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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/31670-h.zip b/31670-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ac7ea96 --- /dev/null +++ b/31670-h.zip diff --git a/31670-h/31670-h.htm b/31670-h/31670-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..248a518 --- /dev/null +++ b/31670-h/31670-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,970 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<!-- $Id: header.txt 236 2009-12-07 18:57:00Z vlsimpson $ --> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Discourse For The Time Delivered January 4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church by W. H. Furness. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: .7em; + text-align: right; +} /* page numbers */ + + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Discourse for the Time, delivered January +4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church, by W. H. Furness + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: A Discourse for the Time, delivered January 4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church + +Author: W. H. Furness + +Release Date: March 17, 2010 [EBook #31670] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A DISCOURSE FOR THE TIME *** + + + + +Produced by Gerard Arthus, Joseph R. Hauser and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<h4>A</h4> + +<h2>DISCOURSE</h2> + +<h1>FOR THE TIME</h1> + +<h5>DELIVERED JANUARY 4 1852</h5> + +<h6>IN THE</h6> + +<h4>FIRST CONGREGATIONAL UNITARIAN CHURCH</h4> + +<h6>BY</h6> + +<h3>W. H. FURNESS</h3> + +<h6>PASTOR</h6> + + + + +<h5><br /><br />PHILADELPHIA<br /> +C. SHERMAN PRINTER<br /> +1852</h5> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + + + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></div> +<h3>DISCOURSE.</h3> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Rom.</span> 14:7.<br /> +'NONE OF US LIVETH TO HIMSELF.'</h5> + + +<p>In speaking from these words last Sunday morning, and in endeavoring to +enforce the great truth which they express, I began with referring to +certain facts which characterize that most brutal and ruthless military +revolution which has just commenced in France, and the recent news of +which made every heart, that cherishes any regard for Freedom and +Humanity, burn with indignation. The first statements to which I alluded +have been more than confirmed. Unarmed, unoffending citizens, utterly +ignorant of what was going on, and taking no part in it, were shot down +by hundreds in the streets, and then transfixed with bayonets. If but a +window was opened, a shower of bullets was poured into it. Cannon were +brought to bear upon whole blocks of private dwellings. In one instance, +a woman who rushed out of the house to the help of her husband, who had +fallen under the fire of the soldiery, was instantly despatched and +laid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> dead at his side. Bloodshed and terror filled the place, and +scenes were enacted, so eyewitnesses report, that baffle description, +and that can find a parallel only when cities are sacked.</p> + +<p>Now, I refer to these facts, not to harrow up your feelings, my hearers, +but because these facts, and such as these, speak trumpet-tongued, as to +the vital interest and the sacred religious duty which every private +man, no matter how humble and obscure,—nay, which every woman has, in +those great questions that agitate nations, in what are designated as +matters of public concern and the public welfare.</p> + +<p>I know very well that there are those who deplore it, and consider it a +great grievance, that here, in this country, there is so much agitation +of public matters in private circles, and by private, unofficial +persons. To be sure, one would like to have quiet, if he could. But +there is no help for it. We must take our lot as we find it. And such is +the nature of our social fabric; drawing all the power of the government +from the people, from the individuals that compose the people, that it +is made the direct and plain duty of every man and woman of us to know +about those things, which are public, for this very reason, because they +concern the many,—the high and the low, the rich and the poor, the +security, the happiness, the improvement, the civil and the religious +liberties of every man in the land. A necessity is upon us; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> if we +have been accustomed to confine our ideas of duty and religion to the +Church and the Sabbath, the sooner we get our minds sufficiently +enlarged to see the religious obligation which binds us to the great +Public of mankind, the better for us, for our neighbors, and for all +men.</p> + +<p>So, then, the fact that private men are interested in public affairs, +even though it be attended with a good deal of excitement,—that is not +the thing to be deplored. But what is to be lamented is, that false way +of thinking, out of place in this country, out of time in this age, by +which thousands justify themselves in continuing ignorant and +indifferent to things of a vital private concern, simply because they +are of a public and general character. What is more common than to hear +men say, in reference to such matters, 'They are no concerns of ours. We +care nothing about them. Let those busy themselves about them who are so +disposed. As for us, we are not going to perplex our brains, and fret +and worry ourselves. We will mind our own business.' And, in the proud +consciousness of this virtuous resolution, they wrap themselves up in +their comforts, and keep aloof and indifferent, and flatter themselves +that they are the wise and the prudent, they are the enlightened, +judicious ones. They are no meddlers. They do not trouble themselves +about what does not concern them.</p> + +<p>But though we will not meddle with public affairs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> who shall answer for +it that public affairs will not meddle with us? With such facts as I +began with mentioning, glaring in our faces, sickening our very hearts +with horror and indignation, who will say that public affairs may not +interfere with us, with our very lives, yes, and with what ought to be +dearer to us than our lives? Let them take their own course, as you say. +And then, as surely as we breathe, bad men will gain the +ascendency,—ignorant, unprincipled, ambitious men, despisers of human +life and human rights, ready to shed blood to any extent to gratify the +devilish lust of power. Into such hands will public affairs fall. And +then there is no man—there is no woman, so retired but she shall find +to her cost, that she has an interest, the very deepest,—that her all +is involved in these things,—that they may tear from her her father, +her husband, her brother or her son, aye, and her own life also, which +she is pampering so delicately.</p> + +<p>There is some excuse for the people of France, ground down as they have +been by ages of oppression, denied the right to think, to judge, to act +for themselves, made to believe that their rulers held their power by +the grace of God—there is some excuse for them. But, whatever may be +their excuse, there can be no doubt that it is the ignorance, the +indifference, the cowardice, the selfishness of the people at large that +have caused their public affairs to wade so often towards a settlement, +through such frightful streams of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> innocent and unoffending blood. Here, +in our land, the peace and security of private life are as fully and +extensively insured as they are, precisely for this reason, because of +the lively and general interest which the people in their private +capacity take in things of public concern. In this country more than in +any other, the people keep a watchful and commanding eye upon public +matters. And, with all the excitement and agitation which it involves, +it is the great pledge of our private and personal security.