat Christum sive Messiam in sua + Scriptura promissum Deum esse debere. + + Tertius liber ex eadem V. Scriptura ostendit Christum + nostrum quem colimus esse sive fuisse illum qui erat Judaico + populo in ipsa Scriptura promissus. + + In quarto libro tractantur objectus Judaici populi contra + ostensa in lib 2'o et 3'o et dantur et probantur in ipso + regulae certae istos objectus, et omnes alios objectus + Judaicos dissolvendi. + + In quarto libro contra heresim Arii et Apollinarii + affirmantem quod in Christo anima humana non fuit, + divinitas loco animae in Christo erat: ad hoc, contra + heresim Manichaei dicentis Christum non verum corpus humanum + sed corpus fantasticum habuisse Scripturae testimonia + adducuntur, et consequenter contra heresim ponentem corpus + humanum in Christo fuisse et divinitas veluti indumentum ac + vestem sicut in angelis cum corpora humana assumuni; et + contra heresim Dioscori affirmantis naturam humanam in + Christo in divinam fuisse mutatam ex utroque Testamento + testimonia proferuntur. + + Sextus liber ex Scripturis utriusque Testamenti ostendit + Spiritum Sanctum a Filio sicut a Patre procedere, quod a + Grecis et ab Armenis plerisque negatur. + + Septimus liber probat ex Scriptura quod Romana Ecclesia sit + caput totius Ecclesiae Christianae. + + Octavus liber de Sacramento baptismi et ejus forma plures + Armenorum quaestiones absolvit. + + Nonus liber de Sacramentis Corporis Christi et Sanguinis, + Confirmationis et Unctionis plures quaestiones eorum + tractat. + + Decimus liber de modis illicitis, conferendi et acquirendi + et detinendi dona Dei gratuita ac praeposituras Ecclesiae + quaestiones eorum pertractat, et an requiratur gratia Dei ad + habendum dominium. + + Undecimus[29] liber de potestate absolvendi simplicis + sacerdotis, et de punitione animarum hominum impiorum ante + finale judicium quaestiones ipsorum dissolvit. + + Duodecimus liber quaestiones Armenorum pertractat de + beatitudine animarum quorumdam justorum et de purgatione + aliquarum animarum ante finale judicium. + + Liber decimus-tertius, quem propter Athanasium Graecum qui + negat Purgatorium adjeci, quatuor pertractat articulos, de + satisfactione, debita pro peccatis in vita et etiam post + hanc vitam. + + Liber decimus-quartus tractat quaestiones Graecorum et + Armenorum de visione nuda atque clara divinae essentiae a + vere beatis quam negant plerique eorum. + + Liber decimus-quintus objicit contra auctoritatem nostrae + Scripturae per contingentiam futurorum praenuntiatorum in + ipsa quae possint non fore, et occasione cujusdam novelli + erroris asserentis omnia futura ex necessitate sive + inevitabiliter evenire, quare offendit libertatem + contradictionis in voluntate humana tam ex physicis + scripturis quam ex divinis in multiplici ratione, et + contingentiam futurorum. + + Liber decimus-sextus ponit tres de pretactis objectionibus + acceptis de infallibilitate scripturae divinae, a divina + praescientia immutabili, a voluntate divina omnipotente + invincibili et etiam efficaci; et solvit eosdem ex propriis + principiis evidenter ostendens contingentiam futurorum et + libertatem contradictionis voluntatis divinae et humanae. + + Liber decimus-septimus residuos sex ponit objectus de Dei + cooeperatione speciali cum voluntate hominum operante; de + sustentatione rerum intrinseca ab omnipotenti divina + potentia; de divina cooeperatione generali eum omni agente + creato; de necessitate eventus actuum intrinsecorum + nostrorum, etc. + + Liber decimus-octavus ostendit auctoritatem Legis Antiquae + et Novae, et probat utrumque Testamentum ex lege Saracenorum + firmari; et cum in multiplici ratione affirmat Legem nostram + traditam in suis majoribus articulis non fuisse aut esse + corruptam. + + Liber decimus-nonus comparat Legem nostram quoad sacramenta + et ceremonias cum lege Judaeorum. Pertractat etiam de + miraculis Apostolorum, et ostendit Legem nostram robur + amplius habere quam ratio naturalis, aut aliqua secta + gentilium et hoc totum opus consummat. + + Quia vero per interrogationem et responsionem modus tradendi + videtur multis facilior, licet sit aliquantulum prolixior, + unum de nostris, mihi discipulum predilectum, quasi mecum + disputantem accepi. Ita ut Joannes vicem gerere quaerentis, + et Richardus intelligatur vicem gerere docentis licet potius + respondentis. Vos igitur, Reverendi Patres, opus accipite + quod petistis, orationis si placet mercedem mihi pensantes + pro labore hoc. + +(B.) Works in Manuscript:-- + +1. (_a_) _Summa contra Armenos_, lib. xx., fol. 126, xc. New College. +Oxford. + +(_b_) _Responsio de Armenorum Heresi_, fol. 218, xviii. Lincoln Coll., +Oxford. + +(_c_) _Armachanus de Questionibus Armenorum_, Cod. 250, n. 4. St. +Benedict, Cambridge. + +(_d_) _Scriptum Armachani de Questionibus Armenorum_, Cod. 224. +Pembroke, Cambridge. + +(_e_) _Richardi Armachani lib._ xix., _Questionum adversus Armenos_. +Trin. College, Dublin. + +2. _Ricardi Radulphi Armachani Opus in P. Lombardi sententias_ in +questiones xxix. distributum, praevio sermone super idem. xv. Oriel +College, Oxford. + +3. (_a_) _Ricardi Rad. Armachani, Propositio facta in consistorio coram +Domino Papa et Cardinalibus ac Prelatis super materia mendicitatis ac +privilegiorum mendicantium contra Fratres de ordinibus quibuscunque, +apud Avinion. die 8 mensis Novemb. Anno Domini MCCCLVIII._, _fol._ 54, +xxxviii. Magdal. Coll. Oxford. + +(_b_) _Propositio ejusdem facta in consistorio coram Papa, Cardinalibus +et Prelatis, ad utilitatem cleri ac populi Christiani super materia +mendicitatis ac privilegiorum contra fratres de ordinibus mendicantium +quibuscunque apud Avinion. 8 Nov. 1357_, fol. 184. St. John Bapt., +Oxford. + +(_c_) _Ric. Filii Radulphi, Archiep. Cantuar._ (sic) _sermo habitus +Avinionae viii. die mensis Novembris A.D. 1357, in istud Nolite judicare +secundum faciem_, etc., fol. 53. Corpus Christi Coll., clxxxii., Oxford. + +4. _Propositio Ric. Armachani ex parte Regis Angliae Edwardi III., in +consistorio D. Papa Avinione pro gratia jubilaei ejus D. Regis populo +obtinenda, anno 1349_, fol. 177. S. J. Bap., Oxford. + +5. _Rich. Fil. Rad. Armachani de paupertate Christi_ libri septem, cum +prologo ad Innocentium Papam VI. et titulo capitulorum cuique libro +praevio, fol. 143. King's Coll. Oxford, cxviii. + +6. _Objectiones ejusdem contra seipsum in Materia de Mendicitate et +aliis cum suis solutionibus_, fol. 196, S. Q. B., lxv. Oxford. + +7. _Responsio ad objectiones Mendicantium._ British Museum. + +8. _Excerpta varia ex Ricardo Fitz-Rauf; a) excerpta ex testamento S. +Francisci contra fratres Minores; b) excerpta notabilia ex quodam libro +qui vocatur Summa Summarum; c) excerpta ex libro Copiosae charitatis._ +Bodl. + +9. _Rich. Radulphi Armachani Primatis Dialogus vel Disputatio de Rebus +ad S. Scripturam pertinentibus._ Lincoln, 75. + +10. (_a_) _Sermones Domini Richardi Dei gratia Archiep. Armach. +Hiberniae, habiti Avinione et aliis locis quampluribus de diversis +Sanctis et temporibus._ S. John B. lxv. Oxford. + +(_b_) _Ric. Rad. sive Fitz-Ralph, Archiep. Armach. sermones de tempore +et de sanctis, per totum annum._ New Coll., xc. + +(_c_) _Sermones tam de tempore quam de sanctis._ Trin. Coll., Dub. + +(_d_) _Sermones V. ad crucem Londinensem_, an 1356, et _alii de laudibus +S. Deipariae_. Ibid. + +(_e_) _Sermones Richardi filii Radulphi de Dundalk, Archiepiscop. +Armachani._ _Ibid._ + +FOOTNOTES: + +[15] Theiner's _Vetera Monumenta_, n. 517, p. 263. + +[16] _Vet. Monum._, n. 270, p. 286. + +[17] _Annal. MSS._, in Bibl. Cotton. + +[18] _Vet. Mon._, n. 271, p. 286-7. + +[19] _Ibid._, n. 272. + +[20] _Ibid._, n. 273. + +[21] _Claus. 