</p> + +<p>But if the indifference to public affairs, which is now confined only to +a class—only to a portion of the people—to too large a portion, +indeed, but still only to a portion,—if it were to become general, if +things were allowed to go on their way, without any interest taken in +them by private persons, by those whose intelligence goes to create a +commanding public opinion, then you would soon find your private +interests, the comfort and lives of individuals, threatened and +assailed. If your public affairs, as they are directed in your Public +Councils, were uncontrolled by the sentiments of private men, they would +soon be coming down into our streets and into our private dwellings with +a most disastrous influence. They would make their appearance in the +shape of armed men. They would be heard in the rattle of musketry and +the roar of cannon; and the door-posts of the humblest and of the +richest homes of the people might be spattered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> with the blood of +inoffensive men, women, and children,—of the very persons who maintain +that they have nothing to do with public matters.</p> + +<p>Already, well off as we may be in comparison with other nations, have +not our public concerns, through the criminal neglect and insensibility +of the people, taken such a direction as, if it does not put us in peril +of having our blood spilt in the streets, yet endangers the sacred +rights of Free Thought and Free Speech, and makes it hazardous to +property and to personal liberty to obey the plainest dictates of +humanity? There are things, as I have already intimated, which ought to +be dearer to us than life, which may be exposed to suffer loss; and +which are exposed to harm at this very hour by the bad administration of +our public concerns.</p> + +<p>No doubt, these quiet people who have been so savagely butchered in the +streets of Paris, little dreamed, when they left their homes that day, +that they would be shot down as the enemies of the Government. They had +nothing to do with the Government. They had no thought of crossing its +path. They were pursuing the even tenor of their own quiet way. They +desired only to mind their own business. And yet, had they been taking +the most active interest in public affairs, they could not possibly have +come to so miserable an end, as I will presently show.</p> + +<p>The simple, religious truth is, and the sooner every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> man accepts it, +and makes up his mind and his life to it, the better for him, for our +country, and for the world—the plain truth is, that '<i>no man liveth or +can live to himself</i>'—that the interests, the highest interests, the +personal character and salvation, the very life of the individual, in +the most obvious and in the profoundest sense of the word, life, is +wrapt up with the interests of the whole; in other words, with the +public interest, with public affairs. We cannot—no man can separate +himself and stand apart, and insist upon being ignorant and indifferent. +It lies within our own will to say, whether we will meet and endeavor to +answer the claims which the welfare of the whole has upon us, whether we +will take a lively interest in the public interest; but it is not a +matter of our own will whether we shall suffer or not. We may choose +whether or not we will act; but the consequences, and they may be most +deadly,—the consequences of our action or our no-action we cannot +escape. They may fall upon us with a crushing power at our very +firesides, and ruin our private and domestic peace for ever. So long as +we live in society, and build our houses near our neighbors, we may or +may not take an interest in the public provision which is made against +fire, but we cannot avoid the danger and the consequences of a +conflagration. Because a man keeps himself retired, never reading, never +thinking about what is going on on the public theatre of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> world, he +has no security against being shot down like a dog in the streets, as +the case of those unfortunate citizens of Paris shows.</p> + +<p>Certainly then, since we are liable to suffer from public affairs taking +a wrong direction, whether we take an interest in them or not, it is +worth our while to suffer for a cause. There is small comfort in +incurring danger and in losing one's life for nothing. If we must +suffer, when public events go wrong, it is best by far to suffer for +something. For in times of universal alarm and disorder, when property +and life are put in peril, they suffer the least, though they lose +everything, who are inspired by the conviction that they have tried to +be faithful and to do their duty. They have a life in them which bullets +and bayonets and cannon-balls cannot reach. When men perish for a cause +to which they were utterly indifferent, for which they cared nothing, of +which they knew nothing, then they perish as the brutes perish. Then +death comes to them as a fatal accident; and the only moral that can be +drawn from their fate, is that it is folly for men to think to live unto +themselves. No glory shines from their graves; no renown immortalizes +their memories. But when men suffer and die for a cause, into which they +have thrown their whole souls, when they perish for a principle, then +their death is noble, and they do not die like the brutes, but like men. +Then they are heroes and martyrs, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> though dead, they speak with +mighty angel voices; and their blood hallows for ever the spot on which +it is shed, 'down to earth's profound, and up to Heaven,' and they +become immortal in the affection and reverence of mankind, and in the +influence which they exert upon the course of human affairs. For this +reason it is, that I said just now, that those quiet people who have +been killed in the streets of Paris, could not have perished so +miserably had they taken an active interest in the great public question +of Liberty. Then they would have had a spring of life in their own +hearts; then they would have suffered for a cause for which it is worth +any man's while to suffer, and die any death that a relentless power +might inflict.</p> + +<p>I know that it is a very wise injunction, that every man should mind his +own business; and that, if every man would only do that, the world would +go on as well as heart could wish. I believe this, firmly. But then, +since, in the very constitution of things, every man's 'own business' is +inextricably interwoven with every other man's 'own business,' who shall +draw the line? Who shall define the circle and the sphere of the private +individual? Has not our Creator defined it already in our very being, +inasmuch as, by the indestructible ties of human sympathy and a common +nature, he has bound up the life, the interests, the business of the +individual, with the life, the inte<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>rests, the business of the whole? By +his very nature, then, is it not every man's own business to know what +the world is busy about, and to take an interest in the world's affairs, +because they are his own? Is it not a truth written in the constitution +of every individual man, the well-known declaration of the Roman slave: +'I am a man, and I hold nothing human foreign to me?' And does not our +common Christianity teach over and over again in a thousand ways, that +we are all members one of another, and that no man lives for himself? +And is there any one fact, which the progress of events is now making, +more manifest than the oneness of all mankind? Why, my hearers, it is +because this simple and indestructible fact is not seen; because +individuals are for ever trying to live, and work, and enjoy, not with +and for, but at the expense of, their fellow-men, that things are so +continually getting out of joint, and the world is so full of uproar and +misery. My brothers, we are all One; and if we are resolved to mind each +his own business, we must attend to the business which God and nature +have given to us. We must interest ourselves in the cause of our common +humanity. I do not say, that we must make this great cause our business. +It is made our business already by our Maker.