29-30, Ed. III._ + +[22] _Pat. 29, Ed. III._ + +[23] _Commentar. Urbanor, lib. 3._ + +[24] _Vet. Mon., p. 521._ + +[25] _Defensorium Curatorum._ + +[26] _Acts and Monuments_, i. p. 465, seq. + +[27] _De Scriptoribus_, lib. i. p. 10. + +[28] _Dowdall Register._ + +[29] Cardinal Bellarmine warns his readers that our author is _caute +legendus_ in the 4th cap. of the 10th, and the 4th cap. of the 11th +books. The Cardinal does not approve of his doctrine, _de potestate +presbyterorum_, nor of his teaching on the mendicant state. + + + + +MR. BUTT AND NATIONAL EDUCATION.[30] + + +No Irish Catholic can examine the system of National Education without +being filled with alarm for the safety of our faith in Ireland. + +The tendency of the national system is to give a full control over the +education of the rising generations in Ireland to the English +Government, thus affording them an opportunity of undermining true +faith, and of effecting by favours, promises, gifts, and influence, what +they sought in vain to obtain by penal laws, by confiscation of +property, and by fire and sword. The system also tends to weaken +pastoral authority, to deprive the successors of the apostles, who were +sent by Christ to teach all nations, of their lawful influence, and to +separate priest and people. Such consequences necessarily follow from +the operation of model and training schools, and from the vast powers +given in all educational matters to a body of commissioners appointed by +the government, and dependent on it--commissioners, many of whom are +openly hostile to the religion of the people of Ireland, whilst others +have given proof that they are either unable or unwilling to defend it +or support its rights and interests. But even if the commissioners were +most anxious to do justice to Catholics, the nature of the system which +they have bound themselves to carry out would frustrate their good +intentions. The mixed system proposes to collect into the same school +teachers and pupils of every religious denomination, Catholics, +Anglicans, Presbyterians, Methodists, and Jews, and to do nothing and to +teach nothing in the school, and to publish nothing in the schoolbooks, +offensive to any of them. Hence all prayers, the catechism, all teaching +of the special doctrines and practices of the Catholic Church, must be +banished from the school during the hours of teaching, and the books +placed in the hands of children which are calculated to exercise great +influence on their after life, must be compiled in a style of +indifference to every religion. Indeed we could not expect to find +anything good or religious in books composed by a Protestant archbishop +of rationalistic and latitudinarian views, who does not appear to have +believed in the Trinity or the Divinity of Christ, who raised himself to +the episcopal dignity by publishing the _Errors of Romanism_, and who +terminated his career by admitting that his object in compiling some of +the books introduced into the national schools was to dissipate the +darkness in which the Irish people are sitting, or, in other words, to +spread among them his own dangerous principles, and to undermine their +faith. + +Whilst the national system is beset by so many dangers, we cannot but be +anxious that its character and tendencies should be accurately examined, +and the objections to which it is liable fairly stated to the public. We +are now happy to be able to say that all this has been done by a +Protestant barrister, Mr. Isaac Butt, late M.P. for Youghal. This +learned and eloquent gentleman has just published a treatise entitled +_The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated_, in which he gives the history of +the system of National Education, and discusses its merit. The writer +appears to have studied the subject with the greatest care, and to have +made himself acquainted with all its bearings. His treatise is written +with great clearness and moderation; his views upon education are +liberal and accurate; and his arguments against allowing the education +of Ireland to pass into the hands of a hostile government, are most +powerful and unanswerable. Mr. Butt has rendered us an immense service +by publishing so valuable a treatise. We recommend all our friends to +provide themselves with it, and to peruse it most carefully. + +We shall now give some few extracts from it to show the spirit in which +it is written. The treatise is dedicated to Mr. Gladstone, and in the +dedication Mr. Butt calls on that great statesman to apply to Ireland +the principles of justice and liberality, which he had so often +advocated in the case of other nations, principles unhappily ignored in +the management of Irish affairs by those who have the reins of power in +their hands. + + "Most of our departments are managed as if the chief art of + Irish government consisted in a dexterous thwarting, or, at + least, ignoring of all local and national wishes, as they + are represented by the class with whom the department has to + deal. In no country in the world, not even in the Austrian + provinces of Venetia, are national feeling and sentiment so + completely excluded from any control over the management of + national affairs"--(p. viii.) + +Applying what he had stated to the question of national education, he +adds:-- + + "The House of Commons, with an almost prodigal, but a wise + liberality, has placed at the disposal of the Irish + Government large and ample funds for the purposes of + national education. These funds are administered on a plan + opposed to the feelings of all creeds and all classes of the + Irish nation. Ninety-nine out of every hundred Irishmen + condemn it. There is not an Irish constituency from Bandon + to Derry in which any man could be returned as an advocate + of the national system, if the question were purely one of + its approval or disapproval. There is not a parish in + Ireland in which the inhabitants, if they had their choice, + would adopt it as the system of their parish school. Right + or wrong, the present system is one forced, by official + coercion, on the Irish people. It is a national system, + maintained and supported in defiance of the sentiment of the + nation"--(p. viii.) + +Looking at the national system in a religious point of view, Mr. Butt +adds, that it is in antagonism with the wishes and feelings of all +classes of the Irish people. + + "There is no nation on earth who cherish religious feelings + with a more deep and enthusiastic devotion than do the + Irish. They are the very last people among whom the + experiment of an education, which excludes the fulness of + religious teaching, should be tried. The result of the + experiment has been, that by all creeds and classes of + Irishmen, the 'national' system is condemned. All who avail + themselves of it do so grudgingly and of necessity. It is a + system forced upon the people by their rulers.... It is for + the Irish nation themselves to judge of the education which + is suited to the wants of the Irish poor. The system which + is condemned by the universal suffrage of the Irish nation, + is unfit for Ireland, because it is so condemned--(p. ix.) + + "If we are driven to justify our opinions, we have only to + refer to the example of England. In England, every school + that receives aid from the funds of the State, is a school + avowedly teaching the doctrines of some religious body. Full + and unrestricted religious instruction is made an essential + part of national education in England. In Ireland, a school + which adopts that instruction as its rule, is consequently + placed under a ban, and denied all assistance from the + national funds. It matters not whether the instruction be + Protestant or Catholic, it equally condemns the school in + the eyes of our rulers"--p. x. + +Treating of the difference between the systems prevailing in England and +Ireland, Mr. Butt adds:-- + + "In point of principle, no reason can be assigned for the + difference between England and Ireland. If it be wrong in + Ireland to endow and aid a purely Roman Catholic school, it + is equally so in England. The difference established between + the two countries can neither be justified nor accounted for + upon any rational principle. It fosters the belief in the + mind of every Irishman that his country is treated as an + inferior. In many Irishmen it promotes the belief that + religious instruction, which is free in English schools, is + placed under restriction in Ireland, because the faith of + the majority of the Irish people is proscribed"--(p. xi.) + +And may we not ask has not the Irish Catholic sufficient grounds for +adopting this opinion? Has not all the legislation of the country for +centuries been directed to the destruction of Catholicity? + +The question is next referred to of the tendency of the national system +to throw the whole education of the country into the hands of the +government. + + "I do not shrink from inviting your consideration to the + complaint--that the Irish national system, as now + constituted, is one gigantic contrivance for bringing the + whole education of Ireland under government control. I + appeal with confidence to you, as an English statesman, + against the attempt to 'Anglicise' the education of the + Irish people--against the project of bringing up, in + government academies, an army of schoolmasters, who, in + school, and still more out of school, are to form for + government a moral and intellectual police--against the + system of lavish bribery by which it is plainly proposed to + attract all talent in the humbler classes of Irishmen into + the service of an anti-Irish Board--against the institution + in our country of a great system of universal education, + subject to influences that are not Irish, and administered + in a spirit of distrust of the whole Irish people, their + national prejudices, and their religion"--(p. xii.) + +In the course of the work, proofs are given of the way in which it was +sought to establish government influence. In the beginning, according to +the letter of Lord Stanley, only one model school was to be erected in +Ireland, and the minor schools through the country were to remain quite +independent. In 1835, the commissioners began to manifest more extensive +designs, and in a report to Lord Mulgrave, it was proposed to establish +a model school in each county, to take the training of all the teachers +of the kingdom into the hands of the Board, and, at the same time, the +plan was adopted to introduce books treating of common Christianity, and +compiled by Dr. Whateley, and, in fact, to make the authority of the +commissioners paramount in everything connected with the education of +the future generations in Ireland. On this Mr. Butt observes:-- + + "In no country ought such a system to be tolerated--least of + all in Ireland, where--it ought not, it cannot be + disguised--there still exists the antagonism between the + English government and the thoughts and feelings and + sentiments of the nation. I would not write the truth if I + did not say, that any one who knows Irish affairs must + expect the administration of such a system to be + anti-national. He would be informed, without surprise, that + from the lessons of history there was carefully excluded all + that would remind Irishmen of their distinctive + nationality--that the whole tone and tendency of the + literature were English--and that, in drawing up the + lesson-books in which Irish children are to be taught, + Englishmen and Scotchmen were the only persons worthy of the + confidence of the Irish National Board. + + "I am content to be accounted of narrow and provincial + feelings when I thus point to the anti-national character of + the system. From the invasion of Henry II. to the present + time, English rulers have been engaged in one device or + another to destroy the distinctive nationality of Irishmen. + The attempt is as unwise as it is unjust. It can only be + effected by the destruction of public spirit and the + demoralization of the country. The empire in which we are + associated gains no more by the destruction of the + individual nationality of its component parts, than society + would gain by the destruction of all distinctive character + in those who compose it. If even the Irish people are to be + taught to love England, they must be taught to love Ireland + first, and to feel that there is no inconsistency between + the most intense Irish feeling and attachment to the empire + of which Ireland forms a part. There is a waste of energy in + every attempt to extirpate national prejudices and feelings, + which makes the attempt a blunder as well as a crime. Russia + has not yet Russianized Poland, and the Irish are as far + from being West Britons as they were in the days of James I. + + "It must be remembered that the effect of such a proposal + was to substitute for the varying forms of individual energy + and local exertion one great uniform system. While the + education of the people was eked out by the sacrifices of + the people themselves, or supplied by the desultory efforts + of individuals, there was always room for the play of + national and local feelings. So far as a plan like that + propounded in this report was successful, it destroyed all + other industrial energies among the lower orders. The old + hedge schoolmaster could no longer make out his bread. The + poor scholar could no longer wander from house to house, + teaching the old history of Ireland in return for the food + and lodging he received. All the lower orders of the people + were to be taught by masters trained in a government + college, and drilled in a system from which all national + feeling was excluded--masters, of whom it was put forward as + their chief merit that they would be political and moral + agents of the government, inculcating order on a lawless, + and teaching civilization to a barbarous, people. + + "The report of 1835 suggested, of necessity, the question of + religion. The masters, according to its proposal, were + plainly to be