</p> + +<p>Consider then how the case stands. If we fling our whole hearts with a +generous ardor into the conflict<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> for the welfare of our brother, seeing +to it with all vigilance that public affairs go wisely and justly, then +if the fortunes of this good cause prosper, it is well with us; we +triumph with it. But if it should be defeated, and we should be involved +in its defeat, and suffer danger, loss, and even death itself, still how +powerfully should we be sustained by the consciousness of suffering in +so grand a behalf, for such a glorious reason! Who would not rather +suffer with the Right than prosper with the Wrong? But if we will not +fling our hearts into anything of a general and generous interest, if we +insist that we will keep at a distance from all such matters, that we +will be ignorant and insensible, we gain no additional security. Still +our private lot is inextricably bound up with the public interest; and +when those interests suffer, we must suffer with them, but with no +sustaining power in our own minds. We may be shot down with the heroes +and martyrs of Humanity without the heroes' joy or the martyrs' radiant +crown. 'No man liveth to himself.' Since such is the simple Bible truth, +and since it is a truth, which it becomes us to look at fully, and adopt +as a fundamental principle and law of our thinking and of our living, +let no one turn a deaf ear, and say I am talking politically now, +because I refer to considerations of a public, and if you please, of a +political character, to urge home upon your reason and your consciences +your sacred duty as men, and as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> Christians, to take a hearty, +intelligent, self-sacrificing interest in what is going on on the public +theatre of the nation to which you belong, and of the world to which you +belong as well, and in whose fortunes, we are every one of us so deeply +interested.</p> + +<p>But this is no hour for apologies. This is no time for grown-up men to +be dodging and hiding, and evading a great duty, under words and +phrases. Political! what if I am political? what if every pulpit in the +land should be ringing in these days with political events? God knows +there is need. We should be lost to the ordinary feelings of men, if we +could remain silent when political events are arresting and absorbing +public attention, and threatening to rouse all the passions of the human +heart, and to shake the earth out of its place. This present time, in +which we are living, is no holiday, when a man can throw himself down in +the shade, and dream his soul away. The fires, that are kindling on the +earth, flash their portentous light into the inmost retirement of +private life. The world is resounding with great events. And cold indeed +must be our hearts, we are not worthy to live at so momentous, so +unprecedented a period, if we refuse to be reminded of those +indissoluble ties of a common nature and a common interest, which the +course of things is laying bare to all men's view. As you are men, human +beings, your hearts must beat with a new and stirring sympathy for the +great Public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> of Christendom, of which you are each an inseparable +portion, when you see the second great nation of Europe, after all the +terrible experience of the last three-quarters of a century, again +falling prostrate in the dust beneath the blow of a base usurper, with +no great exploits at his back to extenuate the insolence of the brutal +deed; again laid low beneath a despot's feet by that vulgar instrument +of power, a standing army. I think there can hardly be found in modern +history any parallel to this outrage upon truth, freedom, and +humanity—to this implied contempt for human rights and human nature. A +robber-hand has seized the great French nation, and flung it down into +the dust to be trampled upon at pleasure. At such startling tidings, +what man is there so humble or so weak, who can repress the solemn +appeal to God, which must rise instinctively from every heart of flesh? +Who can help having his attention arrested and engrossed? Who does not +long to be saying something, doing something, or suffering something, +for the outraged rights, the imperilled interests of our Common +Humanity, our One Nature?</p> + +<p>But above all, who that has seen, who that has heard the great Hungarian +exile, who has come to us, bringing his unhappy country in his heart, +that does not feel his kindred to his oppressed brethren everywhere? I +have looked full into those large, sad eyes, in which one seems to look +into the great deep of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> nation's sorrows. I have heard that voice, +coming from his inmost soul, with which he pleaded for his dear native +land, and I cannot so much as try to tell you of the profound impression +which he made on me. I can set no limits to the power of such a man as I +have just seen and heard. It may be (God grant it!) that it is not a +mere transitory emotion of enthusiasm that he is awakening among the +people of this land. It may be that the influence he is exerting is yet +to penetrate the rock of our selfishness and insensibility, and call +forth, in full flood, like one of our own great rivers, the mighty +stream of our sympathy that shall sweep away from our land and from the +earth, every vestige of oppression. Such a thing seems almost possible, +when we observe how the advocates of Slavery on our own soil tremble at +his approach, and fear to welcome him. Most devoutly do I hope that he +may exert such an influence. It is my fervent prayer. It is yours, too, +brethren, I do not doubt. But I cannot resist the conviction that he +must fail of achieving the object so near his heart, and for which he is +spending the strength of a giant, wearing away his life, if indeed a +life, so deep and so intense, capable of so much labour, can be worn +away.</p> + +<p>Yes, friends, he must fail. And happy will it be for him, great, +wonderful as he is, if he comes out unscathed from the fiery and +searching trial of his principles, upon which he entered the moment he +stept<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> upon our soil. Yes, he must fail. How can it be otherwise? He +must fail; not because this people are averse to the possibility of war, +for they have just come out from a war waged, not to extend Freedom you +know. He must fail, not because we revere the counsels of the Father of +our Country. But he must fail because there is a tremendous obstacle in +his way to our free, unfettered sympathy, upon which that fond hope of +his, that great heart of his, the treasury of a nation's woes, must be +broken at last.</p> + +<p>When he spoke in this city the other evening, he repeated what he had +said more than once before, that he had come hither resolved to +interfere with no domestic concern of ours, with none of our party +questions. But there is one 'domestic concern,' one 'party question,' +which, while it is, in an obvious sense, a 'domestic concern,' does, in +fact, necessarily and vitally involve those rights of Humanity for which +this great man pleads, and which he is considered as representing when +he urges upon us the claims of his oppressed country. In reason, and in +the nature of things, it is connected with him and with his great +purpose.