indoctrinated in matters from which religion + could not be separated. They were to be instructed in mental + philosophy by a professor, specially appointed for that + purpose. This training must be given them that they may be + qualified to direct 'the thoughts and inclinations of Irish + children in a right direction'. Would it have been + unreasonable, is it unreasonable now, that the guardians of + the faith of any portion of the Irish people should feel + anxious to have some security for the character of the + 'mental philosophy' in which the teachers of the people were + trained? + + "Comparing the plan announced in Lord Stanley's published + letter with that which was carried into effect, under the + joint operation of the interpolated passage and the report + of 1835, it is obvious that those who might be perfectly + satisfied with the arrangements of the first, either as to + religious or national feeling, might yet be wholly + dissatisfied upon the very same points with the second. + + "Under the covert and guarded language of the report of + 1835, we can clearly trace the inauguration of a new + system--a system wholly unlike anything that had preceded it + or had ever been recommended--a system which was to + establish in every parish a government agent, under the name + of a national schoolmaster, and which was also to become a + great government university for the teaching of the middle + classes. + + "This last was to be accomplished by the medium of the model + schools. One of these was to be established in each county. + The master was to be a person of superior attainments, with + a salary very far above that of any curate of the + Established Church, and in these schools a superior + education was to be conveyed. We shall see how steadily the + plan, first broached in the annual report of 1835, has been + carried out. + + "In 1837, the report tells us that 'they had added to their + normal establishment in Dublin a scientific department and a + school of industry, in the immediate neighbourhood of + Dublin, with work-rooms and a farm of from forty to fifty + acres attached to it'. In the same report they propose to + appoint a superintendent for each of twenty-five + districts--residing at the model school, and having L125 + a-year, with apartments and allowances. The head master of + each model school was '_to be authorised to receive a + limited number of boarders at such charge to their parents + and friends as the commissioners might think proper, having + regard to local circumstances'_. + + "At the same time, they stated their intention to establish, + generally, schools termed secondary, in which 'scientific + instruction' and 'instruction in manual occupation' should + be given;--a portion of land for garden husbandry to be an + indispensable adjunct to each secondary school. + + "In 1839 they modestly announce a model farm, near Dublin, + as only in its infancy, with twelve agricultural pupils, + 'deriving much benefit from the judicious system of farming + which they see practised there'. + + "In 1840 they determine to establish twenty-five + agricultural model schools--each of them in connection with + an elementary national school. They subsequently establish + twelve pupil-teacherships in their central agricultural + institution--scholarships, in fact, which are competed for + by the most promising students in their rural agricultural + schools. + + "I have referred to these establishments in proof of the + assertion that the national system has been gradually + expanded into a vast educational institution, absorbing and + controlling the education of the poorer classes, and, to a + great extent, that of the middle classes of the country. + + "The extent to which this has proceeded will be understood + by a reference to the last report of the Commissioners, that + for the year 1864. + + "It appears by this report that there are at present in + operation twenty-six model schools (classing the three + metropolitan schools as one establishment). The expenditure + within the year upon these model schools amounts to nearly + L25,000. + + "In addition to the Albert Model Farm at Glasnevin, near + Dublin, there are in connection with the Board thirty-six + agricultural schools; nineteen of these are under the + exclusive management of the Board--seventeen partly under + local control. + + "The sums expended on this agricultural department amount in + the year to more than L10,000. It will complete this + statement to add that in the same year, 1864, the training + institution of Dublin was maintained at a cost, in its + several branches, of L4,500. + + "The cost of the inspection department of the institution + amounts to no less a sum than L23,000. + + "The cost of the official establishment in Marlborough + Street is L15,457. + + "In addition to this, a very considerable sum, amounting, + probably, to nearly L10,000, appears to be annually + distributed, at the discretion of the Board and its + inspectors, in the shape of gratuities of one kind or other + to the persons engaged in the teaching of the national + schools. + + "It appears from this report (excluding the item last + mentioned), that upon the official staff of this great + educational institute there is annually expended a sum of + L49,000; and upon model and agricultural schools, wholly + foreign from the original objects, a further sum of L33,000, + making an expenditure of L82,000, one shilling of which does + not reach one of the schools, to support which the grant for + Irish education was originally made. + + "The whole of this immense sum, amounting to nearly + one-third of the grant, is really spent upon a machinery + for bringing the education of the people under the entire + and absolute control of the Board. + + "I do not stop to argue whether L15,000 be not an + extravagant expenditure for official expenses. That which is + of importance to observe is, that the tendency and effect of + the costly, but most effective, system of inspection is, in + reality, to convert inspection into superintendence, and to + extend the direct influence of the Board over all the + schools in connection with them. The training or normal + establishment is instituted for the express purpose of + indoctrinating the masters in the views prescribed by the + Board. But the influence does not end here. By a system of + examinations, conducted in connection with the inspection, + the Board contrives to direct the studies and mould the + train of thought of the masters. Their salaries are + increased at the pleasure of the Board. A graduated system + of promotion and a scale of rewards are established, + dependent entirely on their recommending themselves to the + inspectors. Under such a system the power nominally left to + the local patrons of selecting the schoolmaster, in reality + does not give to these patrons any substantial control. + Every national schoolmaster adopts, or professes to adopt, + the opinions of his real masters, and learns to reflect the + opinions which he knows to be in favour with the Board. + + "The model schools are established partly to complete the + training of the masters, and partly to force upon the + country the entire system of the Board. Of these schools the + commissioners themselves are the patrons, and in these they + have full power of enforcing their own views. What they + 'earnestly recommend' to others, they are able to adopt in + their own schools. Money is lavished upon these model + schools, so as to make them establishments of a superior + order. The model school in Marlborough Street is maintained + at an expense of L3,500. One in Belfast costs very nearly + the same sum. Most of this money is expended in the salaries + and maintenance of pupil teachers, so that these model + schools are, in effect, colleges, with their exhibitions to + attract students. Over these model schools the commissioners + have absolute control, and through them, and by means of + them, they exercise an almost absolute influence over the + whole system of education in connection with the Board. This + is, in effect, the carrying out of the plan indicated in the + report of 1835. Centralization is secured by an array of + schoolmasters, trained under the Commissioners. No man can + attain the rank of a first-class national schoolmaster who + has not gone through a training in an establishment + conducted after the most approved fashion of the Board--a + training by which he becomes thoroughly indoctrinated in all + the maxims of that fashion. He is not sent to a model school + merely to see the best mode of arranging classes or + maintaining the discipline of the school. He is sent there + to reside as the student of a college, to learn various + departments of knowledge. He is taught, in his training, + history, political economy, mental philosophy, and + scriptural history--and he learns them all in lesson books + prepared to order for the Commissioners, and by catechetical + instruction, in which he is drilled by professors and + inspectors appointed at their sole nomination. + + "I pass, for the present, from this part of the subject, + with this one observation--that this sum of L80,000 is + annually expended upon a portion of the system with which + local exertion or local influence has nothing whatever to + do. It is wholly, absolutely, and unreservedly under the + direction and control of the central authority. + + "In England, I may observe, the state assumes no such power. + The training institutions for schoolmasters are left + entirely under the control of the authorities of the + respective denominations. In Ireland, the rule is that the + masters should be trained by government, and accept at once + their theology, their morals, and their science of teaching + at the hands of the officials of the state. It is only the + resolute opposition of the Catholic prelates that has + prevented this project from being completely carried into + effect"--(p. 87-96.) + +We regret that our space will not allow us to give more copious extracts +from the book now before us. But again we recommend our readers to read +and study the whole treatise. It will open their eyes to the dangers +with which mixed education, falsely called _national_, menaces our +Church and our country. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[30] Mr. Butt's work is entitled _The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated, +Reflections and Proposals on the subject of National Education_. Dublin. +Kelly, Grafton Street, 1865. + + + + +LITURGICAL QUESTIONS. + + +The few questions which were answered in the last number of the _Record_ +have given occasion to other questions of a practical nature in +connection with the Office and Mass for the Dead. There is a variety of +practice in some points--for instance, 1st, at the end of the +absolution, if the office and mass be celebrated for one person, should +_requiescat in pace_, or _requiescant_, be said? + +2nd, Should the _Anima ejus et animae omnium_, etc., be said, and is +there any definite rule about it? + +3rd, When is the _De profundis_ to be said, and when is it to be +omitted? + +With regard to the first question we beg to quote the following decree +of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which settles the question. + + "Dec. 2709. An dicendum sit in fine absolutionis mortuorum + requiescat vel requiescant? + + "Resp. Quando absolutio est pro uno defuncto, in singulari; + pro pluribus, in plurali. In missa vero semper + _requiescant_. Die 22 Januarii, 1678". + +In reply to the second question, it appears to us that the Rubrics of +the Ritual will lead us to a safe conclusion. The Ritual clearly lays +down that, if the remains for any reason are not carried to the cemetery +immediately after the office, the Benedictus, and the prayer, etc., +having been said, the _Anima ejus et animae_, etc., is also to be said. +In such a case there is no doubt, inasmuch as the Ritual lays down the +entire order of the ceremony, and ends with the words _Anima ejus_, +etc., in full without any comment. If the remains are brought to the +cemetery the same practice is to be observed, for at the sepulchre the +same prayers are prescribed by the Rubrics, and there is no change +mentioned. Hence, we consider we are correct in stating that the _Anima +ejus_, etc., is to be said at the end of the prayers for burial, +praesente corpore, whether these are recited in the church or in the +cemetery. But is the verse _Anima ejus_ to be said at the end, after the +_Requiescant in pace_, if the remains are not present? There is no +mention of this in the Ritual nor in the Missal, and it is certain that +on All Souls' Day, when the remains, as a rule, are not supposed to be +present, the _Anima ejus_ is not to be said. There is a decree of the +Sacred Congregation of Rites referring to this subject. + + "Dec. 2924. An post absolutionem quae fit super cadaver in + die obitus, vel supra tumulum in die anniversario aut super + lecticam seu castrum doloris in die commemorationis omnium + fidelium defunctorum, dicto versiculo requiescant in pace, + subjungi debeat Anima ejus et animae omnium, etc. + + "Resp. Servetur Rituale: et in commemoratione omnium + fidelium defunctorum nihil superaddendum. Die 2 Decembris, + 1684". + +We do not mean to say that this decree decides the point clearly in our +favour, but the Ritual certainly does not prescribe it. We have before +us an excellent ceremonial published in Bologna by a missionary priest +of St. Vincent, and he is clearly of opinion that the _Anima ejus_ +absente cadavere ought not to be said, and adduces the decree above +quoted referring to the office on All Souls' Day. + +With regard to the third question, it is well we should observe, in +order to avoid any misunderstanding, that we are speaking of the _De +profundis_ which is said after Mass at the end of the absolution, when +the clergy are proceeding to the sacristy. The Rubrics are clear as to +when the _De profundis_ is to be said at the end of Lauds: "Psalmus +lauda anima mea in vesperis similiter et Psalmus _De profundis_ in fine +laudum non dicuntur in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum, +neque in die obitus seu depositionis defuncti". We think that much the +same answer is to be given about the _De profundis_ at the end of the +absolution, as was given above about the _Anima ejus et animae omnium_, +etc. This opinion is held by the author above quoted, and