</p> + +<p>So clearly is this so, that they, who see what a monstrous Wrong our +'domestic concern' is, what a world of evil it has done and is doing, +have watched our illustrious guest with trembling solicitude. For his +own sake they are appalled lest he should waver from a faithful +application of his own cherished faith;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> not that they desire him to +join them, but they justly expect from him as a true man, that he should +allow no shadow of doubt to rest upon his principles and his position.</p> + +<p>For myself, I cannot help thinking, that he looks upon American Slavery +as a thing, which we, ourselves, are at this moment busily engaged in +abolishing. He finds men, eminent in office and in ability, ranked on +the Anti-Slavery side. He knows that they are backed by the great +authority of our Declaration of Independence, and assisted by the +powerful influence of the freest institutions on the face of the earth; +and he naturally regards it as needless and arrogant to interfere in the +affairs of so mighty a nation—a nation so vigorous as to be able, one +would think, to settle any difficulties that may lie in its way, without +assistance from abroad.</p> + +<p>But, although he has expressed his determination not to meddle with our +domestic institutions, our domestic institutions threaten to meddle with +him. Scarcely had he landed on our shores, when a voice was heard in our +National Councils, proposing his arrest for incendiary speech; a +proposal, the gross insult of which, not only to him, but to us all, was +only relieved by its unutterable folly. This is not the only hint of the +insolent interference in his concerns, with which the upholders of +Oppression on this side of the world have menaced him. He looks, I +believe, upon Ameri<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>can Slavery as an affair which he, he especially who +helped to elevate the peasantry of his own country, knows that we have +the power to settle. But, however much he may have heard about it, he +does not yet know that we have not the will to settle it. He does not +yet know how deep-seated it is, and how mighty and extensive its +influence is in deadening our hearts, and controlling our national +action. Although he is a man of profound sagacity, yet, with all the +information that may have been furnished him, it can only be by degrees, +and by actual observation, that his mind will win its way to a true and +terrible conviction of the actual state of the case. But he will—he +must see how the matter stands; and he will declare, most fervently do I +trust, what he cannot help seeing. The fact must become as plain to him +as noonday, that there is no one thing in which the oppressed nations of +Europe have a deeper interest, than in the abolition of American +Slavery; because this is the one thing which prevents the full +expression of our sympathy in their behalf, and neutralizes that moral +aid, which, if we rendered it to the full extent of our power, would +make all material aid entirely superfluous. Some of his words the other +evening were very significant. Having said that he had done nothing, and +would do nothing to interfere with our domestic affairs, he added that +remarkable declaration:—'I more and more perceive, in the words of +Hamlet, that there are more things in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> heaven and earth, than <i>were</i> +dreamed of in <i>my</i> philosophy.'</p> + +<p>How could he have dreamed that a people who had made such a solemn +declaration of human rights before all the world, a people so lavish in +the praise of Liberty, were clinging with such desperation to +Oppression, as if it were the very life and soul of their Union and +their Power. No matter how much he may have been told, and he is in +nothing more remarkable than in the extent of his information, he has +not yet known—he cannot know—it could not have entered into his +generous heart to imagine, that this Domestic Institution of ours is the +one thing that exerts the most marked and predominating influence on our +domestic and our foreign policy. He does not see, but he must, that it +is the one thing that will make his appeal to our National Government +utterly in vain, and that his silence in regard to it will avail him +nothing. It must become plain to him that we are ready enough to +intervene when the Slave Power requires it for the increase and +extension of its own strength. For that we are ready to go to war with +our neighbors, and rob them of their territory. In that behalf our +statesmen have sought to enlist the interests and sympathies of foreign +nations. And that it is, whose interests will prevent us from a full and +generous expression of our interest in the downtrodden of other lands. +We are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> interfering with human rights at home, we are constitutionally +bound to interfere with them, and we hold it for our advantage to do so; +and we cannot intervene to prevent interference with them abroad. On +this account alone, could a man of such rare power, of such wonderful +eloquence, coming among us upon such a mission, fail. Yes, this favorite +domestic institution, corrupting the whole administration of our +government at home and abroad,—this it is that will disappoint and +defeat the Hungarian patriot's idolised hope. He has come hither as to +the very temple of Freedom, and he finds coiled up under her very altar, +as its guardian, the serpent of Oppression, and already its deadly hiss +has rung in his surprised ear.</p> + +<p>American Slavery has much to answer for; but if it adds this to the +mountain of its iniquities, if it is the cause why the hope of bleeding +and fettered Europe is blasted, if it break the noble heart of Hungary's +devoted servant and chief, and more than all, if it cause him to falter +in the cause of universal humanity, what tongue now silent will not join +in execrating it? what heart, hitherto cold, will not consecrate itself +to the work of its abolition?</p> + +<p>The nations of the old world, degraded, trampled upon, and bleeding +under the relentless feet of arbitrary power, long and pray for +emancipation. The glorious vision of Liberty flits before their aching +sight. They stretch out their hearts and hands to us.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> But the +supporters of the old and oppressive forms of government sneer at our +boasted universal freedom, as well they may, and point to our millions +of bondmen. They can say, with truth, that Liberty does not exist here +or anywhere as a realized fact; that it is a chimera and an abstraction, +utterly impracticable; that the people are longing for a dream that has +never been and can never be fulfilled. Neither the foreign oppressor, +nor the foreign oppressed have any foundation in fact for the faith and +the hope of liberty; and much I fear we should do little for the +deliverance of other nations, even if, as we now stand, clinging to +Slavery, we were actually to intervene in their behalf. If we saw any +chance of strengthening and extending our 'domestic institution,' we +might in that case be ready enough to give them our help.