it is only in +case the corpse is present that the Ritual prescribes the _De +profundis_. "Deinde a sepultura in ecclesiam vel in sacristiam +revertentes dicant sine cantu antiphonam si iniquitates etc. cum Psalmo, +De profundis, etc.", and there is a decree of the Sacred Congregation of +Rites which appears to confirm our views. + + "Dec. 4543. Antiphona et Psalmus De profundis nec non + versiculus animae eorum in die commemorationis omnium + fidelium defunctorum post absolutionem ad tumulum sunt + omittenda juxta. Decr. 2 Decembris, 1684". + + "Die 28 Julii, 1832". + +We must add that the practice in Rome is, even absente corpore, to say +the _De profundis_, and hence our readers will perceive there is some +difficulty in settling the question. + +We wish, however, to state that, being pressed for time, we were not +able to examine this question as fully as we would wish, and we hope +soon to return to it; and if, in the mean time, any light were thrown on +the subject by any of our learned readers who study such matters, we +shall be very glad to receive any remarks or suggestions that may be +forwarded to us. + + + + +CORRESPONDENCE. + + +_To the Reverend Editors of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record._ + +GENTLEMEN, + +May I beg you to insert in your widely-circulating journal the following +list. It may be useful to the clergy for the information of youths, in +whose higher education they take an interest, and especially now, when +we may hope that to have studied under a Catholic system will no longer +be an obstacle to advancement. + +I remain, Gentlemen, +Your faithful servant, +BARTH. WOODLOCK, +_Rector_. + +Catholic University, Dublin, +31st July, 1865. + + +CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS. + +TO BE COMPETED FOR IN OCTOBER, 1865. + + +_General Regulations._ + +1. The following Exhibitions will be offered for competition in the +University on Tuesday, October 10th, and following days. + +2. The Examinations will commence each day at 10 A.M. + +3. Candidates are required to send in their names and commendatory +letters from their University or Collegiate Superior, to the Secretary +of the University, on or before the day preceding the Examination at +which they propose to present themselves. + +4. They will not be awarded unless for distinguished answering. + +5. The successful candidates, if not already matriculated, are required +to matriculate within one week after the declaration of the award of the +Examiners. + +6. Every Exhibition is tenable for one year, unless where otherwise +specified; but successful candidates are required to attend Lectures in +the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, or of Science, according to their +standing, and can hold the Exhibitions so long only as they observe the +regulations of the University. + +7. No one, however, can hold two Exhibitions in the same matter;--_e. +g._, two Classical, or two Mathematical Exhibitions, or two Exhibitions +in Physical Science, cannot be held by the same person. + + +EPISCOPAL EXHIBITIONS. + +_Special Regulations for the Episcopal Exhibitions._ + +1. No Student above twenty-two years of age, or of more than one year's +standing in any University, will be allowed to compete for the Episcopal +Entrance Exhibitions. + +2. The Examinations for the Classical Exhibitions will take place on +Tuesday, October 10th, and Wednesday, October 11th; and for the +Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, October 12th, 1865. + +3. The Episcopal Exhibitions will be distributed among Students from the +Ecclesiastical Provinces of Armagh and Cashel, Dublin and Tuam +respectively; provided competitors from these provinces offer +themselves, and comply with the other conditions prescribed. + +4. The successful Candidates must attend the lectures of the First or +Second Year. + + +I.--FOR ENTRANCE. + +_Open to all Students of not more than One Year's standing in the +University._ + +_Classical._--One Exhibition of L20, one of L15, and three of L10 each, +for proficiency in the Classical and Literary matter of the Entrance +Examination. + +Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar, and Latin Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, or +Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of +Actium), and of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the +death of Philip); and in the following books:-- + + Homer, _Iliad_, i.-iii.; + Euripides, _Alcestis_; + Virgil, _Aeneid_, i.-iii.; + Cicero, _in Catilinam_, i.-iv. + +Special marks will be given for Latin verses and Greek composition. + +_Mathematical._--One Exhibition of L20, one of L15, and three of L10 +each, for proficiency in the Mathematical matter of the Entrance +Examination. + +The Examination for these Exhibitions will not extend beyond the second +book of Euclid, nor embrace matter which is not included in most +Algebraical Treatises within the limits of Simple Equations. + + +II.--SECOND YEAR'S EXHIBITIONS. + +_Open to Students of the University, of not more than Two Years' +standing, who have passed the Annual Examination of the First Year._ + +_Classical._--One Exhibition of L25, one of L20, and one of L15. + +Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek +Grammar and Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman +History (from the beginning of the Republic to the battle of Actium) and +of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the death of Philip), +and in the following books:-- + +Herodotus, vi.; Euripides, _Hippolytus_; and Sophocles, _Ajax_. + +Horace, Epistles, including the Art of Poetry; Terence, +_Heautontimoroumenos_; and Tacitus, Histories. + +Special marks will be given for Greek and Latin verse. + +_Mathematical._--One Exhibition of L25, one of L20, and one of L15, for +proficiency in Euclid, i.-vi. (definitions of Book v.); Algebra, +including the Theory of Equations; Plane Trigonometry; Cooerdinate +Geometry and Conic Sections. + + +EXHIBITIONS FOR AFFILIATED STUDENTS.[31] + +_Special Regulations._ + +1. These Exhibitions are open to all _Affiliated_ Students of the +University, who will have passed the Entrance Examination since the 1st +June, 1863. + +2. The Examination will be held in the University Buildings, 86 +Stephen's Green, commencing each day at 10 A.M., as follows:-- + +Classical Exhibitions, on Tuesday and Wednesday, 10th and 11th October, +1865. + +Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, 12th October, 1865. + +3. These Exhibitions are subject to the General Regulations given above. + +4. They are tenable for two years; but can be enjoyed so long only as +the holders attend those Lectures of the Faculty of Philosophy and +Letters, or of Science, which are prescribed, according to their +standing, in the University course of Studies, and observe the rules and +regulations of the University. In every case they will cease at the end +of the Session 1866-7. + + +_Classical:_--One Exhibition of L30, and one of L25. + +The subjects of the Examination will be Latin and Greek Grammar, and +Latin Composition; the Elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman History +(from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of Actium), and of +Greek History (from the legislation of Solon to the death of Philip); +and in the following books:-- + + +Homer, _Iliad_, i.-vi.; and Herodotus, vi. + +Virgil, _Aeneid_, i.-vi.; Cicero, _in Catilinam_, _pro Milone_, +_Archia_, and _Lege Manilia_. + + +Special consideration will be given to Latin Verses and Greek +Composition. + +_Mathematical:_--One Exhibition of L30, and one of L25, for proficiency +in Elementary Mathematics, viz.:-- + +Algebra (except the Theory of Equations); first six books of Euclid; +Elements of Plane Trigonometry. + + +HIGHER UNIVERSITY EXHIBITIONS. + +_Regulations._ + +1. The following Exhibitions, tenable for one year, are open to all who +present satisfactory testimonials of conduct. + +2. Former successful competitors may again compete for them. + +3. But the Candidates cannot be above twenty-six years of age, or of +more than five years' standing in any University. + + +CLOYNE EXHIBITIONS. + +_Founded by the Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese of Cloyne._ + + +_Cloyne Exhibition in Mental Science_, L20:--Friday and Saturday, 13th +and 14th October, viz.:-- + + +Proficiency in Logic and the Elements of Mental Philosophy. + + +_Cloyne Classical Exhibitions:_--_One of_ L30, _and one of_ L20:--Monday +and Tuesday, 16th and 17th October. + + +The subjects of Examination will be:-- + +Greek and Latin Grammar; Greek and Latin Composition, both prose and +verse; Elements of Ancient Geography; History of the Peloponnesian War, +from 431 to 404 B.C.; Roman History, from the outbreak of the Social +War to the Death of Cicero; and the following books:-- + + Thucydides, i. ii.; + Aeschylus, _Agamemnon_; + Cicero, _de Oratore_, i. ii.; + Virgil, _Aeneid_, ix. xii.; + +_Cloyne Exhibition in Irish History, Literature, etc._, L20:--Wednesday, +18th October:-- + +Irish History, from the English Invasion to the Plantation of Ulster; +Elements of the Irish Language; Materials of Irish Literature. + + +LIMERICK EXHIBITIONS. + +_Founded by the Laity of the City and County of Limerick._ + +_Limerick Mathematical Exhibition_, L30:--Thursday, Friday, and +Saturday, 19th, 20th, and 21st October. + +For proficiency in the full University course of Pure Mathematics and +Mathematical Physics (vide _Calendar_, pages 42, 43). + +_Two Limerick Modern Literature Exhibitions_, L20 _each_, viz.:-- + +(_a_) Wednesday, 25th October--English Language and Literature; and +English History from the Accession of James I., 1603, to the Death of +George II., 1760. + +(_b_) Thursday, 26th October--The Language and Literature of France, +Italy, or Germany, at the option of the candidate; and the History of +the country, the Language and Literature of which he presents, viz.:-- + +French History, from the Accession of Francis I., 1515, to the Death of +Louis XIV., 1715; + +Italian History, from the Death of Lorenzo de Medici, 1492, to the +re-conquest of Naples by the Spaniards, 1733; or + +German History, from the Accession of Charles V., 1519, to the Treaty of +Westphalia, 1648. + + +CONOLLY EXHIBITIONS, L20 EACH. + +_Founded by John Conolly, Esq._ + +I. _Mathematics:_--Thursday and Friday, 19th and 20th +October:--Cooerdinate Geometry, Differential and Integral Calculus. + +II. _Mathematical Physics:_--Friday and Saturday, 20th and 21st +October:--Mathematical Statics and Dynamics, and Elements of +Mathematical Geography and Astronomy. + +III. _Experimental and Kosmical Physics:_--Monday and Tuesday, 23rd and +24th October:--Heat, Light, Electricity, and Magnetism; Elements of +Geology, Physical Geography and Climatology, and Astronomy. + +IV. _Natural Sciences:_--Tuesday and Wednesday, 24th and 25th +October:--Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Crystallology. + +N.B.--Of these Exhibitions, Nos. I. and II. cannot be held by the same +person; so also Nos. III. and IV. cannot be held simultaneously. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[31] Affiliated Students are such as, having passed the Entrance +Examination, pursue their studies in an approved college or school, with +the view of completing the higher studies in the University (_Calendar_, +page 48). For the purposes of the Examination for the above Exhibitions, +all Students who will have been examined for Entrance by the University +Examiner in one of the seminaries, colleges, or schools, connected with +the University (vide _Calendar_, page 81), between the 1st June, 1863, +and the 10th October, 1865, will be eligible. + + + + +DOCUMENTS. + + +THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITIES OF BELGIUM AND OF IRELAND. + +The Catholic University of Louvain has just been deprived by death of +its first Rector, Mgr. Peter Francis Xavier de Ram. This illustrious +prelate was called to the reward of his useful life on Sunday, the 14th +of May, and his demise has caused a vacancy, not only in the University +over which he presided with so much prudence and energy for over thirty +years, but also in several other learned bodies, of which he was a most +distinguished member. His death has been a severe loss to his native +land and to the Catholic Church in Belgium. Let us hope the great work +for which he lived will long continue to be a prolific source of every +blessing to Catholic Belgium. + +On hearing of the death of Mgr. de Ram, our Catholic University, which, +in obedience to the advice of the Sovereign Pontiff, has ever looked on +that of Louvain as its model and elder sister, hastened to hold a +meeting of the Academic Senate, at which the following letter of +condolence was unanimously agreed to:-- + + Illustrissimo et adm. Rdo. Dno. Vice Rectori; Illmis. D.D. + Facultatum Decanis; et perillustribus D.D. in Universitate + Cath. Lovaniensi Professoribus ornatissimis, + + Universitas in Hibernia Catholica S. D. + + Paucis abhinc diebus pervenit ad nos tristissima notitia + mortis Illmi. et Rmi. D.D. Francisci Xaverii de Ram, istius + Universitatis in Belgio Catholicae Magnifici Rectoris. Haud + certe sine maximo cordium nostrorum dolore nuntium istum + accepimus. Siquidem et inclytam Universitatem Vestram + praecipuo lumine et ornamento destitutam conspicimus, et + Supremo Capite et primo Rectore orbatam, qui res nascentis, + imo potius renascentis Academiae summa humanitate, + ornatissimus homo, est moderatus: qui miro ordine ita omnia + paravit et instituit, ut antiquae illius in vestra civitate + Universitatis decus et in scientiis laudem nova aemularetur, + imo et superaret. + + Ad consolandum igitur vos in casu isto, quo est gravissime + afflicta Academia Vestra, Universitatem hanc nostram urget + et communis fides, et praecipua dilectio qua nos complecti + dignati estis, et nomen ipsum Universitatis Catholicae. Nam + et inclytam vestram Academiam haec nostra haud passibus + aequis insequi conatur, et vester proinde dolor, aerumnae + vestrae nobis vobiscum sunt communes. Itaque et inter hos + dies nostrum erit clarissimi viri, vestri quondam Rectoris + Magnifici animae piaculari Sacrificio opitulari, publicisque + Ecclesiae officiis, et illi requiem et ipsius Operi, + Universitati scilicet Vestrae incolumitatem et in dies + provectus adprecari. + + Ex aedib. Univers. in Hib. Cath. + + Datum Dublinii V. Kal. Junias, 1865. + + BARTH. WOODLOCK, Rector