</p> + +<p>O how plain is it that the one thing which the world claims of us, the +one thing that the great Hungarian has to ask of us, for his own people +and for all Europe, is that we should prove that <i>Liberty without +Slavery</i> is a practicable thing. Let this fact be realized, and the +world's redemption is sure. Show mankind twenty-five millions of human +beings, living together under such free and simple institutions as ours, +with not a single slave among them, and then all that we need do is +done, and our simple existence as a nation becomes an irresistible +intervention against the violation of human rights. To induce us to do +this, the Hungarian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> patriot may well go down on those knees which he +would not bend to Emperor or Czar, and adjure us for the love of God and +man, by all the dearest hopes and interests of the human race, by the +great name of the holy Jesus, to make our liberty complete, to redeem +our long-violated pledge, to wipe away the blot that eclipses the sun of +our Freedom, and prove, as we may, that all men are children of one +Father, brethren of one household, born to the glorious liberty of the +sons of the living God. If, in any way, he should be the means in the +hands of a gracious Providence of inducing us to do this, he will do +more for us than we could do for him, though we were to place all the +gold of the East, and of the West, at his disposal.</p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Discourse for the Time, delivered +January 4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church, by W. H. Furness + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A DISCOURSE FOR THE TIME *** + +***** This file should be named 31670-h.htm or 31670-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/1/6/7/31670/ + +Produced by Gerard Arthus, Joseph R. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: A Discourse for the Time, delivered January 4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church + +Author: W. H. Furness + +Release Date: March 17, 2010 [EBook #31670] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A DISCOURSE FOR THE TIME *** + + + + +Produced by Gerard Arthus, Joseph R. Hauser and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + +A + +DISCOURSE + +FOR THE TIME + +DELIVERED JANUARY 4 1852 + +IN THE + +FIRST CONGREGATIONAL UNITARIAN CHURCH + +BY + +W. H. FURNESS + +PASTOR + + + * * * * * + + +PHILADELPHIA + +C. SHERMAN PRINTER + +1852 + + + * * * * * + + +DISCOURSE. + +ROM. 14:7. + +'NONE OF US LIVETH TO HIMSELF.' + + +In speaking from these words last Sunday morning, and in endeavoring to +enforce the great truth which they express, I began with referring to +certain facts which characterize that most brutal and ruthless military +revolution which has just commenced in France, and the recent news of +which made every heart, that cherishes any regard for Freedom and +Humanity, burn with indignation. The first statements to which I alluded +have been more than confirmed. Unarmed, unoffending citizens, utterly +ignorant of what was going on, and taking no part in it, were shot down +by hundreds in the streets, and then transfixed with bayonets. If but a +window was opened, a shower of bullets was poured into it. Cannon were +brought to bear upon whole blocks of private dwellings. In one instance, +a woman who rushed out of the house to the help of her husband, who had +fallen under the fire of the soldiery, was instantly despatched and +laid dead at his side. Bloodshed and terror filled the place, and +scenes were enacted, so eyewitnesses report, that baffle description, +and that can find a parallel only when cities are sacked. + +Now, I refer to these facts, not to harrow up your feelings, my hearers, +but because these facts, and such as these, speak trumpet-tongued, as to +the vital interest and the sacred religious duty which every private +man, no matter how humble and obscure,--nay, which every woman has, in +those great questions that agitate nations, in what are designated as +matters of public concern and the public welfare. + +I know very well that there are those who deplore it, and consider it a +great grievance, that here, in this country, there is so much agitation +of public matters in private circles, and by private, unofficial +persons. To be sure, one would like to have quiet, if he could. But +there is no help for it. We must take our lot as we find it. And such is +the nature of our social fabric; drawing all the power of the government +from the people, from the individuals that compose the people, that it +is made the direct and plain duty of every man and woman of us to know +about those things, which are public, for this very reason, because they +concern the many,--the high and the low, the rich and the poor, the +security, the happiness, the improvement, the civil and the religious +liberties of every man in the land. A necessity is upon us; and if we +have been accustomed to confine our ideas of duty and religion to the +Church and the Sabbath, the sooner we get our minds sufficiently +enlarged to see the religious obligation which binds us to the great +Public of mankind, the better for us, for our neighbors, and for all +men. + +So, then, the fact that private men are interested in public affairs, +even though it be attended with a good deal of excitement,--that is not +the thing to be deplored. But what is to be lamented is, that false way +of thinking, out of place in this country, out of time in this age, by +which thousands justify themselves in continuing ignorant and +indifferent to things of a vital private concern, simply because they +are of a public and general character. What is more common than to hear +men say, in reference to such matters, 'They are no concerns of ours. We +care nothing about them. Let those busy themselves about them who are so +disposed. As for us, we are not going to perplex our brains, and fret +and worry ourselves. We will mind our own business.' And, in the proud +consciousness of this virtuous resolution, they wrap themselves up in +their comforts, and keep aloof and indifferent, and flatter themselves +that they are the wise and the prudent, they are the enlightened, +judicious ones. They are no meddlers. They do not trouble themselves +about what does not concern them. + +But though we will not meddle with public affairs, who shall answer for +it that public affairs will not meddle with us? With such facts as I +began with mentioning, glaring in our faces, sickening our very hearts +with horror and indignation, who will say that public affairs may not +interfere with us, with our very lives, yes, and with what ought to be +dearer to us than our lives? Let them take their own course, as you say. +And then, as surely as we breathe, bad men will gain the +ascendency,--ignorant, unprincipled, ambitious men, despisers of human +life and human rights, ready to shed blood to any extent to gratify the +devilish lust of power. Into such hands will public affairs fall. And +then there is no man--there is no woman, so retired but she shall find +to her cost, that she has an interest, the very deepest,--that her all +is involved in these things,--that they may tear from her her father, +her husband, her brother or her son, aye, and her own life also, which +she is pampering so delicately. + +There is some excuse for the people of France, ground down as they have +been by ages of oppression, denied the right to think, to judge, to act +for themselves, made to believe that their rulers held their power by +the grace of God--there is some excuse for them. But, whatever may be +their excuse, there can be no doubt that it is the ignorance, the +indifference, the cowardice, the selfishness of the people at large that +have caused their public affairs to wade so often towards a settlement, +through such frightful streams of innocent and unoffending blood. Here, +in our land, the peace and security of private life are as fully and +extensively insured as they are, precisely for this reason, because of +the lively and general interest which the people in their private +capacity take in things of public concern. In this country more than in +any other, the people keep a watchful and commanding eye upon public +matters. And, with all the excitement and agitation which it involves, +it is the great pledge of our private and personal security. + +But if