Univer. Cath. + + THOMAS SCRATTON, A.B. a Secretis Universit. + +The Vice-Rector of the University of Louvain has returned the following +answer:-- + + Louvain, de l'Universite Catholique, le 9 Juin, 1865. + + MAGNIFICE RECTOR, + + Perquam gratae nobis fuere literae tuae plenissimae illa + humanitate, proximis hisce diebus ad nos datae, in quibus + Dublinensis Academiae nomine moerorem nostrum de obitu Viri + illustrissimi Petri Francisci Xaverii de Ram, tuae doloris + participatione levare voluisti, unaque significasti + Dublinensem Academiam jam nunc hoc quoque curare, ut brevi, + in suo coetu, oblato peculiari Sacrificio, publicis votis + precibusque aeterna requies animae illustrissimi Viri a Deo + expectatur. + + Itaque facere non possum, Magnifice Rector, quin nostrae + Academiae nomine tibi gratias quam maximas agam tam ob hoc + germanae caritatis indicium quam ob illam doloris officiosam + significationem. + + Immanem profecto jacturam facimus in amissione Viri qui, ut + recte dicis, Magnifice Rector, renascentis Lovaniensis + Academiae quodam modo pater fuit, et diuturno tempore + gubernator prudentissimus, et praecipuum ejus lumen et decus + et ornamentum; quem nos quidem eodem desiderio lugemus quo + filii parentem. + + Reliquum est, ut Dublinensi Academiae, quam tu, Magnifice + Rector, sapientissime moderaris et nos praecipuo quodam + amore complectimur, prospera quaevis exoptemus; quod magnam + certe partem praestiterimus, si, quod enixe facimus, Deum + precamur ut te illi Academiae quam diutissime servet. + + VICE RECTOR UNIVERSITATIS. + + T. A. NAMECHE. + + _Viro Eximio ac Reverendissimo Bartholomaeo Woodlock, + Magnifico Rectori Universitatis Catholicae in Hibernia._ + + + + +NOTICES OF BOOKS. + + +I. + +_History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation._ +By Rev. P. F. Moran, D.D. Vol. i. Dublin: James Duffy, 1865. + + +We are happy to announce the publication of the first volume of the +_History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation_, +by the Rev. Dr. Moran, of the Irish College, Rome, whose past services +to the annals of our religion and country are well known. The first part +of the volume now before us gives an account of the violent and +tyrannical manner by which it was attempted to introduce Protestantism +into Ireland under Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The arguments by +which the Reformers propagated their opinions were fraud and treachery, +fire and sword, penal laws and the confiscation of property. Dr. Browne +and Dr. Loftus, two Englishmen, who received all the jurisdiction they +enjoyed, as Archbishops of Dublin, from Henry and his daughter, +Elizabeth, made themselves remarkable by their bigotry and their spirit +of persecution. During their times no Catholic bishop, canonically +appointed, could exercise spiritual powers in Dublin; but the wants of +the faithful were provided for by vicars-apostolic, or administrators, +lawfully appointed by the Holy See. Dr. Moran gives an interesting +account of the labours of several of them, and especially of Father +David Wolf, one of the companions of St. Ignatius, of Father Newman, and +Father White. Towards the end of the sixteenth century a bishop, by name +Donald, was appointed to Dublin by the Holy See, but nothing is known of +his history. In the bull appointing Dr. De Oviedo, in 1600, it is merely +mentioned that the see of Dublin was vacant by the death of Donald, late +archbishop. + +The history of Dr. De Oviedo and of the wars of the O'Neills is given at +considerable length. After the death of that prelate, Dr. Matthews was +translated from Clogher to Dublin in 1611, and governed this diocese +with the zeal of an apostle down to the year 1623, when he died in Rome, +esteemed and honoured by the Roman Pontiff. The labours of our prelate +are fully described by Dr. Moran, and his provincial statutes, replete +with wisdom and learning, are given in the appendix. + +Dr. Fleming, son of the Baron of Slane, succeeded Dr. Matthews in 1623, +and was equally distinguished as his predecessor for virtues and good +works. During the first period of his episcopate, the Irish Church had +to suffer a great deal from the persecuting spirit of the government, +and especially from the hostility of Lord Strafford. Yet in such +troubled times Dr. Fleming held several synods, and laboured assiduously +for the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline. As Dr. Matthews had +founded an Irish college at Louvain, so Dr. Fleming was most anxious to +procure the means of education for the students, by establishing or +encouraging other colleges in France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy. +Speaking of the college of Antwerp, which had been endowed by Rev. L. +Sedgrave and Rev. James Talbot, Dublin priests, Dr. Moran says: + + "One of its collegiate rules will suffice to reveal to us + the spirit of self-sacrifice and Christian heroism with + which the youthful Levites were prepared for their + missionary toils in Ireland: 'Each priest', thus the rule + enacts, 'will offer to God with all possible devotion the + Holy Sacrifice of the Altar, beseeching our Divine Redeemer + to have mercy on our afflicted and persecuted country, and + to strengthen our clergy with His sanctifying grace. To + attain this end all the students will, moreover, on each + Friday, observe a rigorous fast, and will recite every day + at their evening devotions the penitential psalm, Miserere + mei Deus'". + +Dr. Fleming was also a great patron of the learned men, such as the Four +Masters, Wadding, Harold, Colgan, and others, who at that time devoted +themselves to the study of Irish history and antiquities. + +The present volume brings the history of the Archbishops down to the +memorable period of 1641. A copious and valuable appendix is added, in +which many most interesting letters of Irish bishops, generally +inedited, and other documents are published. + +The succeeding volumes will appear without any undue delay. + + +II. + +_History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of +Dublin_, etc. By J. T. Gilbert, Esq. Dublin: James Duffy. 1865. + +This work is a valuable accession to Irish history. The author has had +access to the public records, and in this way has been able to fix the +chronology of important events, and to throw great light on a period +whose history had been written very inaccurately. The present volume +gives the history of the Viceroys from the Norman invasion in the +twelfth century down to the death of Henry VII. in 1509. The work will +be sought for with avidity by all who wish to become acquainted with the +real state of Ireland in the period before the Reformation, and it will +increase in interest as it comes down more closely to our own time. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, +Volume 1, August 1865, by Society of Clergymen + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL *** + +***** This file should be named 33708.txt or 33708.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/7/0/33708/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Josephine Paolucci and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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