the indifference to public affairs, which is now confined only to +a class--only to a portion of the people--to too large a portion, +indeed, but still only to a portion,--if it were to become general, if +things were allowed to go on their way, without any interest taken in +them by private persons, by those whose intelligence goes to create a +commanding public opinion, then you would soon find your private +interests, the comfort and lives of individuals, threatened and +assailed. If your public affairs, as they are directed in your Public +Councils, were uncontrolled by the sentiments of private men, they would +soon be coming down into our streets and into our private dwellings with +a most disastrous influence. They would make their appearance in the +shape of armed men. They would be heard in the rattle of musketry and +the roar of cannon; and the door-posts of the humblest and of the +richest homes of the people might be spattered with the blood of +inoffensive men, women, and children,--of the very persons who maintain +that they have nothing to do with public matters. + +Already, well off as we may be in comparison with other nations, have +not our public concerns, through the criminal neglect and insensibility +of the people, taken such a direction as, if it does not put us in peril +of having our blood spilt in the streets, yet endangers the sacred +rights of Free Thought and Free Speech, and makes it hazardous to +property and to personal liberty to obey the plainest dictates of +humanity? There are things, as I have already intimated, which ought to +be dearer to us than life, which may be exposed to suffer loss; and +which are exposed to harm at this very hour by the bad administration of +our public concerns. + +No doubt, these quiet people who have been so savagely butchered in the +streets of Paris, little dreamed, when they left their homes that day, +that they would be shot down as the enemies of the Government. They had +nothing to do with the Government. They had no thought of crossing its +path. They were pursuing the even tenor of their own quiet way. They +desired only to mind their own business. And yet, had they been taking +the most active interest in public affairs, they could not possibly have +come to so miserable an end, as I will presently show. + +The simple, religious truth is, and the sooner every man accepts it, +and makes up his mind and his life to it, the better for him, for our +country, and for the world--the plain truth is, that '_no man liveth or +can live to himself_'--that the interests, the highest interests, the +personal character and salvation, the very life of the individual, in +the most obvious and in the profoundest sense of the word, life, is +wrapt up with the interests of the whole; in other words, with the +public interest, with public affairs. We cannot--no man can separate +himself and stand apart, and insist upon being ignorant and indifferent. +It lies within our own will to say, whether we will meet and endeavor to +answer the claims which the welfare of the whole has upon us, whether we +will take a lively interest in the public interest; but it is not a +matter of our own will whether we shall suffer or not. We may choose +whether or not we will act; but the consequences, and they may be most +deadly,--the consequences of our action or our no-action we cannot +escape. They may fall upon us with a crushing power at our very +firesides, and ruin our private and domestic peace for ever. So long as +we live in society, and build our houses near our neighbors, we may or +may not take an interest in the public provision which is made against +fire, but we cannot avoid the danger and the consequences of a +conflagration. Because a man keeps himself retired, never reading, never +thinking about what is going on on the public theatre of the world, he +has no security against being shot down like a dog in the streets, as +the case of those unfortunate citizens of Paris shows. + +Certainly then, since we are liable to suffer from public affairs taking +a wrong direction, whether we take an interest in them or not, it is +worth our while to suffer for a cause. There is small comfort in +incurring danger and in losing one's life for nothing. If we must +suffer, when public events go wrong, it is best by far to suffer for +something. For in times of universal alarm and disorder, when property +and life are put in peril, they suffer the least, though they lose +everything, who are inspired by the conviction that they have tried to +be faithful and to do their duty. They have a life in them which bullets +and bayonets and cannon-balls cannot reach. When men perish for a cause +to which they were utterly indifferent, for which they cared nothing, of +which they knew nothing, then they perish as the brutes perish. Then +death comes to them as a fatal accident; and the only moral that can be +drawn from their fate, is that it is folly for men to think to live unto +themselves. No glory shines from their graves; no renown immortalizes +their memories. But when men suffer and die for a cause, into which they +have thrown their whole souls, when they perish for a principle, then +their death is noble, and they do not die like the brutes, but like men. +Then they are heroes and martyrs, and though dead, they speak with +mighty angel voices; and their blood hallows for ever the spot on which +it is shed, 'down to earth's profound, and up to Heaven,' and they +become immortal in the affection and reverence of mankind, and in the +influence which they exert upon the course of human affairs. For this +reason it is, that I said just now, that those quiet people who have +been killed in the streets of Paris, could not have perished so +miserably had they taken an active interest in the great public question +of Liberty. Then they would have had a spring of life in their own +hearts; then they would have suffered for a cause for which it is worth +any man's while to suffer, and die any death that a relentless power +might inflict. + +I know that it is a very wise injunction, that every man should mind his +own business; and that, if every man would only do that, the world would +go on as well as heart could wish. I believe this, firmly. But then, +since, in the very constitution of things, every man's 'own business' is +inextricably interwoven with every other man's 'own business,' who shall +draw the line? Who shall define the circle and the sphere of the private +individual? Has not our Creator defined it already in our very being, +inasmuch as, by the indestructible ties of human sympathy and a common +nature, he has bound up the life, the interests, the business of the +individual, with the life, the interests, the business of the whole? By +his very nature, then, is it not every man's own business to know what +the world is busy about, and to take an interest in the world's affairs, +because they are his own? Is it not a truth written in the constitution +of every individual man, the well-known declaration of the Roman slave: +'I am a man, and I hold nothing human foreign to me?' And does not our +common Christianity teach over and over again in a thousand ways, that +we are all members one of another, and that no man lives for himself? +And is there any one fact, which the progress of events is now making, +more manifest than the oneness of all mankind? Why, my hearers, it is +because this simple and indestructible fact is not seen; because +individuals are for ever trying to live, and work, and enjoy, not with +and for, but at the expense of, their fellow-men, that things are so +continually getting out of joint, and the world is so full of uproar and +misery. My brothers, we are all One; and if we are resolved to mind each +his own business, we must attend to the business which God and nature +have given to us. We must interest ourselves in the cause of our common +humanity. I do not say, that we must make this great cause our business. +It is made our business already by our Maker. + +Consider then how the case stands. If we fling our whole hearts with a +generous ardor into the conflict for the welfare of our brother, seeing +to it with all vigilance that public affairs go wisely and justly, then +if the fortunes of this good cause prosper, it is well with us; we +triumph with it. But if it should be defeated, and we should be involved +in its defeat, and suffer danger, loss, and even death itself, still how +powerfully should we be sustained by the consciousness of suffering in +so grand a behalf, for such a glorious reason! Who would not rather +suffer with the Right than prosper with the Wrong? But if we will not +fling our hearts into anything of a general and generous interest, if we +insist that we will keep at a distance from all such matters, that we +will be ignorant and insensible, we gain no additional security. Still +our private lot is inextricably bound up with the public interest; and +when those interests suffer, we must suffer with them, but with no +sustaining power in our own minds. We may be shot down with the heroes +and martyrs of Humanity without the heroes' joy or the martyrs' radiant +crown. 'No man liveth to himself.' Since such is the simple Bible truth, +and since it is a truth, which it becomes us to look at fully, and adopt +as a fundamental principle and law of our thinking and of our living, +let no one turn a deaf ear, and say I am talking politically now, +because I refer to considerations of a public, and if you please, of a +political character, to urge home upon your reason and your consciences +your sacred duty as men, and as Christians, to take a hearty, +intelligent, self-sacrificing interest in what is going on on the public +theatre of the nation to which you belong, and of the world to which you +belong as well, and in whose fortunes, we are every one of us so deeply +interested. + +But this is no hour for apologies. This is no time for grown-up men to +be dodging and hiding, and evading a great duty, under words and +phrases. Political! what if I am political? what if every pulpit in the +land should be ringing in these days with political events? God knows +there is need. We should be lost to the ordinary feelings of men, if we +could remain silent when political events are arresting and absorbing +public attention, and threatening to rouse all the passions of the human +heart, and to shake the earth out of its place. This present time, in +which we are living, is no holiday, when a man can throw himself down in +the shade, and dream his soul away. The fires, that are kindling on the +earth, flash their portentous light into the inmost retirement of +private life. The world is resounding with great events. And cold indeed +must be our hearts, we are not worthy to live at so momentous, so +unprecedented a period, if we refuse to be reminded of those +indissoluble ties of a common nature and a common interest, which the +course of things is laying bare to all men's view. As you are men, human +beings, your hearts must beat with a new and stirring sympathy for the +great Public of Christendom, of which you are each an inseparable +portion, when you see the second great nation of Europe, after all the +terrible experience of the last three-quarters of a century, again +falling prostrate in the dust beneath the blow of a base usurper, with +no great exploits at his back to extenuate the insolence of the brutal +deed; again laid low beneath a despot's feet by that vulgar instrument +of power, a standing army. I think there can hardly be found in modern +history any parallel to this outrage upon truth, freedom, and +humanity--to this implied contempt for human rights and human nature. A +robber-hand has seized the great French nation, and flung it down into +the dust to be trampled upon at pleasure. At such startling tidings, +what man is there so humble or so weak, who can repress the solemn +appeal to God, which must rise instinctively from every heart of flesh? +Who can help having his attention arrested and engrossed? Who does not +long to be saying something, doing something, or suffering something, +for the outraged rights, the imperilled interests of our Common +Humanity, our One Nature? + +But above all, who that has seen, who that has heard the great Hungarian +exile, who has come to us, bringing his unhappy country in his heart, +that does not feel his kindred to his oppressed brethren everywhere? I +have looked full into those large, sad eyes, in which one seems to look +into the great deep of a nation's sorrows. I have heard that voice, +coming from his inmost soul, with which he pleaded for his dear native +land, and I cannot so much as try to tell you of the profound impression +which he made on me. I can set no limits to the power of such a man as I +have just seen and heard. It may be (God grant it!) that it is not a +mere transitory emotion of enthusiasm that he is awakening among the +people of this land. It may be that the influence he is exerting is yet +to penetrate the rock of our selfishness and insensibility, and call +forth, in full flood, like one of our own great rivers, the mighty +stream of our sympathy that shall sweep away from our land and from the +earth, every vestige of oppression. Such a thing seems almost possible, +when we observe how the advocates of Slavery on our own soil tremble at +his approach, and fear to welcome him. Most devoutly do I hope that he +may exert such an influence. It is my fervent prayer. It is yours, too, +brethren, I do not doubt. But I cannot resist the conviction that he +must fail of achieving the object so near his heart, and for which he is +spending the strength of a giant, wearing away his life, if indeed a +life, so deep and so intense, capable of so much labour, can be worn +away. + +Yes, friends, he must fail. And happy will it be for him, great, +wonderful as he is, if he comes out unscathed from the fiery and +searching trial of his principles, upon which he entered the moment he +stept upon our soil. Yes, he must fail. How can it be otherwise? He +must fail; not because this people are averse to the possibility of war, +for they have just come out from a war waged, not to extend Freedom you +know. He must fail, not because we revere the counsels of the Father of +our Country. But he must fail because there is a tremendous obstacle in +his way to our free, unfettered sympathy, upon which that fond hope of +his, that great heart of his, the treasury of a nation's woes, must be +broken at last. + +When he spoke in this city the other evening, he repeated what he had +said more than once before, that he had come hither resolved to +interfere with no domestic concern of ours, with none of our party +questions. But there is one 'domestic concern,' one 'party question,' +which, while it is, in an obvious sense, a 'domestic concern,' does, in +fact, necessarily and vitally involve those rights of Humanity for which +this great man pleads, and which he is considered as representing when +he urges upon us the claims of his oppressed country. In reason, and in +the nature of things, it is connected with him and with his great +purpose. + +So clearly is this so, that they, who see what a monstrous Wrong our +'domestic concern' is, what a world of evil it has done and is doing, +have watched our illustrious guest with trembling solicitude. For his +own sake they are appalled lest he should waver from a faithful +application of his own cherished faith; not that they desire him to +join them, but they justly expect from him as a true man, that he should +allow no shadow of doubt to rest upon his principles and his position. + +For myself, I cannot help thinking, that he looks upon American Slavery +as a thing, which we, ourselves, are at this moment busily engaged in +abolishing. He finds men, eminent in office and in ability, ranked on +the Anti-Slavery side. He knows that they are backed by the great +authority of our Declaration of Independence, and assisted by the +powerful influence of the freest institutions on the face of the earth; +and he naturally regards it as needless and arrogant to interfere in the +affairs of so mighty a nation--a nation so vigorous as to be able, one +would think, to settle any difficulties that may lie in its way, without +assistance from abroad. + +But, although he has expressed his determination not to meddle with our +domestic institutions, our domestic institutions threaten to meddle with +him. Scarcely had he landed on our shores, when a voice was heard in our +National Councils, proposing his arrest for incendiary speech; a +proposal, the gross insult of which, not only to him, but to us all, was +only relieved by its unutterable folly. This is not the only hint of the +insolent interference in his concerns, with which the upholders of +Oppression on this side of the world have menaced him. He looks, I +believe, upon American Slavery as an affair which he, he especially who +helped to elevate the peasantry of his own country, knows that we have +the power to settle. But, however much he may have heard about it, he +does not yet know that we have not the will to settle it. He does not +yet know how deep-seated it is, and how mighty and extensive its +influence is in deadening our hearts, and controlling our national +action. Although he is a man of profound sagacity, yet, with all the +information that may have been furnished him, it can only be by degrees, +and by actual observation, that his mind will win its way to a true and +terrible conviction of the actual state of the case. But he will--he +must see how the matter stands; and he will declare, most fervently do I +trust, what he cannot help seeing. The fact must become as plain to him +as noonday, that there is no one thing in which the oppressed nations of +Europe have a deeper interest, than in the abolition of American +Slavery; because this is the one thing which prevents the full +expression of our sympathy in their behalf, and neutralizes that moral +aid, which, if we rendered it to the full extent of our power, would +make all material aid entirely superfluous. Some of his words the other +evening were very significant. Having said that he had done nothing, and +would do nothing to interfere with our domestic affairs, he added that +remarkable declaration:--'I more and more perceive, in the words of +Hamlet, that there are more things in heaven and earth, than _were_ +dreamed of in _my_ philosophy.' + +How could he have dreamed that a people who had made such a solemn +declaration of human rights before all the world, a people so lavish in +the praise of Liberty, were clinging with such desperation to +Oppression, as if it were the very life and soul of their Union and +their Power. No matter how much he may have been told, and he is in +nothing more remarkable than in the extent of his information, he has +not yet known--he cannot know--it could not have entered into his +generous heart to imagine, that this Domestic Institution of ours is the +one thing that exerts the most marked and predominating influence on our +domestic and our foreign policy. He does not see, but he must, that it +is the one thing that will make his appeal to our National Government +utterly in vain, and that his silence in regard to it will avail him +nothing. It must become plain to him that we are ready enough to +intervene when the Slave Power requires it for the increase and +extension of its own strength. For that we are ready to go to war with +our neighbors, and rob them of their territory. In that behalf our +statesmen have sought to enlist the interests and sympathies of foreign +nations. And that it is, whose interests will prevent us from a full and +generous expression of our interest in the downtrodden of other lands. +We are interfering with human rights at home, we are constitutionally +bound to interfere with them, and we hold it for our advantage to do so; +and we cannot intervene to prevent interference with them abroad. On +this account alone, could a man of such rare power, of such wonderful +eloquence, coming among us upon such a mission, fail. Yes, this favorite +domestic institution, corrupting the whole administration of our +government at home and abroad,--this it is that will disappoint and +defeat the Hungarian patriot's idolised hope. He has come hither as to +the very temple of Freedom, and he finds coiled up under her very altar, +as its guardian, the serpent of Oppression, and already its deadly hiss +has rung in his surprised ear. + +American Slavery has much to answer for; but if it adds this to the +mountain of its iniquities, if it is the cause why the hope of bleeding +and fettered Europe is blasted, if it break the noble heart of Hungary's +devoted servant and chief, and more than all, if it cause him to falter +in the cause of universal humanity, what tongue now silent will not join +in execrating it? what heart, hitherto cold, will not consecrate itself +to the work of its abolition? + +The nations of the old world, degraded, trampled upon, and bleeding +under the relentless feet of arbitrary power, long and pray for +emancipation. The glorious vision of Liberty flits before their aching +sight. They stretch out their hearts and hands to us. But the +supporters of the old and oppressive forms of government sneer at our +boasted universal freedom, as well they may, and point to our millions +of bondmen. They can say, with truth, that Liberty does not exist here +or anywhere as a realized fact; that it is a chimera and an abstraction, +utterly impracticable; that the people are longing for a dream that has +never been and can never be fulfilled. Neither the foreign oppressor, +nor the foreign oppressed have any foundation in fact for the faith and +the hope of liberty; and much I fear we should do little for the +deliverance of other nations, even if, as we now stand, clinging to +Slavery, we were actually to intervene in their behalf. If we saw any +chance of strengthening and extending our 'domestic institution,' we +might in that case be ready enough to give them our help. + +O how plain is it that the one thing which the world claims of us, the +one thing that the great Hungarian has to ask of us, for his own people +and for all Europe, is that we should prove that _Liberty without +Slavery_ is a practicable thing. Let this fact be realized, and the +world's redemption is sure. Show mankind twenty-five millions of human +beings, living together under such free and simple institutions as ours, +with not a single slave among them, and then all that we need do is +done, and our simple existence as a nation becomes an irresistible +intervention against the violation of human rights. To induce us to do +this, the Hungarian patriot may well go down on those knees which he +would not bend to Emperor or Czar, and adjure us for the love of God and +man, by all the dearest hopes and interests of the human race, by the +great name of the holy Jesus, to make our liberty complete, to redeem +our long-violated pledge, to wipe away the blot that eclipses the sun of +our Freedom, and prove, as we may, that all men are children of one +Father, brethren of one household, born to the glorious liberty of the +sons of the living God. If, in any way, he should be the means in the +hands of a gracious Providence of inducing us to do this, he will do +more for us than we could do for him, though we were to place all the +gold of the East, and of the West, at his disposal. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Discourse for the Time, delivered +January 4, 1852 in the First Congregational Unitarian Church, by W. H. 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